A Student's Guide to International Relations
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About this ebook
Terrorist attacks, wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the rise of China, and the decline of Europe have underscored the necessity of understanding the world around us. But how should we approach this crucial but often misunderstood topic? What do we need to know about the international order and America’s role in it?
A Student’s Guide to International Relations provides a vital introduction to the geography, culture, and politics that make up the global environment. Angelo Codevilla, who has taught international relations at some of America’s most prestigious universities, explains the history of the international system, the dominant schools of American statecraft, the instruments of power, contemporary geopolitics, and more. The content of international relations, he demonstrates, flows from the differences between our global village’s peculiar neighborhoods.
This witty and wise book helps make sense of a complex world.
Angelo M. Codevilla
Angelo Maria Codevilla was professor emeritus of international relations at Boston University. He also taught at Georgetown University and Princeton University. Born in Italy in 1943, he became a U.S. citizen in 1962, married Ann Blaesser in 1966, and had five children. He served as a U.S. Navy officer, Foreign Service Officer, professional staff member of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, as well as on President Reagan’s transition teams for the State Department and Intelligence. Formerly a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, he was more recently a member of its working group on military history. He ran a vineyard in Plymouth, California. Among Codevilla’s books are War Ends and Means (with Paul Seabury, 1989); Informing Statecraft (1992); The Prince (Rethinking the Western Tradition) (1997); The Character of Nations, 2nd ed. (1997); Advice to War Presidents (2009); A Student’s Guide to International Relations (2010); and To Make and Keep Peace (2014).
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Reviews for A Student's Guide to International Relations
8 ratings2 reviews
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5这本书很有看头。翻了翻几页获益了一些
This book is great ! I flipped through a few pages and learned some new insights about the world - Rating: 1 out of 5 stars1/5Racist. But useful to the extent that it can introduce other texts. Background required to understand severity of racial, political, and economic biases disguised as historical fact
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Book preview
A Student's Guide to International Relations - Angelo M. Codevilla
INTRODUCTION
The number of students majoring in international relations (IR) today dwarfs that of a generation ago. But whereas a student who majors in mathematics or even economics can expect a more or less uniform curriculum regardless of the university or the professor, students of IR will find the field defined differently at different institutions and by different professors. This guide points the student toward what is essential in the field and to the books most likely to help one make sense of a complex world.
WHAT IS IR?
The art by which governments and peoples deal with one another goes by many names: diplomacy, statecraft, foreign affairs, foreign relations. Formal education does not define this art. Rather, statesmen have defined it by practicing it. Whoever practices it successfully must have in mind an accurate picture of his own country’s character, needs, objectives, and capacities, as well as those of foreign countries. Knowledge of the techniques of international intercourse is helpful. The history of past events also illuminates current choices. These things can be learned from books to a considerable extent.
In American higher education, IR is a term that covers courses in American foreign policy,
area studies,
IR theory,
international institutions,
peace studies,
conflict resolution,
and game theory,
as well as courses in what was once the whole field, namely, diplomatic history.
Such courses may be offered by political science departments (IR is one of political science’s four traditional subdisciplines), by departments of IR, or in any of the thirty-five professional schools of international affairs, such as Tufts University’s Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy or John Hopkins’s School of Advanced International Studies. Students may reach the Ph.D. via any of these paths.
Students typically focus on one or more of IR’s many aspects, such as U.S. foreign policy or the study of a specific region, and they usually combine IR with another field, such as economics or even public health. Many are simply interested in learning what lies behind the headlines about the big events on the international scene.
These events are well worth understanding because nations are born and die through relations with one another. The United States’ independence became possible because of a complex struggle between Britain, France, and Spain. Greek, rather than Persian, civilization is our heritage because the Athenians defeated King Xerxes’ navy at Salamis in 480 B.C. Our civilization is Christian rather than Islamic because Charles Martel marshaled Frankish tribes to stop the Muslim invasion of Europe at the Battle of Tours in A.D. 732. The history of international affairs is the record of peoples who have shown the best and the worst of which human beings are capable. As Charles Hill illustrates in Grand Strategies: Literature, Statecraft, and World Order (2010), international affairs has been the subject of some of the world’s great literature.
American authors and teachers today tend to reflect the schools of thought about foreign affairs that have developed here since the early twentieth century in the course of American political struggles. These schools differ radically from how Americans approached the world from the Founding until circa 1900, as well as from how foreign affairs have classically been taught.
NEW AMERICA, OLD WORLD
America’s Founders drew their guidance in international affairs from history’s store of wisdom and folly. Plutarch’s Lives was Alexander Hamilton’s favorite authority. In Latin and Greek, the Founders absorbed Thucydides’ account of classical Greece’s self-destructive diplomacy, Livy’s tale of Rome’s rise through conquest, and Tacitus’s account of the early emperors’ attempts to rule the known world. Most had read Machiavelli, and all were avid followers of the struggles between Europe’s eighteenth-century sovereigns. Remarkably, the Founders agreed that America’s relations with the rest of the world should bear as little resemblance as possible to those of Athens, Sparta, Rome, Paris, or London. As heirs to the British Whig tradition expressed in Viscount Bolingbroke’s Patriot King (1738), and in accord with the new understanding of economics being elaborated by the French Encyclopedist Turgot (1750) and the Scottish moral philosopher Adam Smith (1776), they believed that the statesman’s primary duty was to avoid needless war. Their proximate objective was to minimize foreign interference in the American people’s unique character and independent development.
George Washington’s 1796 Farewell Address had encapsulated their generation’s foreign policy. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, in his July 4, 1821, address to the U.S. House of Representatives as well as in the documents associated with the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, explained the policy: Peaceful commerce with all nations, and good wishes to all regardless of their governance or culture. To avoid foreign interference in our affairs, Americans would mind their own domestic business. In Adams’s words, America goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy. She is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all,
but the champion and vindicator only of her own.
Bordering states, nearby islands, and then the oceans would concern America—in that order. The rest of the world would matter insofar as it affected these. What is nearest is dearest.
The U.S. government neither could nor would interfere with Americans pouring into the nearly empty lands between the Mississippi and the Pacific. When this flood of settlers brought war with Mexico, some Americans wanted the U.S. government to take more than that country’s empty lands, while others, including Adams, objected to allowing even the independent Texans to join the union, in part because they feared it would compromise America’s domestic character and bring war between the union’s slave and free states. During and after the Civil War (1861–65), American foreign policy was under the direction of Abraham Lincoln’s secretary of state, William Seward, who pursued Adams’s vision of America’s greatness by rolling back France’s claims on Mexico and Britain’s claims on any canal that might be dug across central America, as well as by encouraging immigration and peaceful expansion (e.g., the Alaska purchase, 1867). The next major figure in U.S. foreign policy, Secretary of State James G. Blaine (1881, 1889–92), did his best to follow in Seward’s and Adams’s footsteps. Not until the Spanish-American War of 1898 did any major American figure suggest that the Founders’ pursuit of the national interest through mutual noninterference might be flawed.
On the surface, the main division in U.S. foreign policy after the Spanish-American War was between those who, like Senator Albert Beveridge, wanted America to become a colonial power and those who, like Andrew Carnegie, did not. By 1905 the