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SociologyinQuestion
PierreBourdieu translatedby RichardNice

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Contents
Prologue 1 TheArtofStandinguptoWords 2 ASciencethatMakesTrouble 3 TheSociologistinQuestion 4 AreIntellectualsOutofPlay? 5 HowCan'FreeFloatingIntellectuals'BeSetFree? 6 ForaSociologyofSociologists 7 TheParadoxoftheSociologist 8 WhatTalkingMeans 9 SomePropertiesofFields 10 TheLinguisticMarket 11 Censorship 12 'Youth'IsJustaWord 13 MusicLovers:OriginandEvolutionoftheSpecies 14 TheMetamorphosisofTastes 15 HowCanOneBeaSportsman? 16 HauteCoutureandHauteCulture 17 ButWhoCreatedthe'Creators'? 18 PublicOpinionDoesNotExist 19 CultureandPolitics 20 StrikesandPoliticalAction 21 TheRacismof'Intelligence' Index vii 1

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Prologue
Thetextsthatfollowarealltranscriptsoforalanswersandtalks,addressedtononspecialistsitwouldbeincongruoustoprefacethemwithalongwrittenpreamble. ButIshouldatleastsaywhyitseemedbothusefulandlegitimatetobringtogethersomediscussionsofvariousthemesthat,forsomereaders,havealreadybeen developedelsewhereatgreaterlengthandnodoubtmorerigorously,1 presentingthemhereinamoreapproachablebutlessthoroughlyarguedform. Sociologydiffersinonerespectatleastfromtheothersciences:itisrequiredtobeaccessibleinawaythatisnotexpectedofphysicsorevensemiologyor philosophy.Todeploreobscurityisperhapsalsoawayofshowingthatonewouldliketounderstandortobesureofunderstandingthingsthatonefeelsareworthyof beingunderstood.Inanycase,thereisprobablynoareainwhichthe'powerofexperts'andthemonopolyof'competence'ismoredangerousandmoreintolerable andsociologywouldnotbeworthanhourofanyone'stimeifitweretobemerelyanexpertknowledgereservedforexperts. Itshouldhardlyneedtobepointedoutthatnoothersciencemoreobviouslyputsatstaketheinterests,sometimesthevitalinterests,ofsocialgroups.Thatiswhat makesitsoverydifficultbothtoproducesociologicaldiscourseandtotransmitit.Andonewouldhardlyexpectemployers,evangelistsorjournaliststopraisethe scientificqualityofresearchthatuncoversthehiddenfoundationsoftheirdomination,ortostrivetopublicizeitsfindings.Thosewhoareimpressedbythecertificates ofscientificitythatthepowersthatbe,whethertemporalorspiritual,choosetoawardshouldrecallthat,inthe1840s,theindustrialistGrandin,speakingintheFrench ChamberofDeputies,thankedthe'genuinescientists'whohadprovedthatemployingchildrenwasoftenanactofgenerosity.OurGrandinsandour'genuine scientists'arestillwithustoday. Equally,thesociologistcanexpectlittlehelpinhisefforttomakeknownwhathehaslearned,fromthosewhosejobitis,daybydayandweekbyweek,toproduce onalltherequiredsubjectsofourtime,'violence','youth','drugs',the'revivalofreligion',andsoonthenotevenuntruediscourseswhichbecomeritualessay subjectsforhighschoolpupils. Yethehasagreatneedofbeinghelpedinthattask.Fortruthhasnointrinsiccapacitytoprevail,andscientificdiscourseisitselfcaughtupinthepowerrelationsthatit uncovers.Thetransmissionofthatdiscourseissubjecttotheverylawsofculturaldiffusionthatitsetsout.Thosewho

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possesstheculturalcompetenceneededtoappropriatethatdiscoursearenotthosewhowouldhavemostinterestindoingso. Inshort,inthestruggleagainsttheloudestvoicesinoursocietiespoliticians,editorialistsandcommentatorsscientificdiscoursehasallthecardsstackedagainstit: thedifficultyandslownessofitsconstruction,whichmeansthatitgenerallyarrivesafterthebattleisoveritsinevitablecomplexity,whichtendstodiscouragesimplistic orsuspiciousmindsor,quitesimply,thosewhodonothavetheculturalcapitalneededtodecipherititsabstractimpersonality,whichdiscouragesidentificationandall formsofgratifyingprojectionandaboveallitsdistancefromreceivedideasandspontaneousconvictions. Theonlywaytogivesomerealforcetothatdiscourseistoaccumulateuponitthesocialforcethatenablesittoimposeitselfandthis,byanapparentcontradiction, mayrequireonetoagreetoplaythesocialgamesofwhichitexposesthelogic.Thesuspicionthatoneiscompromisinghastobeacceptedinadvance.WhenItryto describethemechanismsofintellectualfashioninaninterviewwithajournalthatisabeaconofintellectualfashion,orwhenIusethetoolsofintellectualmarketingto makethemconveyexactlywhattheynormallymask,inparticularthefunctionofthosetoolsandoftheircustomaryusers,orwhenItrytodefinetherelationship betweentheCommunistPartyandFrenchintellectualsinthepagesofoneofthePartyjournalsintendedforintellectuals,Iamseekingtoturntheweaponsof intellectualpoweragainstintellectualpower,bysayingthethingthatisleastexpected,mostimprobable,mostoutofplaceintheplacewhereitissaid.Thisrepresents arefusalto'preachtotheconverted',whichabandonstheordinarydiscoursethatissowellreceivedbecauseittellsitsaudienceonlywhattheywanttohear. Note 1.IneachcaseIgivereferencesattheendofthechapter,sothatthereadermaygofurtherifheorshewishes.

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1 TheArtofStandinguptoWords
Q.Bourgeoisdiscourseaboutculturetendstopresentinterestincultureasdisinterestedwhereasyoushowthatthisinterest,andevenitsapparent disinterestedness,yieldprofits. A.Paradoxically,intellectualshaveaninterestineconomismsince,byreducingallsocialphenomena,andmoreespeciallythephenomenaofexchange,totheir economicdimension,itenablesintellectualstoavoidputtingthemselvesontheline.Thatiswhyitneedstobepointedoutthatthereissuchathingasculturalcapital, andthatthiscapitalsecuresdirectprofits,firstontheeducationalmarket,ofcourse,butelsewheretoo.andalsosecuresprofitsofdistinctionstrangelyneglectedby themarginalisteconomistswhichresultautomaticallyfromitsrarity,inotherwordsfromthefactthatitisunequallydistributed. Q.Soculturalpracticesarealwaysstrategiesfordistancingoneselffromwhatis'common'and'easy'whatyoucall'strategiesofdistinction'? A.Theymaybedistinctive,distinguished,withouteventryingtobeso.Thedominantdefinitionof'distinction'calls'distinguished'thosebehavioursthatdistinguish themselvesfromwhatiscommonandvulgar,withoutanyintentionofdistinction.Theyaretheonesthatconsistinlovingwhathastobeloved,oreven'discovering'it, ateverymoment,asifbyaccident.Theprofitofdistinctionistheprofitthatflowsfromthedifference,thegap,thatseparatesonefromwhatiscommon.Andthis directprofitisaccompaniedbyanadditionalprofitthatisbothsubjectiveandobjective,theprofitthatcomesfromseeingoneselfandbeingseenastotally disinterested. Q.Ifeveryculturalpracticeisameansofcreatingdistance(youevensaythatBrechtian'distanciation'isadistancingofthepeople),thentheideaofart forall,accesstoartforall,hasnomeaning.Thatillusionof'culturalcommunism'hastobedenounced.
InterviewwithDidierEriboninLibration,34November1979:1213,afterthepublicationofDistinction

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A.Ihavemyselfsharedintheillusionof'cultural(orlinguistic)communism'.Intellectualsspontaneouslyunderstandtherelationshiptoaworkofartasmystical participationinacommongood,withoutrarity.Mywholebookarguesthataccesstoaworkofartrequiresinstrumentsthatarenotuniversallydistributed.And consequentlythatthepossessorsofthoseinstrumentssecureprofitsofdistinctionforthemselves,andtherarertheseinstrumentsare(suchasthoseneededto appropriateavantgardeworks),thegreatertheprofits. Q.Ifallculturalpractices,andalltastes,classifyoneasbeingataparticularplaceinthesocialspace,thenithastobeacknowledgedthatthe countercultureisadistinguishingactivitylikeothers? A.We'dfirsthavetoagreeonwhatwemeantbycounterculture.Andthat,bydefinition,isdifficultorimpossible.Therearecountercultures,intheplural.Theyare everythingthatismarginal,outsidethe'establishment',externaltoofficialculture.Atonceitcanbeseenthatthiscountercultureisdefinednegativelybywhatitdefines itselfagainst.I'mthinking,forexample,ofthecultofeverythingthatisoutside'legitimate'culture,suchasstripcartoons.Butthat'snotall.Youdon'tgetoutofculture bysparingyourselfthetroubleofananalysisofcultureandculturalinterests.Forexample,itwouldbeeasytoshowthatecologicaldiscoursefreewheeling,rambling insandals,barefoottheatreandsoonisfullofdisdainfulallusionstothe'ninetofiveroutine'andthe'sheeplike'holidaymakingof'theaveragepetitbourgeois'. (Weneedtousequotationmarkseverywhere,nottomarktheprudentdistanceofofficialjournalismbuttosignifythegapbetweenthelanguageofanalysisand ordinarylanguage,inwhichwordsareallinstrumentsofstruggle,weaponsandstakesinthestrugglesofdistinction.) Q.Sodon'tmarginalgroupsandprotestmovementsshakeuptheestablishedvalues? A.OfcourseIalwaysstartbytwistingthesticktheotherwayandpointingoutthatthesepeoplewhoseethemselvesasbeingonthefringe,outsidethesocialspace, aresituatedinthesocialworld,likeeveryoneelse.WhatIcalltheir'dreamofsocialflying'1 isaperfectexpressionofanuncomfortablepositioninthesocialworld theonethatcharacterizesthe'newautodidacts',thosewhostayedintheeducationalsystemuntilafairlyadvancedage,longenoughtoacquirea'cultivated'relationto culture,butwithoutobtainingqualifications,ornotallthosewhichtheirinitialsocialpositionpromisedthem. Havingsaidthat,allmovementsthatchallengethesymbolicorderareimportantinasmuchastheycallintoquestionwhatseemedtogowithoutsayingwhatisbeyond question,unchallenged.Theyjostletheselfevidences.ThatwastrueofMay'68.It'strueofthefeministmovement,whichisn'tdisposedofbylabellingit'middle class'.Iftheseformsof

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contestationoftenperturbpoliticalortradeunionmovements,it'sperhapsbecausetheyruncountertothedeepseateddispositionsandspecificinterestsofthe apparatchiks.Butaboveallit'sbecausetheapparatchiks,whohavelearnedthatpoliticization,thepoliticalmobilizationofthedominatedclasses,almostalwayshas tobewonagainstthedomestic,theprivate,thepsychological,etc.,findithardtounderstandstrategiesaimedatpoliticizingthedomestic,consumption,women's work,etc.Butthatwouldrequirealonganalysis...Inanycase,ifyouleavewholeareasofsocialpracticeart,homelife,andsoonoutofyourpolitical reflection,youriskenormous'returnsoftherepressed'. Q.Butinthatcase,whatwouldagenuinecounterculturebe? A.I'mnotsureIcananswerthatquestion.WhatIdoknowisthatpossessionoftheweaponsnecessaryfordefendingoneselfagainstculturaldomination,the dominationthatisexertedthroughandinthenameofculture,oughttobepartofculture.Itwouldhavetobeaculturecapableofdistancingculture,ofanalysingit,and notinvertingitor,rather,imposinganinvertedformofit.Inthatsensemybookisbothaculturalandacounterculturalbook.Moregenerally,Ithinkagenuine countercultureoughttosupplyweaponsforuseagainstthesoftformsofdomination,theadvancedformsofmobilization,thegentleviolenceofthenewprofessional ideologists,whooftenrelyonakindofquasiscientificrationalizationofthedominantideologyagainstthepoliticalusesofscience,theauthorityofsciencephysical scienceoreconomicscience,nottomentionthebiologyorsociologyoftheadvanced(andhighlyeuphemized)formsofracism.Inaword,itwouldmeanproliferating theweaponsofdefenceagainstsymbolicdomination.Itwouldalsoimply,inthelightofwhatIwassayingamomentago,bringingmanythingsintoanecessarily politicalculturethatthepresentdefinitionofbothcultureandpoliticsexcludesfromit....AndIdon'tthinkitimpossiblethatonedayagroupmightbeabletotakeon suchataskofreconstruction. Q.Shouldn'titbestressedthataboveallyouarenottryingtogiveintellectualsaguiltcomplex? A.PersonallyIhaveahorrorofallthosewhotrytoinduceasenseof'culpability'oran'uneasyconscience'.Ithinkfartoomuchplayhasbeenmade,especiallyas regardsintellectuals,withthepriest'sgameofinducingguilt.Especiallysinceit'sveryeasytoshakeoffculpabilitybyperforminganactofcontritionorapublic confession.Isimplywanttohelptoproduceinstrumentsofanalysisthatdon'tmakeexceptionsforintellectuals.Ithinkthatthesociologyoftheintellectualsisa preliminarytoallscienceofthesocialworld,whichisnecessarilydonebyintellectuals.Intellectualswhohadsubjectedtheirownintellectualpractice,andnottheir 'bourgeoissouls',tosociologicalcritiquewouldbebetterarmedtowithstandtheguiltinducingstrategieswhicharedirectedagainstthembyallapparatusesand

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whicharedesignedtopreventthemfromdoingwhat,asintellectuals,theycoulddoforandespeciallyagainstthoseapparatuses. Q.Butaren'tyouafraidthatyouranalyses(forexample,oftheplaceofthevaluesofmachomasculinityintheworkingclasslifestyle)mightreinforce ouvririsme?2 A.Youknow,whenIwrite,Ifearmanythings,that'stosaymanywrongreadings.Thatexplainsthecomplexityofmysentences,whichhasoftenbeencomplained about.ItrytodiscourageinadvancethewrongreadingsthatIcanoftenpredict.ButtheprecautionsthatIinsertinaparenthesis,anadjectiveorauseofquotation marksonlyreachthosewhodon'tneedthem.Andinacomplexanalysis,everyoneselectstheaspectthatdisturbshimleast. Havingsaidthat,Ithinkitisveryimportanttodescribethevaluesofmasculinityintheworkingclass.It'sasocialfactlikeanyother,butonethat'softenbadly understoodbyintellectuals.Foronething,thesevalues,whichareinscribedinthebody,inotherwordsintheunconscious,makeitpossibletounderstandmany behavioursoftheworkingclassandofsomeofitsspokesmen.ItgoeswithoutsayingthatIdon'tpresentthelifestyleoftheworkingclassanditssystemofvaluesasa model,anideal.Itrytoexplaintheattachmenttothevaluesofmasculinity,physicalstrength,bypointingoutforexamplethatit'scharacteristicofpeoplewhohave littletofallbackonexcepttheirlabourpower,andsometimestheirfightingstrength.Itrytoshowinwhatrespecttherelationshiptothebodythatischaracteristicof theworkingclassisthebasisofawholesetofattitudes,behavioursandvalues,andthatitisthekeytounderstandingtheirwayoftalkingorlaughing,eatingor walking.Isaythattheideaofmasculinityisoneofthelastrefugesoftheidentityofthedominatedclasses.ElsewhereItrytoshowthepoliticalandothereffectsofthe newtherapeuticmorality,whichisdisseminatedalldaylongbyadvertisers,women'smagazines,TVpsychoanalysts,marriageguidancecounsellors,etc.,etc.That doesn'tmeanthatIexaltthevaluesofmasculinityortheusesthataremadeofthem,whetherit'sthecultofthegoodheartedbrute,predisposedtomilitaryservices (theJeanGabin/paratroopersidethatinspiresafascinatedhorrorinintellectuals),ortheouvriristeuseofnononsenseplainspeakingthatmakesitpossibleto dispensewithanalysis,or,worse,tosilenceanalysis. Q.Yousaythatthedominatedclasseshaveonlyapassiveroleinthestrategiesofdistinction,thattheyserveasanegative'foil'fortheotherclasses.Sofor youthere'snosuchthingaspopularculture? A.Thequestionisn'twhetherformethereisorisnot'popularculture',butwhetherthereisinrealitysomethingthatresembleswhatpeoplewhotalkabout'popular culture'thinktheyarereferringto.Andtothatquestionmyansweris'no'.Buttofindthewayoutofalltheobfuscation

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thatsurroundsthatdangerousnotionwouldrequireaverylonganalysis.I'dratherleavethematterthereforthemoment.WhatIcouldsayinafewsentences,like everythingI'vesaidsofar,couldbemisunderstood.AndI'dlikepeopletoreadmybook,I'drathertheyreadmybook,afterall.... Q.Butyoudopointoutthelinkagethatexistsintheworkingclassbetweentherelationtocultureandpoliticalconsciousness. A.Ithinkthattheworkofpoliticizationisoftenaccompaniedbyaprocessofculturalacquisitionthatisoftenexperiencedasakindofrehabilitation,arestorationof personaldignity.Thatcanbeseenveryclearlyinthememoirsoflabouractivistsoftheoldschool.Thisliberatingprocessseemstometohavesomealienatingeffects, becausethewinningbackofakindofculturaldignitygoeshandinhandwitharecognitionofthecultureinwhosenamemanyeffectsofdominationareexerted.I'm notonlythinkingoftheweightofeducationalqualificationsinworkingclassorganizationsI'malsothinkingofsomeformsofunconsciousandthereforeunconditional recognitionoflegitimatecultureandthosewhopossessit.Ithinkitmightevenbefoundthatsomeformsofaggressiveouvrirismestemfromasecretrecognitionof cultureor,quitesimply,anunmastered,unanalysedculturalshame. Q.Butaren'tthechangesintherelationshiptotheeducationalsystemthatyoudescribeinyourbooktendingtotransformnotonlyrelationstoculturebut alsorelationstopolitics? A.Ithink,andIshowitmorefullyinmybook,thatthesetransformations,inparticulartheeffectsoftheinflationanddevaluationofeducationalqualifications,are amongthemostimportantfactorsofchange,especiallyintheareaofpolitics.I'mthinkinginparticularoftheantihierarchicalorevenantiinstitutionaldispositionsthat haveemergedfarbeyondtheeducationalsystem,theexemplarybearersofwhicharefactoryworkerswiththebaccalaureateorthenewstrataofofficeworkers,the productionlineworkersofbureaucracy.IthinkthatbeneaththeapparentoppositionsCommunistParty/TrotskyistsorCGT/CFDT3 andevenmore,perhaps, beneaththeconflictsoftendenciesthatnowrunthroughallorganizations,youwouldfindtheeffectsofdifferentrelationstotheeducationalsystem,whichoften expressthemselvesintheformofconflictsbetweengenerations.Buttogivemoresubstancetotheseintuitions,onewouldneedtocarryoutempiricalanalysesthatare notalwayspossible. Q.Howcananoppositiontotheimpositionofthedominantvaluesbeconstituted? A.Thoughitmaysurpriseyou,I'llanswerbyquotingFrancisPonge:'It'sthenthattheartofstandinguptowordsbecomesuseful,theartofonlysayingwhatone wantstosay.Toteacheveryonetheartoffoundinghis

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ownrhetoricisaworkofpublicsalvation.'Standinguptowords,resistingthem,onlysayingwhatonewantstosayspeakinginsteadofbeingspokenbyborrowed wordsthatarechargedwithsocialmeaning(aswhenjournaliststalkofa'summitmeeting'betweentwotradeunionleadersorwhenthe[ostentatiouslynonconformist translator]newspaperLibrationreferstotheNormandieortheFranceas'our'ships).Resistingneutralized,euphemized,routinizedwords,inshort,allthe pompousplatitudesofthenewtechnocraticrhetoric,butalsothethreadbarewordsworndownintosilenceofmotions,resolutions,platformsandprogrammes. Alllanguagethatresultsfromthecompromisewithinternalandexternalcensorshipexercisesaneffectofimposition,animpositionoftheunthoughtthatdiscourages thought. Therehasbeentoomuchusemadeoftheexcuseofrealismorthedemagogicconcerntobe'understoodbythemasses'inordertosubstituteslogansforanalysis.I thinkonealwaysendsuppayingforsimplifications,allsimplisticthinking,ormakingotherpeoplepayforit. Q.Sointellectualsdohavearoletoplay? A.Yes,ofcoursebecausetheabsenceoftheory,oftheoreticalanalysisofreality,thatispaperedoverbythelanguageoforganizations,bringsforthmonsters. Slogansandanathemasleadtoeveryformofterrorism.Iamnotsonaveastosupposethattheexistenceofarigorous,complexanalysisofrealityissufficientto protectonefromallformsofterroristicortotalitariandeviation.ButIamsurethattheabsenceofsuchananalysisleavesthedoorwideopen.Thatiswhy,in oppositiontotheantiscientismthatispartofthemoodofthedayandisthestockintradeofthenewideologists,Idefendscienceandeventheorywhentheyhave theeffectofprovidingabetterunderstandingofthesocialworld.Itisnotaquestionofchoosingbetweenscientismandobscurantism.'Oftwoevils',KarlKrausused tosay,'Irefusetochoosethelesser.' Therealizationthatsciencehasbecomeaninstrumentforlegitimizingpower,thatournewleadersgoverninthenameoftheversionofeconomicopoliticalsciencethat istaughtatSciencesPo4 andinAmericanstyle'businessschools',mustnotleadtoaromanticandregressiveantiscientism,whichalwayscoexists,inthedominant ideology,withtheprofessedcultofscience.Rather,itisaquestionofproducingtheconditionsforanewscientificandpoliticalthinkingthatcanbeliberatingbecause itisliberatedfromcensorships. Q.Butisn'tthatliabletorecreatealanguagebarrier? A.Myaimistohelptomakeithardertospeakgliblyaboutthesocialworld.Schoenbergoncesaidthathecomposedsothatpeoplewouldnolongerbeabletowrite music.Iwritesothatpeople,andespeciallythosewhoareauthorizedtospeak,the'spokesmen',cannolongerproducenoiseaboutthesocialworldthatsoundslike music.

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Asforgivingeveryonethemeansoffoundinghisownrhetoric,asPongeputit,ofbeinghisowntruespokesman,speakinginsteadofbeingspokenthatoughttobe theambitionofallspokesmen,whowouldprobablybesomethingquitedifferentfromwhattheyare,iftheymadeittheiraimtoworkthemselvesoutofajob.... There'snoharmindreaming,onceinawhile.... Notes 1.SeeDistinction,p.370,for'aninventoryofthinlydisguisedexpressionsofasortofdreamofsocialflying,adesperateattempttodefythegravityofthesocial field'[translator]. 2.Thecultof'theworkers'andtheirvalues[translator]. 3.TradeunionmovementsrespectivelyclosetoandhostiletotheCommunistParty[translator]. 4.TheParisInstitutd'tudesPolitiques(FondationNationaledesSciencesPolitiques)[translator].

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2 ASciencethatMakesTrouble
Q.Let'sstartwiththemostobviousquestions.Arethesocialsciences,andinparticularsociology,reallysciences?Whydoyoufeeltheneedtoclaim scientificity? A.Sociologyseemstometohaveallthepropertiesthatdefineascience.Buttowhatextent?That'sthequestion.Andtheanswerthatcanbegivenwillvarygreatly fromonesociologisttoanother.IwouldsimplysaythattherearemanypeoplewhosayandbelievethattheyaresociologistsandwhomIfindithardtorecognizeas sociologists.Inanycase,sociologylongagoemergedfromitsprehistory,theageofgrandtheoriesofsocialphilosophy,withwhichlaypeopleoftenstillidentifyit.All sociologistsworthyofthenameagreeonacommonheritageofconcepts,methodsandverificationprocedures.Thefactremainsthat,forobvioussociological reasons,sociologyisaverydisperseddiscipline(inthestatisticalsense),inseveralrespects.That'swhyitgivestheimpressionofbeingadivideddiscipline,closerto philosophythantotheothersciences.Butthat'snottheproblem.Ifpeoplearesopernicketyaboutthescientificnatureofsociology,that'sbecauseit'satroublemaker. Q.Aren'tyouledtoaskyourselfquestionsthatariseobjectivelyfortheothersciencesalthoughtherethescientistsdon'thavetoraisethemconcretelyfor themselves? A.Sociologyhastheunfortunateprivilegeofbeingconstantlyconfrontedwiththequestionofitsstatusasascience.Peopleareinfinitelymoredemandingthantheyare towardshistoryorethnology,nottomentiongeography,philologyorarchaeology.Sociologyisconstantlycalledintoquestionandconstantlycallsitself,andtheother sciences,intoquestion.Andthatmakespeopleimaginethere'sasociologicalimperialism:justwhatisthisscience,stillinitsinfancy,thattakesuponitselftoquestion theothersciences?I'mthinking,ofcourse,ofthesociologyofscience.Infact,however,sociologydoesnomorethanasktheothersciencesthequestionsthatarise particularlyacutelyforitself.Ifsociologyisacriticalscience,that'sperhapsbecauseitisitselfinacriticalposition.Sociologyisanawkwardcase,asthephrasegoes. Weknow,forexample,thatitissaidtohavebeenresponsiblefortheeventsofMay1968.Whatpeopleobjecttois
InterviewwithPierreThuillier,LaRecherche,112,June1980:73843

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notjustitsexistenceasascience,butitsrighttoexistatallespeciallyatthepresenttime,whensomepeoplewhounfortunatelyhavethepowertosucceedindoing so,areworkingtodestroyit,whileatthesametimetheybuildupanedifying'sociology',attheInstitutAugusteComteorSciencesPo.1 Allthisisdoneinthename ofscience,withtheactivecomplicityofsome'scientists'(inthetrivialsenseoftheword). Q.Whyissociologyparticularlyaproblem? A.Why?Becauseitrevealsthingsthatarehiddenandsometimesrepressed,likethecorrelationbetweeneducationalachievement,whichisidentifiedwith 'intelligence',andsocialorigin,ormoreprecisely,theculturalcapitalinheritedfromthefamily.Thesearetruthsthattheepistemocratsthat'stosayagoodnumberof thosewhoreadsociologyandthosewhofinanceitdon'tliketohear.Anotherexample:whenyoushowthatthescientificworldisthesiteofacompetition,oriented bythepursuitofspecificprofits(Nobelprizesandothers,priorityindiscoveries,prestige,etc.),andconductedinthenameofspecificinterests(intereststhatcannot bereducedtoeconomicinterestsintheirordinaryform,whicharethereforeperceivedas'disinterested'),youcallintoquestionascientifichagiographywhichscientists oftentakepartinandwhichtheyneedinordertobelieveinwhattheydo. Q.Right:sosociologyisseenasaggressiveandembarrassing.Butwhydoessociologicaldiscourseneedtobe'scientific'?Journalistsaskembarrassing questionstoo,buttheydon'tclaimtobescientific.Whyisitcrucialthatthereshouldbeafrontierbetweensociologyandcriticaljournalism? A.Becausethereisanobjectivedifference.It'snotaquestionofvanity.Therearecoherentsystemsofhypotheses,conceptsandmethodsofverification,everything thatisnormallyassociatedwiththeideaofscience.Andso,whynotsayit'sascience,ifitisone?Andthen,somethingveryimportantisatstake:oneofthewaysof disposingofawkwardtruthsistosaythattheyarenotscientific,whichamountstosayingthattheyare'political',thatis,springingfrom'interest','passion',andare thereforerelativeandrelativizable. Q.Ifsociologyisaskedthequestionofitsownscientificity,isthatalsobecauseitdevelopedratherlaterthantheothersciences? A.Certainly.Butthatoughttoshowthatthis'latedevelopment'isduetothefactthatsociologyisanespeciallydifficult,anespeciallyimprobable,science.Oneofthe majordifficultiesliesinthefactthatitsobjectsarestakesinsocialstrugglesthingsthatpeoplehide,thattheycensor,forwhichtheyarepreparedtodie.Thatistrue oftheresearcherhimself,whoisatstakeinhisownobjects.Andtheparticulardifficultyofdoingsociologyisoftendue

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tothefactthatpeopleareafraidofwhattheywillfind.Sociologyconfrontsitspractitionerwithharshrealitiesitdisenchants.That'swhy,contrarytowhatiscommonly thought,bothinsideandoutsidethediscipline,itoffersnoneofthesatisfactionsthatadolescentsoftenseekinpoliticalcommitment.Fromthatpointofview,itisatthe oppositeendofthescalefromthesocalled'pure'scienceswhich,likeart,andespeciallymusic,the'purest'art,arenodoubttosomeextentrefugesintowhich peoplewithdrawinordertoforgettheworld,universespurgedofeverythingthatcausesproblems,likesexualityorpolitics.That'swhyformalorformalisticminds generallyproducewretchedsociology. Q.Youshowthatsociologyintervenesonsociallyimportantquestions.Thatraisesthequestionofits'neutrality',its'objectivity'.Canthesociologist remainabovethefray,inthepositionofanimpartialobserver? A.Theparticularityofsociologyisthatittakesasitsobjectfieldsofstrugglenotonlythefieldofclassstrugglesbutthefieldofscientificstrugglesitself.Andthe sociologistoccupiesapositioninthesestruggles:firstasthepossessorofacertaineconomicandculturalcapital,inthefieldoftheclassesthen,asaresearcher endowedwithacertainspecificcapitalinthefieldofculturalproductionand,moreprecisely,inthesubfieldofsociology.Healwayshastobearthisinmind,inorder totrytoallowforeverythingthathispractice,whatheseesanddoesnotsee,whathedoesanddoesnotdo(forexample,theobjectshechoosestostudy),owesto hissocialposition.That'swhy,forme,thesociologyofsociologyisnotone'specialism'amongothers,butoneoftheprimaryconditionsforascientificsociology.It seemstomethatoneofthemaincausesoferrorinsociologyliesinanunexaminedrelationshiptotheobjector,moreprecisely,inignoranceofallthattheviewof theobjectowestothepointofview,thatis,totheviewer'spositioninthesocialspaceandthescientificfield. One'schancesofcontributingtotheproductionoftruthseemtometodependontwomainfactors,whicharelinkedtothepositiononeoccupiestheinterestone hasinknowingandmakingknownthetruth(orconversely,inhidingit,fromoneselfandothers),andone'scapacitytoproduceit.AsBachelardsoneatlyputit, 'Thereisnosciencebutofthehidden.'Thesociologistisbetterorworseequippedtodiscoverwhatishidden,dependingonhowwellarmedheisscientificallyhow wellheusesthecapitalofconcepts,methodsandtechniquesaccumulatedbyhispredecessors,Marx,Durkheim,Weberandmanyothersandalsoonhow'critical' heis,theextenttowhichtheconsciousorunconsciousintentionthatimpelshimisasubversiveone,thedegreeofinteresthehasinuncoveringwhatiscensoredand repressedinthesocialworld.Andifsociologydoesnotadvancemorequicklythanitdoes,likesocialscienceingeneral,that'sperhapspartlybecausethesetwo factorstendtovaryininverseratio.

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Ifthesociologistmanagestoproduceanytruth,hedoessonotdespitetheinteresthehasinproducingthattruthbutbecausehehasaninterestindoingsowhichis theexactoppositeoftheusualsomewhatfatuousdiscourseabout'neutrality'.Thisinterestmayconsist,asitdoeseverywhereelse,inthedesiretobethefirsttomake adiscoveryandtoappropriatealltheassociatedrights,orinmoralindignationorrevoltagainstcertainformsofdominationandagainstthosewhodefendthemwithin thescientificworld.Inshort,thereisnoimmaculateconception.Therewouldnotbemanyscientifictruthsifwehadtocondemnthisorthatdiscovery(oneonlyhasto thinkofthe'doublehelix')onthegroundsthatthediscoverers'intentionswerenotverypure. Q.Butinthecaseofthesocialsciences,can't'interest','passion'and'commitment'leadtoblindness,astheadvocatesof'neutrality'wouldargue? A.Infactandthisiswhatmakestheparticulardifficultyofsociologythese'interests'and'passions',nobleorignoble,leadtoscientifictruthonlyinsofarasthey areaccompaniedbyascientificknowledgeofwhatdeterminesthemandofthelimitsthattheysetonknowledge.Forexample,everyoneknowsthatresentment stemmingfromfailureproduceslucidityaboutthesocialworldonlybyinducingblindnesstotheveryprincipleofthatlucidity. Butthat'snotall:themoreadvancedascienceis,thegreateristhecapitalofknowledgeaccumulatedwithinitandthegreaterthequantityofknowledgethat subversiveandcriticalstrategies,whatevertheir'motivations',needtomobilizeinordertobeeffective.Inphysics,itisdifficulttotriumphoveranadversaryby appealingtoauthorityor(asstillhappensinsociology)bydenouncingthepoliticalcontentofhistheory.There,theweaponsofcriticismhavetobescientificinorder tobeeffective.Insociology,ontheotherhand,everypropositionthatcontradictsreceivedideasisopentothesuspicionofideologicalbias,politicalaxegrinding.It clasheswithsocialinterests:theinterestofthedominantgroups,whichareboundupwithsilenceand'commonsense'(whichsaysthatwhatismustbe,orcannotbe otherwise)theinterestofthespokesmen,the'loudspeakers',whoneedsimple,simplisticideas,slogans.Thatiswhysociologyisaskedtoprovideinfinitelymore proof(whichisnobadthing,actually)thanisaskedofthespokesmenof'commonsense'.Andeverydiscoveryofsciencetriggersoffanimmenselabourof conservative'critique',whichhasthewholesocialorderworkingforit(budgets,jobs,honours...andthereforebelief),aimedatrecoveringwhathasbeendis covered. Q.Amomentago,youcitedinthesamebreathMarx,DurkheimandWeber.Youseemtoimplythattheirrespectivecontributionsarecumulative.Butin facttheirapproachesaredifferent.Howcantherebeonesinglesciencebehindthatdiversity?

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A.Inmorecasesthanone,toenablesciencetoprogress,onehastoestablishcommunicationbetweenopposingtheories,whichhaveoftenbeenconstitutedagainst eachother.It'snotaquestionofperformingthekindofeclecticpseudosynthesesthathavebeensopopularinsociology.(Itshouldbesaid,inpassing,thatthe denunciationofeclecticismhasoftenservedasanexcuseforignoranceitissoeasyandcomfortabletowraponeselfupinatradition.Marxism,unfortunately,has oftenbeenusedtoprovidethiskindoflazysecurity.)Synthesispresupposesaradicalquestioningthatleadsonetotheprincipleoftheapparentantagonism.For example,incontrasttotheusualregressionofMarxismtowardseconomism,whichunderstandstheeconomyonlyintherestrictedsenseofthecapitalisteconomyand whichexplainseverythingintermsoftheeconomydefinedinthisway,MaxWeberbroadenseconomicanalysis(inthegeneralizedsense)toareasthataregenerally abandonedbyeconomics,suchasreligion.Thus,inamagnificentformulation,hecharacterizestheChurchastheholderofthemonopolyofthemanipulationofthe goodsofsalvation.Heopensthewaytoaradicalmaterialismthatseekstheeconomicdeterminants(inthebroadestsense)inareaswheretheideologyof 'disinterestedness'prevails,suchasartandreligion. Thesamegoesforthenotionoflegitimacy.Marxbreakswiththeordinaryrepresentationofthesocialworldbyshowingthat'enchanted'relationshipssuchasthose ofpaternalismconcealpowerrelations.WeberseemstocontradictMarxradically:hepointsoutthatmembershipofthesocialworldimpliesadegreeofrecognition oflegitimacy.Sociologyteachersthisisatypicaleffectofpositionnotethedifference.Theyprefercontrastingauthorstointegratingthem.It'smoreconvenientfor designingclearcutcourses:partoneMarx,parttwoWeber,partthreemyself...Butthelogicofresearchleadsonetomovebeyondtheopposition,backtothe commonroot.Marxevacuatedfromhismodelthesubjectivetruthofthesocialworld,againstwhichhepositstheobjectivetruthofthatworldasasystemofpower relations.Now,ifthesocialworldwerereducedtoitsobjectivetruthasapowerstructure,ifitwerenot,tosomeextent,recognizedaslegitimate,itwouldn'twork. Thesubjectiverepresentationofthesocialworldaslegitimateispartofthecompletetruthofthatworld. Q.Inotherwords,youaretryingtointegrateintoasingleconceptualsystemtheoreticalcontributionsthathavebeenarbitrarilyseparatedbyhistoryor dogmatism. A.Mostofthetime,theobstaclestandinginthewayofconcepts,methodsortechniquesofcommunicationisnotlogicalbutsociological.Thosewhohaveidentified themselveswithMarx(orWeber)cannottakepossessionofwhatappearstothemtobeitsnegationwithouthavingtheimpressionofnegatingthemselves,renouncing theiridentity(itshouldn'tbeforgottenthatformanypeople,tocallthemselvesMarxistisnothingmorethanaprofessionoffaithoratotemicemblem).Thesameis trueof

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therelationsbetween'theoreticians'and'empiricists',betweenthesupportersofwhatiscalled'fundamental'researchandwhatiscalled'applied'research.Thatiswhy thesociologyofsciencecanhaveascientificeffect. Q.Doesitfollowthataconservativesociologyisboundtoremainsuperficial? A.Dominantgroupsalwaystakeadimviewofsociologists,ortheintellectualswhostandinforthemwhenthedisciplineisnotyetconstituted,orcannotfunction,as intheUSSRtoday.Theirinterestsareboundupwithsilencebecausetheyhavenobonestopickwiththeworldtheydominate,whichconsequentlyappearstothem asselfevident,aworldthatgoeswithoutsaying.Inotherwords,Irepeat,thetypeofsocialsciencethatonecandodependsontherelationshiponehastothesocial world,andthereforeonthepositiononeoccupieswithinthatworld. Moreprecisely,thisrelationtotheworldistranslatedintothefunctionthattheresearcherconsciouslyorunconsciouslyassignstohispracticeandthatgovernshis researchstrategiestheobjectschosen,themethodsused,andsoon.Youmaymakeityourgoaltounderstandthesocialworld,inthesenseofunderstandingfor understanding'ssake.Oryoumayseektechniquesthatmakeitpossibletomanipulateit,inwhichcaseyouplacesociologyintheserviceofthemanagementofthe establishedorder.Asimpleexamplewillmakethisclear:thesociologyofreligionmayamounttoresearchforpastoralpurposesthattakesasitsobjectslaymen,the socialdeterminantsofchurchgoingorabstentionitthenbecomesakindofmarketresearchmakingitpossibletorationalizesacerdotalstrategiesforthesaleofthe goodsof'salvation'.Alternativelyitmayaimtounderstandthefunctioningofthereligiousfield,ofwhichthelaityisonlyoneaspect,studyingforexamplethe functioningoftheChurch,thestrategiesthroughwhichitreproducesitselfandperpetuatesitspowerstrategiesthatincludesociologicalstudies(initiallycarriedoutby acanon). Agoodnumberofthosewhodescribethemselvesassociologistsoreconomistsaresocialengineerswhosefunctionistosupplyrecipestotheleadersofprivate companiesandgovernmentdepartments.Theyofferarationalizationofthepracticalorsemitheoreticalunderstandingthatthemembersofthedominantclasshaveof thesocialworld.Thegoverninglitetodayneedsasciencecapableof(inbothsenses)rationalizingitsdomination,capablebothofreinforcingthemechanismsthat sustainitandoflegitimizingit.Itgoeswithoutsayingthatthelimitsofthissciencearesetbyitspracticalfunctions:neitherforsocialengineersnorforthemanagersof theeconomycanitperformaradicalquestioning.Forexample,thescienceoftheManagingDirectoroftheCompagnieBancaire,whichisconsiderable,muchgreater insomewaysthanthatofmanysociologistsoreconomists,iscircumscribedbythefactthatitssoleandunquestionedgoalisthemaximizationoftheprofitsofthat institution.Examplesofthispartial'science'wouldbethesociologyoforganizations,or'political

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science',astaughtattheInstitutAugusteComteorSciencesPo,withtheirfavouredinstruments,suchasopinionpolls. Q.Doesn'tthedistinctionyoudrawbetweentheoreticiansandsocialengineersputscienceinthepositionofanartforart'ssake? A.Notatall.Nowadays,amongthepeopleonwhoseexistencesociologydepends,therearemoreandmorewhoareaskingwhatsociologyisfor.Infact,the likelihoodthatsociologywilldisappointorvexthepowersthatberisestotheextentthatitsuccessfullyfulfilsitsstrictlyscientificfunction.Thatfunctionisnottobe usefulforsomething,thatistosay,forsomeone.Toasksociologytobeusefulforsomethingisalwaysawayofaskingittobeusefultothoseinpowerwhereasthe scientificfunctionofsociologyistounderstandthesocialworld,startingwiththestructuresofpower.Thisoperationcannotbesociallyneutral,andundoubtedlyfulfils asocialfunction.Onereasonforthatisthatallpowerowespartofitsefficacyandnottheleastimportantparttomisrecognitionofthemechanismsonwhichitis based. Q.I'dnowliketoturntothequestionoftherelationshipbetweensociologyandtheneighbouringsciences.YourbookDistinctionopenswiththesentence: 'Sociologyisrarelymoreakintoasocialpsychoanalysisthanwhenitconfrontsanobjectliketaste.'Thencomestatisticaltables,andaccountsofsurveys butalsoanalysesofa'literary'type,suchasonefindsinBalzac,ZolaorProust.Howdothesetwoaspectsfittogether? A.Thebookresultsfromanefforttointegratetwomodesofknowledgeethnographicobservation,whichcanonlybebasedonasmallnumberofcases,and statisticalanalysis,whichmakesitpossibletoestablishregularitiesandtosituatetheobservedcasesintheuniverseofexistingcases.Soyouhave,forexample,the contrastingdescriptionsofaworkingclassmealandabourgeoismeal,eachreducedtotheirpertinentfeatures.Ontheworkingclassside,thereisthedeclared primacyoffunction,whichappearsinallthefoodthatisserved:thefoodhastobe'filling','bodybuilding',assportsareexpectedtobe(weighttraining,etc.),togive strength(conspicuousmuscles).Onthebourgeoisside,thereistheprimacyofform,orformality,whichimpliesakindofcensorshipandrepressionoffunction,an aestheticization,whichisfoundineveryarea,asmuchineroticism,functioningassublimatedordeniedpornography,asinpureartwhichisdefinedpreciselybythe factthatitprivilegesformattheexpenseoffunction.Infact,theanalysesthataredescribedas'qualitative'or,morepejoratively,'literary',areessentialfor understanding,that'stosayfullyexplaining,whatthestatisticsmerelyrecord,ratherlikerainfallstatistics.Theyleadtotheprincipleofallthepracticesobserved,in themostvariedareas.

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Q.Tocomebacktomyquestion,whatisyourrelationshiptopsychology,socialpsychology,etc.? A.Socialsciencehasalwaysstumbledontheproblemoftheindividualandsociety.Inreality,thedivisionsofsocialscienceintopsychology,socialpsychologyand sociologywere,inmyview,constitutedaroundaninitialerrorofdefinition.Theselfevidenceofbiologicalindividuationpreventspeoplefromseeingthatsociety existsintwoinseparableforms:ontheonehand,institutionsthatmaytaketheformofphysicalthings,monuments,books,instruments,etc.,and,ontheother, acquireddispositions,thedurablewaysofbeingordoingthatareincorporatedinbodies(andwhichIcallhabitus).Thesocializedbody(whatiscalledtheindividual ortheperson)isnotopposedtosocietyitisoneofitsformsofexistence. Q.Inotherwords,psychologyseemstobecaughtbetween,ononeside,biology'(whichprovidesthe,fundamentalinvariants)and,ontheother,sociology, whichstudiesthewaytheseinvariantsdevelopandwhichisthereforeentitledtotalkabouteverything,evenwhatiscalledprivatelife,friendship,love, sexuality,etc. A.Absolutely.Contrarytothecommonpreconceptionthatassociatessociologywiththecollective,ithastobepointedoutthatthecollectiveisdepositedineach individualintheformofdurabledispositions,suchasmentalstructures.Forexample,inDistinction,Itrytoestablishempiricallytherelationshipbetweenthesocial classesandtheincorporatedsystemsofclassificationthatareproducedincollectivehistoryandacquiredinindividualhistorysuchasthoseimplementedbytaste (theoppositionsheavy/light,hot/cold,brilliant/dull,etc.). Q.Butthen,whatdoesthebiologicalorthepsychologicalrepresentforthesociologist? A.Sociologytakesthebiologicalandthepsychologicalasa'given'.Andittriestoestablishhowthesocialworlduses,transformsandtransfiguresit.Thefactthata humanbeinghasabody,thatthisbodyismortal,raisesdifficultproblemsofsocialgroups.I'mthinkingofthebookbyKantorowicz,TheKing'sTwoBodies,which analysesthesociallyapprovedsubterfugesresortedtoinordertoasserttheexistenceofaroyaltytranscendingtheking'srealbody,whichsuffersimbecility,sickness, weaknessanddeath.'TheKingisdead,longlivetheKing.'Ingenious. Q.Youyourselftalkofethnographicdescriptions... A.Thedistinctionbetweenethnologyandsociologyisaperfectexampleofaspuriousfrontier.AsItrytoshowinmylatestbook,LeSenspratique[TheLogicof Practice],it'sapureproductofhistory(colonialhistory)thathasnokindoflogicaljustification.

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Q.Butaren'ttheresomeverymarkeddifferencesofattitude?Inethnology,onehastheimpressionthattheobserverremainsexternaltohisobjectand thathecanevenrecordappearanceswhosemeaninghedoesnotknowwhereasthesociologistseemstoadoptthepointofviewofthesubjectshe studies. A.Infact,therelationofexternalitythatyoudescribe,whichIcallobjectivist,ismorecommoninethnology,probablybecauseitcorrespondstothevisionofthe outsider.Butsomeethnologistshavealsoplayedthegamethedoublegameofparticipationinnativerepresentations:thebewitchedormysticalethnologist.Your remarkcouldevenbeinverted.Becausetheymostlyworkthroughtheintermediaryofinterviewersandneverhavedirectcontactwiththerespondents,some sociologistsaremoreinclinedtoobjectivismthanethnologists(whosefirstprofessionalvirtueistobeabletoestablisharealrelationshipwiththeirrespondents).To thathastobeaddedclassdistance,whichisnolesspowerfulthanculturaldistance.That'swhythereisperhapsnomoreinhumansciencethanthatproducedin ColumbiaunderthedirectionofLazarsfeld,wherethedistanceproducedbyquestioningandbythebufferoftheinterviewerisreinforcedbytheformalismofblind statistics.Youlearnalotaboutascience,itsmethodsanditscontent,when,asinthesociologyofwork,youdoakindofjobdescription.Forexample,the bureaucraticsociologisttreatsthepeoplehestudiesasinterchangeablestatisticalunits,subjectedtoclosedquestionsthatareidenticalforall,whereastheethnologist's informantisapersonofstanding,soughtoutforlonganddetaileddiscussions. Q.Soyouareopposedtothe'objectivist'approachthatsubstitutesthemodelfortherealitybutalsotoMichelet,whowantedto'resurrect'thepast,or Sartre,whowantstograspmeaningsthroughaphenomenologythatyouseeasarbitrary? A.Exactly.Forexample,sinceoneofthefunctionsofsocialritualsistorelievetheagentsofeverythingthatweputundertheheadingof'subjectiveexperience'[le, vcu],itisparticularlydangeroustoputin'subjectiveexperience'wherethereisnone,inritualpractices,forexample.Theideathatthereisnothingmoregenerous thantoprojectone'sown'subjectiveexperience'intotheconsciousnessofa'primitive',a'witch'ora'proletarian'hasalwaysseemedtomesomewhatethnocentric. Thebestthesociologistcandoistoobjectifytheinevitableeffectsoftheobjectificationtechniquesthathehastousewriting,diagrams,maps,calendars,models, etc.Forexample,inTheLogicofPracticeItrytoshowthat,havingfailedtoappreciatetheeffectsoftheirsituationasobserversandofthetechniquestheyuseto grasptheirobject,ethnologistshaveconstitutedthe'primitive'asa'primitive'becausetheyhavenotbeenabletorecognizeinhimwhattheythemselvesareassoonas theyceasetothinkscientifically,thatis,in

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practice.Socalled'primitive'logicsarequitesimplypracticallogics,likethelogicweimplementtojudgeapaintingoraquartet. Q.Butisn'titpossibletorediscoverthelogicofallthatandatthesametimepreserve'subjectiveexperience'? A.Thereisanobjectivetruthofthesubjective,evenwhenitcontradictstheobjectivetruththatonehastoconstructinoppositiontoit.Illusionisnot,assuch,illusory. Itwouldbeabetrayalofobjectivitytoproceedasifsocialsubjectshadnorepresentation,noexperienceoftherealitiesthatscienceconstructs,suchassocialclasses. Soonehastorisetoahigherobjectivity,whichmakesroomforthatsubjectivity.Agentshaveasubjectiveexperiencethatisnotthefulltruthofwhattheydobut whichispartofthetruthofwhattheydo.Takeforexamplethecaseofachairmanwhosays'Themeetingissuspended'orapriestwhosays'Ibaptizeyou'.Why doesthatlanguagehavepower?It'snotthewordsthatact,throughakindofmagicpower.Butthefactisthat,inparticularsocialconditions,certainwordsdohave power.Theyderivetheirpowerfromaninstitutionthathasitsownlogicqualifications,ermineandrobes,theprofessorialchair,theritualformulae,theparticipants' belief,etc.Sociologypointsoutthatitisnotthewords,ortheinterchangeablepersonwhopronouncesthem,thatact,buttheinstitution.Itshowstheobjective conditionsthathavetobefulfilledtosecuretheefficacyofaparticularsocialpractice.Buttheanalysiscannotstopthere.Itmustnotforgetthat,inorderforitallto work,theactorhastobelievethatheisthesourceoftheefficacyofhisaction.Therearesystemsthatrunentirelyonbeliefandthereisnosystem,noteventhe economy,thatdoesnotdependtosomeextentonbeliefinordertowork. Q.Fromthestandpointofscience.Icanseeveryclearlywhatyou'redoing.Buttheresultisthatyoudevaluepeople's'livedexperience'.Inthenameof science,you'reliabletotakeawaypeople'sreasonsforliving.Whatgivesyoutheright(ifIcanputitthatway)todeprivethemoftheirillusions? A.Itoosometimeswonderifthecompletelytransparentanddisenchantedsocialuniversethatwouldbeproducedbyasocialsciencethatwasfullydeveloped(and widelydiffused,ifthatcouldeverbethecase)wouldnotbeimpossibletolivein.Ithink,allthesame,thatsocialrelationswouldbemuchlessunhappyifpeopleat leastunderstoodthemechanismsthatleadthemtocontributetotheirowndeprivation.Butperhapstheonlyfunctionofsociologyistoreveal,asmuchbyitsvisible lacunaeasthroughitsachievements,thelimitsofknowledgeofthesocialworldandsotomakemoredifficultallformsofpropheticdiscourse,starting,ofcourse,with thepropheticismthatclaimstobescientific.

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Q.Let'sturntotherelationshipwitheconomics,andinparticularwithcertainneoclassicalanalyseslikethoseoftheChicagoschool.Infact,the confrontationisinterestingbecauseitshowshowtwodifferentsciencesconstructthesameobjectsfertility,marriageand,moreespecially,educational investment. A.Thatwouldbeanenormousdebate.Whatmaymisleadsomepeopleisthat,liketheneomarginalisteconomists,Ireferallsocialbehaviourstoaspecificformof interest,ofinvestment.Butweareonlyusingthesamewords.TheinterestIamtalkingabouthasnothingtodowithAdamSmith'snotionofselfinterest,ana historical,natural,universalinterest,whichisinfactsimplytheunconsciousuniversalizationoftheinterestengenderedandpresupposedbythecapitalisteconomy.Itis noaccidentthat,toescapefromthisnaturalism,theeconomistshavetoappealtosociobiology,asGaryBeckerdoesinanarticleentitled'Altruism,egoismand geneticfitness'.ForBecker,notonly'selfinterest'butalso'altruismwithregardtodescendants'andotherdurabledispositionsaretobeexplainedbytheselection overtimeofthemostadaptivefeatures. Infact,whenIsaythatthereisaformofinterestorfunctionthatliesbehindeveryinstitutionorpractice,Iamsimplyassertingtheprincipleofsufficientreasonwhich isimpliedintheveryprojectof'explaining'(rendreraisonaswesayinFrench)andwhichisintrinsictothenotionofscience.Thisprinciplepostulatesthatthereisa causeorreasonmakingitpossibletoexplainorunderstandwhyagivenpracticeorinstitutionisratherthanisnot,andwhyitisasitisratherthanotherwise.This interestorfunctionisinnowaynaturaloruniversal,contrarytowhatissupposedbytheneoclassicaleconomists,whosehomoeconomicusissimplya universalizationofhomocapitalisticus.Ethnologyandcomparativehistoryshowusthatthespecificallysocialmagicofinstitutioncanconstitutealmostanythingasan interestandasarealisticinterest,i.e.asaninvestment(inboththeeconomicandthepsychoanalyticsenses)thatisobjectivelyrewarded,inthemoreorlesslong term,byaneconomy.Forexample,theeconomyofhonourproducesandrewardseconomicdispositionsandpracticesthatareapparently'ruinous'becausethey areso'disinterested'andareconsequentlyabsurd,fromthepointofviewoftheeconomicsoftheeconomists.Andyet,eventhebehavioursthatarethemostwildly irrationalfromthestandpointofcapitalisteconomicreasonarebasedonaformofenlightenedselfinterest(e.g.theinterestthereisinbeing'abovesuspicion')andcan thereforebestudiedbyaneconomics.Investmentisthedispositiontoactthatisgeneratedintherelationshipbetweenaspacedefinedbyagameofferingcertain prizesorstakes(whatIcallafield)andasystemofdispositionsattunedtothatgame(whatIcallahabitus)the'feel'forthegameandthestakes,whichimplies boththeinclinationandthecapacitytoplaythegame,totakeaninterestinthegame,tobetakenup,takeninbythegame.Youonlyhavetothinkoftheimportance, inwesternsocieties,ofeducationalinvestmentwhichinFrancefindsitsextremeforminthe

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classespreparingforthegrandescolestorealizethattheinstitutioniscapableofproducingtheinvestmentand,inthiscase,thehyperinvestment,whichisthe conditionofthefunctioningoftheinstitution.Butthesamecouldbedemonstratedaboutanyformofthesacred.Theexperienceofthesacredpresupposes, inseparably,theacquireddispositionwhichcausessacredobjectstoexistassuch,andtheobjectswhichobjectivelydemandaconsecratingapproach(thatistherole ofartinoursocieties).Inotherwords,investmentisthehistoricaleffectoftheharmonybetweentworealizationsofthesocialinthings,throughinstitution,andin bodies,throughincorporation. Q.Isn'tthekindofgeneralanthropologythatyouputforwardawayofachievingthephilosophicalambitionofasystem,butwiththemeansofscience? A.Theaimiscertainlynottoremaineternallylockedinthetotalizingdiscoursethatwasexpoundedbysocialphilosophyandwhichisstillcommoncurrency nowadays,especiallyinFrance,wherepropheticpronouncementsstillenjoyaprotectedmarket.ButIthinkthat,intryingtoconformtoaveryonesided representationofscientificity,sociologistshavemovedintoprematurespecialization.Onecouldcitecountlesscasesinwhichartificialdivisionsoftheobject,generally followingthelinesofadministrativedemarcations,arethemainobstacletoscientificunderstanding.TogiveanexamplefromanareaIknowwell,there'sthe separationofthesociologyofcultureandthesociologyofeducationortheeconomicsofeducationandthesociologyofeducation.Ialsothinkthescienceofman inevitablyappealstoanthropologicaltheoriesthatitcanmakerealprogressonlyonconditionthatitmakesexplicitthesetheoriesthatresearchersalwaysbringin,ina practicalform,andwhicharegenerallynomorethanthetransfiguredprojectionoftheirrelationtothesocialworld. Note 1.TheParisInstitutd'tudesPolitiques(FondationNationaledesSciencesPolitiques)[translator]. FurtherReading ForfurtherdiscussionseeBourdieuP.(1975)'Thespecificityofthescientificfieldandthesocialconditionsoftheprogressofreason',SocialScienceInformation, 14(6):1947[alsoinLemert,C.(ed.)(1981)FrenchSociology,RuptureandRenewalSince1968,NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,25792(1975)'Le langageautoris:notesurlesconditionsdel'efficacitsocialedudiscoursrituel',Actesdelarechercheensciencessociales,56:18390(1980)'Lemortsaisitle vif:lesrelationsentrel'histoirerifieetl'histoireincorpore',Actesdelarechercheensciencessociales,323:314.

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3 TheSociologistinQuestion
Q.Whydoyouuseaspecialjargonanespeciallydifficultonethatoftenmakesyourtextsinaccessibletothelayreader?Isn'tthereacontradiction betweendenouncingthescientist'sselfassignedmonopolyandrecreatingitinthetextthatdenouncesit? A.Oftenoneonlyhastoletordinarylanguagespeakforitself,togivewaytolinguisticlaissezfaire,inordertoacceptunwittinglyawholesocialphilosophy.The dictionaryischargedwithapoliticalmythology(Iamthinkingforexampleofallthecouplesofadjectives:brilliant/serious,high/low,rare/common,etc.).Devoteesof 'commonsense',whomoveinordinarylanguagelikeafishinwaterandwho,inlanguageasinotherthings,havetheobjectifiedstructuresworkingforthem,can (exceptfortheireuphemisms)speakalanguagethatisclearascrystalandfreelydenouncethejargonofothers.Butthesocialscienceshavetowinallthattheysay againstthereceivedideasthatarecarriedalonginordinarylanguageandhavetosaywhattheyhavewoninalanguagethatispredisposedtosaysomethingquite different.Totrytodisruptverbalautomatismsdoesnotmeanartificiallycreatingadistinguisheddifferencethatsetsthelaymanatadistanceitmeansbreakingwiththe socialphilosophythatisinscribedinspontaneousdiscourse.Usingonewordinplaceofanotheroftenmeanseffectingadecisiveepistemologicalchangewhichmay wellpassunnoticed. Butitisnotaquestionofescapingfromtheautomatismsofcommonsenseinordertofallintotheautomatismsofcriticallanguage,withallthewordsthathavetoo oftenfunctionedasslogansorrallyingcries,alltheutterancesthatservenottostatetherealbuttopaperoverthegapsinknowledge.(Thatisoftenthefunctionof conceptswithcapitallettersandthepropositionsthattheyintroduce,whichareveryoftennomorethanprofessionsoffaithwherebyonebelieverrecognizesanother.) Iamthinkingofthe'basicMarxism',asJeanClaudePasseroncallsit,thatflourishedrecentlyinFrance:anautomaticlanguagethatrunsallonitsown,butinneutral, andmakesitpossibletotalkabouteverythingwith
Thequestionsdiscussedinthischapterarethosewhichseemedmostimportantamongthosethatweremostoftenputtomeinvariousdiscussionsintheearly1980sinParis(at thecolePolytechnique),Lyon(theUniversitPopulaire),Grenoble(theFacultdesLettres),Troyes(theInstitutUniversitairedeTechnologie)andAngers(FacultdesLettres)

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greateconomy,withaverysmallnumberofsimpleconcepts,butwithoutmuchthought.Themerefactofconceptualizationoftenexertsaneffectofneutralizationand evendenial. Sociologicallanguagecannotbeeither'neutral'or'clear'.Theword'class'willneverbeaneutralwordsolongasthereareclasses:thequestionoftheexistenceor nonexistenceofclassesisastakeinstrugglebetweentheclasses.Theworkofwritingthatisnecessaryinordertoarriveatarigorousandcontrolleduseoflanguage onlyrarelyleadstowhatiscalledclarity,inotherwords,thereinforcementoftheselfevidencesofcommonsenseorthecertaintiesoffanaticism. Incontrasttothesearchforliteraryquality,thepursuitofrigouralwaysleadsonetosacrificeaneatformula,whichcanbestrongandclearbecauseitfalsifies,toaless appealingexpressionthatisheavierbutmoreaccurate,morecontrolled.Thusthedifficultyofastyleoftencomesfromallthenuances,allthecorrections,allthe warnings,nottomentiontheremindersofdefinitionsandprinciplesthatareneededinorderforthediscoursetobearwithinitselfallthepossibledefencesagainst hijackingandmisappropriations.Attentiontothesecriticalsignsisnodoubtdirectlyproportionaltothereader'svigilanceandthereforehiscompetencewhich meansthatthewarningsaremostclearlyseenbythereaderwhoneedsthemleast.Atleastonecanhopethattheydiscouragephrasemongeringandparroting. Buttheneedtoresorttoanartificiallanguageisperhapsmorecompellingforsociologythanforanyotherscience.Inordertobreakwiththesocialphilosophythat runsthrougheverydaywordsandalsoinordertoexpressthingsthatordinarylanguagecannotexpress(forexample,everythingthatliesatthelevelofitgoeswithout saying),thesociologisthastoresorttoinventedwordswhicharetherebyprotected,relativelyatleast,fromthenaveprojectionsofcommonsense.Thesewordsare secureagainsthijackingbecausetheir'linguisticnature'predisposesthemtowithstandhastyreadings(forexample,habitus,whichreferstoacquiredproperties, capital)andperhapsespeciallybecausetheyareinserted,locked,intoanetworkofrelationshipsthatimposetheirlogicalconstraints.Forexample,allodoxia,which wellexpressessomethingthatisdifficulttoexplainoreventhinkinafewwords(thefactoftakingonethingforanother,ofthinkingthatsomethingisotherthanitis, etc.),isboundupinthenetworkofwordsfromthesameroot:doxa,doxosopher,orthodoxy,heterodoxy,paradox. Havingsaidthat,thedifficultyoftransmittingtheproductsofsociologicalresearchisduemuchlessthanpeoplethinktothedifficultyoflanguage.Aninitialcauseof misunderstandingliesinthefactthateventhemost'cultured'readershaveonlyaveryapproximateideaoftheconditionsofproductionofthediscoursethattheyare tryingtoappropriate.Forexample,thereisa'philosophical'or'theoretical'readingofworksinsocialsciencethatconsistsinnotingthe'theses',the'conclusions', independentlyoftheprocessofwhichtheyaretheoutcome(i.e.inconcreteterms,the

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empiricalanalyses,thestatisticaltables,theindicationsofmethod,andsoon).Ifyoureadlikethat,youarereadinganotherbook.WhenI'condense'theopposition betweentheworkingclassandthedominantclassintotheoppositionbetweentheprimacygiventosubstance(function)andtheprimacygiventoform,peopleseea philosophicaldisquisition,whenthepointI'mmakingisthatonegroupeatsbeanswhiletheothereatssalad,thatdifferencesinconsumption,whicharenilorverylow forunderclothes,areverystrongforouterclothes,etc.Itistruethatmyanalysesarisefromapplyingveryabstractschemesofthoughttoveryconcretethings,the statisticsforthepurchaseofpyjamas,underpantsortrousers.It'snoteasytoreadstatisticsonpyjamaswhilethinkingofKant...Everythingpeoplelearnatschool tendstodiscouragethemfromthinkingofKantaproposofpyjamasorthinkingofpyjamaswhenreadingMarx(IsayMarxbecauseyouwillreadilyallowmeKant, thoughinthisrespectit'smuchthesamething). Addtothatthefactthatmanyreadersdonotknow,orreject,theveryprinciplesofthesociologicalmodeofthought,suchastheintentionof'explainingthesocialby thesocial',inDurkheim'sphrase,whichisoftenperceivedasanimperialistambition.But,moresimply,ignoranceofstatisticsor,rather,lackoffamiliaritywiththe statisticalmodeofthoughtleadspeopletoconfusetheprobable(e.g.therelationshipbetweensocialoriginandeducationalachievement)andthecertain,the necessary.Thisleadstoallsortsofabsurdaccusations,suchasthechargeoffatalism,ortomisplacedobjections,suchasthescholasticfailureofaproportionofthe offspringofthedominantclass,whichisinfactacentralelementinthestatisticalmodeofreproduction.(A'sociologist',amemberoftheInstitute,hasdevotedagreat dealofenergytoshowingthatnotallthesonsofPolytechniciansbecomePolytechnicians!) Butthemainsourceofmisunderstandingliesinthefactthat,ordinarily,peoplehardlyevertalkaboutthesocialworldinordertosaywhatitis,butalmostalwaysto saywhatitoughttobe.Discourseaboutthesocialworldisalmostalwaysperformative:itcontainswishes,exhortations,reproaches,orders,etc.Itfollowsthatthe sociologist'sdiscourse,thoughittriestobedescriptive,haseverylikelihoodofbeingperceivedasperformative.IfIsaythatwomenrespondlessoftenthanmento questionsinopinionpollsandthatthedifferencebecomesmoremarkedasthequestionsbecomemore'political'therewillalwaysbesomeonetocomplainthatI excludewomenfrompolitics.That'sbecause,whenIsaywhatis,peoplehear'andit'sfinethatway'.Similarly,ifyoudescribetheworkingclassasitis,you're suspectedofwantingtolockitintowhatitis,asadestiny,oftryingeithertopushitdownortoexaltit.Forexample,theobservationthat,mostofthetime,men(and evenmoreso,women)intheculturallymostdeprivedclassesentrusttheirpoliticalchoicestothepartyoftheirchoice,and,asithappens,totheCommunistParty,has beenunderstoodasanexhortationtoabandononeselftotheParty.Infact,inordinarylife,peoplewill

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describeaworkingclassmealonlyinordertoexpresswondermentordisgust,neverinordertounderstanditslogic,toexplainit,inotherwordstosecurethemeans oftakingitforwhatitis.Readersreadsociologythroughthespectaclesoftheirhabitus.Andsomepeoplewillfindareinforcementoftheirclassracisminthesame realistdescriptionthatotherswillsuspectofbeinginspiredbyclasscontempt. Inthatliestheprincipleofastructuralmisunderstandinginthecommunicationbetweenthesociologistandhisreader. Q.Don'tyouthinkthat,giventhewayinwhichyouexpressyourself,youronlypossiblereadersareintellectuals?Isn'tthatalimitontheeffectivenessof yourwork? A.Thesociologist'smisfortuneisthat,mostofthetime,thepeoplewhohavethetechnicalmeansofappropriatingwhathesayshavenowishtoappropriateit,no interestinappropriatingit,andevenhavepowerfulinterestsinrefusingit(sothatsomepeoplewhoareverycompetentinotherrespectsmayrevealthemselvestobe quiteobtuseasregardssociology),whereasthosewhowouldhaveaninterestinappropriatingitdonothavetheinstrumentsforappropriation(theoreticalculture, etc.).Sociologicaldiscoursearousesresistancesthatarequiteanalogousintheirlogicandtheirmanifestationstothoseencounteredbypsychoanalyticaldiscourse. Thepeoplewhoreadthatthereisaverystrongcorrelationbetweeneducationallevelandmuseumgoinghaveeverylikelihoodofbeingmuseumgoers,ofbeingart loversreadytodiefortheloveofart,experiencingtheirencounterwithartasapurelove,aloveatfirstsight,andofsettingcountlesssystemsofdefenceinthewayof scientificobjectification. Inshort,thelawsofdiffusionofscientificdiscoursemeanthat,despitetheexistenceofrelaysandmediators,scientifictruthisverylikelytoreachthosewhoareleast disposedtoacceptitandveryunlikelytoreachthosewhowouldhavemostinterestinreceivingit.Yetonemaythinkthatonewouldonlyhavetoprovidethelatter withalanguageinwhichtheyrecognizedthemselves,orrather,inwhichtheyfeltrecognized,that'stosayaccepted,justifiedinexistingastheyexist(whichtheyare necessarilyofferedbyallgoodsociology,asciencethat,assuch,explainsthings),inordertoinduceatransformationoftheirrelationshiptowhattheyare. Whatneedstobemadeavailabletopeopleisthescientificgaze,agazethatisatonceobjectifyingandunderstanding,andwhich,whenturnedbackononeself,makes itpossibletoacceptoneselfandeven,sotospeak,layclaimtooneself,claimtherighttobewhatoneis.I'mthinkingofslogansliketheAmericanblacks''Blackis beautiful'andthefeminists'assertionoftherighttothe'naturallook'.Ihavebeenaccusedofsometimeswritingpejorativelyaboutthosewhoimposenewneedsandof therebyputtingforwardanidealimageofhumanitythatisreminiscentofthe'noblesavage'butinasocializedversion.Infact,it'snotaquestionoflocking

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agentsintoan'originalsocialbeing'treatedasadestiny,anature,butofofferingthemthepossibilityoftakingontheirhabituswithoutguiltorsuffering.Thatcanbe seenclearlyintheareaofculture,wherethesenseofinadequacyoftencomesfromadispossessionthatcannotrecognizeitselfassuch.Whatprobablyemerges throughmywayofspeakingaboutbeauticians,dietitians,marriageguidancecounsellorsandotherpurveyorsofneedsisindignationagainstthatformofexploitationof people'sdeprivationwhichconsistsofimposingimpossiblenormsandthensellingthemeansgenerallyineffectiveonesofbridgingthegapbetweenthesenorms andtherealpossibilitiesofachievingthem. Inthatarea,whichiscompletelyignoredbypoliticalanalysis,althoughitisthesiteofobjectivelypoliticalaction,thedominatedgroupsarelefttotheirownweapons theyareabsolutelybereftofweaponsofcollectivedefenceinordertoconfrontthedominantgroupsandtheir'poorman'spsychoanalysts'.Yetitwouldbeeasyto showthatthemosttypicallypoliticalkindofpoliticaldominationalsorunsthroughthesechannels.Forexample,inDistinction,Iwantedtostartthechapteronthe relationshipbetweencultureandpoliticswithaphotographwhich,intheend,Ididn'tuse,fearingthatitmightbemisreadinwhichtwotradeunionleadersareseen sittingonLouisXVchairsfacingGiscardd'Estaing,whoishimselfseatedonaLouisXVsofa.Thatpicturepointedout,intheclearestpossibleway,throughtheways ofsitting,ofplacingthehands,inshort,allthebodylanguage,whichparticipanthasonhissidenotonlyalltheculture,that'stosaythefurniture,thedcor,theLouis XVchairs,butalsothewaysofusingit,inhabitingitwhichoneisthepossessorofthatobjectifiedculture,andwhichonesarepossessedbythatculture,inthename ofthatculture.If,whenfacetofacewiththemanagingdirector,thetradeunionist'feelssmall',that'satleastpartlybecauseheonlyhasinstrumentsofanalysis,and selfanalysis,thataretoogeneralandtooabstract,whichgivehimnopossibilityofunderstandingandcontrollinghisrelationtolanguageandthebody.Andthisstate ofabandonmentinwhichtheavailabletheoriesandanalysesleavehimisparticularlyseriousalthoughthestateofabandonmentofhiswife,inthekitchenoftheir councilflat,facedwiththesimperingcondescensionofthepresentersonthecommercialradiostations,isnotunimportantbecauselotsofpeoplespeakthroughhim, becausethespeechofawholegrouppassesthroughhismouthandhisbody,andbecausehisreactions,generalizedinthisway,mayhavebeendetermined,without hisrealizingit,byhishorroroflonghairedhippiesorintellectualswearingspectacles. Q.Doesn'tyoursociologyimplyadeterministicviewofman?Whatrole,ifany,isleftforhumanfreedom? A.Likeeveryscience,sociologyacceptstheprincipleofdeterminismunderstoodasaformoftheprincipleofsufficientreason.Thesciencewhichmustgivethe reasonsforthatwhichistherebypostulatesthatnothingis

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withoutareasonforbeing.Thesociologistadds:'socialreason'nothingiswithoutaspecificallysocialreasonforbeing.Facedwithastatisticaltable,hepostulates thatthereisasocialfactorthatexplainsthatdistribution,andif,havingfoundit,thereisaresidue,thenhepostulatestheexistenceofanothersocialfactor,andsoon. (That'swhatmakespeoplesometimesimagineasociologicalimperialism:butit'sfairenougheverysciencehastouseitsownmeanstoaccountforthegreatest numberofthingspossible,includingthingsthatareapparentlyorreallyexplainedbyothersciences.It'sonthatconditionthatitcanputrealquestionstotheother sciencesandtoitselfanddestroyapparentreasonsorraiseclearlytheproblemofoverdetermination.) Havingsaidthat,peopleareoftenreferringtotwoquitedifferentthingsundertheterm'determinism'objectivenecessity,impliedinrealityitself,and'experiential', apparent,subjectivenecessity,thesenseofnecessityorfreedom.Thedegreetowhichthesocialworldseemstoustobedetermineddependsontheknowledgewe haveofit.Ontheotherhand,thedegreetowhichtheworldisreallydeterminedisnotaquestionofopinionasasociologist,it'snotformetobe'fordeterminism'or 'forfreedom',buttodiscovernecessity,ifitexists,intheplaceswhereitis.Becauseallprogressintheknowledgeofthelawsofthesocialworldincreasesthedegree ofperceivednecessity,itisnaturalthatsocialscienceisincreasinglyaccusedof'determinism'thefurtheritadvances. But,contrarytoappearances,it'sbyraisingthedegreeofperceivednecessityandgivingabetterknowledgeofthelawsofthesocialworldthatsocialsciencegives morefreedom.Allprogressinknowledgeofnecessityisaprogressinpossiblefreedom.Whereasmisrecognitionofnecessitycontainsaformofrecognitionof necessity,andprobablythemostabsolute,themosttotalform,sinceitisunawareofitselfassuch,knowledgeofnecessitydoesnotatallimplythenecessityofthat recognition.Onthecontrary,itbringstolightthepossibilityofchoicethatisimpliedineveryrelationshipofthetype'ifX,thenY'.Thefreedomthatconsistsin choosingtoacceptorrefusethe'if'hasnomeaningsolongasoneisunawareoftherelationshipthatlinksittoa'then...'.Bybringingtolightthelawsthat presupposenonintervention(that'stosay,unconsciousacceptanceoftheconditionsofrealizationoftheexpectedeffects),oneextendsthescopeoffreedom.Alaw thatisunknownisanature,adestiny(that'strue,forexample,oftherelationshipbetweeninheritedculturalcapitalandeducationalachievement)alawthatisknown appearsasapossibilityoffreedom. Q.Isn'titdangeroustospeakoflaws? A.Yes,undoubtedly.And,asfaraspossible,Iavoiddoingso.Thosewhohaveaninterestinthingstakingtheircourse(that'stosayinthe'if'remainingunchanged) seethe'law'(whentheyseeitatall)asadestiny,aninevitabilityinscribedinsocialnature(whichgivestheironlawsofthe

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oligarchiesoftheneoMachiavellians,suchasMichelsorMosca).Infact,asociallawisahistoricallaw,whichperpetuatesitselfsolongasitisallowedtooperate, that'stosayaslongasthosewhoseinterestsitserves(sometimesunknowntothem)areabletoperpetuatetheconditionsofitsefficacy. Whatwehavetoaskiswhatwearedoingwhenwestateasociallawthatwaspreviouslyunknown(suchasthelawofthetransmissionofculturalcapital).Onemay claimtobefixinganeternallaw,astheconservativesociologistsdowiththetendencytowardstheconcentrationofpower.Inreality,scienceneedstoknowthatit merelyrecords,intheformoftendentiallaws,thelogicthatischaracteristicofaparticulargame,ataparticularmoment,andwhichplaystotheadvantageof thosewhodominatethegameandareable,defactoordejure,todefinetherulesofthegame. Havingsaidthat,assoonasthelawhasbeenstated,itmaybecomeastakeinstrugglesthestruggletoconserve,byconservingtheconditionsofthefunctioningof thelaw,thestruggletotransform,bychangingtheseconditions.Bringingthetendentiallawstolightisapreconditionforthesuccessofactionsaimedatfrustrating them.Thedominantgroupshaveaninterestinthelaw,andthereforeinaphysicalistinterpretationofthelaw,whichpushesitbacktothestateofaninfraconscious mechanism.Bycontrast,thedominatedgroupshaveaninterestinthediscoveryofthelawassuch,thatis,asahistoricallaw,whichcouldbeabolishedifthe conditionsofitsfunctioningwereremoved.Knowledgeofthelawgivesthemachance,apossibilityofcounteringtheeffectsofthelaw,apossibilitythatdoesnotexist solongasthelawisunknownandoperatesunbeknowntothosewhoundergoit.Inshort,justasitdenaturalizes,sosociologydefatalizes. Q.Isn'tanevermoredevelopedknowledgeofthesocialworldlikelytodiscourageallpoliticalactionaimedattransformingthesocialworld? A.Knowledgeofthemostprobableoutcomeiswhatmakesitpossible,byreferencetootherends,tobringabouttheleastprobable.Byconsciouslyplayingwiththe logicofthesocialworldonecanbringaboutpossibleoutcomesthatdidnotseemtobeimpliedbythatlogic. Truepoliticalactionconsistsinmakinguseofknowledgeoftheprobablesoastostrengthenthechancesofthepossible.Itdiffersfromutopianismwhich,likemagic, attemptstoactontheworldthroughperformativediscourse.Politicalaction,oftenmoreunconsciouslythanconsciously,expressesandexploitsthepotentialities inscribedinthesocialworld,initscontradictionsorimmanenttendencies.Thesociologistandthisiswhypeoplesometimesdeploretheabsenceofthepoliticalinhis discoursedescribestheconditionsthatpoliticalactionhastotakeaccountofandonwhichitdependsforitssuccessorfailure(forexample,nowadays,the collectivedisenchantmentofyoungpeople).Insodoing,hewarnsagainst

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theerrorthatleadsonetotaketheeffectforthecauseandtoseeeffectsofpoliticalactioninthehistoricalconditionsofitsefficacythoughoneshouldnotignorethe effectthatpoliticalactioncanhavewhenitaccompaniesdispositionsthatitdoesnotproduceandthatpredateit,andintensifiesthembyexpressingthemand orchestratingtheirmanifestation. Q.Iamratherworriedabouttheconclusionsthatmightbedrawn,perhapsbasedonamisreading,fromwhatyoudemonstrateaboutthenatureof opinion.Isn'tthatanalysisliabletobesomewhatdemobilizing? A.Letmeclarify.Sociologyrevealsthattheideaofpersonalopinion(liketheideaofpersonaltaste)isanillusion.Fromthisitisconcludedthatsociologyisreductive, thatitdisenchants,thatitdemobilizespeoplebytakingawayalltheirillusions. Doesthatmeanthatonecanonlymobilizeonthebasisofillusions?Ifitistruethattheideaofpersonalopinionitselfissociallydetermined,thatitisaproductof historyreproducedbyeducation,thatouropinionsaredetermined,thenitisbettertoknowthisandifwehavesomechanceofhavingpersonalopinions,it'sperhaps onconditionthatweknowouropinionsarenotspontaneouslyso. Q.Sociologyisbothanacademicactivityandacritical,evenapolitical,activity.Isn'tthereacontradictionthere? A.Sociologyasweknowitwasborn,inFranceatleast,fromacontradictionoramisunderstanding.Durkheimwastheonewhodidallthatneededtobedoneto makesociologyexistasauniversallyrecognizedscience.Whenanactivityisconstitutedasauniversitydiscipline,thequestionofitsfunctionandthefunctionofthose whopractiseitnolongerarises.Oneonlyhastothinkofthearchaeologists,philologists,medievalhistorians,historiansofChinaorclassicalphilosophy,whoarenever askedwhatusetheyare,whattheirworkisfor,whotheyworkfororwhoneedsit.Noonecallsthemintoquestionandtheyconsequentlyfeelcompletelyjustifiedin doingwhattheydo.Sociologyisnotsolucky...Thequestionofitsraisond'treisaskedincreasinglythemoreitmovesawayfromthedefinitionofscientific practicethatthefoundershadtoacceptandimpose,thatofapurescience,pureasthepurest,most'useless'and'gratuitous'oftheacademicsciences(papyrologyor Homericstudies),thosethatthemostrepressiveregimesallowtosurviveandthatserveasarefugeforspecialistsfromthe'hot'sciences.Youknowhowmuchwork Durkheimhadtodotogivesociologythis'pure',purelyscientific,'neutral'imageostentatiousborrowingsfromthenaturalsciences,countlesssignsofabreakwith externalfunctionsandpolitics,suchaspreliminarydefinition,etc. Inotherwords,fromtheverybeginning,sociologyhasbeenanambiguous,dual,maskedscienceonethathadtoconcealandrenounceitsownnatureasapolitical scienceinordertogainacceptanceasanacademic

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science.It'snoaccidentthatethnologyraisesmanyfewerproblemsthansociology. Butsociologycanalsouseitsautonomytoproduceatruththatnooneamongthosewhoareinpositiontocommandorcommissionitasksofit.Throughskilful useoftheinstitutionalautonomythatithasasauniversitydiscipline,itcanfindtheconditionsforepistemologicalautonomyandtrytoofferwhatnoonereallyasksof it,truthaboutthesocialworld.It'snotsurprisingthatthissociologicallyimpossiblescience,capableofrevealingwhatoughtsociologicallytoremainmasked,could onlyarisefromfalsepretencesastoitsends,andthatanyonewhowantstoperformsociologyasasciencemustconstantlyreproducethisinitialmisrepresentation. Larvatusprodeo. Trulyscientificsociologyisasocialpracticethat,sociologically,oughtnottoexist.Thebestproofofthisisthatassoonassocialsciencerefusestobelockedintothe forcedchoicebetweenpurescience,whichcanscientificallyanalyseobjectsthathavenosocialimportance,andfalsescience,whichmanagesandcaressesthe establishedorder,itsverysocialexistenceisthreatened. Q.Can'tscientificsociologycountonthesolidarityoftheothersciences? A.Indeeditcan.Butsociology,thenewcomeramongthesciences,isacriticalscience,criticalofitselfandtheothersciencesandalsocriticalofthepowersthatbe, includingthepowersofscience.It'sasciencethatstrivestounderstandthelawsofproductionofscienceitprovidesnotmeansofdominationbut,perhaps,themeans ofdominatingdomination. Q.Doesn'tsociologytrytogiveascientificanswertothetraditionalproblemsofphilosophyand,tosomeextent,toeclipsethembyadictatorshipof reason? A.Ithinkthiswastrueatthebeginning.Thefoundersofsociologyexplicitlymadethattheirobjective.Forexample,it'snoaccidentthatthefirstobjectofsociology wasreligion.TheDurkheimiansimmediatelyattackedwhatwas(ataparticulartime)theprimaryinstrumentforconstructingtheworld,andespeciallythesocialworld. Ialsothinkthatsometraditionalquestionsofphilosophycanbereposedinscientificterms(that'swhatItriedtodoinDistinction).SociologyasIconceiveit consistsintransformingmetaphysicalproblemsintoproblemsthatcanbetreatedscientificallyandthereforepolitically.Ontheotherhand,sociology,likeallsciences, constructsitselfinoppositiontothetotalizingambitionofphilosophy,orratherofprophecies,discourseswhich,asWeberindicates,claimtooffertotalanswersto totalquestions,especiallyon'lifeanddeath'questions.Inotherwords,sociologywasbuiltupwiththeambitionofstealingsomeoftheproblemsofphilosophy,but withoutthepropheticprojectthatphilosophyoftensetforitself.Itbrokewithsocialphilosophy

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andalltheultimatequestionsinwhichthelatterindulgeditself,suchasthequestionsofthemeaningofhistory,progressanddecadence,theroleofgreatmenin history,andsoon.Thefactremainsthatsociologistsencounterthoseproblemsinthemostelementaryoperationsofpractice,throughthewayaquestionisasked,by presupposing,intheveryformandcontentoftheirenquiry,thatpracticesaredeterminedbytheimmediateconditionsofexistenceorbythewholeprevioushistory, andsoon.Onlyiftheyareawareofthem,anddirecttheirpracticeappropriately,willtheyavoidslippingunawaresintothephilosophyofhistory.Forexample,ifyou questionsomeonedirectlyaboutthesocialclasstowhichhebelongs,oralternativelyifyoutrytodeterminehisplace'objectively'byquestioninghimabouthisincome, hisjob,hislevelofeducation,etc.,youaremakingadecisivechoicebetweentwoopposingphilosophiesofpracticeandhistory.Thischoicecannotbesettled,ifitis notaddressedassuch,byaskingbothquestionsatthesametime. Q.Whyareyousoharshontheory,whichyoualmostalwaysseemtoidentifywithphilosophy?Youyourselftheorize,evenifyoudenyit. A.Whatiscalledtheoryisgenerallyverbiagefitformanuals.Theorizationisoftenjustakindof'manualization',asRaymondQueneauonceputit.Tomaketheplay onwordsclearerIcanquoteMarxbywayofcommentary:'Philosophyistothestudyoftheworldasonanismistosexualintercourse.'IfeveryoneinFranceknew that,socialsciencewouldmakea'greatleapforward',assomeoneoncesaid.AsforwhetherItheorize,itdependswhatonemeansbytheword.Atheoretical problemthatisconvertedintoamachineforresearchissetinmotion,itbecomesinasenseselfpropelling,itisdrivenasmuchbythedifficultiesitbringsupasby thesolutionsitprovides. Oneofthesecretsofthecraftofsociologyistoknowhowtofindempiricalobjectsaboutwhichonecanreallyraisegeneralproblems.Forexample,thequestionof realismandformalisminart,which,atcertaintimesandincertaincontexts,hasbecomeapoliticalquestion,canberaised,empirically,inconnectionwiththerelation oftheworkingclasstophotography,orthroughanalysisofreactionstovarioustypesoftelevisionprogrammes,andsoon.Butitcanequallywellberaised,and simultaneouslytoo,inconnectionwithfrontalityinByzantinemosaicsorthedepictionoftheSunKinginpaintingsorhistoriography.Havingsaidthat,thetheoretical problemsraisedinthatwayaresoprofoundlytransformedthatthefriendsoftheorywouldnolongerrecognizetheiroffspringinthem. Thelogicofresearchisthisintermeshingofproblemsinwhichtheresearcheriscaughtupandwhichdragshimalong,oftendespitehimself.Leibnizconstantly complainedtoDescartesinhisAnimadversionesthatheexpectedtoomuchofintuition,insightandintelligenceanddidnotrelyenoughontheautomatismsof'blind thought'(hewasthinkingofalgebra,whichwouldmakeupfortheintermissionsofintelligence).Whatisnot

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understoodinFrance,thelandofthebrilliantessay,thecultoforiginalityandintelligence,isthatmethodandthecollectiveorganizationofresearchworkcanproduce intelligence,intermeshingsofproblemsandmethodsthataremoreintelligentthantheresearchers(andalso,inaworldinwhicheveryoneseeksoriginality,theonlytrue originality,theonethatisnotlookedforIamthinkingforexampleoftheextraordinaryexceptionrepresentedbytheDurkheimianschool).Tobescientifically intelligentistoplaceoneselfinasituationthatgeneratesrealproblemsandrealdifficulties.ThatiswhatIhavetriedtodowiththeresearchgroupthatIrun.Aresearch groupthatworksisasociallyinstitutedinterlockingofproblemsandwaysofsolvingthem,anetworkofcrosschecks,and,atthesametime,awholesetof productionswhich,withoutanyimpositionofnormsoranytheoreticalorpoliticalorthodoxy,haveafamilyresemblance. Q.Whatistherelevanceofthedistinctionbetweensociologyandethnology? A.Thatdistinctionisunfortunatelyinscribed,andprobablyirreversiblyso,inuniversitystructures,that'stosayinthesocialorganizationoftheuniversityandthemental organizationofacademics.MyworkwouldnothavebeenpossibleifIhadnottriedtoholdtogethersomeproblematicstraditionallyregardedasethnologicaland otherproblemstraditionallyregardedassociological.Forexample,foranumberofyearsethnologistshaveaddressedtheproblemoftaxonomies,classifications,a problemthatarisesatthecrossroadsofseveraltraditionsinethnology.Someareinterestedinthetaxonomiesappliedinclassifyingplants,ordiseases,etc.Othersare interestedinthetaxonomiesusedtoorganizethesocialworld,thetaxonomyparexcellencebeingtheonethatdefineskinshiprelations.Thistraditionhasdeveloped inareaswhere,becauseoftherelativelyundifferentiatednatureofthesocietiesinquestion,theproblemofclassesdoesnotarise.Sociologists,ontheotherhand,deal withtheproblemofclassesbutwithoutaddressingtheproblemofthesystemsofclassificationusedbytheagentsandtheirrelationshiptotheobjectivedivisionof classes.Myworkhasconsistedinbringingtogether,inanonscholasticwayIsaythatbecauseotherwiseitcouldsoundlikeoneoftheacademiccrossfertilizations thatareperformedinlecturestheproblemofsocialclassesandtheproblemofclassificationsystems,andinaskingquestionssuchasthis:don'tthetaxonomiesthat weusetoclassifythingsandpeople,tojudgeaworkofart,apupil,ahairstyle,clothes,etc.andtherebytoproducesocialclasseshavesomeconnectionwiththe objectiveclassifications,thesocialclassesunderstood(crudelyspeaking)asclassesofindividualslinkedtoclassesofmaterialconditionsofexistence? WhatIamtalkingaboutisatypicaleffectofthedivisionofscientificlabour:thereareobjectivedivisions(thedivisionintodisciplines,forexample)which,having becomementaldivisions,functioninsuchawayastomakecertainthoughtsimpossible.Thisanalysisisanillustrationofthe

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theoreticalproblematicthatIhavejustoutlined.Institutionaldivisions,whichareaproductofhistory,functioninobjectivereality(forexample,ifIputthree sociologistsonanexaminingboarditmustbeasociologythesis,etc.)intheformoflegallysanctionedobjectivedivisions,inscribedincareerpaths,etc.,andalsoin people'sheads,intheformofmentaldivisions,logicalprinciplesofdivision.Theobstaclestoknowledgeareoftensociologicalobstacles.Havingcrossedthefrontier betweenethnologyandsociology,Ihavebeenledtoaskethnologyallsortsofquestionsthatethnologydoesnotask,andviceversa. Q.Youdefinesocialclassintermsofvolumeandstructureofcapital.Howdoyoudefinethekindsofcapital?Foreconomiccapital,itseemsthatyou dependentirelyonthestatisticsprovidedbyINSEE,1 andforeducationalcapitalonqualifications.Canyoureallyconstructclassesonthatbasis? A.It'salongstandingdebate.IexplainmypositioninDistinction.Youarefacedwithachoicebetweeneitherapure(andsimple)theoryofsocialclasses,whichis basedonnoempiricaldata(positionintherelationsofproduction)andwhichhaspracticallynocapacitytodescribethestateofthesocialstructureorits transformationsorempiricalstudies,likethoseofINSEE,whicharebasedonnotheorybutwhichprovidetheonlyavailabledataforanalysingthedivisioninto classes.PersonallyIhavetriedtomovebeyondwhathasbeentreatedasatheologicaloppositionbetweentheoriesofsocialclassesandtheoriesofsocial stratification,anoppositionthatgoesdownwellinlecturesandin'dialecticalmaterialist'thinking,butwhichisinfactmerelythereflectionofastateofthedivisionof sociologicallabour.SoIhavetriedtoputforwardatheorythatisbothmorecomplex(takingintoaccountstatesofcapitalthatareignoredinclassicaltheory)and empiricallybettergrounded,butwhichisobligedtoresorttoimperfectindicatorssuchasthoseprovidedbyINSEE.Iamnotsonaveastobeunawarethatthe indicatorsprovidedbyINSEE,evenforexampleconcerningshareownership,arenotgoodindicatorsoftheeconomiccapitalpossessed.Thatiscleartoeveryone. Buttherearecaseswheretheoreticalpurismisanalibiforignoranceortheabdicationofpractice.Scienceconsistsindoingwhatonedoeswhileknowingandsaying thatitisallonecando,makingclearthelimitsofvalidityofwhatonedoes. Havingsaidthat,thequestionyouhaveaskedmeinfactconcealsanotherproblem.Whatdopeoplemeanwhentheysay,orwrite,astheyoftendo:'What ultimatelyaresocialclassesinsoandso'stheory?'Inaskingaquestionlikethat,oneissureofwinningtheapprovalofallthosewhoareconvincedthattheproblem ofsocialclassesisresolvedandthatoneonlyhastoconsultthecanonicaltexts(whichisveryconvenientandeconomical,whenyouthinkaboutit),andwhocast suspiciononallthosewho,bycontinuingtolook,betraythattheythinkthatnoteverythinghasbeenfound.Thisstrategyofsuspicion,whichisparticularlylikelytobe

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generatedbycertainclasshabitus),isanunbeatableone,andgivesmuchsatisfactiontothosewhopractiseit,becauseitcomfortsthemintheirselfsatisfaction.For thatreasonitseemstomescientificallyandpoliticallyobnoxious. ItistruethatIhaveconstantlyinsistedongoingbacktobasicsonthingsthatwereregardedassettled.Capital,forexample:weallknowwhatthatis....Youonly havetoreadCapitalor,better,toreadReadingCapital2 (andsoon).Fine,ifitweretrue,butinmyviewitisn't,andiftherehasalwaysbeenthisgulfbetween theoreticaltheoryandempiricaldescriptions(agulfthatmeansthatpeoplewhohaveonlytheirMarxistspectaclestoaidthemaretotallyhelplesswhenitcomesto understandingthehistoricaloriginalityofthenewformsofsocialconflict,forexamplethosethatarelinkedtothecontradictionsresultingfromthefunctioningofthe educationalsystem),ifthisgulfhasalwaysexisted,perhapsitisbecausetheanalysisofthedifferentkindsofcapitalstillremainedtobedone.Togetbeyondit,itwas necessarytoshakeupsomeselfevidences,andnotforthepleasureofperformingheretical,andthereforedistinctive,readings. Toreturntothequestionofthekindsofcapital,Ithinkit'saverydifficultquestionandIrealize,whenItackleit,thatIammovingoutsidethechartedareaof establishedtruths,whereoneissureofimmediatelyattractingapproval,esteem,andsoon.(Atthesametime,Ithinkthatthescientificallymostfruitfulpositionsare oftenthemostriskyones,andthereforethesociallymostimprobable.)Asregardseconomiccapital,Ileavethattoothersit'snotmyarea.Whatconcernsmeiswhat isabandonedbyothers,becausetheylacktheinterestorthetheoreticaltoolsforthesethings,culturalcapitalandsocialcapital.VeryrecentlyI'vetriedtosetoutin simpletermsfordidacticpurposeswhatImeanbythesenotions.Itrytoconstructrigorousdefinitionsthatarenotonlydescriptiveconcepts,butmeansof construction,whichmakeitpossibletoproducethingsthatonecouldnotseepreviously.Takesocialcapital,forexample:onecangiveanintuitiveideaofitbysaying thatitiswhatordinarylanguagecalls'connections'.(Itoftenhappensthatordinarylanguagedesignatesveryimportantsocialfactsbutitmasksthematthesametime, bytheeffectoffamiliarity,whichleadsonetoimaginethatonealreadyknows,thatonehasunderstoodeverything,andwhichstopsresearchinitstracks.Partofthe workofsocialscienceconsistsindiscoveringwhatisbothunveiledandveiledbyordinarylanguage.Thismeansrunningtheriskofbeingaccusedofstatingtheself evident,or,worse,oflaboriouslytranslating,intoaheavilyconceptuallanguage,thebasicveritiesofcommonsenseorthemoresubtleandmoreagreeableintuitionsof moralistsandnovelists.When,thatis,peopledonotaccusethesociologistofsayingthingsthataresimultaneouslybanalanduntrue,whichjustgoestoshowthe extraordinaryresistancesthatsociologicalanalysisarouses.) Toreturntosocialcapital:byconstructingthisconcept,oneacquiresthemeansofanalysingthelogicwherebythisparticularkindofcapitalis

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accumulated,transmittedandreproduced,themeansofunderstandinghowitturnsintoeconomiccapitaland,conversely,whatworkisrequiredtoconverteconomic capitalintosocialcapital,themeansofgraspingthefunctionofinstitutionssuchasclubsor,quitesimply,thefamily,themainsiteoftheaccumulationandtransmission ofthatkindofcapital,andsoon.Wearealongway,itseemstome,fromcommonsense'connections',whichareonlyonemanifestationamongothersofsocial capital.The'socialround'andallthatisrelatedinthehighsocietygossipcolumnsofLeFigaro,VogueorJoursdeFranceceasetobe,asisgenerallythought, exemplarymanifestationsoftheidlelifeofthe'leisureclass'orthe'conspicuousconsumption'ofthewealthy,andcanbeseeninsteadasaparticularformofsocial labour,whichpresupposesexpenditureofmoney,timeandaspecificcompetenceandwhichtendstoensurethe(simpleorexpanded)reproductionofsocialcapital. (Itcanbeseen,incidentally,thatsomeostensiblyverycriticaldiscoursesmisswhatisessential,becauseintellectualsarenotvery'sensitive'totheformofsocialcapital thataccumulatesandcirculatesin'society'gatheringsandtendtosneer,withamixtureoffascinationandresentment,ratherthananalyse.) SoitwasnecessarytoconstructtheobjectthatIcallsocialcapitalwhichimmediatelybringstolightthatpublishers'cocktailpartiesorreciprocalreviewingarethe equivalent,intheintellectualfield,ofthe'socialwork'ofthearistocracytoseethathighsocietysocializingis,forcertainpeople,whosepowerandauthorityare basedonsocialcapital,theirprincipaloccupation.Anenterprisebasedonsocialcapitalhastoensureitsownreproductionthroughaspecificformoflabour (inauguratingmonuments,chairingcharities,etc.)thatpresupposesprofessionalskills,andthereforeanapprenticeship,andanexpenditureoftimeandenergy.Assoon asthisobjectisconstructed,onecancarryoutgenuinecomparativestudies,talktohistoriansaboutthenobilityintheMiddleAges,rereadSaintSimonandProust, or,ofcourse,theworkoftheethnologists. Atthesametime,youarequiterighttoaskthequestion.SincewhatIdoisnotatalltheoreticalwork,butscientificworkthatmobilizesallthetheoreticalresourcesfor thepurposesofempiricalanalysis,myconceptsarenotalwayswhattheyoughttobe.Forexample,Iconstantlyraisetheproblemoftheconversionofonekindof capitalintoanother,intermsthatdonotcompletelysatisfyevenme.It'sanexampleofaproblemthatcouldnotbeposedexplicitlyitposeditselfbeforeoneknewit untilthenotionofkindsofcapitalhadbeenconstructed.Practiceisfamiliarwiththisproblem.Incertaingames(intheintellectualfield,forexample,inordertowina literaryprizeortheesteemofone'speers),economiccapitalisinoperative.Tobecomeoperationalithastoundergoatransmutation.That'sthefunction,forexample, ofthe'socialwork'thatmadeitpossibletotransmuteeconomiccapitalalwaysattherootinthelastanalysisintonobility.Butthat'snotall.Whatarethelaws governingthatconversion?Whatdefinestheexchangerateatwhichonekindofcapitalisconverted

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intoanother?Ineveryepochthereisaconstantstruggleovertherateofexchangebetweenthedifferentkindsofcapital,astruggleamongthedifferentfractionsofthe dominantclass,whoseoverallcapitaliscomposedindifferingproportionsofthevariouskindsofcapital.ThosewhoinnineteenthcenturyFrancewerecalledthe 'capacities'haveaconstantinterestintherevaluingofculturalcapitalwithrespecttoeconomiccapital.Itcanbeseenandthisiswhatmakessociologicalanalysisso difficultthatthesethingsthatwetakeasourobjectculturalcapital,economiccapital,etc.arethemselvesatstakeinstruggleswithintherealitythatweare studyingandthatwhatwesayaboutthemwillitselfbecomeastakeinstruggles. Analysisoftheselawsofconversionisnotcompletefarfromitandifthereisonepersonforwhomit'saproblem,it'smyself.Whichisfine.There'sahostof questions,veryfertileonesIthink,thatIaskmyselforthatareputtome,objectionsthatareraisedandthatwereonlymadepossiblebecausethesedistinctionshad beenmade.Researchisperhapstheartofcreatingfruitfulproblemsforoneselfandcreatingthemforotherpeople.Wherethingsweresimple,youbringout problems.Andthenyoufindyourselffacingamuchmorestickyreality.Ofcourse,IcouldhaveproducedoneofthosecoursesofMarxismwithouttearsonthe socialclassesthathavesoldsowellinthelastfewyears,underthenameoftheory,orevenscience.Orevensociologyyoufindyourselfdealingwiththingsthatare bothsuggestiveandworrying(IknowtheeffectthatwhatIdohasontheguardiansoforthodoxyandIthinkIalsohavesomeideawhyithasthateffect,andI'm delightedthatitdoes).Theideaofbeingbothsuggestiveandworryingisonethatsuitsmefine. Q.Butisn'ttheresomethingstaticaboutthetheoryofthesocialclassesthatyouputforward?Youdescribeastateofthestructurewithoutsayinghowit changes. A.Whatstatisticalanalysiscangraspisamoment,astateofagamewithtwo,three,fourorsixplayers,orwhatever.Itgivesaphotographofthepilesoftokensof variouscoloursthattheyhavewoninthepreviousroundsandwhichtheywillplayintheroundstocome.Capitalapprehendedinstantaneouslyisaproductofhistory thatwillproducemorehistory.I'llsimplysaythatthestrategiesofthedifferentplayerswilldependontheirresourcesintokens,andmorespecificallyontheoverall volumeoftheircapital(thenumberoftokens)andthestructureofthiscapital,that'stosaythecompositionofthepiles(thosewhohavelotsofredtokensandfew yellowones,thatis,alotofeconomiccapitalandlittleculturalcapital,willnotplayinthesamewayasthosewhohavemanyyellowtokensandfewredones).The biggertheirpile,themoreaudacioustheycanbe(bluff),andthemoreyellowtokens(culturalcapital)theyhave,themoretheywillstakeontheyellowsquares(the educationalsystem).Eachplayerseestheplayoftheothers,thatis,theirwayofplaying,theirstyle,andhederivescluesfrom

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thisregardingtheirhand,tacitlyhypothesizingthattheformerisamanifestationofthelatter.Hemayevenhavedirectknowledgeofpartorallofthecapitalofthe others(educationalqualificationsplaytheroleofcallsinbridge).Inanycase,heuseshisknowledgeofthepropertiesoftheotherplayers,thatis,theirstrategy,to guidehisownplay.Buttheprincipleofhisanticipationsisnothingotherthanthesenseofthegame,thatis,thepracticalmasteryoftherelationshipbetweentokensand play(whatweexpresswhenwesayofapropertyagarmentorapieceoffurniture,forexamplethatit's'petitbourgeois').Thissenseofthegameistheproductof theprogressiveinternalizationoftheimmanentlawsofthegame.It'swhatThibautandRieckengrasp,forexample,whentheirrespondents,questionedabouttwo peoplewhogiveblood,spontaneouslyassumethatthepersonofhigherclassisfree,thepersonoflowerclassforced(althoughwedonotknow,anditwouldbevery interestingtoknowhowtheproportionofthosewhomakethisassumptionvariesbetweenupperandlowerclassrespondents). ObviouslytheimageIhavejustusedisonlyvalidasadidacticdevice.ButIthinkitgivesanideaofthereallogicofsocialchangeandgivesasenseofhowartificialit istoopposethestatictothedynamic. Notes 1.InstitutNationaldelaStatistiqueetdestudesconomiques[translator]. 2.ByLouisAlthusser[translator].

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4 AreIntellectualsOutofPlay?
Q.Whenyouwerestudyingtheeducationalsystem,youranalysisofsocialrelationsintheculturalfieldreferredbacktoananalysisofculturalinstitutions. Now,whenyouanalysediscourse,itseemsthatyoushortcircuitinstitutionsandyetyouareexplicitlyinterestedinpoliticaldiscourseandpolitical culture. A.Althoughthisisofpurelybiographicalinterest,IwouldremindyouthatmyearliestworkwasontheAlgerianpeopleanddealt,amongotherthings,withtheforms ofpoliticalconsciousnessandthefoundationsofpoliticalstruggles.If,subsequently,Ihaveconcernedmyselfwithculture,thisisnotbecauseIgaveculturesomekind of'ontological'priority,andcertainlynotbecauseImadeitaprivilegedexplanatoryfactorforunderstandingthesocialworld.Infact,theareahadbeenabandoned. Thosewhodidtouchonitoscillatedbetweenareductiveeconomismandanidealismorspiritualism,andthatoperatedasaperfectepistemologicalcouple'.IthinkI amnotoneofthosewhotransposeeconomicconceptsuncriticallyintotheareaofculture,butIwantedandnotjustmetaphoricallytoestablishaneconomyof symbolicphenomenaandtostudythespecificlogicoftheproductionandcirculationofculturalgoods.Therewasakindofsplitthinkingwhichmeantthatinmany people'sheadsamaterialismapplicabletothemovementofmaterialgoodscouldcoexistwithaidealismappliedtothemovementofculturalgoods.Peoplewere contentwithameagrestockofformulae:'Thedominantcultureisthecultureofthedominantclasses,'etc. Andthatenabledagoodmanyintellectualstoliveouttheircontradictionswithouttoomuchdiscomfort.Assoonasonestudiesculturalphenomenaasobeyingan economiclogic,asdeterminedbyspecificinterests,irreducibletoeconomicinterestsinthenarrowsense,andconsequentlythepursuitofspecificprofits,even intellectualsareforcedtoseethemselvesasdeterminedbytheseinterestswhichmaydeterminethepositionstheytake,insteadofsituatingthemselvesintheuniverse ofpuredisinterestedness,free'commitment',etc.Anditbecomesclearerwhy,forexample,itis,atbottom,mucheasierforanintellectualtobeprogressiveinthearea ofgeneralpoliticsthanintheareaofculturalpoliticsor,moreprecisely,ofuniversitypolitics,etc.
ExtractfromaninterviewwithFranoisHincker,Lanouvellecritique,11112,1978:5661

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Ifyoulike,Ibroughtbackintoplaywhatwasoutofplay:intellectualsalwaysagreeamongthemselvestoleaveoutofplaytheirowngameandtheirownstakes. SoIcamebacktopoliticsonthebasisoftheobservationthattheproductionofrepresentationsofthesocialworld,whichisafundamentaldimensionofpolitical struggle,isthevirtualmonopolyofintellectuals.Thestruggleoversocialclassificationsisacrucialdimensionoftheclassstruggle,anditistheroutethroughwhich symbolicproductionintervenesinthepoliticalstruggle.Classesexisttwiceover,onceobjectively,andasecondtimeinthemoreorlessexplicitsocialrepresentation thatagentsformofthem,whichisastakeinstruggles.Ifyousaytosomeone'What'shappeningtoyouisbecauseyouhaveanunhappyrelationwithyourfather',orif yousaytohim'What'shappeningtoyouisbecauseyou'reaproletarianfromwhomsurplusvalueisstolen',itisn'tatallthesamething. Theterrainwherepeoplestrugglefortheappropriate,just,legitimatewayofspeakingthesocialworldcannotbeeternallyexcludedfromtheanalysisevenifthe claimtolegitimatediscoursetacitlyorexplicitlyimpliestherefusalofthatobjectification.Thosewhoclaimthemonopolyofthoughtaboutthesocialworlddonot expecttobethoughtsociologically. Yetitseemstometobeallthemoreimportanttoposethequestionofwhatisatstakeinthisgamebecausethosewhowouldhaveaninterestinposingit,that'stosay thosewhodelegatethedefenceoftheirintereststointellectuals,tospokesmen,donothavethemeansofposingit,andthosewhobenefitfromthisdelegationdonot haveaninterestinposingit.Onehastotakeseriouslythefactthatintellectualsaretheobjectofadefactodelegation,acomprehensive,tacitdelegation,whichinthe caseofpartyleadersbecomesconsciousandexplicitbutnolesscomprehensive,andonehastoanalysethesocialconditionsinwhichthisdelegationisreceivedand used. Q.Butcanonespeakofthisdelegation,whichtosomeextentisundeniable,inthesamewayinthecaseofaworkerclosetotheCommunistPartyandin thatofaworkerwhoentrustshimselftoareactionarypartyorpolitician? A.Delegationoftentakesplaceonthebasisofindicesthatarenottheonesthatpeopleimagine.Aworkermay'identify'withthe'style',theaccent,themanner,the relationtolanguage,ofaCommunistactivist,muchmorethanwithhisdiscourse,whichsometimesseemsdesignedtoturnhimoff.Hesaystohimself:'Thatone wouldn'tbackdowninfrontofaboss.'Thiselementary'classsense'isnotinfallible.So,inthisrespect,andevenwhenthedelegationhasnootherbasisthanakindof 'classaffinity',thedifferenceexists.Thefactremainsthat,asregardsthecontrolofthecontractofdelegation,poweroverthewordsandactionsofthedelegates,the differenceisnotasradicalasonemightsuppose.Peoplesufferfromthisdispossession,andwhentheyswingintoindifferenceortowardscon

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servativepositions,it'softenbecause,rightlyorwrongly,theyfeelthemselvescutofffromtheuniverseofdelegates:'they'reallthesame','alltarredwiththesame brush'. Q.Atthesametime,althoughwhatyouobserveisfastdisappearing,theCommunist,evenwhensilent,actshisrelationshiptopoliticsisnotthatof language. A.Actiondependstoalargeextentonthewordswithwhichonespeaks.Forexample,thedifferencesbetweenthestrugglesof'firstgeneration'factoryworkers,the sonsofpeasants,andthoseoffactoryworkerswhosefatherswerefactoryworkers,rootedinatradition,arerelatedtodifferencesinpoliticalconsciousnessand thereforeinlanguage.Thespokesmen'sproblemistoofferalanguagethatenablestheindividualsconcernedtouniversalizetheirexperienceswithoutthereby effectivelyexcludingthemfromtheexpressionoftheirownexperience,whichamountstodispossessingthem.AsIhavetriedtoshow,theworkoftheactivistconsists preciselyintransformingthepersonal,individualmisfortune('I'vebeenmaderedundant')intoaparticularcaseofamoregeneralsocialrelation('you'vebeenmade redundantbecause...').Thisuniversalizationnecessarilymovesthroughconceptsitthereforecontainsthedangerofthereadymadeformula,automatic,autonomous language,theritualwordinwhichthoseofwhomonespeaksandforwhomonespeaksnolonger'recognizethemselves'.Thisdeadlanguage(I'mthinkingofallthe grandphrasesofpoliticallanguagethatmakeitpossibletospeakwithoutthinking)blocksthought,asmuchinthosewhopronounceitasinthosetowhomitis addressedandwhomitoughttomobilize,firstofallintellectuallywhomitoughttoprepareforcritique(includingselfcritique)andnotonlyforadherence. Q.It'struethatthereisanintellectualineveryactivist,butanactivistisnoordinaryintellectual,especiallywhenhisculturalheritageisnotthatofan intellectual. A.Oneoftheconditionsrequiredinorderforhimnottobeanordinaryintellectualoneconditionamongothers,whichhastobeaddedtoeverythingthatisgenerally reliedon,suchas'monitoringbythemasses'(ofwhichithastobeaskedinwhatconditionsitcouldbeexercised,etc.)isalsothatheshouldbeabletomonitor himself(orbemonitoredbyhiscompetitors,whichisevenmorereliable)inthenameofananalysisofwhatitmeanstobean'intellectual',tohavethemonopolyof productionofdiscourseonthesocialworld,tobeinvolvedinafieldofplay,thepoliticalspace,whichhasitsownlogic,inwhichaparticulartypeofinterestsare invested,etc.Thesociologyofintellectualsisacontributiontothesocioanalysisofintellectuals.Itsfunctionistomakemoredifficultthetoooftentriumphantrelation thatintellectualsandleadershavewiththemselvestopointoutthatwearemanipulatedinourcategoriesofthought,in

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everythingthatenablesustothinkandspeaktheworld.Italsohastopointoutthatpositionstakenonthesocialworldperhapsowesomethingtotheconditionsin whichtheyareproduced,thespecificlogicofpoliticalapparatusesandthepolitical'game',ofcooption,thecirculationofideas,andsoon. Q.Whatworriesmeisthatyourassumptionoftheidentitybetweenthepoliticalactivistandtheintellectualpreventsonefromadequatelyaddressingthe questionoftherelationshipbetweenactionandtheory,consciousnessandpractice,'base'and'summit',especiallybetweenactivistsofworkingclassorigin andactivistsofintellectualorigin,nottomentiontherelationsbetweenclassestheworkingclassandtheintellectualstrata. A.Infact,therearetwoverydifferentformsofdiscourseonthesocialworld.Thatcanbeseenclearlyinrelationtoprediction:ifanordinaryintellectualmakesa wrongprediction,it'sofnogreatconsequencebecauseheonlycommitshimself,heonlyleadshimselfastray.Apoliticalleader,ontheotherhand,issomeonewho hasthepowertomakewhathesayscomeintoexistencethat'sthemarkofa'watchword'.Thelanguageofapoliticalleaderisanauthorizedlanguage,which exercisesapower,whichcanbringintoexistencewhatitstates.Inthatcase,anerrorcanbeablunder.That'sprobablywhatexplainswithout,inmyview,ever justifyingitwhypoliticallanguagesooftenindulgesinanathemas,excommunications,andsoon('traitor',turncoat',etc.).The'committed'intellectualwhomakesa mistakeleadsintoerrorthosewhofollowhim,becausehiswordhaspowerinsofarasitisbelieved.Itmayhappenthatsomethinggoodforthoseforwhomhe speaks('for'beingtakeninthedualsenseof'infavourof'and'inplaceof'),somethingthatcouldhappen,doesnothappen,orthatsomethingthatmightnothappen doeshappen.Hiswordshelptomakehistory,tochangehistory. Thereareseveralcompetingwaysofproducingthetruth,andtheyeachhavetheirbiasesandtheirlimits.Inthenameofhis'politicalresponsibilities',the'committed' intellectualtendstoreducehisthoughttoactivistthought,anditmayhappenitoftendoesthatwhatwasaprovisionalstrategybecomesahabitus,apermanent wayofbeing.The'free'intellectualhasapropensitytoterrorism:hewouldgladlybringintothepoliticalfieldthekindoffighttothedeaththattakesplaceinthebattles overtruthintheintellectualfield('ifI'mright,you'rewrong')butthesebattlestakeatotallydifferentformwhenwhatisatstakeismorethansymboliclifeanddeath. Itseemstomeessentialbothforpoliticsandforsciencethatthetwocompetingmodesofproductionofrepresentationsofthesocialworldshouldhaveanequalright toexist,andthat,inanycase,thesecondshouldnotabdicatebeforethefirst,addingterrorismtosimplism,ashasoftenhappenedincertainperiodsinrelations betweentheintellectualsandthe

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CommunistParty.Youwilltellmethatthatgoeswithoutsaying,andinprinciplenoonedisagrees,butatthesametimeIknowthatsociologicallyitisnotselfevident. Inmyjargon,I'llsaythatitisimportantthatthespaceinwhichdiscourseonthesocialworldisproducedcontinuestofunctionasafieldofstruggleinwhichthe dominantpole,orthodoxy,doesnotcrushthedominatedpoleofheresybecause,inthatarea,solongasthereisstrugglethereishistory,andthereforehope.

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5 HowCan'FreeFloatingIntellectuals'BeSetFree?
Q.Youaresometimesaccusedofapolemicalviolencetowardsintellectuals,vergingonantiintellectualism.Inyourlatestbook,LeSenspratique,1 you reoffend.Youcallintoquestiontheveryfunctionofintellectuals,theirclaimtoobjectiveknowledgeandtheircapacitytogiveascientificaccountof practice... A.It'sremarkablethatpeoplewho,dayafterday,orweekafterweek,quitearbitrarilyimposetheverdictsofasmallmutualadmirationsocietyshouldcomplainof violence,whenthemechanismsofthatviolenceareforoncebroughtoutintotheopen.It'salsocuriousthattheseprofoundlyconformistpeopleshouldtherebygive themselves,byanextraordinaryreversal,airsofintellectualaudacity,andevenpoliticalcourage(onemightalmostthinktheyriskedtheGulag).Whatthesociologist can'tbeforgivenforisthatherevealssecretsreservedforinitiatestoeveryTom,DickandHarriet.Theefficacyofsymbolicviolenceisproportionatetothe misrecognitionoftheconditionsandinstrumentsofitsexercise.It'ssurelynoaccidentthattheproductionofculturalgoodshasnotgivenrisetoculturalconsumers' associations.Justthinkofalltheeconomicandsymbolicinterestslinkedtotheproductionofbooks,paintings,plays,balletsandfilmsthatwouldbethreatenedifthe productionofvalueofculturalproductsweresuddenlycompletelyrevealedtoalltheconsumers.I'mthinking,forexample,ofprocesseslikethecircularcirculation offlatteringreviewsamongasmallnumberofproducers(ofworksbutalsoofreviews),highlevelacademicswhoaccreditandconsecrate,journalistswhoaccredit themselvesandcelebrate.Thereactionsprovokedbyunveilingthemechanismsofculturalproductionarereminiscentofthelegalactionssomefirmshavebrought againstconsumers'associations.WhatisatstakeisthewholesetofoperationsthatmakeitpossibletopassoffaGoldenDeliciousasanapple,ortheproductsof marketing,rewritingandeditorialpublicityasintellectualworks. Q.Youthinkthatintellectualsoratleast,thoseofthemwhohavemosttoloseareupinarmswhensomeoneunmaskstheirprofitsand
InterviewwithDidierEribon,LeMondeDimanche,4May1980,pp.IandXVII

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themoreorlessadmissiblemeanstheyusetosecurethem? A.Absolutely.WhatmakesthechargesagainstmeparticularlyabsurdisthatIhaveconstantlydenouncedthetendencyofsocialsciencetothinkintermsofthelogic ofthetrial,orthetendencyofthereadersofworksofsocialsciencetomakethemoperateintermsofthatlogic.Wherescienceseekstostatetendentiallaws, transcendingthepersonsthroughwhichtheyarerealizedormanifested,resentment,whichcantakeallkindsofmasks,notleastthatofscience,seesthedenunciation ofpersons. Thesewarningsseemtomeespeciallynecessarysince,inreality,socialscience,whosevocationistounderstand,hassometimesbeenusedtocondemn.Butthereisa certainbadfaithinreducingsociology,astheconservativetraditionalwayshasdone,toitscaricatureasapolicingactivityandespeciallyinexploitingthefactthata rudimentarysociologyofintellectualshasbeenusedasameansofrepressionagainstintellectuals,inordertodenouncethequestionsthatarealsociologyof intellectualsputstointellectuals. Q.Couldyougiveanexampleofthosequestions? A.It'sclear,forexample,thatZhdanovismprovidedsomesecondrankintellectuals(classifiedassuchbythecriteriaprevailingintheintellectualfield)withan opportunitytotaketheirrevenge,inthenameofaselfinterestedrepresentationofpopulardemands,ontheintellectualswhohadenoughspecificcapitaltobeableto claimautonomyvisvisthepoliticalauthorities.Thatisnotenoughinitselftodisqualifyallenquiryintothefunctionsofintellectualsandwhattheirwayofperforming thosefunctionsderivesfromthesocialconditionsinwhichtheyperformthem.SowhenIpointoutthatdistancefromordinarynecessitiesistheconditionoftheoretical perceptionofthesocialworld,Idon'tdosoinordertodenounceintellectualsas'parasites',buttopointtothelimitsimposedonalltheoreticalknowledgebythe socialconditionsofitsperformance.Ifthereisonethingthatthemenofacademicleisurefindhardtounderstand,it'spracticeassuch,eventhemostbanal,whether it'sthatofafootballplayeroraKabylewomanperformingaritualoraBarnfamilymarryingoffitschildren. Q.We'vecomebacktooneofthefundamentalthesesofTheLogicofPractice.Onehastoanalysethesocialsituationofthosewhoanalysepractice,the presuppositionstheyengageintheiranalysis... A.Thesubjectofscienceispartoftheobjectofsciencehehasaplacewithinit.Itisnotpossibletounderstandpracticewithouthavingmasteredthrough theoreticalanalysistheeffectsoftherelationtopracticethatisinscribedinthesocialconditionsofeverytheoreticalanalysisofpractice.(Idoindeedsay'through theoreticalanalysis',andnot,aspeopleoftenthink,throughsomeformofpracticalormysticalparticipationinpractice'participantobservation','intervention'or whatever.)Thus,rituals,

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whichareperhapsthemostpracticalofpractices,sincetheyaremadeupofmanipulationsandgesticulations,awholegymnastics,areverylikelytobemisunderstood bypeoplewho,beinginnowaydancersorgymnaststhemselves,areinclinedtoseeinthemakindoflogicoralgebraiccalculation. Q.Foryou,situatingintellectualsmeanspointingoutthattheybelongtothedominantclassandderiveprofitsfromtheirposition,evenifthoseprofitsare notstrictlyeconomic? A.Contrarytotheillusionofthe'freefloatingintellectual',whichisinasensetheprofessionalideologyofintellectuals,Ipointoutthat,asholdersofculturalcapital, intellectualsarea(dominated)fractionofthedominantclassandthatanumberofthestancestheytakeup,inpoliticsforexample,derivefromtheambiguityoftheir dominateddominantposition.Ialsopointoutthathavingaplaceintheintellectualfieldimpliesspecificinterests,notonly,inParisasinMoscow,Academypostsor publishingcontracts,universitypositionsorbookreviewing,butalsosignsofrecognitionandgratificationsthatareoftenimperceptibleforsomeonewhoisnotpartof thatworldbutwhichexposeintellectualstoallsortsofsubtleconstraintsandcensorship. Q.Andyouthinkthatasociologyoftheintellectualsoffersintellectualsfreedomfromthedeterminismstheyundergo? A.Itoffersatleastthepossibilityofsomefreedom.Thosewhogivetheillusionofdominatingtheirepochareoftendominatedbyit,and,growingterriblydated,they disappearwithit.Sociologygivesachanceofbreakingthecharm,ofdenouncingthepossessedpossessorrelationshipthroughwhichthosewhoarealwaysupto theminuteareboundtotheirtime.Thereissomethingdesperateinthedocilitywithwhich'freeintellectuals'rushtohandintheiressaysontherequiredsubjectsofthe moment,currentlydesire,thebodyorseduction.Andthereisnomoredismalreading,twentyyearson,thantheseobligatoryexercisesbroughttogether,inperfect harmony,bythespecialissuesofthemajor'intellectual'magazines. Q.Itmightberetortedthatatleasttheseintellectualshavethemeritoflivingwiththeirtime... A.Yes,iflivingwiththeirtimemeansbeingcarriedalongbythecurrentofintellectualhistory,sweptthiswayandthatbychangingfashions.No,iftheintellectual'stask isnotto'knowwhattothink'abouteverythingthatfashionanditsagentsdesignateasworthyofbeingthought,buttotrytodiscovereverythingthatthehistoryand logicoftheintellectualfieldrequirehimtothink,atagivenmoment,withtheillusionoffreedom.Morethananyotherintellectual,asociologistwhodoeshisjob immerseshimselfinhistory,andinthepresent(which,forotherintellectuals,istheobjectofanoptionalinterest,externaltotheirprofessionaltasksasphilosophers,

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philologistsorhistorians,butwhichisforhimthemain,essential,evenexclusiveobject).Buthisambitionistoextractfromthepresentthelawsthatmakeitpossibleto dominateit,tobreakfreeofit. Q.Youmentionsomewhere,inoneofthosenoteswhichare,asitwere,the'Inferno'ofyourtexts,the'imperceptibleslippagesthathaveledinthirtyyears fromastateoftheintellectualfieldinwhichitwassonecessarytobeaCommunistthatonehardlyneededtobeaMarxist,toastateinwhichitwasso smarttobeMarxistthatoneeven''read"Marx,endingupwithastateinwhichthelatest"must"offashionistohaveseenthrougheverything,starting withMarxism'. A.It'snotapolemicalformulationbutashorthanddescriptionoftheevolutionofagoodnumberofFrenchintellectuals.Ithinkitstandsuptocriticism.AndIthinkit needstobesaid,atatimewhenthosewhohaveallowedthemselvestobecarriedalonglikesiltintheeddiesoftheintellectualfieldseektoimposetheirlatest conversiononthosewhohavenotfollowedthemintheirsuccessiveenthusiasms.There'snofuninobservingterrorismpractisedinthenameofantiterrorism,witch huntinginthenameofliberalism,oftenbythesamepeoplewhoonceappliedthesameselfinterestedconvictioninimposingtheStalinistorder.Especiallyatatime whentheCommunistPartyanditsintellectualsareregressingtowardspracticesanddiscoursesworthyofthehalcyondaysofStalinismand,moreprecisely,towards mechanicalthoughtandlanguage,producedbytheapparatusandsolelyconcernedwithconservingtheapparatus. Q.Butdoesn'tthisreminderofthesocialdeterminismsthatbearonintellectualsleadtoadisqualifyingofintellectualsandadiscreditingoftheir productions? A.Ithinkthattheintellectualhastheprivilegeofbeingplacedinconditionsthatenablehimtostrivetounderstandhisgenericandspecificconditions.Insodoing,he canhopetofreehimself(inpartatleast)andtoofferothersthemeansofliberation.Thecritiqueofintellectuals,ifthereisacritique,istheoppositeofademandoran expectation.Itseemstomethatanintellectualcanfulfiltheliberatingfunctionthatheclaimsforhimself,ofteninanentirelyusurpedway,onlyonconditionthathe understandsandmasterswhatdetermineshim.Intellectualswhoareshockedbytheveryintentionofclassifyingthe'unclassifiable'intellectualtherebydemonstrate howremotetheyarefromawarenessoftheirtruepositionandofthefreedomitcouldgivethem.Thesociologist'sprivilege,ifhehasone,isnotthatoftryingtoremain suspendedabovethosewhomheclassifies,butthatofknowingheisclassifiedandknowingroughlywherehestandsintheclassifications.Whenpeoplewhothink theywillwinaneasyrevengeaskmewhataremytastesinpaintingsormusic,Ireply,quiteseriously:thosethat

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correspondtomyplaceintheclassification.Bringingthesubjectofscienceintohistoryandintosocietydoesnotmeancondemningoneselftorelativismitmeans preparingtheconditionsforacriticalknowledgeofthelimitsofknowledgewhichisthepreconditionfortrueknowledge. Q.Isthatwhatleadsyoutodenouncetheusurpationofspeechbyintellectuals? A.Infact,itisverycommonforintellectualstousethecompetence(inthequasilegalsenseoftheword)thatissociallyconferredonthemasapretextforspeaking withauthorityfarbeyondthelimitsoftheirtechnicalcompetence,especiallyintheareaofpolitics.Thisusurpationwhichistheveryessenceoftheambitionoftheold styleintellectual,engagedonallthefrontsofthought,thesupplierofalltheanswers,reappearsinanotherguiseintheapparatchikorthetechnocratwhoinvokes dialecticalmaterialismoreconomicscienceinordertodominate. Intellectualstakeuponthemselvestheusurpedrighttolegislateinallmattersinthenameofasocialcompetencethatisoftenquiteindependentofthetechnical competencethatitseemstoguarantee.I'mthinkinghereofwhatis,inmyview,oneofthehereditaryvicesofFrenchintellectuallife,the'essay'stylethatissodeeply rootedinourinstitutionsandourtraditionsthatitwouldtakehourstospelloutitssocialconditionsofpossibility(letmejustmentionthatkindofculturalprotectionism, linkedtotheignoranceofforeignlanguages,whichallowsoutmodedenterprisesofculturalproductiontosurviveorthehabitsofthelyceclassespreparingforthe examsforthegrandescoles,orthetraditionsofphilosophyclasses).ButIwouldaddthaterrorscomeincouplesandsupporteachother:ononesidethereisthe 'essayism'ofthosewhoarereadytowrite,atthedropofahat,deomnirescibili,'abouteverythingthatcanbeknown',andontheothertheinflateddissertations thatthesesoftenamountto.Inshort,I'mtalkingaboutthecomplementarytraditionsofpedantryandfutility,theleadenthesisandthejournalisticsquib,whichrender majorscientificworksentirelyimprobable,andwhich,whentheydoarise,condemnthemtooblivionorpopularsimplification. Q.Inarecentarticle2 youattackthekindofphilosophythatiswrittenincapitalletters... A.Yes.It'soneofthemosttypicalmanifestationsoftheloftymodeofthoughtthatoftenpassesfortheoreticalelevation.TotalkaboutApparatuseswithabigA,or TheState,orLaw,orTheSchool,tomake'Concepts'thesubjectsofhistoricalaction,istorefusetosullyone'shandsinempiricalresearchbyreducinghistorytoa kindofbattleofthegiants,inwhichTheStateischallengedbyTheProletariat,orevenby'TheStruggles'theFuriesofourday.

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Q.Youdenounceaphantasmagoricalphilosophyofhistory.Butdon'tyourownanalysessometimesforgethistory,assomeofyourcriticshaveclaimed? A.Infact,Iendeavourtoshowthatwhatiscalledthesocialishistory,throughandthrough.Historyisinscribedinthingsininstitutions(machines,instruments,law, scientifictheories,etc.)andalsoinbodies.Mywholeeffortaimstodiscoverhistorywhereitisbesthidden,inpeople'sheadsandintheposturesoftheirbodies.The unconsciousishistory.That'strue,forexample,ofthecategoriesofthoughtandperceptionthatwespontaneouslyapplytothesocialworld. Q.Andsociologicalanalysisisasnapshotoftheencounterbetweenthesetwohistories:historyinthingsandhistoryinbodies? A.Panofskypointsoutthatwhenamanraiseshishatingreeting,heunwittinglyreproducesthegesturewhereby,intheMiddleAges,knightswouldraisetheirhelmets asasignoftheirpeacefulintentions.Wearedoingsuchthingsallthetime.Whenthehistoryinthingsandthehistoryinbodiesareperfectlyattunedtoeachother, when,forafootballer,forexample,therulesofthegameandthesenseofthegamefittogetherperfectly,thentheactordoesexactlywhathehasto,the'onlything therewastodo',aswesay,withoutevenneedingtoknowwhatheisdoing.He'sneitheranautomatonnorarationalcalculator,butratherlike'blindOrionmoving towardstherisingsun',inPoussin'sLandscapewithOrion,thepaintingthatsofascinatesClaudeSimon. Q.Doesthatimplythat,underpinningoursociology,thereisananthropologicaltheory,or,moresimply,acertainimageofman? A.Yes.Thistheoryofpractice,orrather,ofthe'practicalsense',definesitself,aboveall,inoppositiontothephilosophyofthesubjectandoftheworldas representation.Betweenthesocializedbodyandthesocialfields,twoproductsofthesamehistorythataregenerallyattunedtoeachother,theredevelopsaninfra conscious,corporealcomplicity.Butmytheoryisalsodefinedinoppositiontobehaviourism.Actionisnotaresponsethatcanbefullyexplainedbyreferencetothe triggeringstimulusandithasasitsprincipleasystemofdispositions,whatIcallthehabitus,whichistheproductofallbiographicalexperience(sothat,justasnotwo individualhistoriesareidentical,sonotwoindividualhabitusareidentical,althoughthereareclassesofexperiencesandthereforeclassesofhabitusthehabitusof classes).Thesehabitus,functioning,sotospeak,ashistoricallyassembledprograms(inthecomputingsense),areinasensetheprincipleoftheefficacyofthestimuli thattriggerthem,sincetheseconventionalandconditionalstimulationscanonlyworkonorganismsdisposedtoperceivethem. Q.Isthistheoryopposedtopsychoanalysis?

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A.There,theanswerisrathermorecomplicated.I'llsimplysayherethatindividualhistory,initsmostindividualaspects,andeveninitssexualdimension,issocially determined.CarlSchorskeputitverywellwhenhesaid:'FreudforgetsthatOedipuswasaking.'Butthoughthesociologistisentitledtoremindthepsychoanalystthat thefathersonrelationisalsoarelationshipofsuccession,thesociologisthimselfmusttrynottoforgetthatthespecificallypsychologicaldimensionofthefatherson relationcanbeanobstacletoa'troublefree'succession,inwhichtheheritageinheritstheinheritor. Q.Butwheninternalizedhistoryisinperfectharmonywiththehistorycontainedinthings,there'satacitcomplicityofthedominatedwithdomination... A.Somepeoplehavewonderedwhythedominatedhavenotrevoltedmoreoften.Youonlyhavetobearinmindthesocialconditionsoftheproductionoftheagents andthedurableeffectsthattheyexercisebyinscribingthemselvesindispositions,tounderstandthatpeoplewhoaretheproductofrevoltingsocialconditionsarenot necessarilyasrevoltedastheywouldbeiftheyweretheproductoflessrevoltingconditions(likemostintellectuals)andwerethenplacedinthoseconditions.That doesn'tamounttosayingthattheymakethemselvestheaccomplicesofpower,throughsomekindofbadfaith.Andthenoneshouldn'tforgetallthemismatches betweenembodiedhistoryandreifiedhistory,allthepeoplewho'feeloutofplace'inthewrongplace,thewrongjob.Theseoutofplacepeople,dclassupwards ordownwards,arethetroublemakerswhooftenmakehistory. Q.Youoftensaythatyouhaveasenseofbeingoutofplace... A.Peoplewhoaresociologicallyimprobableareoftensaidtobe'impossible'...MostofthequestionsthatIask,andthatIputfirstofalltointellectuals,whohave somanyanswersand,atbottom,sofewquestions,nodoubtstemfromthesenseofbeinganoutsiderintheintellectualworld.Iquestionthatworldbecauseitcalls meintoquestion,andinaverydeepwaythatgoesbeyondthesimplesenseofsocialexclusion.Ineverfeelmyselffullyjustifiedinbeinganintellectual,Idon'tfeel'at home',Ihavethefeelingofhavingtojustify(towhom?Ihavenoidea)whatseemstomeanunjustifiableprivilege.Thisexperience,whichIthinkIrecognizeinmany sociallystigmatizedpeople(andinKafka,forexample),doesnotinclineonetoanimmediatefellowfeelingwithallthoseandtheyarenolessnumerousamong intellectualsthanelsewherewhofeelfullyjustifiedinexistingastheyexist.Themostelementarysociologyofsociologyconfirmsthatthegreatestcontributionsto socialsciencehavebeenmadebypeoplewhowerenotperfectlyintheirelementinthesocialworldasitis.

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Q.Thissenseofnotbeing'athome'perhapsexplainsthepessimisticimagethatissometimesstuckonyouanimagethatyoureject... A.NorwouldIwantpeopletofindnothingtopraiseinmyworkexceptitsoptimism.Myoptimism,ifthatiswhatitis,consistsinthinkingthatonehastomakethe bestofthewholehistoricalevolutionthathasledmanyintellectualsintoadisabusedconservatismwhetheritisthatdeplorable'endofhistory'thatiscelebratedby theoriesof'convergence'(of'socialist'and'capitalist'regimes)andthe'endofideology',or,closertohome,thecompetitivegameswhichdividethepartiesoftheleft, showingthatthespecificinterestsofprofessionalpoliticianscantakeprecedenceovertheinterestsoftheirelectors.Whenthereisnolongermuchlefttolose, especiallyinthewayofillusions,it'stimetoaskallthequestionsthathavelongbeencensoredinthenameofvoluntaristicoptimism,oftenidentifiedwithprogressive dispositions.It'salsotimetoturnone'sgazetowardstheblindspotofallphilosophiesofhistory,that'stosaythepointofviewfromwhichtheyaredevelopedto question,forexample(asMarcFerrodoesinhislatestbookontheRussianrevolution),theintereststhattherulingintellectualsmayhaveinsomeformsof 'voluntarism'thatcanbeusedtojustify'democraticcentralism',inotherwordsthedominationofthepartyofficials,andmoregenerallythetendencytowards bureaucratichijackingofthesubversivespirit,atendencyinherentinthelogicofrepresentationanddelegation,etc. 'Hewhoincreaseshisknowledgeincreaseshispain,'saidDescartes.Andthespontaneistoptimismofthesociologistsoflibertyisoftenmerelyaneffectofignorance. Socialsciencedestroysmanyimpostures,butalsomanyillusions.However,Idoubtwhetherthereisanyotherrealfreedomthanthatmadepossiblebyknowledgeof necessity.Socialsciencewouldnothavetoobadlyfulfilleditscontractifitwereabletoraiseitselfagainstbothirresponsiblevoluntarismandfatalisticscientismifit wereabletocontributeinanydegreetodefiningarationalutopianismthatcanplayonknowledgeoftheprobableinordertobringaboutthepossible. Notes 1.Translatedas(1990)TheLogicofPractice,Oxford:PolityPress. 2.Bourdieu,P(1980)'Lemortsaisitlevif:lesrelationsentrel'histoirerifieetl'histoireincorpore',Actesdelarechercheensciencessociales,323:314. FurtherReading ForfurtherdiscussionseeBourdieu,P(1980)'Lemortsaisitlevif',Actesdelarechercheensciencessociales,323:314.

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6 ForaSociologyofSociologists
Iwanttotrytoposeaverygeneralquestionthequestionofthesocialconditionsofpossibilityandthescientificfunctionsofasocialscienceofsocialsciencein relationtoaspecificcase,thatofthesocialscienceofthecolonizedanddecolonizedcountries.TheimprovisednatureofwhatIhavetosaymayimplyacertain numberofsomewhatriskypositions...It'sariskIhavetotake. Firstquestion:youdecidedtotalkhereaboutthesocialhistoryofsocialscience,andsoon.Now,doesthathaveanyinterest?That'sthetypeofquestionthatpeople neverask.Ifwe'vemetheretotalkaboutit,that'sbecausewethinkit'sinteresting.Buttosayweareinterestedinaproblemisaeuphemisticwayofnamingthe fundamentalfactthatwehavevitalstakesinourscientificproductions.Thoseinterestsarenotdirectlyeconomicorpoliticalweexperiencethemasdisinterested.The distinguishingfeatureofintellectualsisthattheyhavedisinterestedinterests,thattheyhaveaninterestindisinterestedness.Wehaveaninterestintheproblemsthat seemtoustobeinteresting.Thatmeansthatataparticularmoment,aparticularacademicgroupwithoutanyonepersondecidingitdefinesaproblemas interesting.Aconferenceisheld,journalsarecreated,peoplewritearticles,booksandreviews.Thatmeansthatit's'worthwhile'towriteonthattheme,itbringsin profits,notsomuchinroyalties(thoughthatmaycount)asintheformofprestige,symbolicgratifications,andsoon.Allthatisjustapreambletosaythatoneshould makeitarulenevertoembarkonsociology,andespeciallythesociologyofsociology,withoutfirst,orsimultaneously,undertakingaselfsocioanalysis(insofaras thatisevercompletelypossible).Whatuseisthesociologyofscience?Whatisthesociologyofcolonialsciencefor?Thesubjectofscientificdiscourseneedstobe askedthesamequestionsthatareputtotheobjectofthatdiscourse.Howandbywhatrightcantheresearcherask,aboutresearchersofthepast,questionsthathe doesnotputtohimself(andviceversa)?
ContributiontoacolloquiumonEthnologyandPoliticsintheMaghreb,Paris,June1975,reprintedas'Lesconditionssocialesdelaproductionsociologique:sociologiecoloniale etdcolonisationdelasociologie,'inLeMaldevoir,CahiersJussieuno.2,Paris:UnionGnraled'ditions,1976:41627

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Itisimpossibletohaveaproperunderstandingofthestakesofthescientificgamesofthepastunlessonerealizesthatthepastofscienceisastakeinpresentday scientificstruggles.Strategiesofrehabilitationoftenmaskstrategiesofsymbolicspeculation:ifyoumanagetodiscreditthelineageattheendofwhichyourintellectual adversaryissituated,thenthevalueofhissharescollapses.That'sreallywhatpeoplearesayingwhentheysaythatMarxismorstructuralismorstructuralMarxismare 'outmoded'.Inaword,oneneedstoaskwhatinterestpeoplehaveindoingthesociologyofsociology,orthesociologyofothersociologists.Forexample,itwould notbehardtoshowthatthesociologyofrightwingintellectualsisalmostalwaysdonebyleftwingintellectuals,andviceversa.Theseobjectificationsowetheirpartial truthtothefactthatonehasaninterestinseeingthetruthaboutone'sopponents,seeingwhatdeterminesthem(rightwingintellectualsaregenerallymaterialistswhen explainingleftwingintellectuals).Exceptthatwhatisneverseen,becausethatwouldobligetheanalysttoaskwhatheisdoingthere,whatinteresthehasthere,andso on,isthesystemofpositionsfromwhichtheseantagonisticstrategiesaregenerated. Unlessitisassumedthatthesocialhistoryofsocialsciencehasnootherfunctionthantogivesocialscienceresearchersreasonsforexisting,andthatitneedsnoother justification,wehavetoaskwhetherithasanyimportancefortoday'sscientificpractice.Isthescienceofthesocialscienceofthepastthepreconditionforthework thatthesocialscienceoftodayhastoperform?And,moreprecisely,isthesocialscienceof'colonial''science'oneofthepreconditionsforagenuinedecolonizationof thesocialscienceofarecentlydecolonizedsociety?Iwouldbetemptedtoacceptthatthepastofsocialscienceisalwaysoneofthemainobstaclestosocialscience, andespeciallyinthecasewhichconcernsus.AsDurkheimsaidinL'volutionpdagogiqueenFrance,theunconsciousistheforgettingofhistory.Ithinkthatthe unconsciousofadisciplineisitshistoryitsunconsciousismadeupofitssocialconditionsofproduction,maskedandforgotten.Theproduct,separatedfromitssocial conditionsofproduction,changesitsmeaningandexertsanideologicaleffect.Knowingwhatoneisdoingwhenonedoessciencethat'sasimpledefinitionof epistemologypresupposesknowinghowtheproblems,tools,methodsandconceptsthatoneuseshavebeenhistoricallyformed.(Inthatlight,nothingismoreurgent thantomakeasocialhistoryofthemarxisttradition,inordertoresituatemodesofthoughtorexpression,whichhavebeenfixedandfetishizedbytheforgettingof history,inthehistoricalcontextoftheirproductionandtheirsuccessiveuses.) Whatthesocialhistoryof'colonial''science'couldofferfromtheonlystandpointthatseemstometobeofinterest,namelytheprogressofthescienceofpresent dayAlgeriansocietywouldbeacontributiontoknowledgeofthecategoriesofthoughtthroughwhichwelookatthatsociety.Thepapersgiventhismorninghave shownthatthecolonizers,inasensedominatedbytheirdomination,werethefirstvictimsoftheirown

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intellectualinstrumentsandthoseinstrumentscanstill'trap'thosewhomerely'react'againstthemwithoutunderstandingthesocialconditionsoftheirwork,sincethey caneasilysimplyfallintotheoppositeerrorsandinanycasewilldeprivethemselvesoftheonlyinformationavailableonsomeobjects.So,inordertounderstand whathasbeenlefttouscorpuses,data,theorieswehavetomakeasociologicalstudyofthesocialconditionsofproductionofthatobject.Whatdoesthatmean? Onecannotdoasociologyofthesocialconditionsofproductionof'colonial''science'withoutfirststudyingtheappearanceofarelativelyautonomousscientificfield andthesocialconditionsoftheautonomizationofthisfield.Afieldisauniverseinwhichtheproducers'characteristicsaredefinedbytheirpositioninrelationsof production,theplacetheyoccupyinaparticularspaceofobjectiverelationships.Contrarytowhatispresupposedbythestudyofisolatedindividualsforexample, inliteraryhistoryofthetype'theauthorandhisworks'themostimportantpropertiesofeachproducerareintheobjectiverelationshipswiththeothers,that'stosay, outsidehim,intherelationshipofobjectivecompetition,etc. Wefirstneedtodeterminewhatwerethespecificpropertiesofthefieldinwhichthe'colonial''science'ofpeoplelikeMasqueray,DesparmetorMaunierproducedits discourseonthecolonialworld,andhowthesepropertiesvariedatdifferenttimes.Inotherwords,weneedtoanalysetherelationshipthisrelativelyautonomous scientificfieldhadwith,ontheonehand,thecolonialpower,and,ontheother,thecentralintellectualpower,that'stosaythemetropolitanscienceoftheday.Thereis indeedadoubledependence,andoneofthemmaycancelouttheother.Thisrelativelyautonomousfieldseemstometohavebeengenerallycharacterized(with exceptionssuchasDoutt,Maunier,etc.)byverystrongdependenceonthecolonialpowerandverystrongindependencevisvisthenational(andinternational) scientificfield.Awholesetofpropertiesofits'scientific'productionflowfromthis.Thenonewouldhavetoanalysethevariationsintherelationshipofthisfieldwith nationalandinternationalscienceandwiththelocalpoliticalfield,andhowthesechangesweretranslatedinitsproduction. Oneoftheimportantpropertiesofafieldliesinthefactthatitimplicitlydefines'unthinkable'things,thingsthatarenotevendiscussed.There'sorthodoxyand heterodoxy,butthereisalsodoxa,everythingthatgoeswithoutsaying,andinparticularthesystemsofclassificationdeterminingwhatisjudgedinterestingor uninteresting,thethingsthatnoonethinksworthyofbeingmentioned,becausethereisnodemand.Wetalkedabouttheseselfevidencesthismorning,andCharles AndrJuliendescribedsomeintellectualcontextsthatarequiteastonishingforus.Whatismosthiddeniswhateveryoneagreesabout,agreeingsomuchthatthey don'tevenmentionthem,thethingsthatarebeyondquestion,thatgowithoutsaying.That'sjustwhathistoricaldocumentsarelikelytomaskmostcompletely,because itdoesn'toccurtoanyonetowriteoutwhatisself

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evidentanditiswhatinformantsdon'tsay,orsayonlybyomission,intheirsilences.It'simportanttowonderaboutthesethingsthatnoonesays,whenonewantsto dothesocialhistoryofsocialscience,ifonewantstodosomethingmorethandistributepraiseandblame.It'snotaquestionofsettingoneselfupasajudge,butof understandingwhythesepeoplecouldnotunderstandcertainthings,couldnotraisecertainproblemsofdeterminingwhatarethesocialconditionsoferror necessaryerror,inasmuchasitistheproductofhistoricalconditions,determinations.Inthe'goeswithoutsaying'ofaparticularperiod,thereisthedejure unthinkable(thepoliticallyunthinkable,forexample),whatisunnameable,taboo,theproblemsthatcannotbedealtwithandalsothedefactounthinkable,thethings thattheintellectualtoolsofthedaydonotmakeitpossibletothink.(Andthat'swhyerrorisnotdistributedonthebasisofgoodorbadintentions,andwhygood intentionscanmakeverybadsociology.) Thiswouldleadonetoposequitedifferentlytheproblemoftheprivilegedrelationtotheobjectnativeorexternal,'sympathetic'orhostile,etc.inwhichdiscussion ofcolonialsociologyandthepossibilityofadecolonizedsociologyisnormallytrapped.Ithinkthatthequestionoftheprivilegedviewpointneedstobereplacedbythe questionofscientificcontroloftherelationtotheobjectofscience,whichinmyviewisoneofthefundamentalconditionsoftheconstructionofagenuineobjectof science.Whateverobjectthesociologistorthehistorianchooses,thisobject,hiswayofconstructingtheobject,raisesthequestionnotofthehistorianorsociologist asanindividualsubject,butoftheobjectiverelationshipbetweenthepertinentsocialcharacteristicsofthesociologistandthesocialcharacteristicsoftheobject.The objectsofsocialscienceandthewaytheyaretreatedalwayshaveanintelligiblerelationshipwiththeresearcherasheorsheissociologicallydefined,thatis,bya certainsocialorigin,acertainpositionwithintheuniversitysystem,acertaindiscipline,etc.Ithink,forexample,thatoneofthemediationsthroughwhichthe dominationofthedominantvaluesisexertedwithintheframeworkofscienceisthesocialhierarchyofthedisciplines,whichplacesphilosophicaltheoryatthetopand geographyrightatthebottom(that'snotavaluejudgementbutanempiricalobservationthesocialoriginofstudentsdeclinesasonemovesfromphilosophyto geographyorfrommathematicstogeology).Ateverymoment,thereisahierarchyoftheobjectsofresearchandahierarchyofthesubjectsofresearch(the researchers),whichmakeadecisivecontributiontothedistributionoftheobjectsamongthesubjects.Nooneeversays(oronlyrarely),'Givenwhoyouare,you deservethissubjectandnotthatone,thisapproach"theoretical"or"empirical","fundamental"or"applied"ratherthanthatone,thisway''brilliant"or"serious" ratherthanthatwayofpresentingtheresults.'Suchremindersarequitesuperfluous,mostofthetime,becauseallonehastodoistogivefreereintotheinternal censorships,whicharesimplyinternalizedsocialandacademic

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censorships('I'mnotatheorist','Ican'twrite').Sonothingislesssociallyneutralthantherelationshipbetweensubjectandobject. Theimportantthingistobeabletoobjectifyone'srelationtotheobjectsothatdiscourseontheobjectisnotthesimpleprojectionofanunconsciousrelationtothe object.Amongthetechniquesthatmakethisobjectificationpossible,thereis,ofcourse,alltheequipmentofsciencesolongasitisunderstoodthatthisequipment mustitselfbesubjectedtohistoricalcritique,becauseateverymomentitisinheritedfrompreviousscience. Toconclude,Iwillsaythattheproblemoftheoutsider'sorthenative'sprivilegenodoubtconcealsaveryrealproblem,whicharisesjustasmuchwhetheroneis analysingKabylerites,orwhatgoesoninthisroom,orinastudentdemonstration,orinacarfactory:it'sthequestionofwhatitmeanstobeanobserveroranagent, inawordthequestionofwhatpracticeis. FurtherReading ForfurtherdiscussionseeBourdieu,P.(1975)'Thespecificityofthescientificfieldandthesocialconditionsoftheprogressofreason',SocialScienceInformation, 14(6):1947[alsoinLemert,C.(1981)FrenchSociology,RuptureandRenewalsince1968,NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,25792].

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7 TheParadoxoftheSociologist
ThecentralideathatIwouldliketoputforwardtodayisthattheoryofknowledgeandpoliticaltheoryareinseparable:everypoliticaltheorycontains,inimplicitform atleast,atheoryofperceptionofthesocialworld,andtheoriesofperceptionofthesocialworldareorganizedinaccordancewithoppositionsveryanalogousto thosefoundinthetheoryoftheperceptionofthenaturalworld.Inthelattercase,thereisatraditionalcontrastbetweenanempiricisttheory,accordingtowhich perceptionborrowsitsstructuresfromreality,andaconstructivisttheorywhichsaysthatobjectsareonlyperceivedthroughanactofconstruction.Itisnoaccident that,inrelationtoaproblemwhichconcernsperceptionofthesocialworld,thatofthesocialclasses,wefindthesametypeofoppositions.Againwefindtwo antagonisticpositionswhicharenotexpressedwiththeratherbrutalsimplicitythatIamgoingtogivethem:forsomepeople,socialclassesexistinreality,andsocial sciencemerelyregistersandrecordsthemforothers,socialclasses,socialdivisions,areconstructionsperformedbysociologistsorbysocialagents.Thosewhowant todenytheexistenceofsocialclassesoftenpointoutthatsocialclassesaretheproductofsociologicalconstruction.Intheirview,socialclassesonlyexistbecause sociologistsconstructthem. (Ishouldsaystraightawaythatoneofthefundamentalproblemsraisedbythetheoryoftheperceptionofthesocialworldisthatoftherelationshipbetweenscientific consciousnessandeverydayconsciousness.Istheactofconstructiontheworkofthescientistorthenative?Doesthenativehavecategoriesofperceptionandwhere doeshegetthemfrom,andwhatistherelationshipbetweenthecategoriesconstructedbyscienceandthecategoriesthatordinaryagentsimplementintheirpractice?) Toreturntomyinitialquestion:howisthesocialworldperceivedandwhatisthetheoryofknowledgethataccountsforthefactthatweperceivetheworldas organized?Therealisttheorywillsaythatsocialclassesexistinreality,thattheycanbemeasuredbyobjectiveindices.Themainobjectiontotherealisttheoryliesin thefactthat,inreality,thereisneveranydiscontinuity.Incomesaredistributedcontinuously,asaremostofthesocialpropertiesthatcanbeattachedtoindividuals. Now,scientific
PresentationgivenatArrasinOctober1977,publishedinNoroit,222,1977

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constructionandevenordinaryperceptionseediscontinuitywheretheobserverseescontinuity.Forexample,itisclearthatfromastrictlystatisticalpointofview,itis impossibletosaywherepoorpeopleendandrichpeoplestart.Yettheordinaryconsciousnessthinksthattherearerichandpoorpeople.It'sthesameforyoungand old.Whendoesyouthend?Wheredoesoldagebegin?Wheredoesacityend,wheredothesuburbsbegin?It'ssaidthattownsofmorethan20,000peopleare moreleftwingthantownsofunder20,000.Why20,000?Oneisperfectlyjustifiedinquestioningthedivision.That'safirstopposition:aredivisionsconstructedor discovered? Havingpresentedthefirstoppositionintermsofthesociologyofknowledge(doweknowthesocialworldbyconstructionorbyrecording?),Iwanttorepresentitin politicalterms.(Aparenthesisontermsendingin'ism':mostoftheseconcepts,inthehistoryofart,literatureorphilosophyasmuchasinpoliticaltheory,arehistorical conceptsthatwereinventedforparticularpolemicalpurposesandthereforeinaquiteprecisehistoricalcontextandarethenusedoutsideandbeyondthatcontext andsocometobeinvestedwithatranshistoricalvalue.ThatistrueoftheratherrecklessusethatIamgoingtomakeofawholeseriesof'ism'concepts.)Toreturn tothesecond,moreobviouslypoliticalopposition,theonethatcanbeestablishedbetweenascientisticortheoreticistobjectivismandasubjectivismorspontaneism: thisisoneoftheproblemsthathauntedsocialthoughtinthelatenineteethcenturyandwhichthemarxisttraditioncalledtheproblemofthefinalcatastrophe.This problemcanbeformulated,incrudeterms,asfollows:willtherevolutionbetheproductofaninevitableprocess,inscribedinthelogicofhistory,orwillitbethe productofahistoricalaction?Thosewhothinkthatitispossibletoknowtheimmanentlawsofthesocialworldandcancountonthemtoproducethe'final catastrophe'areopposedtothosewhocallthehistoricallawsintoquestionandasserttheprimacyofpraxis,theprimacyofthesubject,theprimacyofhistoricalaction overtheinvariantlawsofhistory. Thisoppositionreducedinthiswaytoitsmostbasicexpressionbetweendeterministicscientismandsubjectivismorspontaneismisperfectlyclearasregardsthe socialclasses.IfItaketheexampleofsocialclasses,thisisnoaccident.It'sbothsomethingthatsociologistsneedinordertoconceptualizerealityandsomething which'exists'inreality,that'stosaybothintheobjectivedistributionofpropertiesandintheheadsofthepeoplewhoarepartofsocialreality.It'sthemost complicatedproblemthereistothinkabout,becauseyou'retryingtothinkaboutwhatyouthinkwith,somethingthatisnodoubtatleastpartlydeterminedbywhat youwanttothinkandsoIadmitthisinallsincerityIamverylikelytospeakofitlessthansatisfactorily. Inpolitics,theproblemofknowledgeisposedintheformoftherelationshipbetweenthepartiesandthemasses.Manyquestionsthathavebeenraisedonthissubject areconsciousorunconscioustranspositionsof

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theclassicquestionsofthesociologyofknowledgeconcerningtherelationshipbetweensubjectandobject.ThesociologistSartoridevelopstheultrasubjectivist thesiswithagreatdealoflogicandrigour:heaskswhethertheprincipleofthedifferencesobservedinthesituationoftheworkingclassinBritain,FranceandItalylies intherelativelyautonomoushistoryoftheparties,that'stosaycollectivesubjects,capableofconstructingsocialrealitythroughtheirrepresentations,orinthe correspondingsocialrealities.Atpresent,theproblemarisesinaparticularlyacuteway.Dothepartiesexpressdifferences,ordotheyproducethem?Accordingto thetheoryintermediatebetweenultrasubjectivismandultraobjectivismthatisexpressedbyLukcs,thepartysimplyrevealstheproletariattoitself,anidea expressedinthemetaphorofthemidwife. Can'tthesetwooppositionstheoppositionintermsofthetheoryofknowledgeandtheoppositionintermsofpoliticalactionbesuperimposed?Ifonehadto distributethevariousthinkersofthesocialworldinakindoftheoreticalspaceaccordingtothepositiontheyadoptonthesetwoproblems,onewouldseethatthe answersarenotindependentofeachother.Intheareaofanthropology,wherethedirectlypoliticalquestiondoesnotarise,themaindivisionistheoppositionbetween subjectivismandobjectivism.Theobjectivisttraditionconceivesthesocialworldasauniverseofobjectiveregularitiesindependentoftheagentsandconstructedfrom thestandpointofanimpartialobserverwhoisoutsidetheaction,lookingdownfromaboveontheworldheobserves.Theethnologistissomeonewhoreconstitutesa kindofunwrittenscorewhichliesbehindtheactionsoftheagents,whothinktheyareimprovisingtheirownmelodywhen,inreality,whetherinmatrimonialexchanges orlinguisticexchanges,theyareactingoutasystemoftranscendentrules,etc.Ontheoppositeside,Sartre,inhisCritiqueofDialecticalReason,explicitlytakes issuewithLviStraussandwiththereificationeffectthatobjectivismproduces.AdiscipleofHusserl,Schutz,devisedaphenomenologyoftheordinaryexperienceof thesocialworld.Hetriedtodescribehowsocialagentsexperiencethesocialworldinthenavestate,andthistraditionhasbeencarriedonintheUnitedStatesinthe currentknownas'ethnomethodology',whichisakindofrigorousphenomenologyofthesubjectiveexperienceoftheworld.It'stheabsoluteantithesisofobjectivist description.Initsextremeform,assomeofGoffman'stextssuggest,thesocialworldistheproductofindividualactions.Farfrompeoplebehavingrespectfully becausetherearehierarchies,it'stheinfinityofindividualactionsofrespect,deference,etc.,thatultimatelyproduceshierarchy.Thepoliticalimplicationsofthatare immediatelyclear.Ontheonehand,thereisthelanguageoftheobjectivestructuresofdomination,theobjectivepowerrelationsontheotherhand,there'sa cumulationofinfinitesimalactsofrespectwhichengenderstheobjectivityofsocialrelations.Ononeside,determinism,ontheotherfreedomandspontaneity.('If everyoneceasedtosalutegreatmen,therewouldbenogreatmen...'[Pascal].)Itisclearlyamajorissue.Itisalsoclear

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thatinsociology,andwhendealingwithsocietiesdividedintoclasses,itismoredifficultthanitisinanthropology(thoughpeoplealmostalwaysdoit)toseparatethe problemofknowledgefromthepoliticalproblem. IntheMarxisttradition,thereisapermanentstrugglebetweenanobjectivisttendencywhichtriestofindclassesinreality(hencetheeternalproblem:'Howmany classesarethere?')andavoluntaristorspontaneisttheoryinwhichclassesaresomethingthatpeoplemake.Ononeside,thetalkisofclassconditionontheother,of classconsciousness.Ononeside,talkofpositionintherelationsofproductionontheother,of'classstruggle',actionandmobilization.Theobjectivistvisionismore thatoftheacademicthespontaneistvisionmorethatofthemilitant.Infact,Ithinkthatthepositiononetakesonthequestionofclassesdependsonthepositionone occupiesintheclassstructure. InapaperIwroteawhileago1 IraisedsomeofthequestionsthatIwanttoconsiderthisevening.Apollingorganizationaskedasampleofpeopletoassociatea numberofpoliticianswithaselectionofobjects,asinthepartygame('Ifhewasatree,whattreewouldhebe?').Ifthepoliticianinquestionwereatree,wouldhebe aplanetree,oranoak,etc.?Ifhewereacar,wouldhebeaRollsRoyce,oraPorsche,ora2CV,etc.?Onthefaceofit,itwasatrivialgameofnoconsequence. Andyet,whentheywereinvitedtoconnecttwoseriesofthingsaboutwhichtheymanifestlyhadnoconcept,ontheonehandaseriesofpoliticiansandontheothera seriesofobjects,thesubjectsproducedaseriesofcoherentattributions.ForJeanJacquesServanSchreiber,forexample,theygave:ifhewereatree,itwouldbea palmtreeapieceoffurniturefurniturefromKnollacaraPorschearelativeasoninlaw.YoucanfindinthattheideathatServanSchreiberisaflashy parvenu,andawholeaspectoftheidentityofthenewbourgeoisiethathebelongsto.(InfactthenewspaperstellushedoeshaveKnollfurnitureinhisParishome.)In otherwords,there'sanoverallintuitionofthepersoninsofarasheisthebearerofthe'style'ofawholeclassfraction. Thenaturalobjects(trees,flowersandsoon),notbeingsociallypreconstituted,areconstitutedbytheapplicationofsocialschemesofperception.Buthats(bowler, tophat,cap,beret,etc.),orgames(bridge,belote,etc.),areobjectsthatarealreadyclassified,inrealityitself,sincebythemerefactofputtingonaberet,oracap, ornohatatall,peopleclassifythemselvesandknowwhattheyaredoing.Sotheclassificationsthatthesociologistappliesareseconddegreeclassifications.You couldsaythattheattributionsthatpeoplemakeareperformedbyasocialsensethatisaquasisociology,apracticalandwellgroundedintuitionofthe correspondencebetweensocialpositionsandtastes. I'mstartingtoanswerthequestionthatIraisedatthebeginning:istherepresentationofthesocialworldthesimplerecordingofdivisionsthatareinrealityorisita constructionperformedbytheapplicationofclassificatoryschemes?Agentsspendtheirlivesclassifyingthemselvesbythemerefactofappropriatingobjectsthatare themselvesclassified

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(becausetheyareassociatedwithclassesofagents):andalsoclassifyingtheotherpeoplewhoclassifythemselvesbyappropriatingtheobjectsthattheyclassify.So theclassificationoftheobjectispartoftheobjectitself.Allagentsinasocietyhaveroughlythesamesystemofclassificationintheirheads.Consequently,onecould saythattherearetwoordersofobjectivity:theobjectiveclassesthatIcanconstructonthebasisofincome,qualifications,numberofchildrenandsoonandthe objectiveclassesastheyexistinthemindsofalltheagentswhoaresubjecttothescientificclassification.Theseclassificationsaresomethingtheagentsfightover.In otherwords,thereisaclassificationstrugglethatisonedimensionoftheclassstruggle.InoneofhisThesesonFeuerbach,Marxsays,roughly,thatthetroublewith materialismisthatitabandonedtoidealismtheideathattheobjectistheproductofourconstructions,thatitidentifiedmaterialismwithatheoryofknowledgeasa reflectionoftheworld,wheninfactknowledgeisaproduction,acollectivelabour.Now,asI'vesaid,thisproductionisantagonistic.Classificationsystemsaresocial productsand,assuch,theyarefoughtoverinapermanentstruggle.Allthatisveryabstract,butIcancomebacktosomeextremelyconcretethings.Totakean example:collectiveagreementsarerecordsofindustrialstrugglesbetweenemployers,tradeunions,etc.Strugglesoverwhat?Overwords,classifications,differentials. Mostofthewordsavailabletoustoexpressthesocialworldlieinthespacebetweeneuphemismandinsult.There'splouc['clod,yokel'],aninsult,andagriculteur,a euphemismandbetweenthetwo,paysan.Thereareneveranyneutralwordstodescribethesocialworld,andthesamewordhasdifferentmeaningsindifferent people'smouths.Takethewordpetitbourgeois:thatword,whichconcentratesacertainnumberofpropertiesquitecharacteristicofthatcategory,hassooftenbeen usedasaninsultinphilosophicalorliterarybattles('pettybourgeois','grocer',etc.),thatwhateveronedoes,itwillfunctionasapolemicalweapon. Ineverydaylife,weareconstantlyobjectifyingotherpeople.Aninsultisanobjectification('You'rejust...').Itreducestheothertooneofhisproperties,preferablya hiddenoneitreduceshim,asthephrasegoes,tohisobjectivetruth.Someonesays:'I'mgenerous,disinterested,etc.'Theanswercomes:'You'retheretomakea living.'It'sareduction,degreezero.(Materialismhasaparticularpropensitytofallintotheeconomismwhichcorrespondstothespontaneoustendencyofthe everydayclassificationstruggle,whichconsistsinreducingtheothertohisobjectivetruth.Andthemostelementaryreductionisreductiontoeconomicinterest.) Ineverydaypractice,thestrugglebetweenobjectivismandsubjectivismisapermanentone.Everyoneseekstoimposehissubjectiverepresentationofhimselfasan objectiverepresentation.Adominantagentisonewhohasthemeanstoforcethedominatedagenttoseehimashewantstobeseen.Inpoliticallife,eachpersonis objectivistagainsthisadversaries.Indeed,weareallobjectivisttowardsothers.

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There'sacomplicitybetweenobjectivistscientismandaformofterrorism.Thepropensitytowardsobjectivismthatisinherentinthescientisticpostureislinkedto certainpositionsinthesocialuniverse,andmoreespeciallytothepositionofaresearcherwhodominatestheworldinthought,whohastheimpressionofhavinga thoughtoftheworldthatisquiteinaccessibletothosewhoareimmersedinaction.Economismisthetemptationofpeoplewhoknowmoreeconomics.Ontheother hand,thosewhoaremoreinvolvedinactionareinclinedtospontaneism.Theoppositionbetweenobjectivismandsubjectivismispartofthenatureofthingsitisthe historicalstruggleitself.MarxismorelikelytopossessthetruthofBakuninthanBakunin,andBakuninismorelikelytopossessthetruthofMarxthanMarx.Inany caseonecannotbeMarxandBakuninatthesametime.Youcan'tbeintwoplacesinsocialspaceatthesametime.Thefactthatoneisatapointinsocialspaceis linkedtoprobableerrors:thesubjectivisterror,theobjectivisterror.Assoonasthereisasocialspace,thereisstruggle,thereisastrugglefordomination,thereisa dominantpoleandadominatedpole,andfromthatmomentthereareantagonistictruths.Whateveronedoes,thetruthisantagonistic.Ifonethingistrue,itisthattruth isastakeinstruggles. Ithinkthatinthelabourmovement,there'salwaysastrugglebetweenacentralizing,scientistictendencyandamorespontaneisttendency,andeachofthese tendenciesrelies,forthesakeofthestrugglewithintheparty,onrealoppositionswithintheworkingclassitself:theformerappealstothesubproletariat,the underclassthelattertotheworkingclasslite.Thisoppositionishistoryitself,andthemonisticpretensionwhichtriestocancelitoutisantihistoricalandtherefore terroristic. Idon'tknowifIhavearguedcorrectly.WhatIsaidattheendisnotacredo.Ithinkitflowsfromtheanalysis. Note 1.SeeBourdieu,P.(1985)Distinction,London:Routledge&KeganPaul,pp.54659[translator].

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8 WhatTalkingMeans
Ifthesociologisthasaroletoplay,it'smoretogiveweaponsthantogivelessons. Ihavecomeheretocontributetoyourdiscussionsandtotrytoprovidepeoplewhohavepracticalexperienceofacertainnumberofeducationalproblemswiththe instrumentsthatsociologicalresearchoffersforinterpretingandunderstandingthoseproblems. SoifwhatIhavetosayisdisappointing,sometimesevendepressing,it'snotbecauseItakeanypleasureindiscouragingpeopleonthecontrary.Itisbecause knowledgeofrealitiesinclinesonetorealism.Oneofthetemptationsofthecraftofsociologyiswhatthesociologiststhemselveshavecalledsociologism,that'stosay thetemptationtotransformhistoricallawsorhistoricalregularitiesintoeternallaws.Thatiswhatmakesitsodifficulttocommunicatetheproductsofsociological research.Oneconstantlyhastosituateoneselfbetweentworolesontheonehandthatofthewetblanket,theCassandra,andontheotherthatoftheaccompliceof utopianthinking. Here,today,Iwouldliketotakeasmystartingpointthequestionnairethatsomeofyoudrewupforthismeeting.IwanttostartfromtherebecauseIwishtospeak asconcretelyaspossibleand(sincethisseemstometobeoneofthepracticalconditionsofallgenuinecommunication)toavoidasituationinwhichthespeaker,the onewhohastheeffectivemonopolyofspeech,completelyimposesthearbitrarycharacterofhisownenquiry,thearbitrarinessofhisowninterests.Awarenessofthe arbitrarinessoftheimpositionofspeechisincreasinglywidespreadnowadays,bothamongthosewhohavethemonopolyofdiscourseandthosewhosufferit.Whyis itthatincertainhistoricalcircumstances,incertainsocialsituations,wefeelanxietyoruneaseattheimpositionthatisalwaysimplicitin'takingthefloor'inasituationof authority,or,onemightsay,anauthorizedsituation(themodelofthissituationbeingthatoftheteacher)? So,todissolvethisanxietyinmyowneyes,Ihavetakenasmystartingpointsomequestionsthathavereallyarisenforagroupofyouandwhichmayariseforallof you.
PapergivenattheconferenceoftheAFEF(AssociationFranaisedesEnseignantsdeFranais),Limoges,30October1977,publishedinLeFranaisaujourd'hui,41,1978:420, 517

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Thequestionsrevolvearoundtherelationshipbetweenwrittenandoralexpression,andcouldbeformulatedasfollows:'Canoralexpressionbetaught?' ThisquestionisareformulationformoderntastesofacenturiesoldproblemthatwasalreadybeingraisedbyPlato:'Canexcellencebetaught?'It'saquitecentral question.Canoneteachsomething?Canoneteachsomethingthatcannotbelearned?Canoneteachwhatoneteacheswith,that'stosay,thespokenword? Suchquestionsdonotariseatalltimesinhistory.If,forexample,itarisesinPlato'sdialogues,itseemstomethatit'sbecausethequestionofteachingarisesfor teachingwhenteachingiscalledintoquestion.Criticalenquiryintowhatitmeanstoteachissomethingthatemergeswhenteachingisincrisis.Innormaltimes,inwhat mightbecalledtheorganicphases,educationdoesnotquestionitself.Oneofthepropertiesofaneducationalsystemthatisworkingtoowellortoobadlyisthatit issureofitself,thatithasthekindofselfassurance(it'snoaccidentthatinFrenchwetalkabout'assurance'inlanguage)thatspringsfromthecertaintyofbeingnot onlyheardbutlistenedto,acertaintythatischaracteristicofallauthoritativeorauthorizeddiscourse.Sothisquestioningisnotatemporalbuthistoricallysituated. ThathistoricalsituationiswhatIwanttoreflecton.Itislinkedtoastateoftheteachingrelationship,astateoftherelationshipbetweentheeducationalsystemand societyasawhole,thatis,thestructureofsocialclasses,astateofthelanguage,andastateoftheeducationalinstitution.Iwouldliketotrytoshowthat,startingfrom theconcretequestionsthatarisefromtheuseoflanguageineducation,onecanaddressthemostfundamentalquestionsinthesociologyoflanguage(or sociolinguistics)andalsointhesociologyoftheeducationalinstitution.Foritseemstomethatsociolinguisticswouldhaveemergedfromabstractionmorequicklyifit hadtakenasthesiteforitsreflectionanditsconstitutionthatveryparticularbutquiteexemplaryspace,theclassroom,andifithadtakenasitsobjectthatvery particularuseoflanguage,thelanguageoftheclassroom. Iturntothefirstsetofquestions:'Doyoutrytoteachoralexpression?Whatdifficultiesdoyouencounter?Doyouencounterresistance?Doyouencounterpassivity onthepartofyourpupils...?' Iimmediatelywanttoask:'Teachoralexpression?Butwhichoralexpression?' There'sahiddenagendahere,asinalloralandevenwrittendiscourse.There'sasetofpresuppositionsthateveryonebringsinwhenraisingthisquestion.Giventhat mentalstructuresareinternalizedsocialstructures,thereiseverylikelihoodthatwiththeoppositionbetweenwrittenandoralexpression,onewillbringinaquite classicoppositionbetweenthedistinguishedandthevulgar,theformalandthepopular,'elaborated'and'restricted'codesandsoon,sothatoralteachingisverylikely tobeaccompaniedbyawholepopulistaura.Teachingoralexpressionwould

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thenmeanteachingthelanguagethatislearnedinthestreet,whichalreadyleadsustoaparadox.Inotherwords,doesn'tthequestionoftheverynatureofthe languagetaughtitselfraiseaquestion?Or,toputitanotherway,isn'tthisoralexpressionthatonewantstoteachsomethingthatisalreadytaught,andveryunequally so,fromoneeducationalestablishmenttoanother?Weknow,forexample,thatthevariousinstitutionsofhighereducationtrainstudentsveryunequallyfororaltests. Institutionsthatpreparestudentsforpolitics,likeSciencesPoorthecoleNationaled'Administration,teachoralperformancemuchmoreandgiveitmuchmore importanceintheirassessmentthaninstitutionsthattrainstudentsforteaching,orforengineering.Forexample,atthecolePolytechnique,theydowhattheycallthe grandoral,whichisexactlylikedrawingroomconversation,requiringacertaintypeofrelationtolanguage,acertaintypeofculture.Talkingabout'teachingoral expression',justlikethat,isnotnewatallthere'salreadyalotofitgoingon.This'spokenlanguage'maybethelanguageofbourgeoisdinnerparties,thelanguageof internationalsymposiums,andsoon. Soitisnotsufficienttoask'Shouldweteachspokenlanguage?'and'Whichspokenlanguageshallweteach?'Wealsohavetoaskwhoisgoingtodefinewhichoral languagetoteach.Oneofthelawsofsociolinguisticsisthatthelanguageusedinaparticularsituationdependsnotonly,asinternallinguisticssupposes,onthe speaker'scompetenceintheChomskiansense,butalsoonwhatIcallthelinguisticmarket.Thespeechthatweproduce,accordingtothemodelthatIamsuggesting, isa'resultant'ofthespeaker'scompetenceandthemarketonwhichhisspeechisofferedspeechdependsinpartthiswouldneedtobeassessedmorerigorously ontheconditionsofreception. Soeverylinguisticsituationfunctionsasamarketonwhichthespeakerplaceshisproducts,andtheproductheproducesforthismarketdependsonhisanticipationof thepricehisproductswillreceive.Willynilly,weentertheeducationalmarketwithanexpectationoftheprofitsandsanctionsweshallreceive.Oneofthegreat mysteriesthatsociolinguisticshastosolveisthiskindofsenseofacceptability.Weneverlearnlanguagewithoutlearningatthesametimetheconditionsof acceptabilityofthislanguage.Inotherwords,learningalanguagemeanslearningatthesametimethatthislanguagewillbeprofitableinthisorthatsituation. Welearninseparablytospeakandtoevaluateinadvancethepricethatourspeechwillreceiveontheeducationalmarketandinthisrespecttheeducationalmarket offersanidealsituationforanalysisthispriceisthegradeawarded,agradethatveryoftenimpliesamaterialprize(ifyoudon'tgetagoodgradeinyourpassingout examatthecolePolytechniqueyouwillendupasanadministratoratINSEE1 andearntwothirdsless...).Soeverylanguagesituationfunctionsasamarketon whichsomethingisexchanged.Thesethingsarewords,ofcourse,butthesewordsarenot

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utteredsolelytobeunderstoodtherelationofcommunicationisneverjustarelationofcommunication,itisalsoaneconomicrelationinwhichthespeaker'svalueisat stake:didhespeakwellorpoorly?Ishebrilliantornot?Couldonemarryhim?... Pupilswhoentertheeducationalmarkethaveananticipationofthechancesofreward,orthesanctions,thatawaitthisorthattypeoflanguage.Inotherwords,the scholasticsituation,asalinguisticsituationofaparticulartype,exertsanenormouscensorshiponthosewhoknowinglyandaccuratelyanticipatethechancesofprofit orlossthattheyhave,giventhelinguisticcompetencetheypossess.Andsomepeople'ssilenceissimplyenlightenedselfinterest. Oneoftheproblemsraisedbythisquestionnaireisknowingwhocontrolstheclassroomsituation.Istheteacherreallyincharge?Doeshereallyhavetheinitiativein definingacceptability?Doeshehavecontroloverthelawsofthemarket? Allthecontradictionsthatwillbeencounteredbythosewhoembarkontheexperienceofteachingoralexpressionstemfromthefollowingproposition:whenitcomes todefiningthelawsofthespecificmarketofhisclassroom,theteacher'sfreedomislimited,becausehewillnevermanagetocreate'anempirewithinanempire',a subspaceinwhichthelawsofthedominantmarketaresuspended.Beforegoinganyfurther,weneedtorecalltheveryspecialcharacterofthescholasticmarket.It isdominatedbytheimperativedemandsoftheteacherofFrench,whoislegitimizedtoteachwhatwouldnotneedtobetaughtifeveryonehadequalchancesof havingthatcapacity,andwhohastherightofcorrectioninbothsenseslinguistic'correctness'('refined'language)istheproductofcorrection.Theteacherisakind ofjuvenilemagistrateinlinguisticmatters:hehasarighttocorrectandsanctionhispupils'language. Let'simagine,forexample,apopulistteacherwhorefusesthisrightofcorrectionandsays'AnyonewhowantstospeakshouldjustspeakthemostbeautifulFrenchis streetFrench.'Infact,whateverhisintentions,thisteacherremainsinaspacethatdoesnotnormallyobeythislogic,becauseit'sverylikelythattherewillbeateacher whodemandsrigour,correctness,spelling....Butevenifwesuppose,allthesame,thatawholeeducationalestablishmentistransformedinthisway,thenthe anticipationsofthechancesthatthepupilsbringontothemarketwillleadthemtoexerciseacensorshipinadvance,anditwilltakealongtimeforthemtoabandon thecorrectnessandhypercorrectnessthatappearinallsituationsthatarelinguisticallythatis,sociallyasymmetrical(andespeciallyinthesurveysituation).Allof Labov'sworkwasonlymadepossiblebyawholesetoftricksdesignedtodestroythelinguisticartefactthatisproducedbythemerefactofbringingfacetofacea 'competent'speaker,onewhofeelsauthorized,andan'incompetent'speaker,whodoesnotfeelauthorized.Inthesameway,alltheworkwe'vedoneonculture involvedusintryingto

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overcomethelegitimacyimposingeffectthatstemsfromthemerefactofaskingquestionsaboutculture.Puttingquestionsaboutcultureinasurveysituation(which resemblesascholasticsituation)topeoplewhodonotthinktheyareculturedexcludesfromtheirdiscourseeverythingthatreallyintereststhem.Thentheysearchfor everythingthatmightresembleculture.Sowhenyouask'Doyoulikemusic?',younevergettheanswer'IlikeDalida',butrather'IlikeStrausswaltzes'because,for popularcompetence,thatiswhatbestresemblestheideapeoplehaveofwhatthebourgeoisielikes.Inallrevolutionarysituations,populistshavealwayscomeup againstthiskindofrevengeofthelawsofthemarket,whichseemtoassertthemselvesmoststronglywhenonethinksoneisviolatingthem. Toreturntothestartingpointofthisdigression:whodefinesacceptability? Theteacherisfreetoabdicatehisroleasa'talkingmaster'whobyproducingacertaintypeoflinguisticsituationorsimplyallowingthelogicofthings(thepodium, thechair,themicrophone,thedistance,thepupils'habitus)totakeitscourse,orallowingthelawsthatproduceacertaintypeofdiscoursetoworktheireffects producesacertaintypeoflanguage,notonlyinhimself,butinhisinterlocutors.Buttowhatextentcantheteachermanipulatethelawsofacceptabilitywithoutentering intoextraordinarycontradictions,solongasthegenerallawsofacceptabilityarenotchanged?That'swhatmakestheexperimentofteachingoralFrenchso fascinating.Onecannottouchsuchacentralandyetsoselfevidentathingwithoutraisingthemostrevolutionaryquestionsabouttheeducationalsystem.Canone changethelanguageintheeducationalsystemwithoutchangingallthelawsthatdefinethevalueofthelinguisticproductsofthedifferentclassesonthemarketwithout changingtherelationsofdominationintherealmoflanguage,that'stosaywithoutchangingtherelationsofdomination? InowcometoananalogythatIhesitatetoformulate,althoughitseemstomenecessary:theanalogybetweenthecrisisoftheteachingofFrenchandthecrisisof religiousliturgy.Liturgyisaritualizedlanguagewhichisentirelycodified(bothinitsactionsanditswords)andwhosesequenceisentirelypredictable.Theliturgyin Latinistheextremeformofalanguagewhich,whilenotunderstood,isauthorized,andfunctionsnonetheless,incertainconditions,asalanguage,tothesatisfaction ofitsemittersandreceivers.Inacrisissituation,thislanguageceasestofunctionitnolongerproducesitsprincipaleffect,whichistoinducebelief,inducerespect, acceptanceandtogetitselfacceptedevenifitisnotunderstood. Thequestionraisedbythecrisisofliturgy,ofthislanguagethatnolongerfunctions,thatisnolongerheard,thatnoonebelievesinanymore,isthequestionofthe relationshipbetweenthelanguageandtheinstitution.Whenalanguageisincrisisandthequestionarisesofwhatlanguagetospeak,it'sbecausetheinstitutionisin crisisandthequestionofthe

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delegatingauthorityhasbeenopeneduptheauthoritythatlaysdownhowtospeakandthatgivesauthorityandauthorizationtospeak. WiththatdetourthroughtheChurch,Iwantedtoraisethefollowingquestion:isthelinguisticcrisisseparablefromthecrisisoftheeducationalinstitution?Isn'tthecrisis ofthelinguisticinstitutionsimplythemanifestationofthecrisisoftheeducationalinstitution?Initstraditionaldefinition,intheorganicphaseoftheFrencheducational system,theteachingofFrenchwasnotaproblem,theteacherofFrenchwassureofhisrole.Heknewwhathadtobetaughtandhowtoteachit,andheencountered pupilsreadytolistentohimandunderstandhim,andunderstandingparentswhounderstoodthatunderstanding.Inthatsituation,theteacherofFrenchwasa celebrant.HecelebratedacultoftheFrenchlanguage,hedefendedandillustratedthelanguageandstrengtheneditssacredvalues.Indoingso,hedefendedhisown sacredvalue.That'sveryimportant,becausemoraleandbeliefareanawareness,whichonehidesfromoneself,ofone'sowninterests.IfthecrisisoftheFrench languageprovokessuchdramaticpersonalcrises,asviolentasthosewesawinMay1968andafterwards,it'sbecause,throughthevalueoftheFrenchlanguageasa commodityonthemarket,acertainnumberofpeople,withtheirbackstothewall,aredefendingtheirownvalue,theirowncapital.Theyarereadytodiefor French...orforitsspelling!Justaspeoplewho'vespentfifteenyearsoftheirliveslearningLatin,whentheirlanguageissuddenlydevalued,arelikeholdersof ImperialRussianbonds... Oneoftheeffectsofthecrisisisthatitopensupquestionsaboutthetacitconditions,thepresuppositions,oftheeducationalsystem.Whenthecrisisbringstolighta certainnumberofpresuppositions,it'spossibletoraisethesystematicquestionofthepresuppositionsandaskwhatascholasticlinguisticsituationhastobeinorder fortheproblemsthatariseinacrisissituationnottoarise.Themostadvancedlinguisticsisnowjoiningupwithsociologyonthispoint,thattheprimeobjectof researchonlanguageistodefinethepresuppositionsofcommunication.Theessentialpartofwhathappensincommunicationisnotinthecommunication.For example,theessentialpartofwhathappensinacommunicationlikepedagogiccommunicationliesinthesocialconditionsofpossibilityofthecommunication.Inthe caseofreligion,inorderfortheRomanliturgytofunction,acertaintypeofemittersandacertaintypeofreceivershavetobeproduced.Thereceivershavetobe predisposedtorecognizetheauthorityoftheemitterstheemittershavetobeabletospeaknotintheirownrightbutalwaysasdelegates,mandatedpriests,andmust nevertakeituponthemselvestodefinewhatisandwhatisnottobesaid. Thesameistrueineducation.Inorderfortheteacher'sordinarydiscourse,utteredandreceivedasselfevident,tofunction,therehastobearelationshipofauthority andbelief,arelationbetweenanauthorizedemitterandareceiverreadytoreceive,anditisnotthepedagogicsituationthatproducesthis.

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Torecapitulatequicklyinratherabstractterms,communicationinasituationofpedagogicauthoritypresupposeslegitimateemitters,legitimatereceivers,alegitimate situationandalegitimatelanguage. Itneedsalegitimateemitter,that'stosaysomeonewhorecognizestheimplicitlawsofthesystemandwhois,byvirtueofthat,recognizedandcoopted.Itneeds addresseesrecognizedbytheemitterasworthyofreceiving,whichpresupposesthattheemitterhasapowerofelimination,thatheisabletoexcludethosewho 'shouldnotbethere'.Butthatisnotall:itneedspupilswhoarereadytorecognizetheteacherasateacher,andparentswhogiveakindofcredit,anopencheque,to theteacher.Italsorequiresthat,ideally,thereceiversshouldberelativelyhomogeneouslinguistically(that'stosaysocially),homogeneousinknowledgeofthe languageandrecognitionofthelanguage,andthatthestructureofthegroupshouldnotfunctionasasystemofcensorshipcapableofforbiddingthelanguagethathas tobeused. Insomeclassroomgroupswithaworkingclassmajority,theworkingclasschildrenmaybeabletoimposethelinguisticnormoftheirmilieuandtodepreciatethe languageofLabov's'wimps',whohavealanguagefortheteachers,that'stosayeffeminateandsomewhatingratiating.Soitcanhappenthatthescholasticlinguistic normclasheswithinsomesocialstructureswithacounternorm.(Conversely,instructureswithabourgeoismajority,peergroupcensorshiprunsinthesamedirection asthecensorshipimposedbytheteacher:languagethatisnot'correct'isselfcensoredandcannotbeproducedintheeducationalsituation.) Thelegitimatesituationissomethingthatbringsinboththestructureofthegroupandtheinstitutionalspacewithinwhichthegroupfunctions.Forexample,there'sthe wholesetofinstitutionalsignsofimportance,inparticularthelanguageofimportance(thelanguageofimportancehasarhetoricofitsown,thefunctionofwhichisto sayhowimportantwhatisbeingsaidis).Thislanguageofimportanceisthatmuchmoreeffectivewhenoneoccupiesaneminentposition,onadais,inaconsecrated place,etc.Amongthestrategiesformanipulatingagroup,thereismanipulationofthespatialstructuresandtheinstitutionalsignsofimportance. Alegitimatelanguageisalanguagewithlegitimatephonologicalandsyntacticforms,that'stosayalanguagemeetingtheusualcriteriaofgrammaticality,andalanguage whichconstantlysays,togetherwithwhatitsays,thatitsaysitwell.Andinsodoing,itimpliesthatwhatitsaysistruewhichisoneofthefundamentalwaysof passingoffthefalseinplaceofthetrue.Oneofthepoliticaleffectsofthedominantlanguageisthis:'Hesaysitsowell,itmustbetrue.' Thissetofproperties,whichconstituteasystemandwhicharebroughttogetherintheorganicstateofaneducationalsystem,definessocialacceptability,thestatein whichlanguage'getsacross':itislistenedto(i.e.believed),obeyed,heard(understood).Communicationcantakeplaceeventhroughhintsandwinks.Oneofthe propertiesoforganicsituationsis

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thatlanguageitselfthestrictlylinguisticpartofthecommunicationtendstobecomesecondary. Intheroleofcelebrantwhichoftenfelltoteachersofartorliterature,languagewaslittlemorethanaseriesofinterjections.Thediscourseofcelebration,thatofart criticsforexample,doesnotsaymuchmorethanan'exclamation'.Exclamationisthefundamentalreligiousexperience. Inacrisissituation,thismutualcreditsystembreaksdown.It'slikeamonetarycrisis:peoplebegintoquestionthevalueofthetokenstheyareoffered. Thebestillustrationoftheextraordinaryfreedomthattheemitterisgivenbyaconjunctionoffavourablefactorsishypocorrectness.Hypocorrectiontheoppositeof thehypercorrectionthatcharacterizespetitbourgeoisspeechisonlypossiblebecausethepersonwhotransgressestherule(Giscardd'Estaing,forexample,when hefailstomakehispastparticiplesagree)manifestsinotherways,throughotheraspectsofhisspeech,suchaspronunciation,andalsobyeverythingthatheis, everythinghedoes,thathecouldspeakcorrectlyifhewantedto. Alinguisticsituationisneverpurelylinguistic,andthequestionsaskedbythequestionnaire,takenasastartingpoint,infactraisedthemostfundamentalquestionsof sociolinguistics(Whatdoesitmeantospeakwithauthority?Whatarethesocialconditionsofpossibilityofcommunication?)andalsothefundamentalquestionsofthe sociologyoftheeducationalsystem,whichareallorganizedaroundtheultimatequestionofdelegation. Whetherheknowsitornot,whetherhewantsitornot,andmoreespeciallywhenhethinksheisbeingradical,theteacherremainstheholderofamandate,a delegatedauthority,whocannotredefinehistaskwithoutenteringintocontradictionsorputtinghisreceiversintocontradictions,solongasthereisnochangeinthe lawsofthemarketinrelationtowhichhenegativelyorpositivelydefinestherelativelyautonomousrulesofthelittlemarkethesetsupinhisclassroom.Forexample,a teacherwhorefusestocorrecthispupils'speechisperfectlyentitledtodoso,butindoingsohemaycompromisehispupils'chancesonthematrimonialmarketorthe economicmarket,wherethelawsofthedominantlinguisticmarketstillprevail.Allofwhichshouldnotleadtoasurrender. Theideaofproducinganautonomousspaceisolatedfromthelawsofthemarketisadangerousutopiasolongasonedoesnotsimultaneouslyposethequestionof thepoliticalconditionsofpossibilityofthegeneralizationofthatutopia. Q.It'scertainlyusefultopushfurtherthenotionoflinguisticcompetenceinordertomovebeyondtheChomskianmodelofanidealemitterandspeaker. Butyouranalysesofcompetenceinthesenseofeverythingthatmakesanutterancelegitimatearesometimesratherfluid,especiallytheideaofthemarket. Sometimesyouseemtomeana

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marketintheeconomicsense,sometimesyouidentifythemarketwithexchangeinthemacrosituation,anditseemstomethatthere'sanambiguitythere. Apartfromthat,youdon'ttakeenoughaccountofthefactthatthecrisisyourefertoisakindofsubcrisisthatislinkedmoreessentiallytothecrisisofa systeminwhichwe'reallinvolved.Onewouldneedtorefinetheanalysisofalltheconditionsofsituationsoflinguisticexchangeinthescholasticsphereor intheeducationalsphereinthebroadsense. A.Ireferredheretothemodelofcompetenceandthemarketaftersomehesitation,becauseit'sclearthattodefenditproperlyIwouldneedmuchmoretimeandI wouldhavetospelloutsomeveryabstractanalyseswhichmightnotinteresteverybody.I'mgladthatyourquestiongivesmeachancetoclarifyafewpoints. Idogiveaverybroadsensetothewordmarket.Itseemstomequitelegitimatetousethetermlinguisticmarkettodescribetherelationshipbetweentwo housewivestalkinginthestreet,ortheeducationalsphere,ortheinterviewsituationinwhichexecutivesarerecruited. Assoonastwospeakersexchangeutterances,there'sanobjectiverelationshipbetweentheircompetences,notonlytheirlinguisticcompetence(theirmoreorless completecommandofthelegitimatelanguage)butalsotheirwholesocialcompetence,theirrighttospeak,whichdependsobjectivelyontheirsex,theirage,their religion,theireconomicandsocialstatus,allofwhichisinformationthatmightbeknowninadvanceoranticipatedthroughimperceptiblecues(he'spolite,wearingan insignia,etc.).Thisrelationshipgivesthemarketitsstructureanddefinesacertaintypeoflawofpriceformation.There'samicroeconomicsandamacroeconomics oflinguisticproducts,thoughofcoursethemicroeconomyisneverautonomouswithrespecttothemacroeconomiclaws.Forexample,inasituationofbilingualism, speakerswillchangetheirlanguageinawaythathasnothingrandomaboutit.I'vebeenabletoobservebothinAlgeriaandinaBarnvillagethatpeoplechange languageaccordingtothesubject,butalsoaccordingtothemarket,thestructureoftherelationshipbetweenthespeakers.Thepropensitytoadoptthedominant languageriseswiththeinterlocutor'spositionintheanticipatedhierarchyoflinguisticcompetences.Aspeakerwilltrytoaddresssomeoneheregardsasimportantin thebestpossibleFrench.Thedominantlanguageisthatmuchmoredominant,themorethedominantspeakersdominatethatparticularmarket.Theprobabilitythat thespeakerwilladoptFrenchinordertoexpresshimselfriseswiththedominationofthemarketbythedominantspeakers,inofficialsituations,forexample.Andthe educationalsituationbelongstotheseriesofofficialmarkets.There'snoeconomisminthatanalysis.I'mnotsayingthateverymarketisaneconomicmarket.Butnor shouldonesaythatthereisnotalinguisticmarketwhichinvolveseconomicstakes,atagreaterorlesserdistance.

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Asforthesecondpartofthequestion,itraisestheproblemofthescientificrighttoabstraction.Youabstractoutacertainnumberofproblemsandyouworkinthe spacethatyou'vedefinedforyourself. Q.Intheeducationalsystemasyouhavedefineditbythatsetofproperties,doyouthinkthattheteacherhasanyroomformanoeuvre?Andifso,whatis it? A.That'saverydifficultquestion,butIthinktheansweris'Yes'.IfIwerenotconvincedthatthereissomeroomformanoeuvre,Iwouldn'tbeherenow. Moreseriously,atthelevelofanalysis,IthinkthatoneofthepracticalconsequencesofwhatI'vesaidisthatawarenessandknowledgeofthespecificlawsofthe linguisticmarketofwhichaparticularclassisthesitecancompletelytransformthewayofteaching,whatevertheobjectiveoneispursuing(preparingpupilsforthe baccalaureate,introducingmodernliteratureorlinguistics,etc.). It'simportanttoknowthatalinguisticproductionowesamajorpartofitspropertiestothestructureofitsaudienceofreceivers.Youonlyhavetoconsulttherecord cardsofthepupilsinaclasstoseethatstructure.Inaclasswherethreequartersofthepupilsarethechildrenofmanualworkers,youhavetobeawareoftheneedto spelloutyourpresuppositions.Anycommunicationwhichwantstobeeffectivealsopresupposesaknowledgeofwhatsociologistscallthepeergroup.Everyteacher hashadtheexperienceinaclassroom,histeachingmaycomeupagainstacounterteaching,acounterculture.Givenwhathewantstotransmit,hemaytry(it'sanother choice)tocombatthatcounterculture,withincertainlimits,whichpresupposesthatheknowsit.Knowingitmeansknowing,forexample,therelativeweightofthe differentformsofcompetence.AmongtheveryprofoundchangesthathaveoccurredintheFrenchschoolsystem,therearequalitativeeffectsofquantitative transformations.Beyondacertainthresholdintherepresentationofworkingclasschildreninaschoolclass,theoverallatmosphereoftheclassroomchanges,the formsofdisorderchange,thetypeofrelationshipswithteacherschanges.Theseareallthingsthatcanbeobservedandtakenintoaccountpractically. Butallthatonlyconcernsthemeans.Andindeedthesociologistcannotanswerthequestionoftheultimateends(whatshouldoneteach?).Theyaredefinedbythe structureofrelationsbetweenthesocialclasses.Thechangesinthedefinitionofthecontentofeducationandeventhefreedomthatteachersareallowedingoing throughtheircrisisstemfromthefactthatthereisalsoacrisisinthedominantdefinitionofthelegitimatecontentandthatthedominantclassiscurrentlythesiteof conflictsaboutwhatdeservestobetaught. Icannotdefinetheprojectofeducation(totrytodosowouldbeausurpationI'dbeactinglikeaprophet)Icansimplysaythatteachersneedtoknowthatthey aredelegated,mandated,andthattheirprophetic

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effectsthemselvesstillpresupposethesupportoftheinstitution.Whichdoesnotmeanthattheyshouldnotfightinordertohavetheirsayinthedefinitionofwhatthey havetoteach. Q.YouhavepresentedtheteacherofFrenchasthelegitimatedispenseroflegitimatediscoursewhichisthereflectionofadominantideologyandof dominantclasses,throughatoollanguageverylargely'impregnated'withthatdominantideology. Don'tyouthinkthatthatdefinitionisalsoveryreductive?Moreover,there'sacontradictionbetweenthebeginningofyourtalkandtheend,whenyou weresayingthattheFrenchclassandoralexercisescouldalsobethesiteofaraisingofawareness,andthatthissamelanguage,whichcouldbethe vehicleofdominantclassmodels,couldalsoprovidethoseinfrontofus,andourselves,withameansofaccesstotheuseoftoolswhichareindispensable tools. I'mhere,intheAFEF,becauseIthinkthatlanguageisalsoatoolwhichonlyworksifonelearnshowtomakeitwork.It'sbecauseweareconvincedof thatthatwedemandamorescientificapproachtothestudyofourdiscipline.Whatdoyouthink? Doyouthinkthatoralexchangeintheclassroomismerelytheimageofalegalitythatisalsosocialandpoliticallegality?Isn'ttheschoolclassroomalso theobjectofacontradictionthatexistsinsocietypoliticalstruggle? A.Butyouareputtingwordsintomymouth!Ihaveneversaidthatlanguagewasthedominantideology.Idon'teventhinkIhaveonceusedheretheexpression 'dominantideology'...Formethat'soneoftheveryregrettablemisunderstandings.Infact,mywholeeffortisaimedatdestroyingverbalandmentalautomatismslike thelinkagedominantclass/dominantideology. Whatdoeslegitimatemean?ThewordisatechnicalterminsociologicalvocabularythatIusequitedeliberately,becausetechnicalwordsmakeitpossibletosay, andtothink,difficultthings,andtothinkthemrigorously.Aninstitution,oranaction,orausageislegitimatewhenitisdominantbutnotrecognizedassuch,inother wordstacitlyrecognized.Thelanguagethatteachersuse,thelanguageyouusetospeaktome...[Avoice:Youuseittoo...!]OfcourseIuseit,butIneverstop explainingthatIuseit!...thelanguagethatweuseinthisspaceisadominantlanguageunrecognizedassuch,andsotacitlyrecognizedaslegitimate.It'salanguage thatproducestheessentialpartofitseffectsbyseemingnottobewhatitis.Whichleadstothequestion:ifitistruethatwespeakalegitimatelanguage,isn'teverything thatwecansayinthatlanguageaffectedbythat,evenifweapplythisinstrumentintheserviceofthetransmissionofcontentswhichseektobecritical?

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Here'sanotherfundamentalquestion:thisdominantlanguage,unrecognizedassuch,andthereforerecognizedaslegitimatedoesn'tithaveanaffinitywithcertain contents?Doesn'titexerciseeffectsofcensorship?Doesn'titmakecertainthingsdifficultorimpossibletosay?Isn'tthislegitimatelanguagedesigned,amongother things,topreventplainspeaking?(ButIshouldn'thavesaid'designedto'[faitpour].Oneoftheprinciplesofsociologyistochallengethatkindofnegative functionalism.SocialmechanismsarenottheproductofaMachiavellianintention.Theyaremuchmoreintelligentthanthemostintelligentofthedominantagents.) Let'stakeanindisputableexample.Intheeducationalsystem,Ithinkthatthelegitimatelanguagehasanaffinitywithacertaintypeofrelationtothetextthatdenies(in thepsychoanalyticsense)therelationtothesocialrealitythatthetextistalkingabout.Iftextsarereadbypeoplewhoreadtheminsuchawaythattheydon'tread them,it'slargelybecausepeoplearetrainedtospeakalanguageinwhichonespeakstosaythatoneisnotsayingwhatoneissaying.Oneofthepropertiesof legitimatelanguageispreciselythatitderealizeswhatitsays.JeanClaudeChevalierputitverypungentlywhenhesaid:'IsaschoolthatteachesoralFrenchstilla school?Istheorallanguagetaughtinaschoolstilloral?' I'lltakeaveryspecificexample,frompolitics.I'vebeenstruckbythefactthattheverysameinterlocutorswho,incasualconversation,wouldproduceverycomplex politicalanalysesoftherelationsbetweenmanagementandworkforce,unionsandtheirlocalbranches,werecompletelydisarmed,hadlittlemorethanbanalitiesto offer,assoonasIaskedthemquestionsofthetypethatareaskedinopinionpollsandalsoinschooldissertations.That'stosay,questionsthatrequireonetoadopta stylesuchthatthequestionoftrueorfalsedoesnotarise.Theeducationalsystemteachesnotonlyalanguagebutarelationtolanguagethatisboundupwitharelation tothings,tobeings,totheworld,thatiscompletelyderealized. Notes 1.TheInstitutNationaldelaStatistiqueetdestudesconomiques[translator]. FurtherReading ForfurtherdiscussionseeBourdieu,P.(1975)'Leftichismedelalangue',Actesdelarechercheensciencessociales,4:232(1977)'Theeconomicsoflinguistic exchanges',SocialScienceInformation,16(6):6458(1975)'Lelangageautoris:notesurlesconditionssocialesdel'efficacitdudiscoursrituel',Actesdela rechercheensciencessociales,56:18390.

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9 SomePropertiesofFields
Fieldspresentthemselvessynchronicallyasstructuredspacesofpositions(orposts)whosepropertiesdependontheirpositionwithinthesespacesandwhichcanbe analysedindependentlyofthecharacteristicsoftheiroccupants(whicharepartlydeterminedbythem).Therearegenerallawsoffields:fieldsasdifferentasthefield ofpolitics,thefieldofphilosophyorthefieldofreligionhaveinvariantlawsoffunctioning.(Thatiswhytheprojectofageneraltheoryisnotunreasonableandwhy, evennow,wecanusewhatwelearnaboutthefunctioningofeachparticularfieldtoquestionandinterpretotherfields,somovingbeyondthedeadlyantinomyof monographicidiographyandformal,emptytheory.)Wheneveronestudiesanewfield,whetheritbethefieldofphilologyinthenineteenthcentury,contemporary fashion,orreligionintheMiddleAges,onediscoversspecificpropertiesthatarepeculiartothatfield,atthesametimeasonepushesforwardourknowledgeofthe universalmechanismsoffields,whicharespecifiedintermsofsecondaryvariables.Forexample,nationalvariablesmeanthatgenericmechanismssuchasthestruggle betweenthechallengersandtheestablisheddominantactorstakedifferentforms.Butweknowthatineveryfieldweshallfindastruggle,thespecificformsofwhich havetobelookedforeachtime,betweenthenewcomerwhotriestobreakthroughtheentrybarrierandthedominantagentwhowilltrytodefendthemonopolyand keepoutcompetition. Afieldeventhescientificfielddefinesitselfby(amongotherthings)definingspecificstakesandinterests,whichareirreducibletothestakesandinterestsspecific tootherfields(youcan'tmakeaphilosophercompetefortheprizesthatinterestageographer)andwhicharenotperceivedbysomeonewhohasnotbeenshapedto enterthatfield(everycategoryofinterestsimpliesindifferencetootherinterests,otherinvestments,whicharethereforeboundtobeperceivedasabsurd,irrational,or sublimeanddisinterested).Inorderforafieldtofunction,therehavetobestakesandpeoplepreparedtoplaythegame,endowedwiththehabitusthatimplies knowledgeandrecognitionoftheimmanentlawsofthefield,thestakes,andsoon. Thehabitusofaphilologistisallatoncea'craft',acollectionoftechniques,references,andasetof'beliefs',suchasthepropensitytogiveas
TalkgivenatthecoleNormaleSuprieure,Paris,inNovember1976,toagroupofphilologistsandliteraryhistorians

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muchimportancetothenotesastothetext.Thesearepropertiesthatderivefromthehistory(nationalandinternational)ofthedisciplineandits(intermediate)position inthehierarchyofdisciplines,andwhichareboththeconditionofthefunctioningofthefieldandtheproductofitsfunctioning(butnotentirely:afieldmaysimply receiveandconsecrateaparticulartypeofhabitusthatismoreorlessfullyconstituted). Thestructureofthefieldisastateofthepowerrelationsamongtheagentsorinstitutionsengagedinthestruggle,or,toputitanotherway,astateofthedistributionof thespecificcapitalwhichhasbeenaccumulatedinthecourseofpreviousstrugglesandwhichorientssubsequentstrategies.Thisstructure,whichgovernsthestrategies aimedattransformingit,isitselfalwaysatstake.Thestruggleswhichtakeplacewithinthefieldareaboutthemonopolyofthelegitimateviolence(specificauthority) whichischaracteristicofthefieldinquestion,whichmeans,ultimately,theconservationorsubversionofthestructureofthedistributionofthespecificcapital.(When onespeaksofspecificcapital,thismeanstosaythatthiscapitaliseffectiveinrelationtoaparticularfield,andthereforewithinthelimitsofthatfield,andthatitisonly convertibleintoanotherkindofcapitaloncertainconditions.Youonlyhavetothink,forexample,ofthefailureofPierreCardinwhenhetriedtotransfercapital accumulatedinhautecoutureintohighculture.Everylastartcriticfeltcalledupontoasserthisstructuralsuperiorityasamemberofastructurallymorelegitimatefield bysayingthateverythingCardindidinlegitimateartwascontemptible,thusimposingthemostunfavourableconversionrateonCardin'scapital.) Thosewho,inadeterminatestateofthepowerrelations,moreorlesscompletelymonopolizethespecificcapital,thebasisofthespecificpowerorauthority characteristicofafield,areinclinedtoconservationstrategiesthosewhich,inthefieldsofproductionofculturalgoods,tendtodefendorthodoxywhereasthose leastendowedwithcapital(whoareoftenalsothenewcomers,andthereforegenerallytheyoungest)areinclinedtowardssubversionstrategies,thestrategiesof heresy.Heresy,heterodoxy,functioningasacriticalbreakwithdoxa(andoftenassociatedwithacrisis),iswhatbringsthedominantagentsoutoftheirsilenceand forcesthemtoproducethedefensivediscourseoforthodoxy,therightthinking,rightwingthoughtthatisaimedatrestoringtheequivalentofsilentassenttodoxa. Anotherpropertyoffields,alessvisibleone,isthatalltheagentsthatareinvolvedinafieldshareacertainnumberoffundamentalinterests,namelyeverythingthatis linkedtotheveryexistenceofthefield.Thisleadstoanobjectivecomplicitywhichunderliesalltheantagonisms.Ittendstobeforgottenthatafightpresupposes agreementbetweentheantagonistsaboutwhatitisthatisworthfightingaboutthosepointsofagreementareheldatthelevelofwhat'goeswithoutsaying',theyare leftinthestateofdoxa,inotherwordseverythingthatmakesthefielditself,thegame,thestakes,allthepresuppositionsthatonetacitlyandevenunwittinglyaccepts

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bythemerefactofplaying,ofenteringintothegame.Thosewhotakepartinthestrugglehelptoreproducethegamebyhelpingmoreorlesscompletely,depending onthefieldtoproducebeliefinthevalueofthestakes.Thenewplayershavetopayanentryfeewhichconsistsinrecognitionofthevalueofthegame(selectionand cooptionalwayspaygreatattentiontotheindicesofcommitmenttothegame,investmentinit)andin(practical)knowledgeoftheprinciplesofthefunctioningofthe game.Theyarecondemnedtousethestrategiesofsubversion,but,iftheyarenottoincurexclusionfromthegame,thesestrategieshavetoremainwithincertain limits.Thepartialrevolutionswhichconstantlyoccurinfieldsdonotcallintoquestiontheveryfoundationsofthegame,itsfundamentalaxioms,thebedrockof ultimatebeliefsonwhichthewholegameisbased.Onthecontrary,inthefieldsofproductionofculturalgoodsreligion,literatureorarthereticalsubversionclaims tobereturningtothesources,theorigin,thespirit,theauthenticessenceofthegame,inoppositiontothebanalizationanddegradationwhichithassuffered.(Oneof thefactorsprotectingthevariousgamesfromtotalrevolutions,whichcoulddestroynotonlythedominantagentsandtheirdomination,butthegameitself,isthevery sizeoftheinvestment,intime,effortandsoon,presupposedbyentryintothegame.Liketheordealsinritesofpassage,thisinvestmenthelpstomakethepureand simpledestructionofthegameunthinkableinpracticalterms.Thuswholesectorsofculturewithanaudienceofphilologists,Ican'thelpthinkingofphilologyare savedbythecostentailedinacquiringtheknowledgeneededeventodestroythemwithdueform.) Throughthepracticalknowledgeoftheprinciplesofthegamethatistacitlyrequiredofnewentrants,thewholehistoryofthegame,thewholepastofthegame,is presentineachactofthegame.Itisnoaccidentthat,togetherwiththepresenceineachworkoftracesoftheobjective(andsometimesevenconscious)relationship tootherworks,oneofthesurestindicesoftheconstitutionofafieldistheappearanceofacorpsofconservatorsoflivesthebiographersandofworksthe philologists,thehistoriansofartandliterature,whostarttoarchivethesketches,thedrafts,themanuscripts,to'correct'them(therightto'correct'isthelegitimate violenceofthephilologist),todecipherthem,etc.Theseagents'interestslieinconservingwhatisproducedinthefield,andinsodoingtoconservethemselves.And anotherindexthatanareahasstartedtofunctionasafieldisthetraceofthehistoryofthefieldintheindividualwork(andeveninthelifeoftheproducer).Foraproof ofthis,acontrario,onecouldanalysethehistoryoftherelationsbetweenasocalled'nave'painter(onewhoalmoststumblesintothefield,withoutpayingtheentry fee,thetoll)suchasDouanierRousseau,andthecontemporaryartists,likeJarry,ApollinaireorPicasso,whoplay(intheliteralsense,withallkindsofmoreorless charitablehoaxes)withsomeonewhodoesnotknowhowtoplaythegame,whowantstopaintlikeBouguereauorBonnatintheageoffuturismand

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cubism,andwhobreaksthegame,butunwittingly,incontrasttopeoplelikeDuchamp,orevenSatie,whounderstandthelogicofthegamewellenoughtodefyitand exploititatthesametime.Andthenonewouldalsohavetoanalysethehistoryofthesubsequentinterpretationoftheoeuvre*,which,throughoverinterpretation, pushesitbackintotheranks,intothehistory,andendeavourstoturnthisweekendpainter(theaestheticprinciplesofhispainting,suchastheuncompromising frontalityofhisportraits,arethosewhichworkingclasspeopleputintotheirphotography)intoaconscious,inspiredrevolutionary. Thereisafieldeffectwhenitisnolongerpossibletounderstandawork(andthevalue,i.e.thebelief,thatitisgranted)withoutknowingthehistoryofthefieldof productionofthework.Thatishowtheexegetes,commentators,interpreters,historians,semiologistsandphilologists,cometobejustifiedinexisting,astheonly peoplecapableofaccountingfortheworkandtherecognitionofvaluethatitenjoys.Thesociologyofartorliteraturethatdirectlyrelatesworksofarttothe producers'orclients'positioninsocialspace(theirsocialclass)withoutconsideringtheirpositioninthefieldofproduction(a'reduction'whichis,strictly,onlyvalidfor 'nave'artists)sweepsasideeverythingthattheworkowestothefieldanditshistorythatistosay,preciselythatwhichmakesitaworkofart,orscience,or philosophy.Aphilosophical(orscientific,etc.)problemisaproblemthatphilosophers(orscientists)recognize(inbothsenses)assuch(becauseitisinscribedinthe logicofthehistoryofthefieldandintheirdispositions,whicharehistoricallyconstitutedbyandformembershipofthefield)andwhich,byvirtueofthespecific authoritytheyarerecognizedashaving,haseverychanceofbeingverywidelyrecognizedaslegitimate.Heretoo,theexampleof'nave'producersisveryenlightening. Theyarepeoplewhohavehadthestatusofpaintersorwriters(revolutionaryones,toboot)thrustupontheminthenameofaproblematicofwhichtheywerequite unaware.TheverbalassociationsofJeanPierreBrisset,hislongsequencesofwordequations,alliterationsandincongruities,whichheintendedforlearnedsocieties andacademicconferences,makinga'fieldmistake'whichtestifiestohisinnocence,wouldhaveremainedtheramblingsofamadmanforwhichtheywerefirsttaken,if Jarry's'pataphysics',Apollinaire'sandDuchamp'spuns,ortheautomaticwritingofthesurrealistshadnotcreatedtheproblematicinrelationtowhichtheycouldtake onameaning.Theseobjectpoetsandobjectpainters,these'objectiverevolutionaries',enableustoobserve,inisolation,thetransmutingpowerofthefield.This powerequallyoperates,albeitinalessstrikingandbettergroundedway,ontheworksoftheprofessionalswhoknowthegameandtheproblematic,whoknowwhat theyaredoing(whichdoesnotintheleastmeanthattheyarecynical),sothatthenecessitythataconsecratingreadingfindsinthemdoesnotappearsoobviouslyas theproductofanobjectiveaccident(whichitalsois,inasmuchasitpresupposesamiraculousharmonybetweenaphilosophicaldisposition

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andastateoftheexpectationsinscribedinthefield).HeideggerisoftenSpenglerorJngertransposedintothephilosophicalfield.Hehassomeverysimplethingsto say:'technique'isthedeclineoftheWesteverythinghasgonedownhillsinceDescartes,andsoon.Thefield,or,moreprecisely,thehabitusofaprofessional, adjustedinadvancetothedemandsofthefield(forexample,totheprevailingdefinitionofthelegitimateproblematic),willfunctionasatranslatingmachine:beinga 'revolutionaryconservative'inphilosophymeansrevolutionizingtheimageofKantianphilosophybyshowingthatattherootofthisphilosophywhichpresentsitselfas thecritiqueofmetaphysics,thereismoremetaphysics.Thissystematictransformationofproblemsandthemesisnottheproductofaconscious(andcynically calculated)endeavour,butanautomaticeffectofbelongingtothefieldandthemasteryofthespecifichistoryofthefieldthatitimplies.Beingaphilosophermeans knowingwhatoneneedstoknowofthehistoryofphilosophyinordertobeabletobehaveasaphilosopherwithinaphilosophicalfield. Iwanttoreemphasizethattheprincipleofphilosophical(orliterary)strategiesisnotcynicalcalculation,theconsciouspursuitofmaximumspecificprofit,butan unconsciousrelationshipbetweenahabitusandafield.ThestrategiesIamtalkingaboutareactionsobjectivelyorientedtowardsgoalsthatmaynotbethegoals subjectivelypursued.Andthetheoryofthehabitusisaimedatestablishingthepossibilityofascienceofpracticesthatescapestheforcedchoicebetweenfinalismand mechanism.(Thewordinterest,whichIhaveusedseveraltimes,isalsoverydangerous,becauseitisliabletosuggestautilitarianismthatisthedegreezeroof sociology.Thatsaid,sociologycannotdispensewiththeaxiomofinterest,understoodasthespecificinvestmentinthestakes,whichisboththeconditionandthe productofmembershipofafield.)Thehabitus,asystemofdispositionsacquiredbyimplicitorexplicitlearningwhichfunctionsasasystemofgenerativeschemes, generatesstrategieswhichcanbeobjectivelyconsistentwiththeobjectiveinterestsoftheirauthorswithouthavingbeenexpresslydesignedtothatend.Wehaveto learntoescapefromtheforcedchoicebetweennaveteleology(accordingtowhich,forexample,the'revolution'whichledApollinairetotheaudacitiesofLundirue Christineandotherpoetic'readymades'wasmotivatedbytheaimofplacinghimselfattheheadofthemovementpioneeredbyCendrars,thefuturistsorDelaunay) andmechanisticexplanation(whichwouldseethistransformationasadirectandsimpleeffectofsocialdeterminations).Whenpeopleonlyhavetolettheirhabitus followitsnaturalbentinordertocomplywiththeimmanentnecessityofthefieldandsatisfythedemandscontainedwithininit(which,ineveryfield,isthevery definitionofexcellence),theyarenotatallawareoffulfillingaduty,stilllessofseekingtomaximizetheir(specific)profit.Sotheyenjoytheadditionalprofitofseeing themselvesandbeingseenastotallydisinterested.

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FurtherReading Forfurtherdiscussion,seeBourdieu,P.(1975)'Lecouturieretsagriffe:contributionunethoriedelamagic',Actesdelarechercheensciencessociales,1:736 (1988)L'OntologiepolitiquedeMartinHeidegger,Paris:ditionsdeMinuit(1988)TheLogicofPractice,Oxford:PolityPress.

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10 TheLinguisticMarket
IshalltrytosetoutwhatIhavetosaystepbystep,takingaccountofthediversityoftheaudience,whichcouldindeedscarcelybemorevaried,giventherangeof disciplinesrepresented,thelevelsofcompetenceinthosedisciplines,andsoon.SomemayfindwhatIhavetosaysomewhatsimplisticforothersitmaybetoorapid andtooallusive.IshallfirstputforwardanumberofconceptsandprincipleswhichIregardasfundamental,hopingthatinthecourseofthedayweshallbeableto clarify,discussandgobacktopointsthatImayhavetouchedontoorapidly. WhatIbasicallywanttodoistospelloutaverysimplemodelthatcouldbeformulatedasfollows:linguistichabitus+linguisticmarket=linguisticexpression,speech. Ishallexplainthesuccessivetermsofthisverygeneralformula,startingwiththenotionofthehabitus.Asever,Iwanttowarnagainstthetendencytofetishize concepts.Oneneedstotakeconceptsseriously,keepacheckonthem,andaboveallmakethemworkundersupervision,undercontrol,inresearch.Thatishow theygraduallyimprove,andnotthroughpurelogicalcontrol,whichfossilizesthem.Agoodconceptandthehabitusisoneofthem,Ibelievedestroysmanyfalse problems(thedilemmaofmechanismorfinalism,forexample),andbringsupother,realproblems.Whenitiswellconstructedandwellcontrolled,ittendstodefend itselfagainstreductions. Thelinguistichabitus,crudelydefined,canbedistinguishedfromcompetenceasthetermisusedbyChomsky,inthatitistheproductofsocialconditionsandisnota simpleproductionofutterancesbuttheproductionofutterancesadaptedtoa'situation'or,rather,adaptedtoamarketorafield.Theideaof'situation'wasbroughtin ataveryearlystageIamthinkingforexampleofPrieto,whoinhisPrincipesdenoologiestressedthefactthatawholehostoflinguisticbehaviourscannotbe understoodindependentlyofimplicitreferencetothesituation(whenIsay'I',itneedstobeknownthatI'mtheonesaying'I'otherwiseitmightbesomeoneelseand thinkoftheconfusionsbetween'I'and'you'thatareusedinjokes,andsoon)asacorrectivetoallthetheoriesthatexclusivelystressedcompetenceandforgot abouttheconditionsoftheimplementationofcompetence.Ithasbeenused,inparticular,toquestiontheimplicitpresuppositionsoftheSaussurianmodel,inwhich parole(likeChomsky'sperformance)isreducedtoanactofexecution,likeperforming
TalkgivenattheUniversityofGenevainDecember1978

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amusicalscoreorexecutinganorder.Thenotionofsituationremindsusthatthereisaspecificlogicofexecutionthatwhathappensatthelevelofexecutioncannot besimplydeducedfromknowledgeofcompetence.ButthenIwasledtowonderwhether,inconservingthestillveryabstractnotionofsituation,onewasnotdoing whatSartrecomplainedofinthetheoryoftendencies:reproducingtheconcretebycrossingtwoabstractions,inthiscasesituationandcompetence. TheSophistsusedtobringinanideathatseemstomeveryimportant,thatofkairos.Asteachersofspeech,theyknewitwasnotsufficienttoteachpeoplehowto talktheyalsohadtobetaughttotalktothepoint.Inotherwords,theartofspeaking,ofspeakingwell,ofproducingfiguresofspeechorthought,manipulating language,masteringit,isnothingwithouttheartofusingthatarttothepoint.Kairosis,originally,thebull'seye.Whenyouspeaktothepoint,youscoreabull'seye, youhitthenailonthehead.Inordertodothat,inorderforyourwordstocount,to'gohome',youmustnotonlysaythegrammaticallycorrectwords,butthesocially acceptablewords. InmyarticleinLanguefranaise,ItriedtoshowthatthenotionofacceptabilitythathasbeenreintroducedbytheChomskiansremainsquiteinadequatebecauseit reducesacceptabilitytogrammaticality.Infact,sociologicallydefinedacceptabilitydoesconsistsolelyinspeakingalanguagecorrectly.Insomecases,ifonewants, forexample,toappearrelaxed,atooimpeccableFrenchmaybeunacceptable.Initsfulldefinition,acceptabilitypresupposestheconformityofwordsnotonlytothe immanentrulesofthelanguage,butalsototheintuitivelygraspedrulesthatareimmanentina'situation',orratheracertainlinguisticmarket. Whatisthislinguisticmarket?I'llgiveafirst,provisionaldefinition,whichIshallhavetocomplicatelater.Thereisalinguisticmarketwheneversomeoneproducesan utteranceforreceiverscapableofassessingit,evaluatingitandsettingapriceonit.Knowledgeoflinguisticcompetencealonedoesnotenableonetopredictwhatthe valueofalinguisticperformancewillbeonamarket.Thepricethattheproductsofagivencompetencewillreceiveonagivenmarketdependsonthelawsofprice formationspecifictothatmarket.Forexample,ontheeducationalmarket,theimperfectsubjunctivehadahighvalueinthedaysofmyteachers,whoidentifiedtheir professorialidentitywithusingitatleastinthethirdpersonsingular.Nowadays,thatwouldprovokesmilesandcan'tbedoneinfrontofastudentaudience,unless youemitametalinguisticsigntoshowthatalthoughyou'redoingityoucouldequallywellnotdoit.Similarly,thetendencytocontrolledhypocorrectionamong presentdayintellectualsisexplainedbythefearofoverdoingthings,and,liketheopencollar,itisoneofthecontrolledformsofnoncontrolthatarelinkedtoeffects ofthemarket.Thelinguisticmarketissomethingthatisbothveryconcreteandveryabstract.Concretely,it'saparticularsocialsituation,moreorlessofficialand ritualized,aparticularsetofinterlocutors,situatedata

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particularlevelinthesocialhierarchyallpropertiesthatareperceivedandappreciatedinaninfraconsciouswayandunconsciouslyorientlinguisticproduction. Definedinabstractterms,itisaparticulartypeof(variable)lawsoftheformationofthepricesoflinguisticproducts.WhenIsaythattherearelawsofpriceformation, Iammakingthepointthatthevalueofagivencompetencedependsontheparticularmarketinwhichitisimplementedand,moreprecisely,onthestateofthe relationshipswithinwhichthevaluessetonthelinguisticproductsofthevariousproducersaredefined. Thisleadsmetoreplacethenotionofcompetencewiththatoflinguisticcapital.Thenotionoflinguisticcapitalimpliesthattherearelinguisticprofits:someonewho livesinthe7tharrondissementofParisasmostofthepeoplewhonowgovernFrancedoreceivesalinguisticprofitassoonasheopenshismouth,andthereis nothingfictitiousorillusoryaboutthisprofit,asonemightbeledtothinkbythekindofeconomismthatarudimentaryMarxismhasimposedonus.Theverynatureof hisspeech(whichcanbeanalysedphonetically,etc.)saysthatheisauthorizedtospeak,somuchsothatithardlymatterswhathesays.Whatlinguistspresentasthe primaryfunctionoflanguage,thecommunicationfunction,maybenotfulfilledatall,whileitsrealsocialfunctionmaycontinueunabated.Situationsoflinguistic powerrelationsaresituationsinwhichthereisspeechwithoutcommunication,theextremecasebeingtheMass.ThatiswhyIhavebeeninterestedinliturgy.Theyare casesinwhichtheauthorizedspeakerhassomuchauthority,hastheinstitution,thelawsofthemarketandthewholesocialspacesomuchonhisside,thathecan speakandyetsaynothingitisthevoiceofauthority. Linguisticcapitalispoweroverthemechanismsoflinguisticpriceformation,thepowertomakethelawsofpriceformationoperatetoone'sadvantageandtoextract thespecificsurplusvalue.Everyactofinteraction,everylinguisticcommunication,evenbetweentwopeople,twofriends,boyandgirl,alllinguisticinteractions,arein asensemicromarketswhichalwaysremaindominatedbytheoverallstructures. Ascanbeseeninnationalstruggleswherelanguageisanimportantstake(inQuebec,forexample),thereisaveryclearrelationofdependencebetweenthe mechanismsofpoliticaldominationandthemechanismsoflinguisticpriceformationthatcharacterizeagivensocialsituation.Forexample,thestrugglesbetween FrenchspeakersandArabicspeakersinanumberofArabcountriesformerlycolonizedbyFrancealwayshaveaneconomicdimension,inthesenseinwhichIuse theword,thatis,inthesensethat,throughthedefenceofamarketfortheirownlinguisticproducts,theholdersofagivencompetencearedefendingtheirownvalue aslinguisticproducers.Facedwithnationaliststruggles,analysishesitatesbetweeneconomismandmysticism.ThetheorythatIamputtingforwardmakesitpossible tounderstandthatlinguisticstrugglesmaynothave

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obviouslinguisticbases,oronlytransposedones,andyetinvolveinterestsasvital,sometimesmorevital,thaneconomicinterestsinthenarrowsense. So,whenIbringinthenotionofthemarket,Iunderlinethesimplefactthatacompetencehasvalueonlysolongasithasamarket.That'swhythepeoplewhoare currentlytryingtodefendtheirvalueaspossessorsofLatinareobligedtodefendtheexistenceofthemarketinLatin,whichmeans,inparticular,thereproduction, throughtheschoolsystem,oftheconsumersofLatin.Acertaintypeofconservatism,whichissometimespathological,withintheeducationalsystem,canonlybe understoodintermsofthesimplelawthatacompetencewithoutamarketbecomesworthless,orrather,ceasestobelinguisticcapitalandbecomesamere competenceinthelinguists'sense. Soacapitalcanexistandfunctionassuch,andbringinprofits,onlyonacertainmarket.NowImustfleshoutthisnotionofthemarketandtrytodescribethe objectiverelationsthatgivethemarketitsstructure.Whatisthemarket?Thereareindividualproducers(thisisthemarginalistviewofthemarket)whooffertheir products,andthenthejudgementsofalltheactorscomeintoplayandamarketpriceemerges.Thisliberaltheoryofthemarketisasinaccurateforthelinguistic marketasitforthemarketineconomicgoods.Justas,intheeconomicmarket,therearemonopolies,objectivepowerrelationswhichmeanthatalltheproducersand theirproductsdonotstartoutequal,sotoointhelinguisticmarkettherearepowerrelations.Sothelinguisticmarkethaslawsofpriceformationwhicharesuchthat theproducersoflinguisticproducts,ofutterances,arenotequal. Thepowerrelationswhichdominatethismarket,andmeanthatcertainproducersandcertainproductsstartoutwithaprivilege,presupposethatthelinguisticmarket isrelativelyunified.ConsiderthedocumenttakenfromaBarnnewspaperwhichIreproducedinmyarticleonTheillusionoflinguisticcommunism'.Reportingthat,in thecourseofaceremonyinhonourofaBarnpoet,theMayorofPauaddressedhisaudienceinBarnais,thejournalistnotes:'Thisgesturewasmuchappreciated [Cetteattentiontouchel'assistance].'TheaudienceconsistedofpeoplewhosefirstlanguagewasBarnais,andtheyare'touched'bythefactthataBarnmayor speakstotheminBarnais.Theyaretouchedbyagesturethatisaformofcondescension.Inorderfortheretobecondescension,therehastobeanobjectivegap: condescensionisthedemagogicuseofanobjectivepowerrelation,sincethepersonwhocondescendsmakesuseofthehierarchyinordertodenyit.Atthevery momentwhenhedeniesit,heexploitsit('thecommontouch').Thesearecaseswherearelationofinteractioninasmallgroupsuddenlyrevealstranscendentpower relations.WhathappensbetweentheBarnmayorandthoseBarnaisisnotreducibletowhathappensintheinteractionbetweenthem.IftheMayorcanbeseenas showingamarkofattentiontohisBarnaisfellowcitizens,itisbecauseheisplayingontheobjectiverelationshipbetweenFrenchand

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Barnais.AndifFrenchwerenotadominantlanguage,iftherewerenotaunifiedlinguisticmarket,ifFrenchwerenotthelegitimatelanguage,theonetobespokenin legitimatesituationsinofficialsituations,theArmy,atthepostoffice,thetaxoffice,atschool,inspeeches,etc.thefactofspeakingBarnaiswouldnothavethis 'touching'effect. ThatiswhatImeanbylinguisticpowerrelations:theyarerelationsthattranscendthesituation,irreducibletotherelationsofinteractionastheycanbegraspedinthe situation.Thisisimportantbecause,whenonetalksaboutthesituation,onethinksoneisbringingbackinthesocialbecauseoneisbringingbackinteraction. Interactionistdescriptionofsocialrelations,whichisveryinterestinginitself,becomesdangerousifitisforgottenthattheserelationsofinteractionarenot'anempire withinanempire'ifitisforgottenthatinwhathappensbetweentwopersonsanemployerandherdomesticservant,ortwocolleagues,oraFrenchspeakeranda Germanspeakingcolleaguetheserelationsbetweentwopersonsarealwaysdominatedbytheobjectiverelationshipbetweenthecorrespondinglanguages,thatisto say,therelationshipbetweenthegroupsspeakingthoselanguages.WhenaGermanspeakingSwisstalkswithaFrenchspeakingSwiss,it'sGermanSwitzerlandand FrancophoneSwitzerlandthataretalking. ButtoreturntotheanecdotefromwhichIstarted:theBarnmayorcanproducethiseffectofcondescendenceonlybecauseheisanagrg.1 Ifhewerenotan agrg,hisBarnaiswouldbeapeasant'sBarnais,andthereforeworthless,andthepeasantstowhomthis'qualityBarnais'isanywaynotaddressed(theyrarely attendofficialgatherings)wantnothingbetterthantospeakFrench.'QualityBarnais'isrehabilitatedattheverymomentwhenthepeasantsareincreasingly abandoningitforFrench.OnehastoaskwhohasaninterestinrestoringBarnaisattheverytimethatthepeasantsfeelobligedtospeakFrenchtotheirchildrenso theycandowellatschool. TheBarnaispeasantwhoexplainedwhyhehadneverthoughtofbecomingMayorofhisvillage,althoughhehadwonmostvotesintheelections,bysayingthathe 'didn'tknowtotalk'hadaperfectlyrealistic,entirelysociologicaldefinitionoflegitimatecompetencethedominantdefinitionoflegitimatecompetenceisindeedsuch thathisrealcompetenceisillegitimate.(Thatoughttobethestartingpointforanalysisofaphenomenonsuchasthatofthe'spokesman'[leporteparole],an interestingwordforthosewhotalkaboutlangueandparole.)Inorderfortheeffectsofcapitalandlinguisticdominationtooccur,thelinguisticmarkethastobe relativelyunified,thatis,thetotalityofspeakershastobesubjecttothesamelawoflinguisticproductpriceformation.Thatmeans,concretely,thatthehumblestof Barnpeasants,whetherheknowsitornot(andhedoesknowit,sincehesayshedoesnotknowhowtotalk),isobjectivelymeasuredagainstanormwhichisthat of'standardParisianFrench'.Andevenifhehasneverheard'standardParisianFrench'(infact

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heishearingitmoreandmore,'thanks'totelevision),theBarnspeakerisdominatedbytheParisspeakerand,inallhisinteractions,atthepostoffice,atschool,etc., heisinobjectiverelationshipwithhim.Thatiswhatismeantbyunificationofthemarketorrelationoflinguisticdomination.Thelinguisticmarketisthesiteof formsofdominationwhichhaveaspecificlogicand,asineverymarketinsymbolicgoods,therearespecificformsofdominationwhicharenotatallreducibleto strictlyeconomicdominationeitherinthewaytheyworkorintheprofitstheysecure. Oneoftheconsequencesofthisanalysisconcernsthesurveysituationitself.Beinganinteraction,itisoneofthesitesinwhichlinguisticandculturalpowerrelations, culturaldomination,isactualized.Itisimpossibletoimagineasurveysituationthatis'purged'ofanyeffectofdomination(assomesociologistssometimessuppose).If oneisnottotakeartefactsforfacts,thebestonecandoistobringintoanalysisofthe'data'analysisofthesocialdeterminationsofthesituationinwhichthedatahave beenproducedanalysisofthelinguisticmarketinwhichthefactsbeinganalysedhavebeenestablished. Aboutfifteenyearsago,Icarriedoutasurveyofpeople'spreferences,tastesinthebroadestsense,infood,music,paintings,clothes,sexualpartner,andsoon.The greaterpartofthematerialwascollectedinverbalinteractions.Afterawholeseriesofanalyses,Iwasledtoconsidertherelativeweight,inthedeterminationof preferences,ofculturalcapital,asmeasuredbyqualifications,andsocialoriginandhowtherelativeweightsofthesetwofactorsvaryaccordingtotheparticulararea ofpracticeforexample,tastesseemtobemorecloselylinkedtosocialoriginasregardscinemaandmorecloselylinkedtoeducationasregardstheatre.Icould havecarriedonendlesslycalculatingcoefficientsofcorrelationbutmethodologicalhypercorrectionwouldhavepreventedmefromquestioningthesituationinwhichI hadcollectedthematerial.Mightitnotbethat,amongtheexplanatoryvariables,themostimportant,hiddenbehindthematerialitself,istheeffectofthevery characteristicsofthesurveysituation?Fromthestartofthesurvey,Ihadbeenawarethatthelegitimacyeffect,whichalsoplaysamajorroleinmattersof language,causedmembersoftheworkingclasses,whenquestionedabouttheirculture,totend,consciouslyorunconsciously,inthesurveysituation,toselectwhat seemedtothemtocorrespondbesttotheimagetheyhadofthedominantculture,sothatitwasimpossibletogetthemtosaysimplywhattheyreallyliked.Itisto Labov'screditthathehasemphasizedthatoneofthevariablesthatarigoroussociolinguisticanalysisneedstovaryisthesurveysituation.Oneofthemostoriginal featuresofhisstudiesofspeechinHarlemisthathetakesnoteoftheeffectofthesurveysituationtoseewhatwasobtainedwhenthesurveyorwasnotaWASPbut onememberoftheghettospeakingtoanother.Ifthesurveysituationisvaried,itcanbeseenthatthemorethetensionofcontrolisrelaxed,andthefurtheronemoves fromthemostcontrolledareasofculture,themoreperformanceislinkedtosocialorigin.

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Conversely,thetighterthecontrol,themoreitislinkedtoeducationalcapital.Inotherwords,theproblemoftherelativeweightofthetwovariablescannotbe resolvedintheabsolute,byreferencetosomesortofneutral,constantsituation.Itcanonlyberesolvedifoneintroducesavariabletobetreatedasafactorofthese twovariables:thenatureofthemarketonwhichtheselinguisticorculturalproductsaregoingtobeoffered.(Parenthesis:epistemologyisoftenperceivedasakindof metadiscourseoutsideofscientificpracticeinmyview,itisareflectionwhichreallychangespracticeandleadsonetoavoiderrors,nottomeasuretheefficacyofa factorwhileforgettingthefactoroffactors,namelythesituationinwhichonemeasuresthefactors.Saussuresaid,'Oneneedstoknowwhatthelinguistdoes.' Epistemologyistheefforttofindoutwhatoneisdoing.) Whataculturalorlinguisticsurveyrecordsisnotadirectmanifestationofcompetence,butacomplexproductoftherelationshipbetweenacompetenceanda market,aproductwhichdoesnotexistoutsidethatrelationship.Itisacompetenceinasituation,acompetenceforaparticularmarket(veryoftenthesociolinguist tendstoignoretheeffectsofthemarketbecausehisdatahavebeengatheredinasituationthatisconstantfromhispointofview,i.e.therelationshipwithhimself,the interviewer).Theonlywaytocontroltherelationshipistovaryitbyvaryingthemarketsituations,insteadofprivilegingonemarketsituationamongothers(as Labovdoes,forexample,withthespeechofaHarlemblackforotherHarlemblacks)andseeingthetruthofspeech,authenticpopularspeech,inthelanguage producedinthoseconditions. Theeffectsofdomination,theobjectivepowerrelationsofthelinguisticmarket,areexertedinalllinguisticsituations.IntherelationshipwithaParisian,abourgeois fromthesouthernprovincesis'ataloss'hiscapitalcollapses.Labovhasdiscoveredthatwhatisgraspedunderthenameofpopularspeechinasurveyispopular speechasitappearsinamarketsituationdominatedbythedominantvalues,that'stosayadisruptedlanguage.Thesituationsinwhichrelationsoflinguisticdomination takeeffect,thatis,official,formalsituations,aresituationsinwhichtherelationsactuallyestablished,theinteractions,areperfectlyinaccordancewiththeobjective lawsofthemarket.WecomebacktotheBarnpeasantsaying,'Idon'tknowhowtotalk.'Hemeans:'Idon'tknowhowtotalkasonehastotalkinformal situationsifIbecameMayor,Iwouldbecomeanofficial,requiredtomakeformalspeechesandthereforesubjecttotheofficialrulesofformalFrench.BecauseI can'ttalklikeGiscardd'Estaing,Ican'ttalk.'Themoreformalasituationis,themorethespeakerhimselfhastobeauthorized.Hehastohavequalifications,hehasto havetherightaccent,sohehastohavebeenbornintherightplace.Themoreformalthesituation,themoreitisruledbythegenerallawsofpriceformation. Bycontrast,whenpeoplesay'no,butfrankly...',theycanletthemselvesgo,asinavillagebar.Theyaresaying:'We'regoingtocreateahavenof

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freedomoutsidethelawsofspeech,whichcontinuetooperate,weknow,butweshalltakeliberties.'Theyfeelfreetospeakfreely.This'plaintalking'ispopular speechinthepopularsituation,whenthelawsofthemarketarebracketedoff.Butitwouldbeamistaketosaythatthe'truth'ofpopularspeechisthis'plaintalking'. Itisnomore'true'thantheother:thefulltruthofpopularcompetenceisalsothefactthat,whenitisconfrontedwithanofficialmarket,itbreaksdown,whereaswhen itisonitsownterritory,athome,inafamiliarrelationship,amongitsown,itisplainspeaking.Itisimportanttoknowthatplainspeakingexistsbutasanislandset apartfromthelawsofthemarketaislandthatpeopledefinebylicensingthemselvestospeakout(therearemarkerstosaythatoneissettingupaspecialgame, thatonecanspeakfreely).Theeffectsofthemarketcontinuetooperate,onworkingclasspeopletootheycanalwayspotentiallybecalledtoaccountbythelawsof themarket.ThatiswhatIcalllegitimacy.Thephraselinguisticlegitimacyservestoremindusthatignoranceofthelawoflanguageisnodefence.Thatdoesn'tmean thatworkingclasspeoplerecognizethebeautyofGiscard'sstyle.ItmeansthatwhentheyfindthemselvesfacetofacewithsomeonelikeGiscard,theyareataloss forwordsdefactotheirspeechwillbefracturedandtheywillshutup,condemnedtosilence,thesilencethatiscalledrespectful.Thelawsofthemarketexertavery importanteffectofcensorshiponthosewhocanonlytalkinsituationsofplaintalking(i.e.whentheycanmakeitclearthattheordinarydemandshavetobe momentarilysuspended)andwhoarecondemnedtosilenceintheformalsituationsinwhichmajorpolitical,socialandculturalstakesareinvolved.(Thematrimonial market,forexample,isamarketonwhichlinguisticcapitalplaysadecisiverole:Ithinkitisoneofthemediationsthroughwhichclasshomogeneityismaintained.)The marketeffectwhichcensorsplainspeakingisaparticularcaseofamoregeneralcensorshipeffectwhichleadstoeuphemization:eachspecializedfieldreligious, literary,philosophical,etc.hasitsownlawsandtendstocensorutterancesthatdonotconformtothoselaws. Relationstolanguageseemtometobecloselyassociatedwithrelationstothebody.Forexample,andtoputitschematically,thebourgeoisrelationtothebodyorto languageistheeasyrelationofthosewhoareintheirelement,whohavethelawsofthemarketontheirside.Theexperienceofeaseisaquasidivineexperience.To feeloneselfcommeilfaut,exemplary,'justso',istheexperienceofabsoluteness,theveryonewhichpeopleexpectofreligions.Thesenseofbeingwhatoneoughtto beisoneofthemostabsoluteprofitsreapedbydominantgroups.Bycontrast,thepetitbourgeoisrelationtothebodyandtolanguageisarelationthatisdescribedas timidity,tension,hypertensiontheyalwaysdotoomuchortoolittle,theyareillateasewiththemselves. Q.Whatrelationshipdoyouestablishbetweenethosandhabitus,andotherconcepts,suchashexis,thatyouuse?

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A.I'veusedthewordethos,aftermanyothers,inoppositiontoethic,todesignateanobjectivelysystematicsetofdispositionswithanethicaldimension,asetof practicalprinciples(anethicbeinganintentionallycoherentsystemofexplicitprinciples).It'sausefuldistinction,especiallyforcontrollingpracticalerrors.For example,ifoneforgetsthatwemayhaveprinciplesinthepracticalstate,withouthavingasystematicmorality,anethic,oneforgetsthatsimplybyaskingquestions, interrogating,oneforcespeopletomovefromethostoethicininvitingajudgementonconstituted,verbalizednorms,oneassumesthatthisshifthasbeenmade.Or,in anothersense,oneforgetsthatpeoplemayproveincapableofrespondingtoethicalproblemswhilebeingquitecapableofrespondinginpracticetosituationsraising thecorrespondingquestions. Thenotionofhabitusencompassesthenotionofethos,andthat'swhyIusethelatterwordlessandless.Thepracticalprinciplesofclassificationwhichconstitutethe habitusareinseparablylogicalandaxiological,theoreticalandpractical.Becausepracticallogicisturnedtowardspractice,itinevitablyimplementsvalues.That's whyIhaveabandonedthedistinction,towhichIresortedonceortwice,betweeneidosasasystemoflogicalschemesandethosasasystemofpractical,axiological schemes.(Allthemoresosincebycompartmentalizingdifferentdimensionsofthehabitus,onetendstoreinforcetherealistviewwhichthinksintermsofseparate faculties.)Moreover,alltheprinciplesofchoiceare'embodied',turnedintopostures,dispositionsofthebody.Valuesarepostures,gestures,waysofstanding, walking,speaking.Thestrengthoftheethosisthatitisamoralitymadeflesh. SoyoucanseehowIhavecometousealmostexclusivelytheconceptofhabitus.Theideaofhabitushasalongtraditionbehindit.TheScholasticsuseditto translateAristotle'shexis.YoufinditinDurkheim,who,inL'volutionpdagogiqueenFrance,notesthatChristianeducationhadtosolvetheproblemsraisedby theneedtomouldaChristianhabituswithapaganculture.It'salsoinMarcelMauss,inhisfamoustextonthetechniquesofthebody.Butneitherofthoseauthors givesitadecisiveroletoplay. WhydidIrevivethatoldword?Becausewiththenotionofhabitusyoucanrefertosomethingthatisclosetowhatissuggestedbytheideaofhabit,whilediffering fromitinoneimportantrespect.Thehabitus,asthewordimplies,isthatwhichonehasacquired,butwhichhasbecomedurablyincorporatedinthebodyintheform ofpermanentdispositions.Sothetermconstantlyremindsusthatitreferstosomethinghistorical,linkedtoindividualhistory,andthatitbelongstoageneticmodeof thought,asopposedtoessentialistmodesofthought(likethenotionofcompetencewhichispartoftheChomskianlexis).Moreover,byhabitustheScholasticsalso meantsomethinglikeaproperty,acapital.Andindeed,thehabitusisacapital,butonewhich,becauseitisembodied,appearsasinnate.

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Butthenwhynotsay'habit'?Habitisspontaneouslyregardedasrepetitive,mechanical,automatic,reproductiveratherthanproductive.Iwantedtoinsistontheidea thatthehabitusissomethingpowerfullygenerative.Toputitbriefly,thehabitusisaproductofconditioningswhichtendstoreproducetheobjectivelogicofthose conditioningswhiletransformingit.It'sakindoftransformingmachinethatleadsusto'reproduce'thesocialconditionsofourownproduction,butinarelatively unpredictableway,insuchawaythatonecannotmovesimplyandmechanicallyfromknowledgeoftheconditionsofproductiontoknowledgeoftheproducts. Althoughthiscapacityforgeneratingpracticesorutterancesorworksisinnowayinnateandishistoricallyconstituted,itisnotcompletelyreducibletoitsconditions ofproductionnotleastbecauseitfunctionsinasystematicway.Onecanonlyspeakofalinguistichabitus,forexample,solongasitisnotforgottenthatitisonlyone dimensionofthehabitusunderstoodasasystemofschemesforgeneratingandperceivingpractices,andsolongasonedoesnotautonomizetheproductionof speechvisvisproductionofaestheticchoices,orgestures,oranyotherpossiblepractice.Thehabitusisaprincipleofinventionproducedbyhistorybutrelatively detachedfromhistory:itsdispositionsaredurable,whichleadstoallsortsofeffectsofhysteresis(oftimelag,ofwhichtheexampleparexcellenceisDonQuixote). Itcanbeunderstoodbyanalogywithacomputerprogram(thoughit'samechanisticandthereforedangerousanalogy)butaselfcorrectingprogram.Itisconstituted fromasystematicsetofsimpleandpartiallyinterchangeableprinciples,fromwhichaninfinityofsolutionscanbeinvented,solutionswhichcannotbedirectlydeduced fromitsconditionsofproduction. Sothehabitusistheprincipleofarealautonomywithrespecttotheimmediatedeterminationsofthe'situation'.Butthatdoesnotmeanthatitissomekindofa historicalessence,ofwhichtheexistenceismerelythedevelopment,inshort,adestinydefinedonceandforall.Theadjustmentsthatareconstantlyrequiredbythe necessitiesofadaptationtonewandunforeseensituationsmaybringaboutdurabletransformationsofthehabitus,butthesewillremainwithincertainlimits,notleast becausethehabitusdefinestheperceptionofthesituationthatdeterminesit. The'situation'is,inasense,thepermissiveconditionofthefulfilmentofthehabitus.Whentheobjectiveconditionsoffulfilmentarenotpresent,thehabitus, continuouslythwartedbythesituation,maybethesiteofexplosiveforces(resentment)whichmayawait(andevenlookfor)theopportunitytobreakoutandwhich expressthemselvesassoonastheobjectiveconditionsforthis(e.g.thepowerofanauthoritarianforeman)areoffered.(Thesocialworldisanimmensereservoirof accumulatedviolence,whichisrevealedwhenitencounterstheconditionsforitsexpression.)Inshort,inreactionagainstinstantaneistmechanism,oneisledtoinsist onthe'assimilatory'capacitiesofthehabitusbutthehabitusisalsoapowerofadaptation,it

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constantlyperformsanadaptationtotheexternalworldwhichonlyexceptionallytakestheformofaradicalconversion. Q.Whatdistinctiondoyoumakebetweenafieldandanapparatus? A.Afundamentalone,Ithink.Theideaofthe'apparatus'reintroducespessimisticfunctionalism:it'san'infernalengine',programmedtobringaboutcertainends.The educationalsystem,theState,theChurch,theparties,arenotapparatuses,butfields.However,incertainconditions,theymaystartfunctioningasapparatuses.Those conditionsneedtoexamined. Inafield,agentsandinstitutionsareengagedinstruggle,withunequalstrengths,andinaccordancewiththerulesconstitutingthatfieldofplay,toappropriatethe specificprofitsatstakeinthatgame.Thosewhodominatethefieldhavethemeanstomakeitfunctiontotheiradvantagebuttheyhavetoreckonwiththeresistance ofthedominatedagents.Afieldbecomesanapparatuswhenthedominantagentshavethemeanstonullifytheresistanceandthereactionsofthedominatedinother words,whenthelowerclergy,orthegrassrootsactivists,ortheworkingclasses,etc.,canonlysufferdominationwhenallmovementrunsdownwardsandthe effectsofdominationaresuchthatthestruggleanddialecticthatareconstitutiveofthefieldcometoanend.Thereishistorysolongastherearepeoplewhorevolt, whomaketrouble.The'total'ortotalitarianinstitution,theasylum,prisonorconcentrationcampasdescribedbyGoffman,orthetotalitarianstate,attemptstoinstitute theendofhistory. Thedifferencebetweenfieldsandapparatusesisseenclearlyinrevolutions.Revolutionariesbehaveasifitweresufficienttoseizecontrolofthe'stateapparatus'and toreprogrammethemachine,inordertohavearadicallydifferentsocialorder.Infact,thepoliticalwillhastoreckonwiththelogicofthesocialfields,extremely complexuniversesinwhichpoliticalintentionsmaybehijacked,turnedupsidedown(thisisastrueoftheactionofthedominantgroupsasofsubversiveaction,asis shownbyeverythingthatisdescribedintheinadequatelanguageof'recuperation',whichisstillnavelyteleological).Allpoliticalactioncanonlybesureofachieving thedesiredeffectssolongasitisdealingwithapparatuses,thatis,organizationsinwhichthedominatedagentsarereducedtoexecution,tocarryingoutorders'tothe death'(activists,soldiers,etc.).Thusapparatusesarejustonestate,onewhichcanberegardedaspathological,offields. Notes 1.Aholderoftheprestigiousteachingqualification,theagrgation[translator]. FurtherReading Forfurtherdiscussion,seeBourdieu,P.(1975)'Leftichismedelalangue',Actesdelarechercheensciencesociales,4:232(1977)'Theeconomicsoflinguistic exchanges',Social

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ScienceInformation,16(6):64568(1975)'Lelangageautoris:notesurlesconditionssocialesdel'efficacitdudiscoursrituel',Actesdelarechercheenscience sociales,56:18390(1988)L'OntologiepolitiquedeMartinHeidegger,Paris:ditionsdeMinuit.

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11 Censorship
Ishouldliketotalkbrieflyaboutthenotionofcensorship.Thecensorshipofwhicheveryworkbearstracesisalsooperatinginthisgathering.Speakingtimeisa scarceresource,andIshalltrynottomonopolizeitby'takingthefloor'fortoolong. WhatIwanttosaycanbesummedupinagenerativeformula:everyexpressionisanaccommodationbetweenanexpressiveinterestandacensorshipconstituted bythefieldinwhichthatexpressionisofferedandthisaccommodationistheproductofaprocessofeuphemizationwhichmayevenresultinsilence,theextreme caseofcensoreddiscourse.Thiseuphemizationleadsthepotential'author'toproducesomethingwhichisacompromiseformation,acombinationofwhattherewas tobesaid,which'needed'tobesaid,andwhatcouldbesaid,giventhestructureofaparticularfield.Inotherwords,whatissayableinagivenfieldistheresultof whatmightbecalledaformgivingprocess[unemiseenforme]:speakingmeansobservingtheforms.Bythat,Imeanthatdiscourseowesitsmostspecific properties,itspropertiesofform,andnotonlyitscontent,tothesocialconditionsofitsproduction,thatis,theconditionsthatdeterminewhatistobesaidandthe conditionsthatdeterminethefieldofreceptioninwhichthatthingtobesaidwillbeheard.Thatishowonecanmovebeyondtherelativelynaveoppositionbetween internalanalysisandexternalanalysisofworksorutterances. Fromthepointofviewofthesociologist,whohashisownprincipleofpertinence,thatis,hisownprincipleforconstitutinghisobjectofstudy,expressiveinterestwill bewhatcanbecalledapoliticalinterestinthebroadsense,itbeingunderstoodthatineverygrouptherearepoliticalinterests.Thus,withinarestrictedfield(theone constitutedbythisgroup,forexample),politenessistheresultofthetransactionbetweenwhatthereistobesaidandtheexternalconstraintsthatconstituteafield. LetmeborrowanexamplefromLakoff:observinghishosts'newcarpet,avisitorwillnotsay,'Oh,whatabeautifulcarpet,howmuchdiditcost?'butrather,'MayI askhowmuchyoupaidforit?The'mayI?'correspondstotheworkofeuphemization,whichconsistsinapplyingtheappropriateforms.Havingtoexpressacertain intention,onemayormaynotapplytheforms,theformsbywhichonerecognizes,forexample,aphilosophicaldiscourse,
Contributiontocolloquiumon'lasciencedesoeuvres*',Lille,May1974,publishedinSocialScienceInformation,16(34),1977:3858

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whichitself,bythesametoken,announcesitselfasrequiringtobereceivedwithintheappropriateforms,thatis,asformandnotascontent.Oneofthepropertiesofa 'wellformed'discourseisthatitimposesthenormsofitsownperceptionitsays,'Treatmewithdueform',thatis,inaccordancewiththeformsIgivemyself,and abovealldon'treducemetowhatIdenybytakingontheseforms.Inotherwords,Iamarguingherefortherighttoperform'reduction':euphemizeddiscourse exercisesasymbolicviolencewhichhasthespecificeffectofforbiddingtheonlyviolencethatitdeserves,whichconsistsinreducingittowhatitsaysbutinaform suchthatitclaimsnottobesayingit.Literarydiscourseisadiscoursethatsays'TreatmeasIasktobetreated,thatis,semiologically,asastructure.'Ifthehistoryof artandthesociologyofartaresobackward,it'sbecauseartisticdiscoursehassucceededonlytoowellinimposingitsownnormofperception.It'sadiscoursethat says'Treatmeaspurposivenesswithoutpurpose,''Treatmeasformandnotassubstance.' WhenIsaythatthefieldfunctionsasacensorship,Imeanthatthefieldisacertainstructureofthedistributionofacertainkindofcapital.Thiscapitalmaybe academiccapital,intellectualprestige,politicalpower,physicalstrength,etc.,dependingontheparticularfield.Theauthorizedspokesmanistheholder,eitherin person(charisma)orbydelegation(ifhe'sapriestorateacher),ofaninstitutionalcapitalofauthority,whichmeansthatheisgivencredit,credence,heisgiventhe powertospeak.mileBenveniste,analysingtheGreekwordskeptron,saysitwasatokenpassedtotheoratorwhowasabouttospeak,tomarkthefactthathis speechwasauthorizedspeech,aspeechthatpeopleobey,ifonlybylisteningtoit. So,ifafieldfunctionsasacensorship,that'sbecausesomeonewhoentersthefieldisimmediatelysituatedinacertainstructure,thestructureofthedistributionof capital.Thegroupdoes,ordoesnot,granthimtherighttospeakitdoes,ordoesnot,credithim.Inthiswaythefieldexercisesacensorshiponwhathemightliketo say,onthedeviantdiscourse,idioslogos,towhichhemightwishtogivevent,andforceshimtoutteronlywhatisappropriate,whatissayable.Itexcludestwothings: whatcannotbesaid,giventhestructureofthedistributionofthemeansofexpressiontheunsayableandwhatcouldbesaid,almosttooeasily,butwhichis censoredtheunnameable. Theworkofeuphemizationwouldseemtobeasimpleprocessofgivingform,ofworkingontheform,butintheendwhatisproducedisinseparablefromtheformin whichitismanifested.Thequestionofwhatwouldhavebeensaidinanotherfield,thatis,inanotherform,isstrictlymeaningless:Heidegger'sdiscourseonlymakes senseasphilosophicaldiscourse.Thesubstitutionof'authentic'and'inauthentic'for'distinguished'(or'unique')and'common'(or'vulgar')bringsaboutaseachange. Firstly,whatfunctionsaseuphemismisthewholesystem.Iusedtheword'euphemism'withsomehesitation,becauseeuphemismsubstitutesonewordforanother(the tabooword).Infactthe

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euphemizationthatIamdescribinghereisperformedbythewholediscourse.Forexample,Heidegger'sfamoustextonDasManis'about',ontheonehand,public transport,and,ontheotherhand,whatsomepeoplecallthe'massmedia'.Thosearetwoperfectlyrealreferentsthatarethepossiblesubjectofanordinarydiscourse, buttheyaremaskedbythesystemofrelationsthatconstitutesphilosophicaldiscourse.It'snotjustonewordbeingusedforanother,it'sthediscourseassuch,and throughitthewholefield,thatfunctionsasaninstrumentofcensorship. That'snotall:ifwewant,forexample,todeterminethestructureofwhatissaidintheplacewhereweare,it'snotsufficienttomakeananalysisofthediscoursewe havetograspthediscourseastheproductofawholeprocessofworkonthegroup(invitationandnoninvitation,etc.).Inshort,oneneedsananalysisofthesocial conditionsoftheconstitutionofthegroupinwhichthediscourseisproduced,becausethatiswhereonefindsthetrueprincipleofwhatcouldandwhatcouldnotbe saidthere.Moreprofoundly,oneofthemosteffectivewaysagrouphasofreducingpeopletosilenceisbyexcludingthemfromthepositionsfromwhichonecan speak.Conversely,oneofthewaysforagrouptocontroldiscourseconsistsinfillingthepositionsfromwhichonecanspeakwithpeoplewhowillonlysaywhatthe fieldauthorizesandcallsfor.Tounderstandwhatcanbesaidinaneducationalsystem,onehastounderstandthemechanismsofrecruitmentoftheteachingstaff,and itwouldbenavetosupposethatwhatcanbesaidthere,andwhy,issomethingthatcanbegraspedattheleveloftheteachers'discourse. Everyexpressionisakindofsymbolicviolencewhichcannotbeexertedbythepersonwhoexertsit,andcannotbeundergonebythepersonwhoundergoesit, exceptinsofarasitismisrecognizedassuch.Andifitismisrecognizedassuch,thatispartlybecauseitisexertedthroughthemediationofaprocessof euphemization.Yesterday,someonewasreferringtotheproblemofreception(inconnectionwiththeefficacyofanideology)whatIamsayingencompassesboth productionandreception.When,forexample,inL'ducationsentimentale,Flaubertprojectshiswhole'representation'ofthestructureofthedominantclass,or, moreprecisely,hisrelationshiptohispositioninthedominantclass,intheformoftheimpossibilityofseeingthatclassdifferently,heprojectssomethingthatheis himselfunawareof,orrather,thathedeniesandmisrecognizesbecausetheworkofeuphemizationthatheappliestothatstructurehelpstoconcealitfromhim,and somethingthatisalsodeniedandmisrecognizedbythecommentators(becausetheyaretheproductoftheverysamestructuresthatgovernedtheproductionofthe work).Inotherwords,inorderforFlauberttobereadhermeneutically,oneneedsthewholesystemofwhichhisowndiscourseisitselfaproductamongothers.So whenonespeaksofascienceofworksofart,itisimportanttoknowthat,simplybytreatingworksautonomously,onegrantsthemwhattheywant,thatistosay, everything.

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FurtherReading ForfurtherdiscussionseeBourdieu,P.(1988)L'OntologiepolitiquedeMartinHeidegger,Paris:ditionsdeMinuit.

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12 'Youth'IsJustaWord
Q.Howdoesasociologistapproachtheproblemofyoungpeople? A.Theprofessionalreflexistopointoutthatthedivisionsbetweentheagesarearbitrary.It'stheparadoxidentifiedbyPareto,whosaidthatwedon'tknowwhenold agebegins,justaswedon'tknowwherewealthbegins.Indeed,thefrontierbetweenyouthandageissomethingthatisfoughtoverinallsocieties.Forexample,afew yearsagoIwasreadinganarticleonrelationsbetweenyoungmenandtheireldersinsixteenthcenturyFlorenceitshowedhowtheeldersofthecityoffereditsyoung mentheideologyofvirilityvirtandviolence,whichwasawayofkeepingwisdomandthereforepowerforthemselves.Inthesameway,GeorgesDuby showshowintheMiddleAgesthelimitsofyouthweremanipulatedbytheholdersofthepatrimony,soastokeeptheyoungnobles,whomightotherwiseaspireto thesuccession,inastateofyouth,thatis,irresponsibility. Entirelyequivalentthingswouldbefoundinsayingsandproverbs,orsimplyinstereotypesofyouth,oragaininphilosophy,fromPlatotoAlain,whichassignsits specificpassiontoeachageofmanlovetoadolescence,ambitiontomaturity.Theideologicalrepresentationofthedivisionbetweenyoungandoldgrantscertain thingstotheyoungest,whichmeansthatinreturntheyhavetoleavemanythingstotheirelders.Thisisseenveryclearlyinthecaseofsport,inrugby,forexample, withtheglorificationof'toughplayers',docile,goodnaturedbrutesassignedtotheroughandtumbleoftheforwardgameexaltedbymanagersandcommentators ('Justuseyourstrengthandkeepyourmouthshut,don'tthink').Thisstructure,whichisalsofoundelsewhere(e.g.inrelationsbetweenthesexes)remindsusthatthe logicaldivisionbetweenyoungandoldisalsoaquestionofpower,ofthedivision(inthesenseofsharingout)ofpowers.Classificationbyage(butalsobysexand,of course,class...)alwaysmeansimposinglimitsandproducinganordertowhicheachpersonmustkeep,keepinghimselfinhisplace. Q.Whatdoyoumeanby'old'?Adults?Thoseinvolvedinproduction?Pensioners?
InterviewwithAnneMarieMtailiinLesJeunesetlepremieremploi,Paris:Associationdesges,1978:52030

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A.WhenIsayyoung/old,Iamtakingtherelationshipinitsmostgeneralform.Oneisalwayssomebody'sseniororjunior.Thatiswhythedivisions,whetherintoage groupsorintogenerations,areentirelyvariableandsubjecttomanipulation.Forexample,theanthropologistNancyMunnshowsthatinsomesocietiesinAustralia, therejuvenatingmagicthatoldwomenusetorestoretheiryouthisregardedasthoroughlydiabolical,becauseitoverturnstheboundariesbetweentheages,sothatno oneknowsanylongerwho'syoungandwho'sold.Mypointissimplythatyouthandagearenotselfevidentdatabutaresociallyconstructed,inthestrugglebetween theyoungandtheold. Therelationshipbetweensocialageandbiologicalageisverycomplex.Ifoneweretocompareyoungpeoplefromthedifferentfractionsofthedominantclass,for exampleallthestudentsenteringthecoleNormale,thecoleNationaled'Administration,Polytechnique,etc.,inthesameyear,onewouldseethatthecloserthey aretothepoleofpower,themorethese'youngmen'takeontheattributesoftheadult,theoldman,thenoble,thenotable,etc.Asonemovesfromtheintellectualsto themanagingdirector,soeverythingthatgivesa'young'looklonghair,jeans,etc.disappears. AsIhaveshowninrelationtofashionorartisticandliteraryproduction,eachfieldhasitsspecificlawsofageing.Tounderstandhowthegenerationsaredivided,you havetoknowthespecificlawsoffunctioningofthefield,thespecificprizesthatarefoughtforandthedivisionsthatemergeinthestruggle(nouvellevague,nouveau roman,nouveauxphilosophes,'thenewjudges',etc.).Allthatisfairlybanal,butitdemonstratesthatageisabiologicaldatum,sociallymanipulatedandmanipulable andthatmerelytalkingabout'theyoung'asasocialunit,aconstitutedgroup,withcommoninterests,relatingtheseintereststoabiologicallydefinedage,isinitselfan obviousmanipulation.Attheveryleastoneoughttoanalysethedifferencesbetweendifferentcategoriesof'youth',or,tobebrief,atleasttwotypesof'youth'.For example,onecouldsystematicallycomparetheconditionsofexistence,thelabourmarket,thetimemanagement,etc.,of'youngpeople'whoarealreadyinwork,and ofadolescentsofthesame(biological)agewhoarestudents.Ononesidetherearetheconstraintsoftherealeconomicuniverse,barelymitigatedbyfamilysolidarity ontheother,theartificialuniverseofdependency,basedonsubsidies,withlowcostmealsandaccommodation,reducedpricesintheatresandcinemas,andsoon. You'dfindsimilardifferencesinallareasofexistence:forexample,thescruffy,longhairedkidswhotaketheirgirlfriendsforarideonaclappedoutscooterarethe verysameoneswhogetpickedupbythepolice. Inotherwords,it'sanenormousabuseoflanguagetousethesameconcepttosubsumeunderthesametermsocialuniversesthathavepracticallynothingincommon. Inonecase,youhaveauniverseofadolescence,inthetruesense,inotherwords,oneofprovisional

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irresponsibility:these'youngpeople'areinakindofsocialnoman'sland,theyareadultsforsomethingsandchildrenforothers,theyhaveitbothways.That'swhy manybourgeoisadolescentsdreamofprolongingtheiradolescenceindefinitely:it'sthecomplexofFrdricinFlaubert'sducationsentimentale,whoeternally extendshisadolescence.Havingsaidthat,the'twoyouths'aresimplytwoopposingpoles,thetwoextremesofaspaceofpossibilitiesofferedto'youngpeople'.One oftheinterestingthingsthatemergefromLaurentThvenot'sworkisthatitshowsthatbetweentheseextremepositionsthebourgeoisstudentatoneendand,atthe other,theyoungworkerwhodoesnotevenhaveanadolescenceonefindsnowadaysalltheintermediatepositions. Q.Isn'titthetransformationoftheeducationalsystemthathasproducedthiskindofcontinuity,wherepreviouslytherewasamoreclearcutdifference betweentheclasses? A.Oneofthefactorsinthisblurringoftheoppositionsbetweenyoungpeopleinthedifferentclassesisthefactthatinallclassesahigherproportionpassthrough secondaryeducation,sothataproportionof(biologically)youngpeoplewhoseparentsdidnotexperienceadolescencehavediscoveredthistemporarystatus,the halfwayhousebetweenchildhoodandadulthood.Ithinkthat'saveryimportantsocialfact.Eveninthemilieuxapparentlymostremotefromthestudentconditionof thenineteenthcentury,that'stosayinsmallvillages,wherethechildrenofpeasantsandcraftsmennowgotothelocalsecondaryschooleveninthatcase,adolescents areplaced,forarelativelylongperiod,atanagewhenpreviouslytheywouldhavebeenworking,inthosepositionsalmostoutsidethesocialuniversewhichdefinethe adolescentcondition.Itseemsthatoneofthemostpowerfuleffectsofthesituationofadolescentsderivesfromthiskindofseparateexistence,whichputsthem sociallyoutofplay.The'schoolsofpower',andespeciallythegrandescoles,placeyoungpeopleinenclosuresseparatedfromtheworld,quasimonasticspaces wheretheylivealifeapart,aretreat,withdrawnfromtheworldandentirelytakenupwithpreparingforthemost'seniorpositions'.Theydoperfectlygratuitousthings there,thesortsofthingsonedoesatschool,exerciseswithblankammunition.Forsomeyearsnow,allyoungpeoplehavehadaccesstoaversionofthisexperience, moreorlessfullydevelopedand,aboveall,moreorlesslong.Howeverbriefandsuperficialitmayhavebeen,thisexperienceisdecisive,becauseitissufficientto producetosomedegreeabreakwithselfevidences.There'stheclassiccaseoftheminer'ssonwhowantstogodownthemineassoonaspossible,becausethat's hisrouteintotheworldofadults. Eventoday,onereasonwhyworkingclassadolescentswanttoleaveschoolandstartworkveryearlyisthedesiretoattainadultstatus,andtheassociatedeconomic capacities,assoonaspossible.It'sveryimportantforaboytoearnmoneysohecankeepupwithhispeers,gooutwithhismates

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andwithgirls,beseen,andseehimself,asa'man'.That'soneofthefactorsbehindworkingclasschildren'sresistancetotheraisingoftheschoolleavingage. Allthesame,thefactofbeingplacedinthe'student'situationinducesallsortsofthingswhichareconstitutiveofthescholasticsituation.Theyhavetheirbundleof bookstiedupwithastring,theysitonscootersandchatupgirls,theyassociatewithothersoftheirownage,ofbothsexes,outsideofwork,andathometheyare absolvedfrommaterialtasksonthegroundsthattheyarestudying(andit'sanimportantfactorthattheworkingclassesgoalongwiththistacitcontractwhichleads studentstobeset'outofplay'). Ithinkthatthissymbolicsettingasidehasacertainimportance,especiallysinceitisaccompaniedbyoneofthefundamentaleffectsoftheeducationalsystem,whichis themanipulationofaspirations.Peoplealwaysforgetthatschoolisnotjustaplacewhereyoulearnthings,whereyouacquireknowledgeandskills:it'salsoan institutionwhichawardsqualificationsandthereforeentitlementsandsoconfersaspirations.Theoldschoolsystemproducedlessconfusionthanthepresent systemwithitscomplicatedtrackswhichleadpeopletohaveaspirationsthatareilladjustedtotheirrealchances.Thetracksusedtobefairlyclear:ifyouwent beyondtheprimaryschoolcertificate,youwenttoacourscomplmentaire,ora'higherprimaryschool',oracollge,oralycetherewasaclearhierarchyamong theseroutes,andnoonewasinanydoubt.Now,thereisahostofroutesthroughthesystemthataredifficulttotellapartandyouhavetobeveryalertinorderto avoidrunningintoasidingoradeadend,andalsotoavoiddevaluedcoursesandqualifications.Thathelpstoencourageadegreeofdisconnectionofpeople's aspirationsfromtheirrealchances.Thepreviousstateofthesystemmeantthatlimitswereverystronglyinternalizeditledpeopletoacceptfailureorlimitsasjustor inevitable....Forexample,primaryschoolteacherswerepeoplewhowereselectedandtrained,consciouslyorunconsciously,sothattheywouldbecutofffrom peasantsandworkers,whileatthesametimebeingcompletelyseparatefromsecondaryteachers.Nowthatthesystemgivesthestatusoflycen,albeitdevalued,to childrenfromsocialclassesforwhomsecondaryeducationwasformerlyquiteinaccessible,itencouragesthesechildrenandtheirfamiliestoexpectwhatthesystem providedforlycepupilsatatimewhenthoseschoolswereclosedtothem.Toentersecondaryeducationistoenterintotheaspirationsthatwereinscribedin enteringsecondaryeducationinaearlierstageofthesystemgoingtolycemeansputtingon,likeapairofboots,theaspirationtobecomealyceteacher,ora doctor,alawyeroranotary,allpositionsthatwereopenedupbythelyceintheinterwarperiod.Now,atthetimewhenworkingclasschildrenwerenotinthe system,thesystemwasnotthesame.Consequently,there'sbeendevaluationasasimpleeffectofinflation,andalsoasaresultofthechangeinthe'socialquality'of thequalificationholders.Theeffectsofeducationalinflationaremorecomplicatedthanpeoplegenerallyimply:becausea

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qualificationisalwaysworthwhatitsholdersareworth,aqualificationthatbecomesmorewidespreadisipsofactodevalued,butitlosesstillmoreofitsvalue becauseitbecomesaccessibletopeople'withoutsocialvalue'. Q.Whataretheconsequencesofthisinflation? A.ThephenomenathatI'vejustdescribedmeanthattheaspirationsobjectivelyinscribedinthesystemasitwasinitsearlierstatearedisappointed.Themismatch betweentheaspirationsthattheschoolsystemencouragesthroughthesetofeffectsthatIhavealludedtoistheprincipleofthecollectivedisappointmentand collectiverefusalthatcontrastwiththecollectiveadherenceoftheformerperiod(Imentionedtheexampleoftheminer'sson)andthesubmissioninadvancetothe objectivechanceswhichwasoneofthetacitconditionsofthefunctioningoftheeconomy.Itisakindofbreakingoftheviciouscirclewherebytheminer'ssonwanted togodownthepit,withoutevenwonderingwhetherhehadanychoice.Ofcourse,whatIhavedescribedisnotvalidforallyoungpeople:therearestillmassesof adolescents,especiallybourgeoisadolescents,whoarestillinthecircle,asbeforewhoseethingsastheyusedtobeseen,whowanttogetintoagrandecole, MIT,orHarvardBusinessSchool,whowanttositforeveryexamyoucouldimagine,justasbefore. Q.Andworkingclasskidsendupasmisfitsintheworldofwork? A.Onecanbesufficientlyathomeintheschoolsystemtobecutofffromtheworldofwork,butnotenoughtosucceedinfindingworkwiththeaidofqualifications. (Thatwasalreadyathemeintheconservativeliteratureofthe1880s,whichwasalreadytalkingaboutunemployedbacheliersandworryingabouttheeffectsof breakingthecircleofopportunitiesandaspirationsandtheassociatedselfevidences.)Onecanbeveryunhappyintheeducationalsystem,feelcompletelyoutof placethere,butstillparticipateinthestudentsubculture,thegangoflycenswhohangarounddancehalls,whocultivateastudentstyleandaresufficientlyintegrated intothatlifestyletobealienatedfromtheirfamilies(whomtheynolongerunderstandandwhonolongerunderstandtheirchildren'Withalltheadvantagesthey've had!')andatthesametimehaveafeelingofdisarray,despair,towardswork.Infact,aswellasthiseffectofthebreakingofacircle,thereisalso,despite everything,theconfusedrealizationofwhattheeducationalsystemofferssomepeopletheconfusedrealization,eventhroughfailure,thatthesystemhelpsto reproduceprivileges. IthinkandIwroteittenyearsagothatinorderfortheworkingclasstobeabletodiscoverthattheeducationalsystemfunctionsasaninstrumentofsocial reproduction,theyhadtopassthroughthesystem.Solongastheyhadnothingtodowiththesystem,exceptatprimaryschool,theymightwellaccepttheold Republicanideologyof'schoolingasaliberatoryforce',orindeed,whateverthespokesmensay,havenoopinionaboutitall.Now,intheworkingclass,bothamong adultsandamong

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adolescents,thediscoveryistakingplace,evenifithasnotyetfoundalanguagetoexpressitself,thattheeducationalsystemisavehicleforprivileges. Q.Butthenhowdoyouexplaintheapparentlymuchgreaterdepoliticizationthatwe'veseenoverthelastthreeorfouryears? A.Theconfusedrevoltthequestioningofwork,school,andsoonisacomprehensiveoneitchallengestheeducationalsystemasawholeandisabsolutely differentfromtheexperienceoffailureintheearlierstateofthesystem(thoughthathasn'tentirelydisappeared,ofcourseyouonlyhavetolistentointerviews:'Iwas nogoodatFrench,Ididn'tgetonatschool,etc.').Whatisgoingonthroughthemoreorlessanomicandanarchicformsofrevoltisnotwhatisnormallyunderstood aspoliticization,thatis,somethingthatthepoliticalapparatusesarepreparedtoregisterandreinforce.It'sabroader,vaguerquestioning,akindofuneaseatwork, somethingthatisnotpoliticalintheestablishedsense,butwhichcouldbesomethingthatstronglyresemblescertainformsofpoliticalconsciousnessthatareobscure tothemselves,becausetheyhavenotfoundtheirownvoice,andyetofanextraordinaryrevolutionaryforce,capableofoverwhelmingthepoliticalapparatuses,that onealsofindsinsubproletariansorinfirstgenerationindustrialworkersofpeasantorigin.Toexplaintheirownfailure,tomakeitbearable,thesepeoplehaveto questionthewholesystem,theeducationalsystem,andalsothefamily,withwhichitisboundup,andallinstitutions,identifyingtheschoolwiththebarracksandthe barrackswiththefactory.There'sakindofspontaneousultraleftismwhichremindsoneofthelanguageofsubproletariansinmorewaysthanone. Q.Anddoesthathaveaninfluenceontheconflictsbetweenthegenerations? A.Oneverysimplething,whichpeopledon'tthinkof,isthattheaspirationsofsuccessivegenerations,parentsandchildren,areformedinrelationtodifferentstatesof thedistributionofgoodsandofthechancesofobtainingthedifferentgoods.Whatfortheparentswasanextraordinaryprivilege(forexample,whentheyweretwenty, onlyonepersoninathousandoftheirageandtheirmilieuownedacar)hasbecomestatisticallybanal.Andmanyclashesbetweengenerationsareclashesbetween systemsofaspirationsformedindifferentperiods.Somethingthatforgenerationonewastheconquestofalifetimeisgivenatbirthtogenerationtwo.Thediscrepancy isparticularlygreatinthecaseofclassesindecline,whodon'tevenhavewhattheyhadattheageoftwentyatatimewhenalltheprivilegesofthosedays(skiing, seasideholidays,etc.)havebecomecommon.It'snoaccidentthatantiyouthracism(whichisveryvisibleinthestatistics,althoughunfortunatelywedon'thave analysesbyclassfraction)ischaracteristicofdecliningclasses(suchascraftsmenorsmall

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shopkeepers),orindividualsindeclineandtheoldingeneral.Notalloldpeopleareantiyouth,ofcourse,butoldageisalsoasocialdecline,alossofsocialpower, andinthatwaytheoldshareintherelationtotheyoungthatisalsocharacteristicofthedecliningclasses.Naturally,theoldpeopleofthedecliningclasses,that'sto sayoldcraftsmen,oldshopkeepersandsoon,combineallthesesymptomsinanextremeform:theyareagainstyoungpeoplebutalsoagainstartists,against intellectuals,againstprotest,againsteverythingthatchangesandstirsthingsup,preciselybecausetheirfutureliesbehindthem,becausetheyhavenofuture,whereas youngpeoplearedefinedashavingafuture,asthosewhowilldefinethefuture. Q.Butisn'ttheeducationalsystemthesourceofconflictsbetweenthegenerationsinsofarasitcanbringtogether,inthesamesocialpositions,people whohavebeentrainedindifferentstatesoftheschoolsystem? A.Wecanstartfromaconcretecase:atpresent,inmanymiddlerankingpositionsinthecivilservicethatonecanreachbylearningonthejob,youfind,sidebyside, inthesameoffice,youngholdersofthebaccalaureate,orevenalicence[universitydegree],takenonstraightfromtheeducationalsystem,andpeopleintheirfifties whostartedoutthirtyyearsearlierwiththeprimarycertificatd'tudes,atastageinthedevelopmentoftheeducationalsystemwhenthatcertificatewasstilla relativelyrarequalification,andwho,throughselfteachingandseniority,havereachedmanagerialpositionsthatarenowonlyopentobacheliers.Theoppositionhere isnotbetweenyoungandold,butvirtuallybetweentwostatesoftheeducationalsystem,twostatesofthedifferentialrarityofqualificationsandthisoppositiontakes theformofconflictsoverclassifications.Becausetheoldcannotsaythattheyareinchargebecausetheyareold,theywillinvoketheexperienceassociatedwith seniority,whereastheyoungwillinvokethecompetenceguaranteedbyqualifications.Thesameoppositioncanalsobefoundinthefieldoftradeunionism(for example,withintheunionForceOuvrireinthePostOffice),intheformoftensionbetweenyoungbeardedTrotskyistsandoldactivistswhosesympathiesliewiththe oldstyleSocialistParty,theSFIO.Youalsofind,sidebyside,inthesameoffice,inthesamejobs,engineerssomeofwhomcomefromArtsetMtiers1 andothers fromPolytechnique.Theapparentidentityofstatusconcealsthefactthatonegrouphas,asthephrasegoes,afuturebeforeitandisonlypassingthroughaposition whichfortheothersisapointofarrival.Inthiscase,theconflictsmaywelltakeotherforms,becausethe'oldyoung'('old'becausefinished)arelikelytohave internalizedarespectforacademicqualificationsasmarkersofdifferencesinnature. That'swhy,inmanycases,conflictsthatareexperiencedasconflictsofgenerationsareinfactactedoutthroughpersonsoragegroupsbasedondifferentrelationsto theeducationalsystem.Oneoftheunifyingprinciplesofagenerationis(nowadays)tobefoundinacommonrelationshiptoa

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particularstateoftheschoolsystem,andinthespecificinterests,whicharedifferentfromthoseofthegenerationdefinedbyitsrelationshiptoadifferentstateofthe system.Whatiscommontoallyoungpeople,oratleastallthosewhobenefitedtoanyextentfromtheschoolsystem,whohavederivedatleastsomebasic qualificationfromit,isthat,overall,thatgenerationismorequalifiedinagivenjobthanthepreviousgeneration.(Incidentally,itmaybenotedthatwomen,who, throughakindofdiscrimination,arriveinjobsthroughakindofhyperselection,areconstantlyinthissituation,i.e.theyarealmostalwaysmorequalifiedthanmenin equivalentpositions.) Itiscertainthat,beyondallclassdifferences,youngpeoplehavecollective,generationalinterests,because,quiteapartfromtheeffectof'antiyoung'discrimination, themerefactthattheyhaveencountereddifferentstatesoftheeducationalsystemmeansthattheywillalwaysgetlessoutoftheirqualificationsthantheprevious generationwouldhavegot.There'sastructuraldeskillingofthegeneration.That'sprobablyimportantintryingtounderstandthekindofdisenchantmentthatis relativelycommontothewholegeneration.Eveninthebourgeoisiesomeofthecurrentconflictsareprobablyexplainedbythis,bythefactthatthetimelagfor successionislengthening,thefactthat,asLeBrashasclearlyshowninanarticleinPopulation,theageatwhichinheritancesorpositionsarehandedonisgettinglater andlaterandthejuniorsofthedominantclassarechampingatthebit.Thatisprobablynotunrelatedtothecontestationtobeseenintheprofessions(amongthe architects,thelawyers,thedoctors,andsoon)andintheuniversities.Justastheoldhaveaninterestinpushingyoungpeoplebackdownintoyouth,sotheyoung haveaninterestinpushingtheoldintooldage. Thereareperiodswhenthepursuitofthe'new',throughwhichthe'newcomers'(whoareusuallyalsobiologicallyyoungest)pushtheincumbentsintothesocialdeath of'hasbeens',intensifiesandwhen,bythesametoken,thestrugglesbetweenthegenerationstakeongreaterintensity.Theyaretimeswhenthetrajectoriesofthe youngestandtheoldestoverlapandtheyoungaspiretothesuccession'toosoon'.Theseconflictsareavoidedsolongastheoldareabletoadjustthetempoofthe riseoftheyoung,tochanneltheircareersandapplythebraketothosewhocannotholdthemselvesback,the'highflyers'whojostleandhustleforadvancement.In fact,mostofthetime,theolddonotneedtoapplythebrakesbecausethe'young'whomaybefiftysomethinghaveinternalizedthelimits,themodalages,thatis, theageatwhichonecan'reasonablyaspire'toaposition,andwouldnoteventhinkofclaimingitearlier,before'theirtimehascome'.Whenthe'senseofthelimits'is lost,thenconflictsariseaboutagelimitsandlimitsbetweentheages,inwhichwhatisatstakeisthetransmissionofpowerandprivilegesbetweenthegenerations.

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Note 1.TheConservatoireNationaldesArtsetMtiers,providingvocationaltrainingfor'mature'students(incontrasttothecolePolytechnique)[translator].

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13 MusicLovers:OriginandEvolutionoftheSpecies
Q.Youseemtohaveakindofreluctancetotalkaboutmusic.Whyisthat? A.First,discourseaboutmusicisoneofthemostsoughtafteroccasionsforintellectualwindowdressing.Talkingaboutmusicistheopportunityparexcellencefor flauntingtherangeanduniversalityofone'sculture.I'mthinkingforexampleoftheradioprogrammeLeConcertgoste.helistofworkschosen,theremarksmadeto justifythechoice,thetoneofintimateandinspiredconfidence,aresomanystrategiesforselfpresentation,intendedtogivethemostflatteringimageofoneself,the oneclosesttothelegitimatedefinitionofthe'cultivatedman',thatis,apersonwhois'original'withinthelimitsofconformity.Nothinggivesmoreopportunitiesthan musicforexhibitingone's'class',andthere'snothingbywhichoneismoreinevitablyclassified. Butthedisplayofmusicalcultureisnotaculturaldisplaylikeothers.Musicisthemostspiritualisticoftheartsandtheloveofmusicisaguaranteeof'spirituality'.You onlyhavetothinkoftheextraordinaryvaluethatisnowadaysplacedonthevocabularyof'listening'bythesecularizedversionsofreligiouslanguage(psychoanalysis, forexample)ortoconsidertheconcentrated,meditativeposesandposturesthatlistenersfeelcalledupontoadoptatpublicperformancesofmusic.Musicishand inglovewiththesoul:thereareinnumerablevariationsonthesoulofmusicandthemusicofthesoul('innermusic').Everyconcertisasacredconcert...Tobe 'indifferenttomusic'isaparticularlyshamefulformofbarbarism:the'lite'andthe'mass',thesoulandthebody... Butthat'snotall.Musicisthe'pureart'parexcellence.Placingitselfbeyondwords,musicsaysnothingandhasnothingtosayhavingnoexpressivefunction,itis diametricallyopposedtotheatre,which,eveninitsmostrarefiedforms,remainsthebearerofasocialmessageandcanonlybe'putover'onthebasisofan immediate,deepagreementwiththevaluesandexpectationsoftheaudience.Thetheatredividesandisdivided:theoppositionbetween(inParis)rightbanktheatre andleftbanktheatre,1 betweenbourgeois'boulevard'theatreandavantgardetheatre,isinseparablyaestheticandpolitical.Thereisnothingquitelikethatinmusic
InterviewwithCyrilHuvinLeMondedelamusique,6,1978:301

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(leavingasideafewrecentexceptions).Musicrepresentsthemostradical,themostabsoluteformofdenialoftheworld,andespeciallyofthesocialworld,thatis achievedbyanyartform. Itonlyhastobeborneinmindthatthereisnoactivitymoreclassifying,moredistinctive,thatis,morecloselylinkedtosocialclassandeducationalcapital,than concertgoingortheplayingofa'noble'instrument(rareractivities,otherthingsbeingequal,thanvisitingmuseumsorevencontemporaryartgalleries)tounderstand whytheconcertwaspredisposedtobecomeoneofthegreatbourgeoiscelebrations. Q.Buthowdoyouexplainwhymusicaltastesaresodeeplyrevealing? A.Musicalexperiencesarerootedinthemostprimitivebodilyexperience.Thereareprobablynotastesexceptperhapsinfoodmoredeeplyrootedinthebody thanmusicaltastes.That'swhy,asLaRochefoucauldputit,'Ourpridesuffersmoreimpatientlythecondemnationofourtastesthanofouropinions.'Ourtastesdo indeedexpressusorbetrayusmorethanourjudgements,inpoliticsforexample.Andperhapsnothingishardertobearthanotherpeople'sbad'taste.Aesthetic intolerancecanbeterriblyviolent.Tastesareinseparablefromdistastes:aversiontodifferentlifestylesisperhapsoneofthestrongestbarriersbetweentheclasses. That'swhydegustibusnonestdisputandum.Thinkoftheuproarprovokedbytheslightestchangeintheroutineofsocalledculturalradiostations. Whatisintolerableforthosewhohaveacertaintaste,that'stosay,acertainacquireddispositionto'differentiateandappreciate'asKantputsit,isaboveallthe mixingofgenres,theconfusionofdomains.Radioortelevisionproducerswhojuxtaposeaclassicalviolinistandafiddler(or,worse,atziganeviolinist),aninterview withJanosStarkerandachatwithanArgentiniantangodirector,andsoon,aresometimesknowingly,sometimesunconsciouslyperformingritualbarbarisms, sacrilegioustransgressions,bymixingwhatoughttobeseparated,thesacredandtheprofane,andcombiningthatwhichtheembodiedclassifications,tastes,requireto beseparated. Q.Andthesedeepseatedtastesarelinkedtoparticularsocialexperiences? A.Absolutely.Forexample,wheninaveryfinearticleRolandBarthesdescribesaestheticenjoymentasakindofdirectcommunicationbetweenthe'inner'bodyof theinterpreterpresentinthe'grainofthesinger'svoice'orthe'padsofthepianist'sfingers'andthebodyofthelistener,he'sreferringtoaparticularexperienceof music,thatgivenbyanearly,domesticknowledge,acquiredbypractice.2 Incidentally,Barthesisquiterighttoreducethe'communicationofsouls',asProustcalled it,toacommunicationofbodies.It'susefultorememberthatStTeresaofAvila

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andStJohnoftheCrossspeakofdivineloveinthelanguageofhumanlove.Musicisa'bodilything'.Itravishes,moves,stirs,carriesawayitisnotsomuchbeyond wordsasbelowthem,inmovementsofthelimbsandbody,rhythms,excitementsandslowings,tensionsandreleases.Themost'mystical',themost'spiritual'ofthe artsisperhapssimplythemostcorporeal.That'sprobablywhatmakesitsodifficulttospeakofmusicexceptinadjectivesorexclamations.Cassirerusedtosaythat thekeywordsofreligiousexperience,mana,wakanda,orenda,andsoon,areexclamations,that'stosay,expressionsofravishment. Buttoreturntovariationsintasteaccordingtosocialconditions,Iwillnotsurpriseanyonebysayingthataperson'ssocialclass,or'class'(asin'he'sgotclass'),can beidentifiedasinfalliblyfromhispreferredmusic(orsimplytheradiostationhelistensto)asfromtheaperitifPernod,Martiniorwhiskythathedrinks.But surveysshowthatonecangofurtherindescribingandexplainingdifferencesintastesthanthesimpledistinctionofa'cultured'taste,a'popular'tasteanda 'mainstream'tastethatcombinesthemost'noble'ofpopularproductions,suchas,amongsingers,BrelandBrassens,withthemostpopularizedclassicalworks, StrausswaltzesorRavel'sBolro.(Ineveryepoch,'distinguished'worksfallinto'vulgarity'through'popularization':aperfectexampleisAlbinoni'sAdagio,which passedinafewyearsfromthestatusofamusicologist'sdiscoverytothatoftypically'mainstream'jinglethesamecouldbesaidofanumberofworksbyVivaldi.) Themostsubtledifferencesthatseparateaesthetesfromamateursasregardstheworksorinterpretersofthemostrecognizedrepertoirederive,not(ornotonly)from ultimateandineffablepreferences,butfromdifferencesinthemodeofacquisitionofmusicalculture,intheformoftheearliestexperiencesofmusic.Forexample,the oppositionthatBarthesestablishes,inthesamearticle,betweenFischerDieskau,theprofessionaloftherecordindustry,andPanzera,whobringstoperfectionthe qualitiesoftheamateur,istypicalofaparticularrelationtomusic,whichrefersbacktoparticularconditionsofacquisitionandmakesoneparticularlysensitiveand lucid(againthetaste/distastelink)towardsthe'shortcomings'ofthenewmainstreamculture,characteristicoftheageofhighfidelityrecording.Ontheonehand,there isanexpressive,dramaticandemotionallyclearartwitha'grainless'voiceontheother,theartofdictionthatisrealizedinFrenchmlodie,Duparc,lateFaur Debussy,withthedeathofMlisande,theantithesisofthe(tooeloquent,toodramatic)deathofBoris. Havingidentifiedthegenerativeschemethatunderliesthisopposition,onecanendlesslyenumeratethetastesanddistastes:ontheonehand,theexpressivesoundand furyoftheorchestra,ontheothertheintimismofthepiano,thematernalinstrumentparexcellence,andtheintimacyofthebourgeoislivingroom. Atthebasisofthisclassification,thistaste,therearethetwowaysofacquiringmusicalculture:ontheonehand,intimate,earlyfamiliarity,on

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theotherthepassive,scholastictasteoftheLPcollector.Tworelationstomusicthatspontaneouslydevelopinrelationtoeachother:tastesarealwaysdistinctive,and theexaltationofcertainartistsofthepast(PanzeraorCortot),whoarelovedevenfortheirimperfectionswhichevokethefreedomoftheamateur,implies disparagementofthemodernperformersandtheirimpeccablerecordingsformassproduction. TheradioprogrammeTribunedescritiquesdedisquesalmostalwaysfollowsthistriangularpattern:afamousartisteoftheoldschool,Schnabelforexamplesome modernperformers,soullessprofessionalsdiscreditedbytheimperfectperfectionoftheirtechniqueandanewcomerwhocombinestheoldvirtuesoftheinspired amateurwiththeimpeccabletechniqueoftheprofessional,suchasPolliniorAbbado. It'sbecausetastesaredistinctivethattheychange:theexaltationofartistsofthepastasconfirmedbythecountlessreissuesof78sorofradiorecordingsis undoubtedlyrelatedtotheappearanceofamusicalculturebasedonrecordsratherthanonplayinganinstrumentorconcertgoing,andontheincreasingfamiliarityof theinstrumentalperfectionthatisdemandedbytherecordindustryandtheeconomicandculturalcompetitionamongartistsandproducers. Q.Inotherwords,theevolutionofmusicalproductionisindirectlyoneofthecausesofthechangingoftastes? A.Undoubtedly.Heretoo,productionhelpstoproduceconsumption.Buttheeconomicsofmusicalproductionstillremainstobestudied.Ifitisnottomeansimply movingfrommysticalcelebrationintothemostcrudelyreductiveeconomism,thenitwouldrequireonetodescribethewholesetofmediationsthroughwhichthe recordindustrymanagestoimposearepertoire,sometimesevenaninterpretationandastyle,onartists,eventhegreatestofthem(Karajanmustbynowhave recordedthecompleteBeethovensymphoniesatleastthreetimes),therebyhelpingtoimposeaparticulardefinitionoflegitimatetastes. Whatmakesthatundertakingsodifficultisthat,inthefieldofculturalgoods,productionimpliestheproductionofconsumers,thatistosay,moreprecisely,the productionofthetasteformusic,theneedformusic,beliefinmusic.Togiveanadequateaccountofthat,whichiswhatismostessential,wouldmeananalysingthe wholenetworkofrelationshipsofcompetitionandcomplementarity,complicityincompetition,whichholdtogetherthewholesetofagentsconcerned,famousand unknowncomposersandperformers,recordproducers,critics,radioproducers,teachers,etc.,inshort,allthosewhohaveaninterestinmusicandintereststhat dependonmusic,musicalinvestmentsinboththeeconomicandpsychologicalsenseswhoarecaughtupinthegameandtakeninbythegame.

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Notes 1.Orperhaps,inLondon,WestEndtheatreandtheSouthBankortheRoyalCourt[translator]. 2.Barthes,R.(1977)'Thegrainofthevoice',inR.Barthes,Image,Music,Text,London:Fontana,17989.

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14 TheMetamorphosisofTastes
Howdotasteschange?Canthelogicofthetransformationoftastesbescientificallydescribed? BeforeItrytoanswerthesequestions,Imustindicatehowtastesaredefined.Theyemergeaschoicesmadeamongpractices(sports,pastimes,etc.)andproperties (furniture,hats,ties,books,pictures,spouses,etc.)throughwhichtaste,inthesenseoftheprincipleunderlyingthesechoices,manifestsitself. Inorderfortheretobetastes,therehavetobegoodsthatareclassified,asbeingin'good'or'bad'taste,'distinguished'or'vulgar'classifiedandtherebyclassifying, hierarchizedandhierarchizingandpeopleendowedwithprinciplesofclassification,tastes,thatenablethemtoidentify,amongthosegoods,thosethatsuitthem,that are'totheirtaste'.Infacttherecanbetastewithoutgoods(tasteinthesenseofaprincipleofclassification,aprincipleofdivision,acapacityfordistinction),and goodswithoutataste.Onemightsayforexample,'IwenttoeveryshopinNeuchtelandfoundnothingtomytaste.'Thatraisesthequestionofwhatthistasteisthat existspriortothegoodscapableofsatisfyingit(contradictingthemaximignotinullacupido,oftheunknownthereisnodesire). Buttherewillalsobecaseswheregoodsdonotfindthe'consumers'whowouldfindthemtotheirtaste.Theexampleparexcellenceofthesegoodswhichprecede thetasteoftheconsumersisthatofavantgardepaintingormusic,which,sincethenineteenthcentury,havenotfoundthetastesthatthey'callfor'untillongafterthe timetheyareproduced,sometimeslongafterthedeathoftheproducer.Thatraisesthequestionofwhetherthegoodsthatprecedetastes(apartfromtheproducers' taste,ofcourse)helptomaketastesthequestionofthesymbolicefficacyofthesupplyofgoodsor,moreprecisely,oftheeffectoftheembodimentofaparticular taste,thatoftheartist,intheformofgoods. Thuswearriveataprovisionaldefinition:tastes,understoodasthesetofpracticesorpropertiesofapersonorgroup,aretheproductofanencounter(apre establishedharmony)betweengoodsandataste(whenIsay'Myhouseistomytaste,'ImeanIhavethehousethatsuitsmytaste,inwhichmytastefeelsathome). Amongthesegoodsonemust,attheriskofshockingsomepeople,includealltheobjectsofelection,ofelectiveaffinity,suchastheobjectsofsympathy,friendshipor love.
TalkgivenattheUniversityofNeuchtel,May1980

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AmomentagoIraisedthequestioninanellipticalway:towhatextentdoesthegoodthatrealizesmytaste,whichisitsrealizedpotentiality,createthetastethatfeels athomeinit?Theloveofartoftenspeaksthesamelanguageasromanticlove:'loveatfirstsight'isthemiraculousencounterbetweenanexpectationandits realization.It'salsotherelationshipbetweenapeopleanditsprophetoritsspokesman:'youwouldnotseekmeifyouhadnotfoundme'(Pascal).Thepersonwhois spokenforissomeonewhohadsomethingtosaylatentwithininhimandwhodoesnotknowituntilheistoldit.Inasense,theprophetbringsnothingheonly preachestotheconverted.Butpreachingtotheconvertedstillmeansdoingsomething.Itmeansperformingthetypicallysocial,andquasimagical,operationofthe encounterbetweenanalreadyobjectifieddiscourseandanimplicitexpectation,betweenalanguageandcertaindispositionsthatonlyexistinthepracticalstate.Tastes aretheproductofthisencounterbetweentwohistories,oneexistingintheobjectifiedstate,theotherintheincorporatedstate,whichareobjectivelyattunedtoone another.Hence,nodoubt,onedimensionofthemiracleoftheencounterwithaworkofart:todiscoversomethingtoone'stasteistodiscoveroneself,todiscover whatonewants('JustwhatIwanted'),whatonehadtosayanddidn'tknowhowtosayand,consequently,didn'tknow. Intheencounterbetweenaworkofartandtheconsumer,thereisanabsentthirdparty,thepersonwhoproducedthework,whohasmadesomethingtohistaste throughhiscapacitytotransformhistasteintoanobject,totransformitfromastateofmind,orrather,astateofthebody,intosomethingvisiblecorrespondingtohis taste.Theartististhisprofessionalpractitionerofthetransformationoftheimplicitintotheexplicit,theobjectificationthattransformstasteintoanobject,whorealizes thepotential,inotherwordsapracticalsenseofbeautythatcanknowitselfonlybyrealizingitself.Indeed,thispracticalsenseofbeautyispurelynegativeandmade upalmostexclusivelyofrefusals.Theobjectifieroftastestandsinthesamerelationtotheproductofhisobjectificationastheconsumer:hemayormaynotfinditto histaste.Heisacknowledgedtohavethecompetencenecessarytoobjectifyataste.Moreprecisely,theartistissomeonewhoseaudiencerecognizeshimassuchby recognizingitselfinwhathehasmade,recognizinginwhathehasmadewhattheywouldhavemadeiftheyhadknownhowto.Heisa'creator',amagicalwordthat canbeusedonceonehasdefinedtheartisticoperationasamagical,thatis,typicallysocial,operation.(Whenonespeaksofa'producer'ofart,asoneoftenmust,in ordertobreakwiththeordinaryrepresentationoftheartistasacreatorwhichmeansdenyingoneselfalltheimmediatecomplicitiesthatthisterminologyisboundto elicitbothfromthe'creators'andtheconsumers,wholiketothinkofthemselvesas'creators',withthethemeofreadingasrecreationoneisliabletoforgetthatthe artisticactisanactofproductionofaquiteparticularkind,sinceithastobringtofullexistencesomethingthatwasalreadythere,inthevery

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expectationofitsappearance,andtomakeitexistquitedifferently,asasacredthing,anobjectofbelief.) Sotastes,definedasthesetsofchoicesmadebyparticularpersons,aretheproductofanencounterbetweentheobjectifiedtasteoftheartistandthetasteofthe consumer.Wenowhavetoclarifyhowitisthat,atagivenmoment,therearegoodsforalltastes(evenifthereareperhapsnottastesforallgoods),withthemost variedclientsallfindinggoodstotheirtaste.(Inmywholeanalysis,onecouldmentallyreplace'workofart'with'religiousgoodorservice'.Thustheanalogywiththe CatholicChurchshowsthattheratherhastyaggiornamentohasreplacedafairlyuniformproductwithaverydiversifiedsupply,sothatthereisnowsomethingforall tastes,withtheMassinFrench,inLatin,inrobes,introusers,andsoon.)Toaccountforthisquasimiraculousadjustmentbetweensupplyanddemand(apartfroma degreeofexcesssupplyoverdemand),onecould,withMaxWeber,invoketheconsciouspursuitofadjustment,acalculatedtransactionbytheclericswiththe expectationsofthelaity.Thatwouldbetoassumethattheavantgardepriestwhoofferstheinhabitantsofaworkingclasssuburba'liberated'Mass,orthe traditionalistwhosaysMassinLatin,hasacynicaloratleastcalculatedrelationshipwithhisclientele,thatheenterswithitintoaquiteconscioussupplyanddemand relationship,thatheisinformedastothedemandit'snotclearhow,sinceitcannotformulateitselfandcanonlybecomeconsciousbyrecognizingitselfinits objectificationandthathestrivestosatisfyit(thereisalwaysthissuspicionagainstasuccessfulauthor:theirbookshavesucceededbecausetheyhavegoneoutto meetthedemandsofthemarket,i.e.,byimplication,thelowest,mostfaciledemands,thoseleastdeservingtobesatisfied).Soitisassumedthat,thankstosomekind ofmoreorlesscynicalorsincere'acumen'or'businesssense',theproducersadjusttothedemand:theonewhosucceedsistheonewhohasfounda'niche'inthe market. ThehypothesisIshallputforwardinordertoaccountfortheuniverseoftastesatagivenmomentisquitedifferent,evenifconsciousintentionsandtransactionsare,of course,neverexcludedfromculturalproduction.(Somesectorsofthespaceofproductionit'soneoftheirdistinctivepropertiesquitecynicallyobeythecalculated pursuitofprofit,andthereforethe'marketniche':yougiveasubject,yougivesixmonthsandamillionfrancs,andthe'writer'hastoproduceanovelthatwillbea bestseller.)SothemodelIamputtingforwardrepresentsabreakwiththemodelthatisspontaneouslyaccepted,whichseestheculturalproducerwriter,artist, priest,prophet,sorcerer,orjournalistasarationaleconomiccalculatorwho,throughsomekindofmarketsurvey,managestosenseandsatisfyneedsthatare scarcelyformulatedornotevenknown,soastodrawthemaximumpossibleprofitfromhiscapacitytostealamarchonhiscompetitors.Infact,therearespacesof productioninwhichtheproducersworkwiththeireyesfixedmuchlessontheirclients,thatis,whatiscalledthetargetaudience,thanontheircompetitors.(Butthat's another

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teleologicalformulationwhichreliestoomuchonconsciousstrategy.)Moreexactly,theyworkinaspaceinwhichwhattheyproducedependsverycloselyontheir positioninthespaceofproduction(ImustapologizetothosewhoarenotaccustomedtosociologyI'mobligedtoputforwardananalysiswithoutbeingabletojustify itinsimpleterms).Inthecaseofjournalism,thecriticofLeFigarowritesnotwithhiseyesonhispublicbutbyreferencetothecriticofLeNouvelObservateur(and viceversa).Inordertodoso,hedoesnotneedtoconsultwhattheotherhaswrittenhesimplyhastofollowhistaste,hisowninclinations,inordertodefinehimself againstwhatthecriticontheoppositesidewhodoesjustthesamethingthinksorsays.HethinksagainsttheNouvelObservateurcriticwithoutthiseven becomingconscious.Thatcanbeseeninhisrhetoric,whichisthatofanticipatedcontradictionyouaregoingtocallmeareactionaryphilistinebecauseIcriticize Arrabal,butIunderstandArrabalwellenoughtoassureyouthatthereisnothingtounderstand.Inreassuringhimself,hereassureshispublic,whoareworriedby worksthatworrythembecausetheyareunintelligiblealthoughthispublicalwaysunderstandsthemwellenoughtosensethattheymeanthingsthatitunderstands onlytoowell.Toputitinsomewhatobjectivistanddeterministterms,theproducerisgovernedinhisproductionbythepositionheoccupiesinthespaceof production.Producersproducediversifiedproductsbythelogicofthingsandwithoutpursuingdistinction.(ItisclearthatwhatIhavetriedtoshowisdiametrically opposedtoallthethesesonconspicuousconsumptionwhichmaketheconsciouspursuitofdifferencethesoleprincipleofchangeinculturalproductionand consumption.) Sothereisalogicofthespaceofproductionthatleadsproducerstoproducedifferentgoods,whethertheyaimtoornot.Theobjectivedifferencesmay,ofcourse, besubjectivelyreinforced,andforalongtimenow,artists,whoareobjectivelydistinguished,havealsosoughttodistinguishthemselvesinparticular,inthemanner, theform,whichisspecificallytheirs,asopposedtothesubject,thefunction.Tosay,asIsometimeshave,thatintellectuals,likephonemes,onlyexistthrough differencedoesnotimplythatalldifferencearisesfromthepursuitofdifference:itis,fortunately,notsufficienttoseekdifferenceinordertofindit,andsometimes,ina universeinwhichmostpeopleseekdifference,itissufficientnottoseekitinordertobeverydifferent... Andontheconsumers'side,howarepeoplegoingtochoose?Onthebasisoftheirtaste,whichmostoftenmeansnegatively(onecanalwayssaywhatonedoesn't like,whichoftenmeansotherpeople'stastes).Thistasteisconstitutedthroughconfrontationwithalreadyrealizedtastesitteachesitselfwhatitisbyrecognizingitself inobjectsthatarethemselvesalreadyobjectifiedtastes. So,tounderstandtastes,toanalysesociologicallywhatpeoplehave,theirpropertiesandpractices,firstmeansunderstanding,ontheonehand,theconditionsinwhich theproductsonofferareproduced,andontheother

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hand,theconditionsinwhichtheconsumers'producethemselves'.Forexample,tounderstandthesportsthatpeopledo,onehastoknownotonlytheirdispositions, butalsothesupply,whichistheproductofhistoricalinventions.Thismeansthatthesametastemight,inanotherstateofthesupply,havebeenexpressedinpractices thatarephenomenallyquitedifferent,butstructurallyequivalent.(It'sourpracticalintuitionofthesestructuralequivalencesbetweenphenomenallydifferentbut practicallyinterchangeableobjectsthatleadsustosay,forexample,thatRobbeGrilletistothetwentiethcenturywhatFlaubertwastothenineteenthwhichmeans thatthepersonwhochoseFlaubertfromthesupplyofthetimewouldnowadaysbeinapositionhomologoustothatofthereaderwhochoosesRobbeGrillet.) NowthatIhaveoutlinedhowtastesaregeneratedintheencounterbetweenasupplyandademand,or,moreprecisely,betweenclassifiedobjectsandsystemsof classification,wecanexaminehowthesetasteschange.Firstonthesideofproduction,thesupply:theartisticfieldisthesiteofpermanentchange,somuchsothat,as wehaveseen,todisqualifyanartist,asanartist,itissufficienttorelegatehimtothepast,byshowingthathisstylemerelyreproducesastyleattestedinthepast,that heisafossiloracounterfeiter,amereimitatorwhoistotallydevoidofvaluebecauseheistotallydevoidoforiginality. Theartisticfieldisthesiteofpartialrevolutionswhichshakeupthestructureofthefieldwithoutcallingintoquestionthefieldassuchandthegamethatisplayedthere. Inthereligiousfield,there'sthedialecticoforthodoxyandheresyor'reform',themodelofspecificsubversion.Artisticinnovators,likereformers,arepeoplewho saytothosedominantinthefield,'You'vebetrayed,wemustgobacktothesource,themessage.'Forexample,theoppositionsaroundwhichliterarystruggleshave beenorganized,rightthroughthenineteenthcenturyanduptothepresentday,canbetracedbackinthelastanalysistotheoppositionbetweentheyoung,thatis,the newcomers,thelatestarrivals,andtheold,theestablished,theestablishment.Obscure/clear,difficult/facile,profound/superficial,andsoonultimatelythese oppositionsarebetweenartisticagesandgenerations,thatis,differentpositionsintheartisticfieldthatthenativelanguagecontrastsasadvanced/outmoded,avant garde/rearguard,etc.(Itcanbeseen,incidentally,thatthedescriptionofthestructureofafield,ofthespecificpowerrelationsthatconstituteitassuch,containsa descriptionofthehistoryofthefield.) Toenterthegameofproduction,toexistintellectually,isto'makeanepoch'[fairedate]and,bythesametoken,torelegateintothepastthosewho,atanotherdate, also'madeanepoch'.(To'makeanepoch'istomakehistory,whichistheproductofthestruggleandeventhestruggleitselfwhenthereisnomorestruggle,thereis nomorehistory.Solongasthereisstrugglethereishistory,andthereforehope.Assoonasthereisnomorestruggle,nomoreresistancefromthedominated,the dominanthavea

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monopolyandhistorystops.Thedominant,inallfields,seetheirdominationastheendofhistorythe'end'inthesensebothofconclusionandgoalwhichhasno 'beyond'andthereforebecomeseternal.) Tomakeanepoch,then,meansrelegatingthosewhowereoncedominantintothepast,makingthempass,'hasbeens'.Thosewhoarethrustinthiswayintothe pastmaybecomemerelyoutmoded,buttheymayalsobecome'classic',eternal(theconditionsofthis'eternization',andtheroleoftheeducationalsystemincreating 'classics',wouldmeritanalysis). HautecoutureisthefieldinwhichthemodelIhavedescribedisseenmostclearly,soclearlythatit'salmosttooeasyandoneisliabletounderstandtooquickly, easily,butonlypartially(whichoftenhappensinthesocialsciencesfashionisoneofthosemechanismsthatoneneverstopstryingtounderstandbecausetheyare understoodtooeasily).Forexample,Bohan,thesuccessorofDior,talksabouthisdressesinthelanguageofgoodtaste,discretion,moderation,sobriety,implicitly condemningalltheeyecatchingprovocationsofthosewhoaretohis'left'inthefieldhespeaksofhisleftastheFigarojournalistspeaksofLibration.Asforthe avantgardecouturiers,theyspeakoffashioninthelanguageofpolitics(oursurveywasdonejustaftertheeventsof1968),sayingthatfashionhastobe'broughton tothestreets',andthat'Hautecoutureshouldbewithinreachofeveryone.'Itcanbeseenthatthereareequivalencesbetweentheseautonomousfieldssuchthat languagecanpassfromonetotheotherwithapparentlyidenticalbutreallydifferentmeanings.Thisraisesthequestionwhether,whenpeopletalkaboutpoliticsin certainrelativelyautonomousspaces,theyarenotdoingthesameasUngarotalkingaboutDior. Thatgivesusafirstfactorofchange.Willthingsfollowontheotherside?Onecanimagineafieldofproductionwhichtakesoffand'grows'itsconsumers.Thathas beentrueofthefieldofculturalproduction,orsomesectorsofitatleast,sincethenineteenthcentury.Butitalsohappened,quiterecently,inthereligiousfield.Supply precededdemandtheconsumerswerenotaskingforit...Thatisacasewherethelogicofthefieldisoperating'inneutral',confirmingthecentralideathatIam puttingforward,namelythatchangedoesnotresultfromadjustmentoftheproducttothedemand.Withoutforgettingthesecasesofmismatch,wecansaythat,in general,thetwospaces,thespaceofproductionofgoodsandthespaceofproductionoftastes,changeatbroadlythesamerate. Oneofthefactorswhichdeterminechangeindemandisundoubtedlythequantitativeandqualitativeriseinthelevelofdemandthataccompaniestheraisingofthe levelofeducation(orthelengthofschooling).Thismeansthatanevergreaternumberofpeoplewillentertheracefortheappropriateculturalgoods.Theeffectofa risinglevelofeducationmakesitselffelt,amongotherthings,throughwhatIcalltheeffectofassignmentbystatus(noblesseoblige).Thisleadstheholdersofagiven educationalqualification,whichfunctionslikeatitleofnobility,tobehaveinwaysvisitingmuseums

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andgalleries,buyingarecordplayer,readingLeMondethatareinscribedintheirsocialdefinition,onemightalmostsayintheir'socialessence'.Inthisway,the generallengtheningofeducationandespeciallytheintensifiedusemadeoftheeducationalsystembyclassesthatarealreadyintensiveusersexplainthegrowthinall culturalpractices(adevelopmentwhich,inthecaseofmuseums,waspredictedbythemodelthatweputforwardin1966).1 Anditisnotsurprising,intermsofthis logic,thattheproportionofpeoplewhosaytheycanreadamusicalscoreorplayaninstrumentrisesstronglyasonemovestowardstheyoungestgenerations.The contributionofchangeindemandtochangeintastesisseenclearlyinacaselikethatofmusic,wheretheriseinthelevelofdemandcoincideswithaloweringofthe levelofsupply,withtherecord(thesamethingisseenintheareaofreading,withthepaperback).Theriseinthelevelofdemandinducesatranslationofthestructure oftastes,ahierarchicalstructure,whichrunsfromtherarest,BergorRavelnowadays,totheleastrare,MozartorBeethoven.Toputitmoresimply,allthegoods offeredtendtolosesomeoftheirrelativescarcityandtheirdistinctivevalueasthenumberofconsumersbothinclinedandabletoappropriatethemgrows. Popularizationdevalues.Dclassgoodsnolongergiveclassgoodsthatbelongedtothe'happyfew'becomecommonplace.Thosewhooncemarkedtheir membershipoftheculturallitebyreadingL'ducationsentimentaleorProustmustnowturntoRobbeGrillet,orfurther,toClaudeSimon,TonyDuvert,etc.The rarityoftheproductandtherarityoftheconsumerdeclineinparallel.Thatiswhyrecordsandrecordcollectors'threaten'therarityvalueofthemusiclover.Ifthe latterthensetPanzeraagainstFischerDieskau,theimpeccableproductoftheLPindustry,asotherscontrastMengelbergwithKarajan,theymanagetoreintroduce thelostrarity.Thecultof'vintage'recordsandliverecordingscanbeunderstoodinthesameterms.Inallthesecases,itisaquestionofbringingbackscarcity:nothing ismorecommonplacethantheStrausswaltzes,butwhatcharmtheyhavewhenconductedbyFrtwnglerandasforMengelberg'sTchaikovsky!Anotherexample: Chopin,longdiscreditedasacomposerofpianopiecesforthefinishingschool,hasgonefullcircleandhaspassionatesupportersamongtheyoungmusicologists.(If, forthesakeofbrevity,Isometimesusethelanguageofintentionalityandstrategytodescribetheseprocesses,ithastoberememberedthattheserehabilitation operationsareperfectlysincereand'disinterested'andlargelystemfromthefactthatthosewhorehabilitateinoppositiontothosewhodisqualifydidnotexperience theconditionsencounteredbythosewhodisqualifiedChopin.) Soraritycancomefromtheworldoflistening(records,concerts,orperformanceinperson),fromtheinterpreter,andfromtheworkitself.Whenitisthreatenedon oneside,itcanbebroughtbackfromanotherangle.Andthesupremeelegancemaybefoundbyplayingwithfire,eitherbycombiningtheraresttastesforthemost difficultmusicwiththemost

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acceptableformsofpopularmusic,preferablyexotic,orbyrelishingstrictlyandhighlycontrolledperformancesofthemost'accessible'andpotentiallymostvulgarized works.Ithardlyneedstobesaidthatthegamesoftheconsumersretracethegamesofsomecomposerswho,likeMahlerorStravinsky,enjoyplayingwithfire,by using,attheseconddegree,elementsofpopularoreven'vulgar'music,borrowedfromthemusichallordancehall. Theseareonlysomeofthestrategiesusuallyunconsciousthroughwhichtheconsumersdefendtheirraritybydefendingtherarityoftheproductstheyconsumeor thewayinwhichtheyconsumethem.Infact,themostelementary,thesimpleststrategy,consistsinshunningworksthathavebecomepopularized,devaluedand disqualified.A1979surveybytheInstitutFranaisdeDmographieshowedthattherearecomposers,AlbinoniorChopinforexample,the'consumption'ofwhich risessteadilyasonemovestowardsboththeoldestandalsotheleasteducatedrespondents.Themusictheyofferisboth'outmoded'anddclass,inotherwords vulgarizedandcommonplace. Theabandonmentofoutmodedand'common'musicisaccompaniedbyanendlesssearchforthemusicthatisrarestatthemomentinquestion,whichmeans,of course,themostmodernmusic.Anditcanalsobeseenthattherarityofmusic,asmeasuredbythemeanratingitisgivenbyarepresentativesampleoflisteners, increasesasonemovestowardsmoremodernworks,asiftheobjectivedifficultyoftheworksincreasedwiththequantityofaccumulatedhistorytheycontainthe extentoftheirreferencestothehistoryofmusicandwiththetimeittakestoacquirethecompetencetheydemand,inotherwordstherarityofthatcompetence.The scoresrangefrom3.0outof5forMonteverdi,BachandMozart,to2.8forBrahms,2.4forPuccini,and(aslightinversion)2.3forBerg(buttheworkwasLulu) and1.9forRavel(ConcertofortheLeftHand).Inshort,onemightpredictthatthemost'informed'publicwouldcontinuouslymove(andconcertprogrammes confirmthis)towardsmodern,andincreasinglymodern,music.ButtherearealsoreversionswehaveseenthecaseofChopinandrenovationsbaroquemusic playedbyHarnoncourtorMalgoire.Thisleadstocyclesexactlycomparabletothoseoffashionindress,exceptthattheperiodislonger.Thiswouldbethekeyto understandingthesuccessivestylesinBachinterpretation,fromBuschtoLeonhardt,throughMnchinger,eachonereactingagainsttheprecedingstyle. Itcanbeseenthatthedistinction'strategies'oftheproducerandthedistinction'strategies'ofthebestinformed,thatis,themostdistinguished,consumersmeetupwith eachotherwithoutneedingtoseekeachotherout.Thatiswhytheencounterwithaworkofartissooftenexperiencedintermsofamiracleand'loveatfirstsight' andwhytheloveofartisexpressedandexperiencedinthelanguageoflove.

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Note 1.Cf.P.Bourdieu,A.DarbelandD.Schnapper(1966),L'Amourdel'Art:lesmusesd'arteuropensetleurpublic,Paris:ditionsdeMunuit[translator]. FurtherReading Forfurtherdiscussion,seeBourdieu,P.(1980)'Theproductionofbelief:contributiontoaneconomyofsymbolicgoods',Media,CultureandSociety2(3):26193. Reprintedaspp.13163in(1986)Media,CultureandSociety:ACriticalReader,London:Sage.

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15 HowCanOneBeaSportsman?
Ispeakneitherasahistoriannorasahistorianofsport,andsoIappearasanamateuramongprofessionalsandcanonlyaskyou,asthephrasegoes,tobe'good sports'....ButIthinkthattheinnocencewhichcomesfromnotbeingaspecialistcansometimesleadonetoaskquestionsthatspecialiststendtoforget,because theythinktheyhaveansweredthemandbecausetheyhavetakenforgrantedacertainnumberofpresuppositionsthatareperhapsfundamentaltotheirdiscipline.The questionsIshallraisecomefromoutsidetheyarethequestionsofasociologistwho,amongtheobjectshestudies,encounterssportingactivitiesandentertainments, intheform,forexample,ofthestatisticaldistributionofsportsactivitiesbyeducationallevel,age,sex,andoccupation,andwhoisledtoaskhimselfquestionsnotonly abouttherelationshipbetweenthepracticesandthevariables,butalsoaboutthemeaningwhichthepracticestakeoninthoserelationships. Ithinkthat,withoutdoingtoomuchviolencetoreality,itispossibletoconsiderthewholerangeofsportingactivitiesandentertainmentsofferedtosocialagents rugby,football,swimming,athletics,tennis,golf,etc.asasupplyintendedtomeetasocialdemand.Ifsuchamodelisadopted,twosetsofquestionsarise.First,is thereafieldofproduction,endowedwithitsownlogicanditsownhistory,inwhich'sportsproducts'aregenerated,thatis,theuniverseofthesportingactivitiesand entertainmentsavailableandsociallyacceptableatagivenmomentintime?Secondly,whatarethesocialconditionsofpossibilityoftheappropriationofthevarious 'sportsproducts'thatarethusproducedplayinggolforcrosscountryskiing,readingL'quipeorwatchingtheWorldCuponTV?Inotherwords,howisthe demandfor'sportsproducts'produced,howdopeopleacquirethe'taste'forsport,andforonesportratherthananother,whetherasanactivityorasan entertainment?Moreprecisely,accordingtowhatprinciplesdoagentschoosebetweenthedifferentsportsactivitiesorentertainmentswhich,atagivenmomentin time,areofferedtothemasbeingpossible? Itseemstomethatweshouldfirstconsiderthehistoricalandsocialconditionsofpossibilityofasocialphenomenonwhichwetooeasilytakeforgranted:'modern sport'.Inotherwords,whatsocialconditionsmade
KeynoteaddressgivenattheInternationalCongressoftheHistoryofSportandPhysicalEducationAssociation,heldinMarch1978attheInstitutNationaldesSportsetde l'ducationphysique

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possibletheconstitutionofthesystemofinstitutionsandagentsdirectlyorindirectlylinkedtotheexistenceofsportingactivitiesandentertainments?Thesystem includespublicorprivate'sportsassociations',whosefunctionistorepresentanddefendtheinterestsofthepractitionersofagivensportandtodrawupandimpose thestandardsgoverningthatactivity,theproducersandvendorsofgoods(equipment,instruments,specialclothing,etc.)andservicesrequiredinordertopursuethe sport(teachers,instructors,trainers,sportsdoctors,sportsjournalists,etc.)andtheproducersandvendorsofsportingentertainmentsandassociatedgoods(Tshirts, photosofstars,thetiercetc.).Howwasthisbodyofspecialists,livingdirectlyorindirectlyoffsport,progressivelyconstituted(abodytowhichsportssociologists andhistoriansalsobelongwhichprobablydoesnothelpthequestiontoemerge)?And,moreexactly,whendidthissystemofagentsandinstitutionsbeginto functionasafieldofcompetition,thesiteofconfrontationsbetweenagentswithspecificinterestslinkedtotheirpositionswithinthefield?Ifitisthecase,asmy questionstendtosuggest.thatthesystemoftheinstitutionsandagentswhoseinterestsareboundupwithsporttendstofunctionasafield,itfollowsthatonecannot directlyunderstandwhatsportingphenomenaareatagivenmomentinagivensocialenvironmentbyrelatingthemdirectlytotheeconomicandsocialconditionsofthe correspondingsocieties:thehistoryofsportisarelativelyautonomoushistorywhich,evenwhenmarkedbythemajoreventsofeconomicandsocialhistory,hasits owntempo,itsownevolutionarylaws,itsowncrises,inshort,itsspecificchronology. Thusoneofthemostimportanttasksforthesocialhistoryofsportcouldwellbetoestablishitsownfoundationsbyconstructingthehistoricalgenealogyofthe emergenceofitsobjectasaspecificrealityirreducibletoanyother.Italonecananswerthequestionwhichhasnothingtodowithanacademicquestionof definitionastothemoment(itisnotamatterofaprecisedate)fromwhichitispossibletotalkofsport,thatis,themomentfromwhichtherebegantobe constitutedafieldofcompetitionwithinwhichsportwasdefinedasaspecificpractice,irreducibletoamereritualgameorfestiveamusement.Thisamountstoasking iftheappearanceofsportinthemodernsenseofthewordisnotcorrelativewithabreak(whichmayhavetakenplaceinseveralstages)withactivitieswhichmay appeartobethe'ancestors'ofmodernsports,abreakwhichisitselflinkedtotheconstitutionofafieldofspecificpractices,endowedwithitsownspecificrewards anditsownrules,whereawholespecificcompetenceorcultureisgeneratedandinvested(whetheritbetheinseparablyculturalandphysicalcompetenceofthetop levelathleteortheculturalcompetenceofthesportsmanagerorjournalist)aculturewhichisinasenseesoteric,sinceitseparatestheprofessionalfromthelayman. Thisleadsmetocastdoubtonthevalidityofallthosestudieswhich,byanessentialanachronism,pursueanalogiesbetweenthegamesofEuropeanornonEuropean precapitalistsocieties,erroneouslytreatedaspresportingpractices,andsportsinthe

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strictsense,whosehistoricalappearanceiscontemporarywiththeconstitutionofafieldofproductionof'sportsproducts'.Suchacomparisonisonlyjustifiedwhen, takingapathdiametricallyopposedtothesearchfor'origins',itaims,asinNorbertElias'swork,tograspthespecificityofsportingpracticeor,moreprecisely,to determinehowcertainpreexistingphysicalexercises,orotherswhichmayhavereceivedaradicallynewmeaningandfunctionasradicallynewasinthecaseof simpleinvention,forexamplevolleyballorbasketballbecomesports,definedwithrespecttotheirrewards,theirrules,andalsothesocialidentityoftheir participantsplayersorspectatorsbythespecificlogicofthe'sportingfield'. Sooneofthetasksofthesocialhistoryofsportmightbetolaytherealfoundationsofthelegitimacyofasocialscienceofsportasadistinctscientificobject(which isnotatallselfevident),byestablishingfromwhatmoment,orrather,fromwhatsetofsocialconditions,itisreallypossibletospeakofsport(asopposedtothe simpleplayingofgamesameaningthatisstillpresentintheEnglishword'sport'butnotintheusemadeofthewordincountriesoutsidetheAngloSaxonworld whereitwasintroducedatthesametimeastheradicallynewsocialpracticeswhichitdesignated).Howwasthisterrainconstituted,withitsspecificlogic,asthesite ofquitespecificsocialpractices,whichhavedefinedthemselvesinthecourseofaspecifichistoryandcanonlybeunderstoodintermsofthathistory(e.g.thehistory ofsportslawsorthehistoryofrecords,aninterestingwordthatrecallsthecontributionwhichhistorians,withtheirtaskofrecordingandcelebratingnoteworthy exploits,maketotheconstitutionofafieldanditsesotericculture)? Notpossessingthehistoricalcultureneededtoanswerthesequestions,IhavetriedtomobilizewhatIknewofthehistory,particularlyoffootballandrugby,soasat leasttotrytoformulatethembetter.(Thereisofcoursenoreasontosupposethattheprocessofconstitutionofafieldtookthesameforminallcases,anditiseven likelythat,aswithGerschenkron'smodelofeconomicdevelopment,thesportswhichcameintoexistencelaterthanothersconsequentlyunderwentadifferenthistory, largelybasedonborrowingsfromolderandthereforemore'advanced'sports.)Itseemstobeindisputablethattheshiftfromgamestosportsinthestrictsensetook placeintheeducationalestablishmentsreservedforthe'lites'ofbourgeoissociety,theEnglishpublicschools,wherethesonsofaristocraticorgrandbourgeois familiestookoveranumberofpopularthatis,vulgargames,whilechangingtheirmeaningandfunctioninexactlythesamewayasthefieldoflearnedmusic transformedthefolkdancesbourres,sarabands,gavottes,etc.whichitintroducedintohighartformssuchasthesuite. Tocharacterizethistransformationbriefly,thatis,asregardsitsprinciple,wecansaythatthebodilyexercisesofthe'lite'aredisconnectedfromtheordinarysocial occasionswithwhichfolkgamesremainedassociated(agrarianfeasts,forexample)anddivestedofthesocial(and,

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afortiori,religious)functionsstillattachedtoanumberoftraditionalgames(suchastheritualgamesplayedinanumberofprecapitalistsocietiesatcertainturning pointsinthefarmingyear).Theschool,thesiteofschole,leisure,istheplacewherepracticesendowedwithsocialfunctionsandintegratedintothecollectivecalendar areconvertedintophysicalexercises,activitieswhichareanendinthemselves,asortofphysicalartforart'ssake,governedbyspecificrules,increasinglyirreducible toanyfunctionalnecessity,andinsertedintoaspecificcalendar.Theschoolisthesite,parexcellence,ofwhatarecalledgratuitousexercises,whereoneacquiresa distant,neutralizingdispositiontowardslanguageandthesocialworld,theverysameonewhichisimpliedinthebourgeoisrelationtoart,languageandthebody: gymnasticsmakesauseofthebodywhich,likethescholasticuseoflanguage,isanendinitself.Whatisacquiredinandthroughexperienceofschool,asortofretreat fromtheworldandfromrealpractice,ofwhichthegreatboardingschoolsofthe'lite'representthefullydevelopedform,isthepropensitytowardsactivityforno purpose,afundamentalaspectoftheethosofbourgeois'lites',whoalwayspridethemselvesondisinterestednessanddefinethemselvesbyanelectivedistance manifestedinartandsportfrommaterialinterests.'Fairplay'isthewayofplayingthegamecharacteristicofthosewhodonotgetsocarriedawaybythegameasto forgetthatitisagame,thosewhomaintainthe'roledistance',asGoffmanputsit,thatisimpliedinalltherolesdesignatedforthefutureleaders. Theautonomizationofthefieldofsportisalsoaccompaniedbyaprocessofrationalizationintended,asWeberexpressesit,toensurepredictabilityandcalculability, beyondlocaldifferencesandparticularisms:theconstitutionofacorpusofspecificrulesandofspecializedgoverningbodiesrecruited,initiallyatleast,fromthe'old boys'ofthepublicschoolscomehandinhand.Theneedforabodyoffixed,universallyapplicablerulesmakesitselffeltassoonassporting'exchanges'are establishedbetweendifferenteducationalinstitutions,thenbetweenregions,etc.Therelativeautonomyofthefieldofsportismostclearlyaffirmedinthepowersof selfadministrationandrulemaking,basedonahistoricaltraditionorguaranteedbytheState,whichsportsassociationsarerecognizedashaving:thesebodiesare investedwiththerighttolaydownthestandardsgoverningparticipationintheeventswhichtheyorganize,andtheyareentitledtoexerciseadisciplinarypower (banning,fines,etc.)inordertoensureobservanceofthespecificruleswhichtheydecree.Inaddition,theyawardspecifictitles,suchaschampionshiptitlesandalso, asinEngland,thestatusoftrainer. Theconstitutionofafieldofsportspracticesislinkedtothedevelopmentofaphilosophyofsportwhichisnecessarilyapoliticalphilosophyofsport.Thetheoryof amateurismisinfactonedimensionofanaristocraticphilosophyofsportasadisinterestedpractice,finalitywithoutanend,analogoustoartisticpractice,buteven moresuitablethanartforaffirming

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themanlyvirtuesoffutureleaders:sportisconceivedasatrainingincourageandmanliness,'formingthecharacter'andinculcatingthe'willtowin'whichisthemarkof thetrueleader,butawilltowinwithintherules.Thisis'fairplay',conceivedasanaristocraticdispositionutterlyopposedtotheplebeianpursuitofvictoryatallcosts. (Andthenonewouldhavetoexplorethelinkbetweenthesportingvirtuesandthemilitaryvirtues:remembertheglorificationofthedeedsofoldEtoniansor Oxfordiansonthefieldofbattleorinaerialcombat.)Thisaristocraticethic,devisedbyaristocrats(thefirstOlympiccommitteeincludedinnumerabledukes,counts andlords,andallofancientstock)andguaranteedbyaristocrats,allthosewhoconstitutetheselfperpetuatingoligarchyofinternationalandnationalorganizations, wasclearlyadaptedtotherequirementsofthetimes,and,asoneseesintheworksofBaronPierredeCoubertin,incorporatesthemostessentialassumptionsofthe bourgeoisethicofprivateenterprise,baptizedselfhelp(Englishoftenservesasaeuphemism).Thisglorificationofsportasanessentialcomponentinanewtypeof apprenticeshiprequiringanentirelyneweducationalinstitution,whichisexpressedinCoubertin'swritings,particularlyL'ducationenAngleterreandL'ducation anglaiseenFrance,reappearsintheworkofDemolins,anotherofFrdricLePlay'sdisciples.DemolinsfoundedthecoledesRochesandwastheauthorof quoitientlasuprioritdesAngloSaxonsandL'ducationnouvelle,inwhichhecriticizestheNapoleonicbarracksstylelyce(athemewhichhassubsequently becomeoneofthecommonplacesofthe'sociologyofFrance'producedattheParisInstitutdesSciencesPolitiquesandatHarvard).Whatisatstake,itseemsto me,inthisdebate(whichgoesfarbeyondsport),isadefinitionofbourgeoiseducationwhichcontrastswiththepettybourgeoisandacademicdefinition:itis'energy', 'courage','willpower'.thevirtuesof'leaders'(militaryorindustrial),andperhapsaboveallpersonalinitiative,(private)'enterprise',asopposedtoknowledge, erudition,'scholastic'submissiveness,symbolizedinthegreatlycebarracksanditsdisciplines,etc.Inshort,itwouldbeamistaketoforgetthatthemoderndefinition ofsportthatisoftenassociatedwiththenameofCoubertinisanintegralpartofa'moralideal',thatis,anethoswhichisthatofthedominantfractionsofthedominant classandisbroughttofruitioninthemajorprivateschoolsintendedprimarilyforthesonsoftheheadsofprivateindustry,suchasthecoledesRoches.the paradigmaticrealizationofthisideal.Tovalueeducationoverinstruction,characterorwillpoweroverintelligence,sportoverculture,istoaffirm,withinthe educationaluniverseitself,theexistenceofahierarchyirreducibletothestrictlyscholastichierarchywhichfavoursthesecondterminthoseoppositions.Itmeans,asit were,disqualifyingordiscreditingthevaluesrecognizedbyotherfractionsofthedominantclassorbyotherclasses(especiallytheintellectualfractionsofthe petitebourgeoisieandthe'sonsofschoolteachers',whoareseriouschallengerstothesonsofthebourgeoisieontheterrainofpurelyscholasticcompetence)

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itmeansputtingforwardothercriteriaof'achievement'andotherprinciplesforlegitimizingachievementasalternativesto'academicachievement'.(Inarecentsurvey ofFrenchindustrialists,Iwasabletodemonstratethattheoppositionbetweenthetwoconceptionsofeducationcorrespondstotworoutesintomanagerialpositions inlargefirms,onefromthecoledesRochesorthemajorJesuitschoolsviatheLawFacultyor,morerecently,theInstitutdesSciencesPolitiques,theInspectiondes FinancesorthecoledesHautestudesCommerciales,theotherfromaprovinciallyceviathecolePolytechnique.)Theglorificationofsportasthetraining groundofcharacter,etc.,impliesacertainantiintellectualism.Whenoneremembersthatthedominantfractionsofthedominantclassalwaystendtoconceivetheir relationtothedominatedfraction'intellectuals','artists','professors'intermsoftheoppositionbetweenthemaleandthefemale,thevirileandtheeffeminate,which isgivendifferentcontentsdependingontheperiod(e.g.nowadaysshorthairvs.longhair'economicandpolitical'culturevs.'artisticandliterary'culture,etc.),one understandsoneofthemostimportantimplicationsoftheexaltationofsportandespeciallyof'manly'sportslikerugby,anditcanbeseenthatsport,likeanyother practice,isanobjectofstrugglesamongthefractionsofthedominantclassandalsoamongthesocialclasses. Thefieldofsportingpracticesisthesiteofstrugglesinwhichwhatisatstake,interalia,isthemonopolisticcapacitytoimposethelegitimatedefinitionofsporting practiceandofthelegitimatefunctionofsportingactivityamateurismvs.professionalism,participantsportvs.spectatorsport,distinctive(lite)sportvs.popular (mass)sportandthisfieldisitselfpartofthelargerfieldofstrugglesoverthedefinitionofthelegitimatebodyandthelegitimateuseofthebody,struggleswhich,in additiontotrainers,managers,gymnasticsmastersandalltheotherpurveyorsofsportinggoodsandservices,involvemoralistsandespeciallytheclergy,doctors(in particular,healthspecialists),educatorsinthebroadestsense(marriageguidancecounsellors,dietitians,etc.),thearbitersoffashionandtaste(couturiers,etc.).The strugglesforthemonopolisticpowertoimposethelegitimatedefinitionofthisparticularclassofbodyuses,sportinguses,nodoubtpresentsomeinvariantfeatures.I amthinking,forexample,oftheopposition,fromthepointofviewofthedefinitionoflegitimateexercise,betweentheprofessionalsinphysicaleducation (gymnasiarchs,gymnasticsteachers,etc.)anddoctors,thatis,betweentwoformsofspecificauthority('pedagogic'vs.'scientific'),linkedtotwosortsofspecific capitalortherecurrentoppositionbetweentwoantagonisticphilosophiesoftheuseofthebody,amoreasceticonewhich,intheparadoxicalexpressionculture physique('physicalculture'),emphasizesculture,theantiphysis,thecounternatural,straightening,rectitude,effort,andanother,morehedonisticonewhichprivileges nature,physis,reducingthecultureofthebody,physicalculture,toasortoflaisserfaireorareturntolaisserfaireasexpressioncorporelle('physical expression''antigymnastics')does

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nowadays,teachingitsdevoteestounlearnthesuperfluousdisciplinesandrestraintsimposed,amongotherthings,byordinarygymnastics.Sincetherelativeautonomy ofthefieldofbodilypracticesentails,bydefinition,arelativedependence,thedevelopment,withinthefield,ofpracticesorientedtowardsoneortheotherpole, asceticismorhedonism,dependstoalargeextentonthestateofthepowerrelationsamongthefractionsofthedominantclassandamongthesocialclasseswithinthe fieldofstrugglesformonopolisticdefinitionofthelegitimatebodyandthelegitimateusesofthebody.Thustheprogressmadebyeverythingthatisreferredtoas 'physicalexpression'canonlybeunderstoodinrelationtotheprogress,seenforexampleinparentchildrelationsandmoregenerallyinallthatpertainstopedagogy, ofanewvariantofbourgeoismorality,preachedbycertainrisingfractionsofthebourgeoisie(andpetitebourgeoisie)andfavouringliberalisminchildrearingandalso inhierarchicalrelationsandinsexuality,inplaceofasceticseverity(denouncedas'repressive'). Itwasnecessarytosketchinthisfirstphase,whichseemstomeadecisiveone,becauseinstatesofthefieldthatarenonethelessquitedifferent,sportstillbearsthe marksofitsorigins.Notonlydoesthearistocraticideologyofsportasdisinterested,gratuitousactivity,whichlivesonintheritualthemesofcelebratorydiscourse, helptomaskthetruenatureofanincreasingproportionofsportingpractices,butthepracticeofsportssuchastennis,riding,sailingorgolfdoubtlessowespartofits 'interest'.asmuchnowadaysasitdidatthebeginning,toitsdistinguishingfunctionand,moreprecisely,tothegainsindistinctionwhichitbrings(itisnoaccidentthat themajorityofthemostselect,i.e.selective,clubsareorganizedaroundsportingactivitieswhichserveasafocusorpretextforelectivegatherings).Thedistinctive gainsareallthegreaterwhenthedistinctionbetweennobledistinguishedanddistinctivepractices,suchasthe'smart'sports,andthe'vulgar'practiceswhich popularizationhasmadeofanumberofsportsoriginallyreservedforthe'lite',suchasfootball(andtoalesserextentrugby,whichwillperhapsretainforsometime tocomeadualstatusandadualsocialrecruitment),iscombinedwiththeevensharperoppositionbetweenparticipationinsportandthemereconsumptionofsporting entertainments.Weknowthattheprobabilityofpractisingasportbeyondadolescence(andafortioribeyondearlymanhoodorintooldage)declinesmarkedlyas onemovesdownthesocialhierarchy(asdoestheprobabilityofbelongingtoasportsclub),whereastheprobabilityofwatchingoneofthereputedlymostpopular sportingspectacles,suchasfootballorrugby,ontelevision(stadiumattendanceasaspectatorobeysmorecomplexlaws)declinesmarkedlyasonerisesinthesocial hierarchy. Thus,whatevertheimportanceoftakingpartinsportparticularlyteamsportslikefootballforworkingclassandlowermiddleclassadolescents,itcannotbe ignoredthatthesocalledpopularsports,cycling,footballorrugby,alsoandmainlyfunctionasspectacles(whichmayowepartoftheirinteresttoimaginary participationbasedonpastexperienceofreal

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practice).Theyare'popular'butinthesensethisadjectivetakesonwheneveritisappliedtothematerialorculturalproductsofmassproduction,whethercars, furnitureorsongs.Inbrief,sport,whichsprangfrom'popular'games,thatis,gamesproducedbythepeople,returnstothepeople,like'folkmusic',intheformof spectaclesproducedforthepopulace.Sportasaspectaclewouldappearmoreclearlyasamasscommodity,andtheorganizationofsportingentertainmentsasone branchamongothersofshowbusiness,ifthevaluecollectivelybestowedonpractisingsports(especiallynowthatsportscontestshavebecomeameasureofrelative nationalstrengthandhenceapoliticalstake)didnothelptomaskthedivorcebetweenpracticeandconsumptionandconsequentlythefunctionsofsimplepassive consumption. Itmightbewondered,inpassing,whethersomerecentdevelopmentsinsportingpracticessuchasdoping,ortheincreasedviolencebothonthepitchandonthe terracesarenotinpartaneffectoftheevolutionwhichIhavetoorapidlysketched.Oneonlyhastothink,forexample,ofallthatisimpliedinthefactthatasport likerugby(inFrancebutthesameistrueofAmericanfootball)hasbecome,throughtelevision,amassspectacle,transmittedfarbeyondthecircleofpresentorpast 'practitioners',thatis,toapublicveryimperfectlyequippedwiththespecificcompetenceneededtodecipheritadequately.The'connoisseur'hasschemesof perceptionandappreciationwhichenablehimtoseewhatthelaymancannotsee,toperceiveanecessitywheretheoutsiderseesonlyviolenceandconfusion,andso tofindinthepromptnessofamovement,intheunforeseeableinevitabilityofasuccessfulcombinationorthenearmiraculousorchestrationofateamstrategy,a pleasurenolessintenseandlearnedthanthepleasureamusicloverderivesfromaparticularlysuccessfulrenderingofafavouritework.Themoresuperficialthe perception,thelessitfindsitspleasureinthespectaclecontemplatedinitselfandforitself,andthemoreitisdrawntothesearchforthe'sensational',thecultof obviousfeatsandvisiblevirtuosityand,aboveall.themoreexclusivelyitisconcernedwiththatotherdimensionofthesportingspectacle,suspenseandanxietyasto theresult,therebyencouragingplayersandespeciallyorganizerstoaimforvictoryatallcosts.Inotherwords,everythingseemstosuggestthat,insportasinmusic, extensionofthepublicbeyondthecircleofamateurshelpstoreinforcethereignofthepureprofessionals.WhenRolandBarthes,inanarticleentitled'Legraindela voix',contrastsPanzera,aFrenchsingeroftheinterwarperiod,withFischerDieskau,whomheseesasthearchetypalproductofmiddlebrowculture,hemakes onethinkofthosewhocontrasttheinspiredrugbyofaDaugeroraBonifacewiththe'welloiledmachinery'oftheBziersteamorFrancecaptainedbyFouroux.This istheviewpointofthe'practitioner',pastorpresent,who,asopposedtothemereconsumer,thearmchairmusicianorsportsman,recognizesaformofexcellence which,asevenitsimperfectionstestify,issimplythelimitingcaseofthecompetenceoftheordinaryamateur.Inshort,thereis

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everyreasontosupposethat,inmusicasinsport,thepurelypassivecompetence,acquiredwithoutanypersonalperformance,ofpublicsnewlywonbyrecordsor televisionisatleastanegative,thatis,permissive,factorintheevolutionofproduction(onesees,incidentally,theambiguityofacertainstyleof'ultraleft'critique: denunciationofthevicesofmassproductioninsportasinmusicisoftencombinedwitharistocraticnostalgiaforthedaysofamateurism). Morethanbytheencouragementitgivestochauvinismandsexism,itisundoubtedlythroughthedivisionitmakesbetweenprofessionals,thevirtuosiofanesoteric technique,andlaymen,reducedtotheroleofmereconsumers,adivisionthattendstobecomeadeepstructureofthecollectiveconsciousness,thatsportproducesits mostdecisivepoliticaleffects.Sportisnottheonlyareainwhichordinarypeoplearereducedtotheroleof'fans',theextremecaricaturalformoftheactivist, condemnedtoanimaginaryparticipationwhichisonlyanillusorycompensationforthedispossessiontheysufferatthehandsofexperts. Infact,beforetakingfurthertheanalysisoftheeffects,wemusttrytoanalysemorecloselythedeterminantsoftheshiftwherebysportasanlitepracticereservedfor amateursbecamesportasaspectacleproducedbyprofessionalsforconsumptionbythemasses.Itisnotsufficienttoinvoketherelativelyautonomouslogicofthe fieldofproductionofsportinggoodsandservicesor,moreprecisely,thedevelopment,withinthisfield,ofasportingentertainmentsindustrywhich,subjecttothelaws ofprofitability,aimstomaximizeitsefficiencywhileminimizingitsrisks.(Thisleads,inparticular,totheneedforspecializedexecutivepersonnelandscientific managementtechniquesthatcanrationallyorganizethetrainingandupkeepofthephysicalcapitaloftheprofessionalplayers:onethinks,forexample,ofAmerican football,inwhichthesquadoftrainers,doctorsandpublicrelationsmenismorenumerousthantheteamofplayers,andwhichalmostalwaysservesasapublicity vehicleforthesportsequipmentandaccessoriesindustry.) Inreality,thedevelopmentofsportingactivityitself,evenamongworkingclassyoungsters,doubtlessresultspartlyfromthefactthatsportwaspredisposedtofulfil, onamuchlargerscale,theverysamefunctionswhichunderlayitsinventioninthelatenineteenthcenturyEnglishpublicschools.Evenbeforetheysawsportasa meansof'improvingcharacter'inaccordancewithVictorianbelief,thepublicschools,'totalinstitutions'inGoffman'ssense,whichhavetocarryouttheirsupervisory tasktwentyfourhoursaday,sevendaysaweek,sawsportas'ameansoffillingintime',aneconomicalwayofoccupyingtheadolescentswhoweretheirfulltime responsibility.Whenthepupilsareonthesportsfield,theyareeasytosupervise,theyareengagedin'healthy'activityandtheyareventingtheirviolenceoneachother ratherthandestroyingthebuildingsorshoutingdowntheirteachers.Thisissurelyonefactorinthespreadingofsportandthegrowthofsportsassociations,which, originallyorganizedona

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voluntarybasis,progressivelyreceivedrecognitionandaidfromthepublicauthorities.Thisextremelyeconomicalmeansofmobilizing,occupyingandcontrolling adolescentswaspredisposedtobecomeaninstrumentandastakeinstrugglesbetweenalltheinstitutionstotallyorpartlyorganizedwithaviewtothemobilizationand symbolicconquestofthemassesandthereforecompetingforthesymbolicconquestofyouth.Theseincludepoliticalparties,unions,andchurches,ofcourse,butalso paternalisticbosses,who,withtheaimofensuringcompleteandcontinuouscontainmentoftheworkingpopulation,providedtheiremployeesnotonlywith hospitalsandschoolsbutalsowithstadiumsandothersportsfacilities(anumberofsportsclubswerefoundedwiththehelpandunderthecontrolofprivate employers,asisstillattestedtodaybythenumberofstadiumsnamedafteremployers).Wearefamiliarwiththecompetitionwhichhasneverceasedtobefoughtout inthevariouspoliticalarenasoverquestionsofsportfromthelevelofthevillage(withtherivalrybetweensecularorreligiousclubs,or,morerecently,thedebates overtheprioritytobegiventosportsfacilities)tonationallevel(with,forexample,theoppositionbetweentheFdrationduSportdeFrance,controlledbythe CatholicChurch,andtheFdrationSportiveetGymniqueduTravailcontrolledbytheleftwingparties).Andindeed,inanincreasinglydisguisedwayasState recognitionandsubsidiesincrease,andwiththemtheapparentneutralityofsportsorganizationsandtheirofficials,sportisanobjectofpoliticalstruggle.This competitionisoneofthemostimportantfactorsinthedevelopmentofasocial,thatis,sociallyconstituted,needforsportingpracticesandforalltheaccompanying equipment,instruments,personnelandservices.Thustheimpositionofsportingneedsismostevidentinruralareaswheretheappearanceoffacilitiesandteams,as withyouthclubsandseniorcitizens'clubsnowadays,isalmostalwaystheresultoftheworkofthevillagepetitebourgeoisieorbourgeoisie,whichfindsherean opportunitytoimposeitspoliticalservicesoforganizationandleadershipandtoaccumulateormaintainapoliticalcapitalofrenownandhonourabilitywhichisalways potentiallyconvertibleintopoliticalpower. Itgoeswithoutsayingthatthepopularizationofsport,downfromtheliteschoolstothemasssportingassociations,isnecessarilyaccompaniedbyachangeinthe functionswhichthesportsmenandtheirorganizersassigntothispractice,andalsobyatransformationoftheverylogicofsportingpracticeswhichrunsparalleltothe transformationoftheexpectationsanddemandsoftheaudiencewhichnowextendsfarbeyondtheformerpractitioners.Theexaltationof'manliness'andthecultof 'teamspirit'thatareassociatedwithplayingrugbynottomentionthearistocraticidealof'fairplay'haveaverydifferentmeaningandfunctionforbourgeoisor aristocraticadolescentsinEnglishpublicschoolsandforthesonsofpeasantsorshopkeepersinsouthwestFrance.Thisissimplybecause,forexample,asporting career,whichispracticallyexcludedfromthefieldofacceptabletrajectoriesforachildofthebourgeoisiesetting

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asidetennisorgolfrepresentsoneofthefewpathsofupwardmobilityopentothechildrenofthedominatedclassesthesportsmarketistotheboys'physical capitalwhatthesystemofbeautyprizesandtheoccupationstowhichtheyleadhostess,etc.istothegirls'physicalcapitalandtheworkingclasscultof sportsmenofworkingclassoriginisdoubtlessexplainedinpartbythefactthatthese'successstories'symbolizetheonlyrecognizedroutetowealthandfame. Everythingsuggeststhattheinterestsandvalueswhichpractitionersfromtheworkingandlowermiddleclassesbringintotheconductofsportsareinharmonywith thecorrespondingrequirementsofprofessionalization(whichcan,ofcourse,coexistwiththeappearancesofamateurism)andoftherationalizationofpreparationfor andperformanceofthesportingexercisethatareimposedbythepursuitofmaximumspecificefficiency(measuredin'wins','titles',or'records')combinedwiththe minimizationofrisks(whichwehaveseenisitselflinkedtothedevelopmentofaprivateorStatesportsentertainmentsindustry). Wehavehereacaseofasupply,thatis,theparticulardefinitionofsportingpracticeandentertainmentthatisputforwardatagivenmomentintime,meetinga demand,thatis,theexpectations,interestsandvaluesthatagentsbringintothefield,withtheactualpracticesandentertainmentsevolvingasaresultofthepermanent confrontationandadjustmentbetweenthetwo.Ofcourse,ateverymomenteachnewentrantmusttakeaccountofadeterminatestateofthedivisionofsporting activitiesandentertainmentsandtheirdistributionamongthesocialclasses,astatewhichhecannotalterandwhichistheresultofthewholeprevioushistoryofthe strugglesandcompetitionamongtheagentsandinstitutionsengagedinthe'sportingfield'.Butwhileitistruethat,hereaselsewhere,thefieldofproductionhelpsto producetheneedforitsownproducts,nonethelessthelogicwherebyagentsinclinetowardsthisorthatsportingpracticecannotbeunderstoodunlesstheir dispositionstowardssport,whicharethemselvesonedimensionofaparticularrelationtothebody,arereinsertedintotheunityofthesystemofdispositions,the habitus,whichisthebasisfromwhichlifestylesaregenerated(forexample,itwouldbeeasytodemonstratethehomologiesbetweentherelationtothebodyandthe relationtolanguagethatarecharacteristicofaclassorclassfraction). Inotherwords,facedwiththestatisticaltablerepresentingthedistributionofthevarioussportingpracticesbysocialclasswhichImentionedatthebeginning,one mustfirstconsiderthevariationsinthesocialsignificanceandfunctionthatthedifferentsocialclassesgivetothedifferentsports.Itwouldnotbedifficulttoshowthat thedifferentsocialclassesdonotagreeastotheeffectsexpectedfrombodilyexercise,whetherontheoutsideofthebody(bodilyhexis),suchasthevisiblestrength ofprominentmuscleswhichsomepreferortheelegance,easeandbeautyfavouredbyothers,orinsidethebody,health,mentalequilibrium,etc.Inotherwords,the classvariationsinthesepracticesderivenotonlyfromthevariationsinthefactorswhichmakeitpossibleorimpossibletomeettheir

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economicorculturalcostsbutalsofromthevariationsintheperceptionandappreciationoftheimmediateordeferredprofitsthataresupposedtoaccruefromthe differentsportingpractices.Thus,thedifferentclassesareveryunequallyattentivetothe'intrinsic'profits(realorimaginary,itdoesnotmattermuch,sincetheyarereal inasmuchastheyarereallyexpected)forthebodyitself:JacquesDefranceshowsforexamplethatgymnasticsmaybeaskedtoproduceeitherastrongbody,bearing theoutwardsignsofstrengththisistheworkingclassdemand,whichissatisfiedbybodybuildingorahealthybodythisisthebourgeoisdemand,whichis satisfiedbyagymnasticsorothersportswhosefunctionisessentiallyhygienic.Itisnoaccidentthatthe'strongman'wasforalongtimeoneofthemosttypically popularentertainmentsrememberthefamousDdlaBoulangewhoperformedintheSquared'Anvers,alternatingfeatsofstrengthwithamountebank'spatteror thatweightlifting,whichissupposedtodevelopthemuscles,wasformanyyears,especiallyinFrance,thefavouriteworkingclasssportnorisitanaccidentthatthe Olympicauthoritiestooksolongtograntofficialrecognitiontoweightlifting,which,intheeyesofthearistocraticfoundersofmodernsport,symbolizedmerestrength, brutalityandintellectualindigence,inshorttheworkingclasses. Similarly,thedifferentclassesareveryunequallyconcernedaboutthesocialprofitstobederivedfrompursuingcertainsports.Itcanbeseen,forexample,thatin additiontoitsstrictlyhealthgivingfunctions,golfhasadistributionalsignificancewhich,unanimouslyrecognizedandacknowledged(everyonehasapracticalgrasp oftheprobabilityofthevariousclassespractisingthevarioussports),isentirelyopposedtothatofptanque,whosepurelyhealthgivingfunctionisperhapsnotvery differentbutwhichhasadistributionalsignificanceveryclosetothatofPernodandalltypesoffoodthatarenotonlyeconomicalbutstrong(inthesenseofspicy)and supposedtogivestrengthbecausetheyareheavy,fattyandspicy.Thereisinfacteveryreasontothinkthatthelogicofdistinctionplaysadecisivepart,alongwith sparetime,inthedistributionamongtheclassesofapracticewhich,likeptanque,requirespracticallynoeconomicorculturalcapital,orevenphysicalcapital. Increasingsteadilyuntilitreachesitsgreatestfrequencyinthelowermiddleclasses,andespeciallyamongprimaryteachersandclericalworkersinthemedical services,itthendeclines,increasinglysoastheconcerntodistinguishoneselffromthecommonplacebecomesstronger,asitdoesamongartistsandmembersofthe professions. Thesameistrueofthosesportswhich,requiringonly'physical'qualitiesandbodilycompetences,theconditionsforacquiringwhichseemtobemoreorlessequally distributed,areequallyaccessiblewithinthelimitsoftheavailabletimeand,secondarily,theavailablephysicalenergy.Theprobabilityofpractisingthemwould undoubtedlygrowasonemovesupthesocialhierarchyifitwerenotthecasethat,inaccordancewithalogic

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thatisobservedinotherareas(photography,forexample),theconcernfordistinctionandalackoftasteforthemturnedawaythemembersofthedominantclass.In fact,mostofthecollectivesportsbasketball,handball,rugby,soccerwhichsurveysshowtobestrongestamongclericalworkers,techniciansandshopkeepers, andalso,nodoubt,themosttypicallypopularsportssuchasboxingandwrestling,combineallthereasonsforrepellingthemembersofthedominantclass:thesocial compositionoftheiraudience,whichunderlinesthevulgarityimpliedintheirpopularization,thevaluesinvolved,suchascompetitiveness,andthevirtuesrequired strength,endurance,adispositiontowardsviolence,aspiritofsacrifice',docilityandsubmissiontocollectivediscipline,theperfectantithesisofthe'roledistance' impliedinbourgeoisroles,etc. Soeverythingsuggeststhattheprobabilityofpractisingthedifferentsportsdepends,toadifferentdegreeforeachsport,primarilyoneconomiccapitaland secondarilyonculturalcapitalandsparetimeitdoessothroughtheaffinitybetweentheethicalandaestheticdispositionsassociatedwithaparticularpositioninthe socialspaceandtheprofitswhich,onthebasisofthesedispositions,appeartobeofferedbythevarioussports.Therelationshipbetweenthedifferentsportsandage ismorecomplex,sinceitisonlydefinedthroughtheintensityofthephysicaleffortrequiredandthedispositiontowardsthateffortwhichisanaspectofclassethos withintherelationshipbetweenasportandaclass.Themostimportantpropertyofthe'popular'sportsisthefactthattheyaretacitlyassociatedwithyouth,whichis spontaneouslyandimplicitlycreditedwithasortofprovisionallicenceexpressed,amongotherways,inthesquanderingofanoverflowofphysical(andsexual) energy,andthattheyareabandonedveryearly(usuallyatthemomentofentryintoadultlife.markedbymarriage).Bycontrast,the'bourgeois'sports,mainly practisedfortheirfunctionsofphysicalmaintenanceandforthesocialprofittheybring,haveincommonthefactthattheiragelimitliesfarbeyondyouthandperhaps comesallthelaterthemoreprestigiousandexclusivetheyare(e.g.golf). Inreality,evenapartfromanysearchfordistinction,itistherelationtoone'sownbody,afundamentalaspectofthehabitus,whichdistinguishestheworkingclasses fromtheprivilegedclasses,justas,withinthelatter,itdistinguishesfractionsthatareseparatedbythewholeuniverseofalifestyle.Ononeside,thereisthe instrumentalrelationtothebodywhichtheworkingclassesexpressinallthepracticescentredonthebody,whetherindietingorbeautycare,relationtoillnessor medication,andwhichisalsomanifestedinthechoiceofsportsrequiringaconsiderableinvestmentofeffort,sometimesofpainandsuffering(e.g.boxing)and sometimesagamblingwiththebodyitself(asinmotorcycling,parachutejumping,allformsofacrobatics,and,tosomeextent,allsportsinvolvingfighting,among whichwemayincluderugby).Ontheotherside,theinclinationoftheprivilegedclassestowardsthe'stylizationoflife'isconfirmedintheirtendencytotreatthebody asanendinitself,withvariantsaccordingto

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whethertheemphasisisplacedontheintrinsicfunctioningofthebodyasanorganism,whichleadstothemacrobioticcultofhealth,orontheappearanceofthebody asaperceptibleconfiguration,the'physique',thatis,thebodyforothers. Everythingseemstosuggestthattheconcerntocultivatethebodyappears,initsmostelementaryform,thatis,asthecultofhealth,oftenimplyinganasceticexaltation ofsobrietyanddieteticrigour,amongthelowermiddleclasses,whoindulgeparticularlyintensivelyingymnasticstheasceticsportparexcellencesinceitamounts toasortoftrainingfortraining'ssake.Gymnasticsorstrictlyhealthorientedsportslikewalkingorjogging,which,unlikeballgames,donotofferanycompetitive satisfaction,arehighlyrationalandrationalizedactivities.Thisisfirstlybecausetheypresupposearesolutefaithinreasonandinthedeferredandoftenintangible benefitswhichreasonpromises(suchasprotectionagainstageing,anabstractandnegativeadvantagewhichonlyexistsbyreferencetoathoroughlytheoretical referent)secondly,becausetheygenerallyonlyhavemeaningbyreferencetoathoroughlytheoretical,abstractknowledgeoftheeffectsofanexercisewhichisitself oftenreduced,asingymnastics,toaseriesofabstractmovements,decomposedandreorganizedbyreferencetoaspecificandtechnicallydefinedend(e.g.'the abdominals')andisopposedtothetotalmovementsofeverydaysituations,orientedtowardspracticalgoalsjustasmarching,brokendownintoelementary movementsinthesergeantmajor'shandbook,isopposedtoordinarywalking. Thusitisunderstandablethattheseactivitiesencounterandfulfiltheasceticdispositionsofupwardlymobileindividualswhoarepreparedtofindtheirsatisfactionin effortitselfandtoacceptsuchisthewholemeaningoftheirexistencethedeferredgratificationsthatwillrewardtheirpresentsacrifice.Thehealthgivingfunctions tendincreasinglytobeassociatedwithandevensubordinatedtowhatmightbecalledaestheticfunctions,athigherlevelsofthesocialhierarchy(especially,other thingsbeingequal,amongwomen,whoaremoreimperativelyrequiredtosubmittothenormsdefiningwhatthebodyoughttobe,notonlyinitsperceptible configurationbutalsoinitsmotion,itsgait,etc.).Itisnodoubtamongtheprofessionsandthewellestablishedbusinessbourgeoisiethatthehealthgivingandaesthetic functionsaremostclearlycombinedwithsocialfunctionsthere,sportstaketheirplace,alongwithparlourgamesandsocialexchanges(receptions,dinners,etc.), amongthe'gratuitous'and'disinterested'activitieswhichenabletheaccumulationofsocialcapital.Thisisseeninthefactthat,intheextremeformitassumesingolf, shooting,andpoloinsmartclubs,sportingactivitytendstobecomeamerepretextforselectencountersor,toputitanotherway,atechniqueofsociability,likebridge ordancing. Inconclusion,Iwillsimplyindicatethattheprincipleofthetransformationsofsportingpracticesandconsumptionhastobesoughtintherelationshipbetweenchanges inthesupplyandchangesindemand.

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Changesinsupply(withtheinventionorimportingofnewsportsornewequipment,thereinterpretingofoldsportsandgames,etc.)arisethroughthecompetitive strugglestoimposelegitimatesportingpracticeandtowintheloyaltyoftheordinarypractitioners(sportsproselytism),strugglesbetweenthedifferentsportsand, withineachsport,betweenthedifferentschoolsortraditions(e.g.inskiing,onpiste,offpisteandcrosscountry).strugglesbetweenthedifferentcategoriesofagents involvedinthiscompetition(toplevelsportsmenandwomen,trainers,PEteachers,equipmentmanufacturers,etc.).Changesindemandareoneaspectofthe transformationoflifestylesandthereforeobeythegenerallawsofthattransformation.Thecorrespondencethatisobservedbetweenthesetwoseriesofchangesisno doubttobeascribed,hereaselsewhere,tothefactthatthespaceoftheproducers(i.e.thefieldoftheagentsandinstitutionsthatareinapositiontocontributeto changesinsupply)tendstoreproduce,initsdivisions,thedivisionsofthespaceoftheconsumers.Inotherwords,thetastemakerswhoareabletoproduceor impose(orevensell)newpracticesornewformsofoldpractices(suchasthe'Californian'sportsorthevariouskindsof'physicalexpression'),aswellasthosewho defendtheoldpracticesortheoldwaysofpractising,putintooperationthedispositionsandconvictionsthatconstituteahabitusthoughwhichaparticularpositionin thefieldofspecialists,andalsointhesocialspace,isexpressed.Theyarethereforepredisposedtogivevoicetothemoreorlessconsciousexpectationsofthe correspondingfractionsofthelaypublicand,byobjectifyingthoseexpectations,torealizethem.

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16 HauteCoutureandHauteCulture
Mytitleisnotintendedasajoke.Idoindeedintendtotalkabouttherelationshipbetweenhautecoutureandculture.Fashionisaveryprestigioussubjectinthe sociologicaltradition,atthesametimeasbeingapparentlyratherfrivolous.Thehierarchyofresearchareasisregardedasoneofthemostimportantareasinthe sociologyofknowledge,andoneofthewaysinwhichsocialcensorshipsareexertedispreciselythishierarchyofobjectsregardedasworthyorunworthyofbeing studied.ThisisoneoftheveryancientthemesofthephilosophicaltraditionandyettheoldlessonoftheParmenides,thatthereareIdeasofeverything,includingdirt andbodyhair,hasnotbeentakenveryfarbythephilosophers,whoaregenerallythefirstvictimsofthissocialdefinitionofthehierarchyofobjects.Ithinkthatthis preambleisnotsuperfluous,because,ifthereisonethingthatIwanttocommunicatethisevening,itisthattherearescientificprofitstobedrawnfromscientifically studying'unworthy'objects. Myargumentisbasedonthestructuralhomologybetweenthefieldofproductionofoneparticularcategoryofluxurygoods,namelyfashiongarments,andthefieldof productionofthatothercategoryofluxurygoods,thegoodsoflegitimateculturesuchasmusic,poetry,philosophyandsoon.ItfollowsthatwhenIspeakofhaute coutureIshallneverceasetobespeakingalsoofhauteculture.IshallbetalkingabouttheproductionofcommentariesonMarxorHeidegger,theproductionof paintingsordiscourseaboutpaintings.Youmaysay,'Whynottalkaboutthemdirectly?'Becausetheselegitimateproductsareprotectedbytheirlegitimacyagainst thescientificgazeandagainstthedesacralizationthatispresupposedbythescientificstudyofsacredobjects(Ithinkthatthesociologyofcultureisthesociologyof religionofourday).IntalkingaboutalesswellguardedsubjectIhopethatIshallalsoconveymoreeffectivelywhatmightberejectedifIweretosayitaboutmore sacredthings. Myintentionistomakeacontributiontothesociologyofintellectualproduction,that'stosaythesociologyoftheintellectuals,aswellastoanalysisoffetishismand magic.Theretoo,youmaysay,'Butwhynotgoandstudymagicin''primitive"societies,ratherthanintheParisfashion
TalkgiventoNoroit(Arras)inNovember1974andpublishedinNoroit,192,1974:12,717,and1934,1975:211

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scene?'Ithinkthatoneofthefunctionsofethnologicaldiscourseistosaythingsthatarebearablesolongastheyapplytoremotepopulations,withtherespectwe owethem,butmuchlesssowhentheyarerelatedtoWesternsocieties.Attheendofhisessayonmagic,MarcelMaussaskshimself,'Whereistheequivalentinour society?'IwouldliketoshowthattheequivalentistobelookedforinElleorLeMonde(especiallytheliterarypage).Thethirdtopicforconsiderationwouldbe: Whatisthefunctionofsociology?Aren'tsociologiststroublemakerswhocomeinanddestroymagicalcommunions?Thosearequestionsthatyouwillbeableto decidewhenyouhaveheardme. I'llstartbydescribingveryrapidlythestructureofthefieldofproductionofhautecouture.By'field'Imeananarea,aplayingfield,afieldofobjectiverelations amongindividualsorinstitutionscompetingforthesamestakes.Theplayerswhoaredominantintheparticularfieldofhautecouturearethedesignerswhopossess inthehighestdegreethepowertodefineobjectsasrarebymeansoftheirsignature,theirlabel,thosewhoselabelhasthehighestprice.Inafield(andthisisthe generallawoffields),theoccupiersofthedominantposition,thosewhohavethemostspecificcapital,areopposedinawholehostofwaystothenewcomers,the newentrantstothefield,parvenuswhodonotpossessmuchspecificcapital. Theestablishedfigureshaveconservationstrategies,aimedatderivingprofitfromprogressivelyaccumulatedcapital.Thenewcomershavesubversionstrategies, orientedtowardsanaccumulationofspecificcapitalwhichpresupposesamoreorlessradicalreversalofthetableofvalues,amoreorlessrevolutionarysubversion oftheprinciplesofproductionandappreciationoftheproductsand,bythesametoken,adevaluationofthecapitaloftheestablishedfigures.WatchingaTVdebate betweenthedesignersBalmainandScherrer,youwouldhaveunderstood,justfromtheirdiction,whichonewasonthe'right'andwhichonthe'left'(intherelatively autonomousspaceofthefield). (HereImustopenaparenthesis:whenIsay'right'and'left',IknowasIsayitthatthepracticalequivalentthateachofushaswithaparticularreferencetothe politicalfieldofthetheoreticalconstructionthatIamputtingforwardwillcompensatefortheinevitableinadequacyoforalpresentation.But,atthesametime,I knowthatthispracticalequivalentisliabletoactasascreenbecauseifIhadonlyhadthenotionsofrightandleftinmyheadtounderstandthis,Iwouldneverhave understoodanything.Theparticulardifficultyofsociologycomesfromthefactthatitteachesthingsthateverybodyknowsinaway,butwhichtheydon'twanttoknow orcannotknowbecausethelawofthesystemistohidethosethingsfromthem.) ToreturntothedebatebetweenBalmainandScherrer:Balmaininverylong,ratherpompoussentences,defended'Frenchquality',creation,andsoonScherrer spokelikeastudentleaderinMay'68,withunfinishedsentences,dramaticpauses,andsoon.Similarly,I'veidentifiedinthe

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women'smagazinestheadjectivesmostoftenassociatedwiththedifferentdesigners.Ontheonehand,'luxurious,exclusive,elegant,traditional,classic,refined,select, balanced,madetolast'ontheother,'superchic,kitsch,funny,appealing,witty,cheeky,radiant,free,enthusiastic,structured,functional'.Onthebasisofthepositions thatthevariousagentsorinstitutionsoccupyinthestructureofthefield,whichcorrespondfairlywellinthiscasetotheirseniority,it'spossibletopredict,oratleastto understand,theaestheticpositionstheywilladopt,asexpressedintheadjectivesusedtodescribetheirproductsorinanyotherindicator.Thefurtheryoumovefrom thedominantpoletowardsthedominatedpole,themoretrousersthereareinthecollectionsthefewerfittingsthemorethegreycarpetingandthemonogramsgive waytoaluminiumandtosalesgirlsinminiskirtsthemoreonemovesfromtherightbanktotheleftbank. Tocounterthesubversionstrategiesofthenewcomers,thepossessorsoflegitimacy,that'stosaythosewhoareinthedominantposition,willalwaysutterthevague andpompousdiscourseoftheineffable,ofwhat'goeswithoutsaying'.Likethedominantgroupsinthefieldofrelationsbetweentheclasses,theyhaveconservative, defensivestrategies,whichcanremainsilent,tacit,becausethesepeopleonlyhavetobewhattheyareinordertobecommeilfaut.Bycontrast,theleftbank couturiershavestrategiesthataimtooverthrowtheveryprinciplesofthegamebutalwaysinthenameofthegame,thespiritofthegame.Theirstrategiesof returningtothesourcesconsistinturningagainstthedominantfigurestheveryprinciplesinthenameofwhichtheyjustifytheirdomination.Thesestrugglesbetweenthe establishmentandtheyoungpretenders,thechallengers,who,asinboxing,haveto'makealltherunning',takealltherisks,arethebasisofthechangeswhichoccurin thefieldofhautecouture. Butthepreconditionforentrytothefieldisrecognitionofthevaluesatstakeandthereforerecognitionofthelimitsnottobeexceededonpainofbeingexcludedfrom thegame.Itfollowsthattheinternalstrugglecanonlyleadtopartialrevolutionsthatcandestroythehierarchybutnotthegameitself.Someonewhowantstoachievea revolutioninthecinemaorinpaintingsays,'Thatisnotrealcinema'or'Thatisnotrealpainting'.Hepronouncesanathemas,butinthenameofapurer,moreauthentic definitionoftheprinciplesinwhosenamethedominantdominate. Thuseachfieldhasitsownformsofrevolution,andthereforeitsownperiodizationandthebreaksoccurringinthedifferentfieldsarenotnecessarilysynchronized.All thesame,thespecificrevolutionshaveacertainrelationshipwithexternalchanges.WhydidCourrgeseffectarevolution,andinwhatwaysisthechangebroughtin byCourrgesdifferentfromthechangethatcameineveryyearintheform'abitlonger,abitshorter'?Courrgesmadestatementsthatwentfarbeyondfashion:he wasnolongertalkingaboutfashion,butaboutthemodernwoman,whohadtobefree,uninhibited,sporty,relaxed.Infact,Ithinkthataspecificrevolution,something thatmarksa'turningpoint'inagivenfield,isthe

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synchronizationofaninternalrevolutionandofsomethingoutside,inthewiderworld.WhatdoesCourrgesdo?Hedoesnottalkaboutfashionhetalksabout lifestyleandsays:'Iwanttodressthemodernwoman,whomustbebothactiveandpractical.'Courrgeshasa'spontaneous'taste,thatis,oneproducedincertain socialconditions,whichmeansthatheonlyhasto'followhistaste'inordertorespondtothetasteofanewbourgeoisiethatisabandoningonekindofetiquette, abandoningthestyleofBalmain,whichisdescribedasfashionforoldladies.Itabandonsthatfashionforafashionthatallowsthebodytobeseen,showsitoff,and thereforepresupposesthatthebodyistannedandathletic.Courrgescarriedoutaspecificrevolutioninaspecificfieldbecausethelogicoftheinternaldistinctionsled himtomeetupwithsomethingthatalreadyexistedoutside. Thepermanentstrugglewithinthefieldisthemotorofthefield.Itcanbeseen,incidentally,thatthereisnocontradictionbetweenstructureandhistoryandthatwhat definesthestructureofthefieldasIhavedefineditisalsotheprincipleofitsdynamics.Thosewhostrugglefordominancecausethefieldtobetransformed, perpetuallyrestructured.Theoppositionbetweenrightandleft,rearguardandavantgarde,theconsecratedandtheheretical,orthodoxyandheterodoxy,constantly changesincontentbutremainsstructurallyidentical.Thenewentrantsareabletounseatthe'establishment'onlybecausetheimplicitlawofthefieldisdistinctioninall sensesoftheword.Fashionisthelatestfashion,thelatestdifference.Anemblemofclass(inallsenses)withersonceitlosesitsdistinctivepower.Whentheminiskirt reachestheminingvillagesofnorthernFrance,it'stimetostartalloveragain. Thedialecticofpretensionanddistinctionthatisthebasisofthetransformationsofthefieldofproductionreappearsinthefieldofconsumption.ItcharacterizeswhatI callthecompetitivestruggle:anunbroken,unendingstruggleamongtheclasses.Oneclasspossessesaparticularproperty,anotherclasscatchesupwithit,andsoon. Thisdialecticofcompetitionimpliesaracetowardsthesamegoalandimplicitrecognitionofthatgoal.Pretensionisalwaysboundtolose,because,bydefinition,it allowsthegoaloftheracetobeimposedonit,therebyacceptingthehandicapthatitstrivestomakeup.Whatarethefavourableconditions(sincethiscannotbe donewithoutaconversionofconsciousness)inorderforsomeofthecompetitorstostoprunninganddropoutoftheraceandinparticular,themiddleclasses, thosewhoareinthemiddleofthebunch?Whatisthemomentwhentheprobabilityofhavingone'sinterestssatisfiedbyremainingintheraceceasestobegreaterthan theprobabilityofhavingthemsatisfiedbyleavingtherace?Ithinkthatthatishowthehistoricalquestionofrevolutionarises. Here,aparenthesistodealwiththetraditionalpairsofalternatives,suchasconflict/consensus,orstatic/dynamic,whichareperhapsthemainobstacletoscientific knowledgeofthesocialworld.Infact,thereisaformofstrugglewhichimpliesconsensusonwhatisatstakeinthestruggleand

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whichisseenparticularlyclearlyintheareaofculture.Thisstruggle,whichtakestheformofachase(I'llhavewhatyouhave,etc.),isintegrativeit'sachangethat tendstoensurepermanence.I'lltaketheexampleofeducationsinceitwasinthatareathatthemodelbecamecleartome.Youcalculatetheprobabilitiesofaccessto highereducationattimet ,youfindadistributiongivingsomuchforworkingclasschildren,somuchforthelowermiddleclasses,andsoonyoucalculatethe probabilitiesattimet +1youfindahomologousstructure.Theabsolutevalueshaveincreasedbuttheoverallformofthedistributionhasnotchanged.Infact,the translationofstructurethatisobservedisnotamechanicalphenomenonbuttheaggregateproductofahostofsmallindividualraces('nowwecansendthekidtohigh school',etc.),theresultantofaparticularformofcompetitionwhichimpliesrecognitionoftheprizesatstake.Countlessstrategies,developedinrelationtovery complexsystemsofreferences,underlietheprocessdescribedbythemechanicalmetaphoroftranslation.Peopletoooftenthinkinsimpledichotomies:'Eitherit changes,oritdoesn'tchange.''Staticordynamic.'AugusteComtethoughtthatway,butthatisnoexcuse.WhatItrytoshowisthatthereareinvariantsthatarethe productofvariation. Likethefieldofthesocialclassesandoflifestyles,thefieldofproductionhasastructurethatistheproductofitsearlierhistoryandtheprincipleofitssubsequent history.Theprincipleofchangewithinitisthestruggleforthemonopolyofdistinction,thatis,themonopolisticpowertoimposethelatestlegitimatedifference,the latestfashion,andthisstruggleendswiththeprogressivefallofthedefeatedintothepast.Thisbringsustoanotherproblem,thatofsuccession.Ifoundawonderful articleinMarieClaireentitled'CananyonereplaceChanel?'ForalongtimewewonderedwhatwouldhappenfordeGaulle'ssuccessionitwasaproblemworthy ofLeMonde.ReplacingChanelisaproblemtopreoccupyMarieClaireinfact,it'sexactlythesameproblem.It'swhatMaxWebercalledthe'routinizationof charisma':howcantheuniqueirruptionwhichbringsdiscontinuityintoauniversebeturnedintoadurableinstitution?Howcanthecontinuousbemadeoutofthe discontinuous?'ThreemonthsagoGastonBerthelot,whohadovernightbeenappointed...'('appointed'isratherabureaucraticterm,theveryoppositeofthe vocabularyofcreation)...overnightbeenappointed"artisticdirector"...'(herethelanguageofbureaucracyisyokedtothelanguageofart)'..."artisticdirector"of theHouseofChanelinJanuary1971,onthedeathofMademoiselle,hasbeennolessrapidly"thankedforhisservices''.His"contract"hasnotbeenrenewed. Rumourhasitthathewasnotableto"imposehisauthority".IthastobesaidthatGastonBerthelot'snaturaldiscretionwasstronglyencouragedbythetrustees.'Here tooitbecomesveryinteresting:hefailedbecausehewasputinconditionsinwhichhewasboundtofail:'Nointerviews,noselfpromotion,nofuss.'(Thatmayseema casualremarkbyajournalist,butit'scrucial.)Therewerealsothecommentsbyhisteamon

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eachofhisproposals:'Wasthemodelfaithfulandrespectful?Noneedofadesignerforthatjustbringouttheoldsuitsandcarryon.Butgivethemanewskirtanda differentpocketMademoisellewouldneverhavestoodforthat.'Sucharetheparadoxesofcharismaticsuccession. Thefieldoffashionisveryinterestingbecauseitoccupiesanintermediateposition(inanabstracttheoreticalspace,ofcourse)betweenafieldthatisdesignedto organizesuccession,likethefieldofbureaucraticadministration,wheretheagentsmustbydefinitionbeinterchangeable,andafieldinwhichpeopleareradically irreplaceable,suchasthefieldofartisticandliterarycreationorpropheticcreation.Onedoesn'task'HowisJesustobereplaced?'or'Whocantaketheplaceof Picasso?'It'sinconceivable.Here,wehaveafieldwherethereisbothaffirmationofthecharismaticpowerofthecreatorandaffirmationofthepossibilityofreplacing theirreplaceable.GastonBerthelotdidnotsucceed,becausehewascaughtbetweentwocontradictorytypesofdemands.Thefirstconditionhissuccessorlaiddown wastobeallowedtotalk.Ifyouthinkofavantgardepainting,conceptualart,you'llrealizethatitiscrucialforthecreatortobeabletocreatehimselfasacreatorby producingtheutterancesthataccredithiscreativepower. Theproblemofsuccessionshowsthatwhatisinquestionisthepossibilityoftransmittingacreativepower.Anthropologistswouldsayakindofmana.Thecouturier performsanoperationoftransubstantiation.Takeasupermarketperfumeat3francsthelabelmakesitaChanelperfumeworth30francs.Themysteryisthesame withDuchamp'surinal,whichisconstitutedasanobjetd'art,bothbecauseitismarkedbyapainterwhohassigneditandbecauseitisexhibitedinaconsecrated placewhich,inreceivingit,makesitaworkofart,nowtransmutedeconomicallyandsymbolically.Thecreator'ssignatureisamarkthatchangesnotthematerial naturebutthesocialnatureoftheobject.Butthismarkisapropernameandatoncetheproblemofsuccessionarises,becauseyoucanonlyinheritcommonnames orcommonfunctions,butnotpropernames. Butthen,howisthispowerofthepropernameproduced?Peoplehavewondered,forexample,howitisthatthepainter,forexample,isendowedwiththepowerto createvalue.Theeasiest,mostobviousargumenthasbeengiveninreply:theuniquenessofthework.Infact,however,whatisinvolvedisnottherarityoftheproduct, buttherarityoftheproducer.Buthowisthatproduced? WeneedtogobacktoMauss'sessayonmagic.Maussstartsbyasking,'Whataretheparticularpropertiesofmagicaloperations?'Heseesthatthatwon'twork. Thenheasks,'Whatarethespecificpropertiesofmagicalrepresentations?'Heeventuallyfindsthatthemotorisbelief,whichrefershimbacktothegroup.Inmy language,whatmakesthepoweroftheproduceristhefield,thatis,thesystemofrelationsasawhole.Theenergyisthefield.WhatDiormobilizesissomethingthatis notdefinableoutsideofthefieldwhattheyallmobilizeiswhatthefieldproduces,thatis,apower

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basedonfaithinhautecouture.Andthehighertheyareplacedinthehierarchywhichstructuresthefield,themoreofthatpowertheycanmobilize. IfwhatI'msayingistrue,thenCourrges'scriticismsofDior,orHechter'sattacksonCourrgesandScherrer,allhelptobuildupthepowerofCourrges,Scherrer, HechterandDior.ThetwoextremesofthefieldagreeatleastinsayingthatRetroandgirlswhodressanyoldhowareallverynice,verypretty,butonlyuptoa point.Forwhataregirlswhobuytheirclothesatjumblesalesdoing?Theyarechallengingthemonopolyofthelegitimatemanipulationofthesacredinmattersof fashion,justashereticschallengethepriestlymonopolyoflegitimatereadingofScripture.Ifpeoplestartchallengingthemonopolyoflegitimatereading,ifanyTom, DickorHarrietcanreadtheGospelormakedresses,thenthespecialistfieldisdestroyed.Thatiswhyrevoltwithinthefieldalwayshasitslimits.Writers'quarrels alwayshaveastheirboundaryrespectforliterature. WhatmakesthesystemworkiswhatMausscalledcollectivebelief.Iwouldrathercallitcollectivemisrecognition.Mausssaidofmagic,'Asocietyalwayspaysitself inthecounterfeitcoinofitsowndream.'Thatmeansthatinthisgameonehastoplaythegame:thosewhomisleadaremisled,andthegreatestmisleadersarethemost misled,thegreatestmystifiersarethemostmystified.Toplaythegame,onehastobelieveintheideologyofcreationand,ifyou'reafashionjournalist,itisnot advisabletohaveasociologicalviewoftheworld. Whatmakesthevalue,themagic,ofthelabel,isthecollusionofalltheagentsofthesystemofproductionofsacredgoods.Thiscollusionis,ofcourse,perfectly unconscious.Thecircuitsofconsecrationareallthemorepowerfulwhentheyarelong,complexandhiddenevenfromtheeyesofthosewhotakepartinandbenefit fromthem.EveryoneknowstheexampleofNapoleontakingthecrownfromthehandsofthePopeandplacingitonhisownhead.Thatwasaveryshortcycleof consecration,withverylimitedpowertoinducemisrecognition.AneffectivecycleofconsecrationisoneinwhichAconsecratesB,whoconsecratesC,who consecratesD...whoconsecratesA.Themorecomplicatedthecycleis,themoreinvisibleitis,themoreitsstructurecanbemisrecognized,andthegreaterthe effectofbelief.(Oneoughttoanalyseinthislightthecircularcirculationofflatteringreviewsortheritualexchangeofcitations.)Fora'native',whetherproduceror consumer,thesystemactsasascreen.BetweenChanelandherlabel,thereisawholesystem,whichChanelunderstandsbetterthananyone,andatthesametime lesswellthananyone. FurtherReading Forfurtherdiscussion,seeBourdieu,P.(1975)'Lecouturieretsagriffe,contributionunethoriedelamagie',Actesdelarechercheensciencessociales,1:7 36.

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17 ButWhoCreatedthe'Creators'?
Sociologyandartdonotmakegoodbedfellows.That'sthefaultofartandartists,whoareallergictoeverythingthatoffendstheideatheyhaveofthemselves:the universeofartisauniverseofbelief,beliefingifts,intheuniquenessoftheuncreatedcreator,andtheintrusionofthesociologist,whoseekstounderstand,explain, accountforwhathefinds,isasourceofscandal.Itmeansdisenchantment,reductionism,inaword,vulgarityor(itamountstothesamething)sacrilege:thesociologist issomeonewho,justasVoltaireexpelledkingsfromhistory,wantstoexpelartistsfromthehistoryofart.Butit'salsothefaultofthesociologists,whohavedonetheir besttoconfirmreceivedideasaboutsociology,andespeciallythesociologyofartandliterature. Thefirstreceivedideaisthatsociologycangiveanaccountofculturalconsumptionbutnotofculturalproduction.Mostgeneralaccountsofthesociologyofcultural productsacceptthisdistinction,whichisapurelysocialone.Ittendsinfacttoreserveaseparate,sacredspaceandaprivilegedtreatmentfortheworkofartandits uncreated'creator',whileabandoningtosociologytheconsumers,that'stosaytheinferior,evenrepressedaspect(especiallyasregardsitseconomicdimension)of intellectualandartisticlife.Andresearchaimedatdeterminingthesocialfactorsofculturalpractice(visitstomuseums,theatresorconcerts,etc.)givesapparent confirmationtothisdistinction,whichisbasedonnotheoreticalfoundation.Infact,asIshalltrytoshow,themostspecificfeatureofproduction,thatistosaythe productionofvalue,cannotbeunderstoodunlessonetakesintoaccountsimultaneouslythespaceofproducersandthespaceofconsumers. Secondreceivedidea:thatsociologyanditsfavouredinstrument,statisticsbelittlesandcrushes,flattensandtrivializesartisticcreationthatitsetsthegreatandthe smallonthesamefooting,atalleventsfailstograspwhatmakesthegeniusofthegreatestartists.Heretoo,andprobablymoreclearly,thesociologistshavelargely provedtheircriticsright.Ishallnotdwellonliterarystatistics,which,bothintheinadequacyofitsmethodsand
TalkgivenatthecoleNationaleSuprieuredesArtsDcoratifs,Paris,April1980,publishedinArt:sur10ans,aujourd'hui,1981,Paris:MinistredelaCulture,1981:7184

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thepovertyofitsresults,dramaticallyconfirmsthemostpessimisticviewsoftheguardiansoftheliterarytemple.IshallhardlydiscussthetraditionofLukcsand Goldmann,whichtriestorelatethecontentoftheliteraryworktothesocialcharacteristicsoftheclassthatisassumedtobeitsprivilegedaudience.Thisapproach, which,initsmostcaricaturalforms,subordinatesthewriterorartisttotheconstraintsofamilieuorthedirectdemandsofaclientele,succumbstoanaveteleologyor functionalism,directlydeducingtheworkfromthefunctionthatisallegedtobesociallyassignedtoit.Throughakindofshortcircuit,itabolishesthespecificlogicof thespaceofartisticproduction. Infact,onthispointtoo,the'believers'areentirelyrightinoppositiontoreductivesociologywhentheyinsistontheautonomyoftheartistand,inparticular,onthe autonomythatresultsfromthespecifichistoryofart.Itistruethat,asMalrauxputit,'artimitatesart'andthatworksofartcannotbeexplainedpurelyintermsof demand,thatis,intermsoftheaestheticandethicalexpectationsofthevariousfractionsoftheaudience.Butthatdoesnotmeanthatoneisconfinedtotheinternal historyofart,thesoleauthorizedcomplementoftheinternalreadingoftheworkofart. Thesociologyofartandliteratureinitsordinaryforminfactforgetswhatisessential,namelytheuniverseofartisticproduction,asocialuniversehavingitsown traditions,itsownlawsoffunctioningandrecruitment,andthereforeitsownhistory.Theautonomyofartandtheartist,whichthehagiographictraditionacceptsas selfevidentinthenameoftheideologyoftheworkofartas'creation'andtheartistasuncreatedcreator,isnothingotherthanthe(relative)autonomyofwhatIcalla field,anautonomythatisestablishedstepbystep,andundercertainconditions,inthecourseofhistory.Thespecificobjectofthesociologyofculturalworksis neithertheindividualartist(oranypurelystatisticalsetofindividualartists),northerelationshipbetweentheartist(or,whichamountstothesamething,theartistic school)andanyparticularsocialgroupconceivedeitherastheefficientcauseordeterminingprincipleofthecontentsandformsofexpressionorasthefinalcauseof artisticproduction,thatis,asademand,withthehistoryofcontentsandformsbeingdirectlyattachedtothehistoryofthedominantgroupsandtheirstrugglesfor domination.Inmyview,thesociologyofculturalproductsmusttakeasitsobjectthewholesetofrelationships(objectiveonesandalsothoseeffectedintheformof interactions)betweentheartistandotherartists,andbeyondthem,thewholesetofagentsengagedintheproductionofthework,or,atleast,ofthesocialvalue ofthework(critics,gallerydirectors,patrons,etc.).Itisopposedbothtoapositivistdescriptionofthesocialcharacteristicsoftheproducers(earlyupbringing, education,etc.)andtoasociologyofreceptionwhich(asAntaldoesfortheItalianartofthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies)directlyrelatesworkstotheconception oflifeofthedifferentfractionsoftheaudienceofpatrons,thatis,to'societyconsideredinitscapacityforreceptionwithrespecttoart'.Infact,mostofthetime,

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thesetwoperspectivesmerge,asifitwereassumedthatartistsarepredisposedbytheirsocialorigintosenseandsatisfyacertainsocialdemand(itisremarkablethat, intermsofthislogic,theanalysisofthecontentofworksofarttakesprecedenceitiseventrueofAntaloveranalysisoftheform,thatis,ofwhatspecifically belongstotheproducer). Itcanmoreoverbepointedoutthattheshortcircuiteffectisnotfoundonlyamongthestandardwhippingboysofthechampionsofpureaesthetics,likepoorHauser, oreveninaMarxistasconcernedfordistinctionasAdorno(whenhewritesaboutHeidegger),butalsoinoneofthosewhohavebeenmosteagertodenounce'vulgar sociologism'and'deterministicmaterialism',UmbertoEco.InTheOpenWork,apparentlyonthebasisoftheideathatthereisaunityamongalltheculturalworksof anepoch,andwiththeaidofquitearbitraryanalogies,hedirectlyrelatesthepropertiesthatheascribestothe'openwork',suchasovertplurivocality,deliberate unpredictability,etc.,tothepropertiesoftheworldaspresentedbyscience. Thesociologyofworksofart,asIconceiveit,rejectsthesedifferentwaysofignoringproductionitself.Ittakesasitsobjectthefieldofculturalproductionand, inseparablyfromthis,therelationshipbetweenthefieldofproductionandthefieldofconsumers.Thesocialdeterminismsofwhichtheworkofartbearsthetracesare exertedpartlythroughtheproducer'shabitus,referringbacktothesocialconditionsofhisproductionasasocialsubject(family,etc.)andasaproducer(schooling, professionalcontacts,etc.),andpartlythroughthesocialdemandsandconstraintsinscribedinthepositionheoccupiesinaparticular,moreorlessautonomous,field ofproduction. Whatiscalled'creation'istheencounterbetweenasociallyconstitutedhabitusandaparticularpositionthatisalreadyinstitutedorpossibleinthedivisionofthe labourofculturalproduction.Thelabourthroughwhichtheartistmakeshisworkand,inseparablyfromthis,makeshimselfasanartist(and,whenitispartofthe demandsofthefield,asanoriginal,individualartist)canbedescribedasthedialecticalrelationshipbetweenhis'post',whichoftenexistspriortohimandoutliveshim (entailingobligations,suchas'theartist'slife',attributes,traditions,modesofexpression,etc.),andhishabitus,whichmoreorlesstotallypredisposeshimtooccupy thatpostorandthismaybeoneoftheprerequisitesinscribedinthepostmoreorlesscompletelytotransformit. Inshort,theproducer'shabitusisneverentirelytheproductofhispostexceptperhapsinsomecrafttraditionswherefamilytraining(andthereforetheconditionings oftheclassoforigin)andprofessionaltrainingarecompletelymergedwithoneanother.Conversely,onecannevermovedirectlyfromthesocialcharacteristicsofthe producerhissocialorigintothecharacteristicsofhisproduct:thedispositionslinkedtoaparticularsocialoriginplebeianorbourgeoismayexpressthemselves inverydifferentforms,whileconservingafamilyresemblance,indifferentfields.

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Oneonlyhastocompare,forexamples,thetwoparallelcouplesoftheplebeianandthepatrician,RousseauandVoltaireorDostoevskyandTolstoy.Ifthepost makesthehabitus(moreorlesscompletely),ahabitusthatismadeinadvance(moreorlesscompletely)forthepost(throughthemechanismsdeterminingvocation andcooption)helpstomakethepost.Andthisisprobablyincreasinglytrue,thegreaterthedistancebetweenitssocialconditionsofproductionandthesocial demandsinscribedinthepostandalsothegreaterthedegreeoflibertyandspaceforinnovationexplicitlyinscribedinthepost.Therearethosewhoaremadefor takingupreadymadepositionsandthosewhoaremadeformakingnewpositions.Explainingthiswouldrequirealonganalysis,andIsimplywanttoindicatehere thatit'sespeciallywhentryingtounderstandintellectualorartisticrevolutionsthatoneneedstorememberthattheautonomyofthefieldofproductionisapartial autonomywhichdoesnotexcludedependence.Specificrevolutions,whichoverthrowthepowerrelationswithinafield,areonlypossibleinsofarasthosewho importnewdispositionsandwanttoimposenewpositionsfind,forexample,supportoutsidethefield,inthenewaudienceswhosedemandstheybothexpressand produce. Thus,theoriginatingsubjectofaworkofartisneitheranindividualartisttheapparentcausenorasocialgroup(suchasthebankingandcommercialbourgeoisie thatrosetopowerinQuattrocentoFlorence,accordingtoAntal,orthenoblessederobe,inGoldmann'stheory).Rather,itisthefieldofartisticproductionasa whole(whichstandsinarelationofrelativeautonomy,greaterorlesserdependingontheperiodandthesociety,withrespecttothegroupsfromwhichtheconsumers ofitsproductsarerecruited,i.e.thevariousfractionsoftherulingclass).Sociologyorsocialhistorycannotunderstandanythingaboutaworkofart,leastofallwhat makesitssingularity,whenittakesasitsobjectanauthororaworkinisolation.Infact,allsingleauthorstudiesthattrytogetbeyondhagiographyandanecdoteare ledtoconsiderthefieldofproductionasawhole,butbecausetheygenerallyfailtotakeonthatworkofconstructingthefieldasanexplicitproject,theymostoftendo soinanimperfectandpartialway.And,contrarytowhatmightbethought,statisticalanalysisdoesnobetter,since,ingroupingauthorsinbroadpreconstructed categories(schools,generations,genres,etc.),itdestroysallthepertinentdifferenceswhereasapreliminaryanalysisofthestructureofthefieldwouldshowthat certainpositions(especiallythedominantones,suchasthepositionSartreoccupiedintheFrenchintellectualfieldbetween1945and1960)mayonlyhaveplacefor one,andthatthecorrespondingclassesmaycontainjustoneperson,whichisachallengeforstatistics. Sothesubjectoftheworkisahabitusinrelationshipwitha'post',aposition,thatis,withafield.Toshowthisand,Ihope,demonstrateit,I'dneedtoreproduce heretheanalysesI'vedevotedtoFlaubert,inwhichItriedtoshowhowtherealkeytotheFlaubertianproject,whichSartretriesdesperately,andinterminably,to understand,liesoutsidetheindividual,

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Flaubert,intheobjectiverelationshipbetween,ontheonehand,ahabitusshapedincertainsocialconditions(definedbythe'neutral'positionoftheprofessions,the 'capacities'astheywerecalled,withinthedominantclassandbyGustave'sposition,asachild,withinhisfamily,intermsofhisbirthrankandhisrelationtothe educationalsystem)and,ontheotherhand,aparticularpositioninthefieldofliteraryproduction,thisitselfbeingsituatedinaparticularpositioninthefieldofthe dominantclass. Tobealittlemorespecific:Flaubert,asanadvocateofartforart'ssake,occupiesaneutralpositionintheliteraryfield,definedbyatwofoldnegativerelationship (whichheexperiencedasatwofoldrefusal),to'socialart'ontheonehandand'bourgeoisart'ontheother.Thisfield,itselflocatedinadominatedpositioninthefield ofthedominantclass(hencethedenunciationofthe'bourgeois'andtherecurrentdreamofaclerisyonwhichtheartistsofthetimegenerallyagreed),isthusorganized inaccordancewithastructurehomologouswiththatofthedominantclassasawhole(thishomologybeing,asweshallsee,theprincipleofanautomatic,andnot cynicallypursued,adjustmentoftheproductstothevariouscategoriesofconsumers). Thiswouldneedtobedeveloped.Butitisimmediatelyclearthat,onthebasisofsuchananalysis,oneunderstandsthelogicofsomeofthemostfundamental propertiesofFlaubert'sstyle.I'mthinking,forexample,ofdiscoursindirectlibre,whichBakhtininterpretsasthemarkofanambivalentrelationshiptothegroups whosethoughtsherelates,akindofhesitationbetweenthetemptationtoidentifywiththemandtheconcerntokeephisdistance.I'malsothinkingofthechiastic structurethatreappearsobsessivelyinhisnovels,andevenmoreclearlyinhisdrafts,inwhichFlaubertexpresses,inatransformedand'negated'form,thedual relationshipoftwofoldnegationwhichsetshim,asanartist,againstboththe'bourgeois'andthe'populace',and,asa'pure'artist,against'bourgeoisart'and'social art'. HavingthusestablishedFlaubert's'post',hispositioninthedivisionofliterarylabour(andthereforeinthedivisionoftheworkofdomination),wecanturnbackagain tothesocialconditionsofproductionofthehabitusandaskwhatFlauberthadtobeinordertooccupyand(simultaneously)producethe'post'of'artforart'ssake' andcreatetheFlaubertposition.WecantrytoestablishwhatarethepertinentfeaturesofthesocialconditionsoftheproductionofGustave(e.g.theroleof'idiotof thefamily'sowellanalysedbySartre)whichwillenableustounderstandhowhewasabletofulfilandmakethepostofFlaubert. Contrarytowhatthefunctionalistapproachwouldsuggest,theadjustmentofproductiontoconsumptionresultsmainlyfromthestructuralhomologybetweenthe spaceofproduction(theartisticfield)andthefieldofconsumers(i.e.thefieldofthedominantclass).Theinternaldivisionsofthefieldofproductionarereproducedin anautomatically(andalsotosomeextentconsciously)differentiatedsupplywhichmeetsthe

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automatically(andalsoconsciously)differentiateddemandsofthevariouscategoriesofconsumers.Thus,quiteapartfromanypursuitofadjustmentoranydirect subordinationtoademandexpresslyformulated(throughcommissionsorpatronage),eachclassofclientscanfindproductstoitstasteandeachclassofproducers hassomechanceoffindingconsumersforitsproducts,atleastinthelongrun(whichmaysometimesmeanposthumously). Infact,mostactsofproductionfunctioninaccordancewithalogicinwhichtwobirdsarekilledwithonestone.Whenaproducer,forexamplethetheatrecriticofLe Figaro,producesproductsadjustedtothetasteofhisaudience(whichisalmostalwaysthecasehesayssohimself),it'snotthathehastriedtoflatterthetasteof hisreaders(wecanbelievehimwhenhesaysthis),orobeyedaestheticorpoliticaldirectives,orrespondedtowarningsfromhiseditor,hisreadersorthegovernment (allofwhicharepresupposedbyformulaesuchas'capitalistlackey'or'spokesmanofthebourgeoisie',ofwhichthestandardtheoriesaremoreorlesssubtly euphemizedversions).Infact,havingchosenLeFigaro,becauseitfeltrightforhim,andhavingbeenchosenbyitseditorsbecausehefeltrightforthem,heonlyhas togivefreereintohistaste(which,inthetheatre,hasclearpoliticalimplications),orrathertohisdistastes(tastealmostalwaysbeingadistasteforotherpeople's tastes),totheloathinghefeelsfortheplays(ashewellknows)hiscolleagueandrivalatLeNouvelObservateurwillinfalliblyenjoy,inordertosatisfy,asifbya miracle,thetasteofhisreaders(whoaretothereadersofLeNouvelObservateurasheistoitstheatrecritic).Andhewillbringtheminadditionsomethingthatis expectedofaprofessional,namelyanintellectual'sripostetoanotherintellectual,acritique,whichwillreassurethe'bourgeois',ofthehighlysophisticatedarguments withwhichtheintellectualsjustifytheirtastefortheavantgarde. Thecorrespondencethatisestablishedobjectivelybetweentheproducer(artist,critic,journalist,philosopher,etc.)andhisaudienceisclearlynottheproductofa consciouspursuitofadjustment,consciousandselfinterestedtransactionsandcalculatedconcessionstothedemandsoftheaudience.Nothingcanbeunderstood aboutaworkofart,notevenitsinformativecontent,itsthemesandthesesorwhatislooselycalledits'ideology',byrelatingitdirectlytoagroup.Thisrelationship functionsonlyasanadditionalandalmostaccidentalextra,throughtherelationshipthataproducerhasonthebasisofhispositioninthespaceofpositions constitutingthefieldofproductionwiththespaceoftheaestheticandethicalposturesthatareeffectivelypossibleatagivenmoment,inviewoftherelatively autonomoushistoryoftheartisticfield.Thisspaceofaestheticandethicalpositions,whichistheproductofahistoricalaccumulation,isthecommonsystemof referencesinrelationtowhichallthosewhoenterthefieldareobjectivelydefined.Whatmakestheunityofanepochisnotsomuchacommoncultureasthecommon setofproblems,whichisnothingotherthanthesetofaesthetic/ethical'positions'attached

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tothesetofpositionsmarkedoutinthefield.Thereisnoothercriterionoftheexistenceofanintellectual,anartistoraschoolthanhisoritscapacitytowin recognitionasholdingapositioninthefield,apositioninrelationtowhichtheothershavetosituateanddefinethemselvesandthe'problemarea'ofthetimeisnothing otherthanthesetoftheserelationsbetweenpositions,whicharealso,necessarily,relationsbetweenaestheticandethical'positions'.Concretely,thatmeansthatthe emergenceofanartist,aschool,apartyoramovementasapositionwithinafield(anartistic,politicaloranyotherfield)ismarkedbythefactthatitsexistence'poses problems'fortheoccupiersoftheotherpositions,thatthethesesitputsforwardbecomeanobjectofstruggles,thatthesethesesprovideoneofthetermsofthemajor oppositionsaroundwhichthestruggleisorganized(forexample,left/right,clear/obscure,scientism/antiscientism,etc.). Thustheproperobjectofascienceofart,literatureorphilosophycanbenothingotherthanthisstructureoftwoinseparablespaces,thespaceoftheproductsandthe spaceoftheproducers(artistsorwriters,andalsocritics,publishers,etc.),whichareliketwotranslationsofthesamesentence.Theautonomizingofworksis unjustifiableboththeoreticallyandpractically.Forexample,anyattemptatasociologicalanalysisofadiscoursewhichisrestrictedtotheworkitselfisdeniedthe necessarymovementwhichswingsbackandforthbetweenthethematicorstylisticfeaturesoftheworkwhichrevealthesocialpositionoftheproducer(his/her interests,viewofsociety,etc.)andthecharacteristicsofthesocialpositionoftheproducerwhichcastlightonhis/herstylistic'choices',andviceversa.Inshort,fora fullunderstandingofeventhemoststrictly'internal'featuresofthework,onehastoabandontheoppositionbetweeninternalanalysis(linguisticoranyother)and externalanalysis. Furthermore,thescholasticoppositionbetweenstructureandhistoryalsohastobesuperseded.Thesetof'problems'thatisconstitutedinthefieldintheformof authorsand'keyworks',thebeaconsbywhichotherssituatethemselves,ishistorythroughandthrough.Thereactionagainstthepast,whichmakeshistory,isalso whatmakesthehistoricityofthepresent,negativelydefinedbywhatitrejects.Inotherwords,therefusalwhichistheprincipleofchangesupposesandproposesand therebyrecallstothepresent,byopposingit,whatitisopposedto.Forexample,thereactionagainstantiscientificandindividualisticRomanticism,whichledthe Parnassianstovalorizescienceandintegrateitsachievementsintotheirwork,ledthemtofindinQuinet'sLeGniedesreligions(orintheworkofBurnouf,the restorerofthemythicepicsofIndia)theantithesisandantidotetoChateaubriand'sGnieduChristianisme,justasitinclinedthemtothecultofancientGreece,the antithesisoftheMiddleAgesandthesymboloftheperfectformthroughwhich,intheireyes,poetryisakintoscience. I'mtemptedtodigresshere.Toremindhistoriansofideaswhobelievethatwhatcirculatesintheintellectualfield,andespeciallybetween

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intellectualsandartists,isideas,IshallsimplypointoutthattheParnassiansassociatedGreecenotonlywiththeideaofperfectform,exaltedbyGautier,butalsothe ideaofharmony,whichwaspartofthespiritoftheageit'salsofoundinthetheoriesofsocialreformerslikeFourier.Whatcirculatesinafield,andespecially betweenspecialistsofdifferentarts,isstereotypes,whicharemoreorlesspolemicalandreductive(andwhichtheproducershavetoreckonwith)titlesofworksthat everybodytalksabout(e.g.Romancessansparoles,atitleofVerlaine'stakenfromMendelssohn)voguewordsandtheilldefinedideastheyconvey(e.g. 'saturnien',orthethemeofLesFtesgalantes,launchedbytheGoncourts).Inshort,onemightwonderifwhatiscommontoalltheproducersofculturalgoodsina givenperiodisnotthiskindofculturalvulgate,amassofsmartcommonplacesthatthetribeofessayists,criticsandsemiintellectualjournalistsproducesandpeddles andwhichisinseparablefromastyleandamood.Thisvulgate,whichisclearlythemost'fashionable',datedandperishableaspectoftheproductionofanepoch,is alsonodoubtwhatismostcommontoitswholesetofculturalproducers. I'llreturntotheexampleofQuinet,whichshowsoneofthemostimportantpropertiesofallfieldsofproduction,namelythepermanentpresenceofthepastofthe field,whichisendlesslyrecalledevenintheverybreakswhichdispatchittothepast.Thesereminders,likedirectevocations,references,allusions,etc.,aresomany nudgesandwinksaddressedtootherproducersandtothoseconsumerswhodefinethemselvesaslegitimateconsumersbyshowingthemselvescapableofpicking themup.LeGniedesreligionsdefinesitselfinoppositiontoGnieduChristianisme.Distinction,whichpushesthepastintothepast,presupposesitand perpetuatesitintheverygapitcreateswithrespecttoit.Oneofthemostfundamentalpropertiesoffieldsofculturalproductionliesinthefactthattheactsperformed thereandtheproductsproducedtherecontainpractical(andsometimesexplicit)referencetothehistoryofthefield.Forexample,whatseparatesthewritingsof JngerorSpenglerontechnology,timeandhistoryfromwhatHeideggerwritesonthesamesubjectsisthefactthat,bysituatinghimselfintheproblematicsof philosophy,andthereforeinthephilosophicalfield,Heideggerreintroducesthewholehistoryofphilosophyofwhichthoseproblematicsaretheoutcome.Similarly, LucBoltanskihasshownthattheconstructionofafieldofthestripcartoonwasaccompaniedbythedevelopmentofabodyofcartoonhistoriansand,simultaneously, theappearanceofworksmaking'scholarly'referencetothehistoryofthegenre.Thesamecouldbeshownforthehistoryofthecinema. Itistruethat'artimitatesart',or,moreprecisely,thatartisbornofart,andusuallytheartwithwhichitcontrasts.Andtheautonomyoftheartistfindsitsbasisnotin themiracleofhiscreativegeniusbutinthesocialproductofthesocialhistoryofarelativelyautonomousfieldmethods,techniques,styles,etc.Bydefiningthemeans andthelimitsofthethinkable,

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thehistoryofthefieldcauseswhathappensinthefieldtobeneverthedirectreflectionofexternalconstraintsordemands,butratherasymbolicexpression, refractedbythewholespecificlogicofthefield.Thehistorythatisdepositedintheverystructureofthefieldandalsointhehabitusoftheagentsistheprismwhich intervenesbetweentheworldexternaltothefieldandtheworkofart,causingallexternaleventseconomiccrisis,politicalreaction,scientificrevolutiontoundergo refraction. Toconclude,Iwouldliketocompletethecircleandreturntothestartingpoint,theantinomybetweenartandsociology,andtakeseriously,notthedenunciationof scientificsacrilege,butwhatisimpliedinthatdenunciation,thatis,thesacredcharacterofartandtheartist.Ithinkthatthesociologyofarthastotakeasitsobjectnot onlythesocialconditionsofproductionoftheproducers(i.e.thesocialdeterminantsofthetrainingorselectionofartists)butalsothesocialconditionsofproduction ofthefieldofproductionasthesiteofworktending(andnotaiming)toproducetheartistasaproducerofsacredobjects,fetishesor,whichamountstothesame thing,producingtheworkofartasanobjectofbelief,loveandaestheticpleasure. Tomakethingsclearer,I'lltaketheexampleofhautecouture,whichprovidesanenlargedimageofwhathappensintheworldofpainting.Weknowthatthemagic ofthedesigner'slabel,stuckonanyobject,perfume,shoesoreven,it'sarealexample,abidet,canmultiplyitsvalueinanextraordinaryway.Thisisindeedamagical, alchemicalact,sincethesocialnatureandvalueoftheobjectarechangedwithoutanychangeinitsphysicalor(thinkingofperfume)itschemicalnature.Painting,since Duchamp,hasprovidedcountlessexamples,ofwhichyouareallaware,ofmagicalactswhich,likethoseofthecouturier,soclearlyowetheirvaluetothesocialvalue ofthepersonwhoproducesthemthatthequestiontoaskisnotwhattheartistcreates,butwhocreatestheartist,thatis,thetransmutingpowerthattheartist exercises.It'sthequestionthatMarcelMausscameroundtowhen,indespair,afterseekingallthepossiblefoundationsofthemagician'spower,hefinallyaskswho makesthemagician.YoumayraisetheobjectionthatDuchamp'surinalandbicycle(andwe'veseenbetterstill,sincethen)areexceptionallimitingcases.Butoneonly hastoanalysetherelationshipbetweenthe'authentic'originalandthefake,thereplicaorthecopy,oragaintheeffectsofattribution(themain,ifnotexclusiveaimof traditionalarthistory,whichperpetuatesthetraditionoftheconnoisseurandtheexpert)onthesocialandeconomicvalueofthework,toseethatwhatmakesthe valueoftheworkisnottherarity(theuniqueness)oftheproductbuttherarityoftheproducer,manifestedbythesignature,theequivalentofthedesignerlabel,that is,thecollectivebeliefinthevalueoftheproducerandhisproduct.I'mthinkingofWarhol,who,movingonfromtheexampleofJasperJonesandhisBallantine'sbeer bottleinbronze,signsfifteencentcansofCampbell'ssoupandsellsthematsixdollars.

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Theanalysiswouldneedtobespelledoutinmoredetail.HereIshallsimplypointoutthatoneofthemaintasksofarthistorywouldbetodescribethegenesisofa fieldofartisticproductioncapableofproducingtheartistassuch(asopposedtothecraftsman).Thiswouldnotmeanraisingyetagain,ashasbeendone,obsessively, inthesocialhistoryofart,thequestionofwhenandhowtheartistemergedfromthestatusofcraftsman.Itmeansdescribingtheeconomicandsocialconditionsofthe constitutionofanartisticfieldcapableofunderpinningbeliefinthequasigodlikepowersattributedtothemodernartist.Inotherwords,it'snotjustamatterof destroyingwhatWalterBenjamincalled'thefetishofthenameofthemaster'.(That'soneoftheeasyactsofsacrilegebywhichsociologyhastoooftenbeentempted. Likeblackmagic,sacrilegiousinversioncontainsaformofrecognitionofthesacred.Thejoysofdesacralizingpreventonefromtakingseriously,andtherefore explaining,thefactofsacralizationandthesacred.)Thepointistotakenoteofthefactthatthenameofthemasterisindeedafetishandtodescribethesocial conditionsofpossibilityofthefigureoftheartistasmaster,thatis,astheproducerofthefetishoftheworkofart.Inaword,theaimwouldbetodescribethe historicalconstitutionofthefieldofartisticproduction,whichassuch,producesbeliefinthevalueofartandinthevaluecreatingpoweroftheartist.Andthatwould giveabasisforwhatIpositedatthebeginning,namelythatthe'subject'ofartisticproductionanditsproductisnottheartistbutthewholesetofagentswhoare involvedinart,areinterestedinart,haveaninterestinartandtheexistenceofart,wholiveonandforart,theproducersofworksregardedasartistic(greatand small,famousi.e.'celebrated'orunknown),critics,collectors,gobetweens,curators,arthistorians,andsoon. Sowe'vecomefullcircle.Andwearecaughtinside. FurtherReading Forfurtherdiscussion,seeBourdieu.P(1975)'Lacritiquedudiscourslettr',Actesdelarechercheensciencesociales,56:48,(1980)'Theproductionofbelief: contributiontoaneconomyofsymbolicgoods'.Media,CultureandSociety,2(3):26193(reprintedin(1986),Media,CultureandSociety:ACriticalReader, London:Sage,13163)(1980)'LettrePaoloFossatiproposdelaStoriadell'arteitaliana',Actesdelarechercheensciencesociales,31:902(1971) 'Champdupouvoir,champintellectuelethabitusdeclasse',Scolies,Cahiersderecherchesdel'coleNormaleSuprieure,1:726(1987)'Theinventionofthe artist'slife',YaleFrenchStudies,73:75103(1988)L'OntologiepolitiquedeMartinHeidegger,Paris:ditionsdeMinuit.

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18 PublicOpinionDoesNotExist
Iwouldfirstliketomakeitclearthatitisnotmyintentiontodenounceopinionpollsinamechanicalandcasualway,buttomakearigorousanalysisoftheir functioningandtheirfunctions.Thatpresupposescallingintoquestionthethreepostulatesthattheyimplicitlydependon. Everyopinionsurveyassumesthateveryonecanhaveanopinioninotherwords,thatproducinganopinionissomethingavailabletoall.Attheriskofoffendinga navelydemocraticsentiment.Iwouldcontestthisfirstpremise.Secondly:itisassumedthatallopinionsareofequalvalue.Ithinkitcanbeshownthatthisisuntrue andthatthecumulationofopinionsthatdonotallhavethesamestrengthleadstotheproductionofmeaninglessartefacts.Thethirdimplicitpostulateisthis:puttingthe samequestiontoeveryoneassumesthatthereisaconsensusonwhattheproblemsare,inotherwordsthatthereisagreementonthequestionsthatareworthasking. Thesethreepostulates,itseemstome,entailawholeseriesofdistortionsthatarefoundevenwhenalltheconditionsofmethodologicalrigourarefulfilledincollecting andanalysingthedata. Varioustechnicalobjectionsareoftenmadeagainstopinionpolls.Forexample,therepresentativenessofthesamplesisquestioned.Ithinkthatinthepresentstateof thetoolsavailabletothepollingorganizations,thisobjectionisunfounded.Itiscomplainedthattheyaskbiasedquestionsorbiastheanswersbythewaytheyare formulatedthereisrathermoretruthinthis,anditisoftenthecasethattheanswerisinducedbythewaythequestionisasked.Forexample,anelementaryprinciple ofquestionnairedesignthatrequiresoneto'givescope'foreverypossibleanswerisoftenviolatedbyomittingapossibleoptionfromthequestionsorthesuggested answers,orthesameoptionmaybeofferedseveraltimesindifferentguises.Thereareallkindsofbiasesofthistype,anditwouldbeinterestingtoenquireintothe socialconditionsoftheappearanceofthesebiases.Mostofthetimetheyresultfromtheconditionsinwhichthepeoplewhodesignthequestionnaireshavetowork buttheyareoftenduetothefactthattheproblemsdefinedbytheopinionpollinstitutesaresubordinatedtoaparticulartypeofdemand.Forexample,whenwe undertooktoanalyseamajornationalsurveyonwhattheFrenchthoughtoftheireducationsystem,weexaminedallthequestionsaskedabouteducationinthe
TalkgiventoNoroit(Arras)inJanuary1971,reprintedinLesTempsmodernes,318,1973:12921309

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archivesofanumberofpollingagencies.WefoundthatmorethantwohundredquestionshadbeenaskedabouteducationsinceMay1968,asagainstonlytwentyor sobetween1960and1968.Thismeansthattheproblemareasthatpresentthemselvestoapollingorganizationarecloselylinkedtothepoliticalclimateoftheday anddominatedbyaparticulartypeofsocialdemand.Thequestionofeducation,forexample,cannotberaisedbyapollinginstituteuntilitbecomesapolitical problem.Oneimmediatelyseesthedifferencesbetweentheseinstitutionsandacademicresearchcentres,whichgeneratetheirproblematics,perhapsnotinan uncloudedsky,butatleastwithmuchgreaterdistancefromsocialdemandinitsdirectandimmediateform. Arapidstatisticalanalysisofthequestionsaskedshowedthatthegreatmajorityofthemweredirectlylinkedtothepoliticalpreoccupationsofprofessionalpoliticians. IfweweretoplayaparlourgamethiseveningandIweretoaskyoutowritedownthefivequestionsthatyouthoughtmosturgentasregardseducation,wewould certainlyarriveatalistverydifferentfromtheonewederivedfromnotingthequestionsactuallyaskedbythepollsters.Thequestion(orvariantsofit)'Shouldpolitics bebroughtintoschools?'wasveryoftenasked,whereasthequestion'Shouldcurriculabechanged?'or'Shouldteachingmethodsbechanged?'wasaskedonly rarely.Thesamewith'Doteachersneedretraining?'Alloftheseareimportantquestions,fromanotherpointofviewatleast. Theproblematicsofferedbythepollingagenciesaresubordinatedtopoliticalinterests,andthisverystronglygovernsboththemeaningoftheanswersandthemeaning giventothemonpublicationofthefindings.Atpresent,theopinionpollisaninstrumentofpoliticalaction:perhapsitsmostimportantfunctionistoimposetheillusion thatthereissomethingcalledpublicopinioninthesenseofthepurelyarithmeticaltotalofindividualopinionstoimposetheillusionthatitismeaningfultospeakofthe averageofopinionsortheaverageopinion.The'publicopinion'thatismanifestedonthefrontpagesofnewspapers('60percentofFrenchpeopleareinfavour of...')isapureandsimpleartefactwhosefunctionistodisguisethefactthatthestateofopinionatagiventimeisasystemofforces,tensions,andthatnothingmore inadequatelyexpressesthestateofopinionthanapercentage. Weknowthateveryexerciseofpowerisaccompaniedbyadiscourseaimedatlegitimizingthepowerofthegroupthatexercisesitwecanevensaythatitis characteristicofeverypowerrelationthatittakesonitsfullforceonlyinsofarasitdisguisesthefactthatitisapowerrelation.Inaword,thepoliticianissomeone whosays'Godisonourside'.Themodernequivalentof'Godisonourside'is'Publicopinionisonourside'.Thatisthefundamentaleffectoftheopinionpoll:it createstheideathatthereissuchathingasaunanimouspublicopinion,andsolegitimizesapolicyandstrengthensthepowerrelationsthatunderlieitormakeit possible.

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HavingsaidatthebeginningwhatIwantedtosayattheend,Ishalltrytoindicateveryrapidlywhataretheoperationsthroughwhichthisconsensuseffectis produced.Thefirstoperation,whichstartsfromthepremisethateveryonemusthaveanopinion,consistsinignoringthenonresponsesand'don'tknows',labelledin France'noanswer'.Forexample,youaskpeople'AreyouinfavourofthePompidougovernment?'Yourecord30percent'noanswer',20percent'yes'and50per cent'no'.Youcansaytherearemoreagainstthanfor,andthenthereare30percentleftover.Oryoucanrecalculatethepercentagesof'yes'and'no',leavingoutthe 'noanswers'.Thissimplechoiceisatheoreticaloperationwithenormousimplications,whichIwouldliketoexaminewithyou. Eliminatethe'noanswers'.That'swhatisdoneinanelectionwherethereareblankorvoidvotingslips.Itmeansimposingtheimplicitphilosophyofanelectiononan opinionsurvey.Lookingcloser,itcanbeseenthattherearegenerallymore'noanswers'amongwomenthanmenandthatthegapbetweenwomenandmenrisesas thequestionsbecomemoredirectlypolitical.Afurtherobservation:themorethequestiondealswithproblemsofknowledgeandinformation,thegreateristhegap betweenthe'noanswers'ofthebettereducatedandthelesseducated.Bycontrast,whenthequestionsdealwithethicalproblems,the'noanswers'varylittlein relationtoeducation(forexample:'Shouldparentsbeseverewiththeirchildren?').Again,themoreaquestionraisesconflictualproblems,touchesonasiteof contradictions,generatestensionsforaparticularcategory(e.g.thesituationinCzechoslovakiaafter1968forpeoplewhovoteCommunist),thegreaterthenumberof 'noanswers'inthatcategory.Asaresult,simplestatisticalanalysisoffailuretoanswerprovidesinformationbothonwhatthequestionmeansandonthecategoryin question,thelatterbeingdefinedasmuchbyitsprobabilityofhavinganopinionasbyitsconditionalprobabilityofhavinganopinionfororagainst. Scientificanalysisofopinionpollsshowsthatthereexistspracticallynocatchallproblem:noquestionwhichisnotreinterpretedinrelationtotheinterestsofthe peopletowhomthequestionisposed.Thusthefirstimperativeinevaluatingapollistoaskwhatquestionthedifferentcategoriesofpeoplethoughttheywere answering.Oneofthemostperniciouseffectsofopinionsurveysistoputpeopleinapositionwheretheymustansweraquestiontheyhaveneverthoughtabout. Questionshavingtodowithmoralissues,forexample,thepunishmentofchildren,relationsbetweenteachersandpupils,andsoon,areproblemswhichare increasinglyperceivedasethicalproblemsasonemovesdownthesocialhierarchy,butwhichcanbepoliticalproblemsfortheupperclasses.Oneofthedistorting effectsofsurveysisthetransformationofethicalresponsesintopoliticalresponsesbythesimpleimpositionofaparticularproblematic. Infact,thereareseveralprincipleswhichcanbeusedtogeneratearesponse.Firstofall,thereiswhatcouldbecalled'politicalcompetence',a

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notionthatcorrespondstoadefinitionofpoliticswhichisbotharbitraryandlegitimate,bothdominantandconcealedassuch.Thispoliticalcompetenceisnot universallydistributed.Itvaries,roughlyspeaking,withlevelofeducation.Inotherwords,theprobabilityofhavinganopiniononallthequestionswhichpresupposea certainpoliticalknowledgecanbecomparedtotheprobabilityofgoingtoamuseum.Someastonishingvariationscanbefound:whereasastudentinvolvedinafar leftmovementperceivesfortyfivedifferentdivisionstotheleftofthePartiSocialisteUnifi,amiddlelevelexecutiveseesnoneatall.Inthepoliticalscale(farleft,left, centreleft,centre,centreright,right,farright,etc.)which'politicalscience'pollsuseasifitwereselfevident,certainsocialcategoriesmakeintensiveuseofavery smallsectoroftheextremeleftothersuseonlythecentre,whilestillothersusethewholerange.Anelectionisintheendtheaggregationoftotallydifferentspaces peoplewhomeasureincentimetresareaddedtogetherwiththosewhomeasureinkilometres,ortouseanimagefamiliartoteachers,thosewhomarkonascaleof0 to20withthosewhouseonly9to11.Competenceismeasured,amongotherthings,bythedegreeofrefinementofone'sperception(thesameistrueofaesthetics. wheresomepeoplecandistinguishthefiveorsixstagesinthedevelopmentofasinglepainter). Thiscomparisoncanbepushedevenfurther.Inaestheticperception,thereisaprerequisite:peoplemustfirstthinkoftheworkofartasaworkofart,andoncethey havedoneso,theyneedtohaveperceptualcategoriesinordertoconstructandstructureit,etc.Now,takeaquestionformulatedinthefollowingway:'Areyoufor directiveornondirectivechildrearing?'Forsomepeople,thiscanbeconstitutedasapoliticalquestion,therepresentationoftheparentchildrelationshipbeing integratedintoasystematicvisionofsocietyforothersitispurelyamoralquestion.InthequestionnaireImentionedearlier,inwhichweaskedpeople'Foryou,isit politicalornottogoonstrike,wearlonghair,participateinarockfestival,etc?',verygreatvariationsbysocialclassemerged.Thefirstconditionforresponding adequatelytoapoliticalquestionisthereforetobecapableofseeingitaspoliticalthesecond,oncethequestionhasbeenconstitutedaspolitical,istobecapableof applyingpoliticalcategoriestoit,categorieswhichmaybemoreorlessadequate,moreorlessrefined,etc.Thesearethespecificconditionsfortheproductionof opinions,conditionswhichopinionsurveysassumetobeuniversallyanduniformlyfulfilledwhentheyfirstpostulatethateveryonecanproduceanopinion. ThesecondprincipleaccordingtowhichpeoplemayproduceanopinioniswhatIcall'classethos'(ratherthan'classethic'),bywhichImeanasystemofimplicit valueswhichpeoplehaveinternalizedfromchildhoodandfromwhichtheygenerateanswerstoverydifferenttypesofquestions.Anexample:Ithinktheopinions whichpeopleexchangeattheendofafootballmatchbetweenRoubaixandValenciennesoweagreatdealoftheircoherenceandlogictoaclassethos.Many answerswhicharetreatedas

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politicalanswersareinrealityproducedbyaclassethosandmaytakeonatotallydifferentmeaningwhentheyareinterpretedinpoliticalterms. HereImustrefertoaspecificsociologicaltradition,prevalentespeciallyamongpoliticalsociologistsintheUnitedStates,whocommonlyspeakoftheconservatism andauthoritarianismoftheworkingclasses.Theseideasarebasedoninternationalcomparisonofsurveysorelectionswhichtendtoshowthateachtimetheworking classesareasked,inanycountry,aboutproblemsconcerningrelationsofauthority,individualliberty,freedomofthepress,etc.,theygiveanswerswhicharemore 'authoritarian'thanthoseoftheotherclasses.Sothegeneralconclusionisdrawnthatthereisaconflictbetweendemocraticvalues(theauthorIamthinkingof,Lipset, meansAmericandemocraticvalues)andtheauthoritarianandrepressivevaluesthathavebeeninternalizedbytheworkingclasses.Thisthenleadstoakindof eschatologicalvision:let'sraisethestandardoflivingandthelevelofeducationand,sincethepropensitytorepressionandauthoritarianism,etc.,islinkedtolow incomeandlowlevelsofeducation,etc.,inthatwaywewillproducegoodcitizensofAmericandemocracy. Itappearstomethatthecruxoftheproblemisthemeaningoftheanswerstocertainquestions.Imagineagroupofquestionslikethefollowing:'Areyouinfavourof sexualequality?','Areyouinfavourofthesexualindependenceofmarriedcouples?','Areyouinfavourofnonrepressiveeducation?','Doyoubelieveinthenew society?'1 Nowimagineanothertypeofquestion,like:'Shouldteachersgoonstrikewhentheirjobsarethreatened?','Shouldteachersactinsolidaritywithothercivil serviceemployeesduringperiodsofsocialconflict?'Thesetwogroupsofquestionsreceiverepliesstructuredinverselyinrelationtosocialclass.Thefirstgroupof questions,whichdealwithacertainkindofchangeinsocialrelations,inthesymbolicformofsocialrelations,provokesresponseswhichareincreasinglyfavourableas oneascendsthesocialhierarchyandthehierarchybylevelofeducationinversely,thequestionswhichdealwithrealtransformationofthepowerrelationsbetween classesprovokeincreasinglyunfavourableanswersasoneascendsthesocialhierarchy. Thusthestatement'Theworkingclassesarerepressive'isneithertruenorfalse.Itistruetotheextentthattheworkingclassestendtohaveamuchmorerigidand authoritarianideaaboutmoralproblemsconcerningrelationsbetweenparentsandchildrenorbetweenthesexes.Concerningproblemsofpoliticalstructure,which bringintoplaythemaintenanceortransformationofthesocialorder,andnotjusttheconservationortransformationofthemodesofrelationshipbetweenindividuals, theworkingclassesaremuchmorefavourabletowardsatransformationofthesocialstructure.YoucanseehowsomeoftheproblemsposedinMay1968,andoften poorlyposed,intheconflictbetweentheCommunistpartyandthefarleft,arecloselylinkedtothecentralproblemthatIhavejusttriedtopresent,concerningthe natureoftheanswerspeoplegiveinreplytothequestionsasked,thatis,theprincipleuponwhichtheyproducetheir

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answers.TheoppositionImadebetweenthesetwogroupsofquestionsactuallyamountstotheoppositionbetweenthetwoprinciplesintheproductionofopinions, anauthenticallypoliticalprincipleandanethicalone,andtheproblemoftheconservatismoftheworkingclassesisproducedbecausethisdifferenceisignored. Theeffectoftheimpositionofaproblematic,aneffectproducedbyallopinionpollsandallpoliticalquestioning(notleastbyelections),resultsfromthefactthatthe questionsaskedinanopinionsurveyarenotquestionswhicharisespontaneouslyforthepeoplequestioned,andthattheresponsesarenotinterpretedintermsofthe problematicactuallyreferredtointheiranswersbythedifferentcategoriesofrespondents.Thusthedominantproblematic,apictureofwhichisprovidedbythelist ofquestionsposedinthelasttwoyearsbythepollinginstitutes,istheproblematicwhichessentiallyintereststhepeoplewhoholdpowerandwhowanttobeinformed aboutthemeansoforganizingtheirpoliticalaction.Thisproblematicisveryunequallypossessedbythedifferentsocialclasses,who,itisimportanttoremember,also varygreatlyintheircapacitytoproduceacounterproblematic.FollowingupthethemeofateleviseddebatebetweenJeanJacquesServanSchreiberandValry Giscardd'Estaing,apollinginstituteposedquestionslike'Iseducationalsuccessafunctionoftalent,intelligence,work,orpersonalmerit?'Theanswersreceivedin factprovidedsomeinformation(albeithiddenfromthosewhogavetheanswers)abouttheextenttowhichthedifferentsocialclassesareawareofthelawsgoverning thehereditarytransmissionofculturalcapital.Attachmenttothemythoftalent,ofsocialmobilitythroughtheschoolsystem,oftheimpartialityofthesystem,ofequity inthedistributionofjobsaccordingtoqualifications,etc.,isverystrongintheworkingclasses.Thecounterproblematicmayexistforafewintellectualsbutithasno socialforceeventhoughithasbeentakenupbyafewpartiesandgroups.Scientifictruthissubjecttothesamelawsofdiffusionasideology.Ascientificpropositionis likeapapalencyclicalonbirthcontrol:itonlypreachestotheconverted. Theideaofobjectivityinanopinionsurveyisassociatedwithaskingquestionsinthemostneutraltermssoastogiveanequalchancetoallpossibleanswers.In reality,anopinionpollwouldnodoubtbeclosertowhathappensinrealityifitweretobreakalltherulesof'objectivity'andgivepeoplethechancetosituate themselvesastheyreallydoinrealpractice,thatis,inrelationtoalreadyformulatedopinions.Forexample,insteadofasking'Somepeopleareinfavourofbirth control,othersagainsthowaboutyou?...',itwouldprovideaseriesofexplicitpositionstakenbygroupsmandatedtoestablishanddiffuseopinions,sothatpeople couldplacethemselvesinrelationtoresponseswhichhavealreadybeenconstituted.WecommonlyspeakinFrenchof'takingaposition'thepositionsarethere alreadytobetaken.Butwedonottakethemhaphazardly.Wetakethepositionswhichwearepredisposedtotakeonthe

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basisofourpositioninacertainfield.Arigorousanalysisofideologiesshouldseektoexplaintherelationbetweenthestructureofpositionstobetakenandthe structureofthefieldofpositionsobjectivelyoccupied. Itisknownthatopinionpollsareverybadatdetectingthelatentstateofopinionand,moreprecisely,themovementofopinion.Thisisbecausethesituationinwhich theygraspopinionsisentirelyartificial.Inthesituationsinwhichopinionisconstituted,andespeciallyincrisissituations,peoplearefacedwithconstitutedopinions, opinionssupportedbygroups,sothatchoosingbetweenopinionsclearlymeanschoosingbetweengroups.Thatistheprincipleofthepoliticizingeffectofacrisis: onehastochoosebetweengroupswhichdefinethemselvespolitically,andtotakemoreandmorepositionsonthebasisofexplicitlypoliticalprinciples.Infact,what seemstometobeimportantisthatopinionpollstreatpublicopinionasasimplesumofindividualopinions,collectedinasituationwhichisultimatelythatofthepolling booth,wheretheindividualsecretivelyexpressesanisolatedopinioninisolation.Inrealsituations,opinionsareforcesandrelationsbetweenopinionsarepower relationsbetweengroups. Afurtherlawemergeshere:thegreatertheinterestonehasinaproblem,themoreopinionsonehasonit.Forexample,ontheeducationsystem,therateofresponse isverycloselyrelatedtotherespondents'degreeofproximitytothesystemitself,andthelikelihoodoftheirhavinganopinionvariesasafunctionofthelikelihoodof havingpoweroverwhattheyareansweringabout.Theopinionthatassertsitself,assuch,spontaneously,istheopinionofpeoplewhoseopinion'carriesweight',as wesay.Ifaministerofeducationweretoactonthebasisofanopinionpoll(oratleast,asuperficialreadingofapoll),hewouldnotdowhathedoeswhenhereally actsasapolitician,thatis,inresponsetothetelephonecallshereceives,avisitbyatradeunionleader,adean,andsoon.Infact,heactsonthebasisofthosereally constitutedforcesofopinionwhichenterhisperceptiononlyinsofarastheyhaveforce,andinsofarastheyhavesomeforcebecausetheyaremobilized. Whentryingtoforecastwhatwillhappentotheuniversitysysteminthenexttenyears,Ithinkthatthebestbasisforpredictionismobilizedopinion.However,thefact that,asthe'noanswers'show,thedispositionsofsomecategoriesdonotreachthestatusofopinion,inthesenseofaconstituteddiscourseaspiringtocoherence, seekingtobeheard,takennoticeof,etc.,shouldnotleadustotheconclusionthat,incrisissituations,peoplewhohadnoopinionwillchooseoneatrandom.Ifthe problemisonethatforthemisconstitutedpolitically(formanualworkers,questionsofpayorworkingconditions),theywillchooseintermsofpoliticalcompetence.If theproblemisonethatforthemisnotconstitutedpolitically(repressiverelationshipswithinthecompany)orisstillintheprocessofbecomingso,theywillbeguided bytheprofoundlyunconscioussystemofdispositionsthatorientstheirchoicesinextremelydifferentareasrangingfromaestheticstoeverydayeconomicdecisions. Traditional

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opinionsurveysignorebothpressuregroupsandthelatentdispositionswhichmaynotexpressthemselvesintheformofanexplicitdiscourse.Thatiswhytheopinion surveyisincapableofgeneratinganykindofreasonablepredictionaboutwhatwouldhappeninacrisissituation. Consideraproblemlikethatoftheeducationsystem.Youcanask:'Whatdoyouthinkofthepoliciesof[EducationMinister]EdgarFaure?'Thistypeofquestionis verymuchlikeanelectoralsurvey:it'snightandallcatsaregrey.EverybodyagreesmoreorlesswithoutknowingwhatitistheyagreeaboutjustliketheNational Assemblywhichpassedhisreformsunanimously.Thenyouask:'Areyouinfavourofbringingpoliticsintosecondaryschools?'Herewefindaverycleardivision,and thesamethinghappenswhenyouask'Shouldteachersbeallowedtogoonstrike?'Amongtheworkingclassesthereisakindoftransferofspecificpolitical competenceandpeopleknowexactlywhattosay.Youcanalsoask:'Shouldthecurriculumbechanged?''Areyouinfavourofcontinuousassessment?''Should parentsberepresentedonschoolboards?''Shouldtheagrgationbeabolished?'andsoon.Behindthequestion'WhatdoyouthinkofthepoliciesofEdgar Faure?'therewerealltheseotherquestions,andpeoplewerehavingtotakeapositioninstantlyonasetofproblemsthatagoodquestionnairecouldonlygraspifit usedatleastsixtyquestions,whosevariationsineverydirectioncouldthenbeobserved.Inthecaseofonetypeofquestion,theopinionswouldberelatedpositively topositioninthesocialhierarchy,andinanother,theywouldberelatednegatively,orperhapsjustabit,oruptoacertainpoint,orevennotatall. Assoonasyourealizethatanationalelectionistheextremecaseofaquestionlike'WhatdoyouthinkofthepoliciesofEdgarFaure?',youunderstandwhy specialistsinpoliticalsociologyareabletonotethattherelationshipbetweensocialclassandpracticesoropinions,whichisusuallyobservedinalmosteveryareaof socialpractice,isveryweakwhenitcomestoelectoralphenomena,indeedsoweakthatsomeofthemdonothesitatetoconcludethatthereisnorelationwhatsoever betweensocialclassandthefactofvotingfortherightorfortheleft.Ifwekeepinmindthatanelectionposesinasinglesyncreticquestionwhatcouldonlybe reasonablyunderstoodintwohundredquestionsthatsomepeoplemeasureincentimetresandothersinkilometresthatthecandidates'strategyistoposeproblems misleadinglyandasfaraspossibletomuddythewatersinordertoobscurethedivisionsandwinfloatingvotes,togetherwithsomanyothereffects,thenwemay concludethatweoughtperhapstoturnupsidedownthetraditionalquestionoftherelationshipbetweenvotingbehaviourandsocialclassandtoaskwhywedo,in spiteofeverything,findarelationshipatall,albeitaweakoneandtoconsiderthefunctionoftheelectoralsystem,atoolwhich,byitsverylogic,tendstoattenuate conflictsandcleavages. Inshort,Ididindeedmeantosaythatpublicopiniondoesnotexist,atleastintheformwhichsomepeople,whoseexistencedependsonthis

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illusion,wouldhaveusbelieve.I'vesaidthatthereis,ontheonehand,mobilizedopinion,formulatedopinion,pressuregroupsmobilizedaroundasystemofexplicitly formulatedinterestsand,ontheotherhand,therearedispositionswhich,bydefinition,arenotopinionifonemeansbythat,asIhavethroughoutthistalk,something thatcanbeformulatedindiscoursewithsomeclaimtocoherence.Thatdefinitionofopinionisnotmyopinionaboutopinion.It'ssimplytheexplicitformofthe definitionassumedbyopinionpollswhentheyaskpeopletotakeapositiononformulatedopinionsandwhen,bysimplestatisticalaggregationoftheopinionsthus produced,theyproducetheartefactofpublicopinion.I'msimplysayingthatpublicopinioninthesenseimplicitlyacceptedbythosewhocarryoutopinionpollsor thosewhousetheirfindings...simplydoesnotexist. Notes 1.Lanouvellesocit,avisionofalessrigidFrenchsocietyputforwardbyPrimeMinisterJacquesChabanDelmasin1969[translator].

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19 CultureandPolitics
Iwouldverymuchliketoescapefromtheritualofthelecture,andIconsiderwhatIhavetosayasakindofoffer,a'supply',hopingthatinresponsetothesupply thatIhavetooffer,ademandwillemergeandthatweshallbeabletodobusiness. Oneofthedifficultiesincommunicationbetweenthesociologistandhisreadersliesinthefactthatthereadersareconfrontedwithaproductandveryoftenhavelittle ideahowithasbeenproduced.Now,strictlyspeaking,knowledgeoftheconditionsofproductionoftheproductisoneoftheconditionsofrationalcommunicationof thefindingsofsocialscience.Readershavetodealwithafinishedproductthatisgiventotheminanorderwhichisnotthatofdiscovery(inasmuchasittendstomove towardsadeductiveorder,whichoftenleadsthesociologisttobesuspectedofhavingproducedhistheoriesfullyarmedoutofhisheadandofhavingthenfound someempiricalvalidationstoillustratethem).Thefinishedproduct,theopusoperatum,concealsthemodusoperandi.Whatcirculatesbetweenthescienceandthe nonspecialists,orevenbetweenascienceandthespecialistsofothersciences(I'mthinking,forexample,oflinguistics,atthetimewhenitdominatedthesocial sciences),andwhatisconveyedbythegreatvehiclesofculturalcelebration,is,atbest,theresults,butnevertheoperations.Youarenevertakenintotheback rooms,thekitchensofscience.Ofcourse.IcannotgiveherearealtimefilmoftheresearchthatledmetowhatIamgoingtotellyou.Ishalltrytogiveyoua speededupandsomewhatselectivereplay,withtheaimofgivinganideaofhowthesociologistworks. AfterMay1968,Iwantedtostudytheconflictswhichtakeplaceinandabouttheeducationalsystem,andIstartedtoanalyseallthesurveysthathadbeenproduced bypublicopinionagenciesonthesubjectoftheeducationalsystem,aswellasthefindingsofasurveyofthechangespeoplewantedtoseeinthesystem,whichhad beenconductedthroughthepress.Themostinterestinginformationthissurveyyieldedwasthestructureofthepopulationofrespondents,bysocialclass,levelof education,sex,age,andsoon.Forexample,theprobabilityofmembersofthedifferentclassesrespondingtothissurveycorrespondedcloselytotheirchancesof accesstohighereducation.Theresponsetothisquestionnairewasconceivedinaccordancewiththelogicofthepetition,andtheselfselectingsampleofthe respondentswasnothingotherthanapressuregroupcomposedofthe
TalkgivenattheUniversityofGrenoble,29April1980

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peoplewhofelttheyhadalegitimaterighttorespondbecausetheyhadalegitimatestakeintheeducationalsystem.Thispopulation,whichwasnotrepresentativein thestatisticalsenseoftheword,wasveryrepresentativeofthepressuregroupwhichwas,defacto,goingtodirectthesubsequentdevelopmentofthesystem.Thus, leavingasidetheinformationthatthissurveyprovidedontheeducationalsystem,orthepowerrelationsbetweenthegroupswhoaspiredtoaffectitstransformation, etc.,itwaspossibletolookintothedistinctivecharacteristicsoftherespondents,who,becausetheyhaddecidedtorespondonthebasisoftheirparticular relationshiptotheobjectinquestion,weresaying,firstandforemost:IaminterestedintheeducationalsystemandIaminterestingfortheeducationalsystemIhave tobelistenedto. Followingthislogic,Ilookedwithneweyesatthe'noanswers',whichareroughlyequivalentinopinionpollstoabstentionsinelections,aphenomenonsonormalin appearancethatnooneaskswhattheymean.Thephenomenonofabstentionisoneofthosethingsthateverybodyknowsabout,thateverybodytalksabout,andthat politicalscientists,adoptingapurelynormativepointofview,rituallydeploreasanobstacletotheproperfunctioningofdemocracy,withoutreallytakingitseriously. Now,ifonebearsinmindwhatislearnedfromanalysisofthestructure(byvariousvariables)ofaspontaneoussample,itcanimmediatelybeseenthat,inthecaseof arepresentativesample,the'noanswers'(which,forsomequestions,maybemorefrequentthananswers,raisingthequestionofthestatisticalrepresentativenessof thelatter)containsomeveryimportantinformationwhichiswipedoutbythemerefactofrecalculatingthepercentagesafterexcludingthe'noanswers'. Everygrouppresentedwithaproblemischaracterizedbyaprobabilityofhavinganopinionand,ifithasanopinion,byaconditionalprobabilitythat'stosaya seconddegreeandthereforequitesecondaryprobabilityofhavingapositiveornegativeopinion.Bearinginmindwhatemergesfromanalysisofthespontaneous sampleoftherespondentstothesurveyoneducation,wemayregardtheprobabilityofansweringthatcharacterizesagrouporcategory(e.g.menasopposedto women,ortownspeopleasopposedtocountrypeople)asameasureofits'sense'ofbeingbothauthorizedandabletoanswer,beingalegitimaterespondent,having 'asayinthematter'.Themechanismthroughwhichopinionisexpressed,startingwiththevote,isbasedonahiddenpropertyqualification. Butitwasfirstnecessarytoenquireintothefactorswhichdeterminethepersonsquestionedtoanswerorto'abstain'(ratherthantochoosebetweenonereplyand another).Thevariationsobservedintherateofnonreplymighthavebeenduetotwothingseitherthepropertiesoftherespondentsorthepropertiesofthe question.Ifwechoosetotakethenonresponses,theabstentions,thesilences,seriouslywhichmeanswetakenoteoftheirexistenceandtherebyconstructan objectthenweimmediatelyseethatthemostimportantinformationthatasurveyprovidesaboutagroupisnotthe

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rateof'yes'sor'no's,theproportionsfororagainst,butthelevelofnonresponse,thatis,theprobability,foramemberofthatgroup,ofhavinganopinion.Inthe caseofopinionpolls(whichobeyalogicquitesimilartothatofelections),wehavethenecessaryinformationtoanalysethefactorsthatdeterminethisprobability,in theformoftherateofnonresponseaccordingtodifferentvariablessex,education,occupation,theproblemposed.Itcanthenbeobservedthatwomenabstain morefrequentlythanmenandthat(toputitcrudely)thegapbetweenmenandwomenincreasesasthequestionsbecomemorepoliticalintheordinarysenseofthe word,thatis,themoretheyappealtoaspecificculturesuchasthehistoryofthepoliticalfield(with,forexample,knowledgeofthenamesofpastandpresent politicians)ortothesetofproblemsspecifictoprofessionals(e.g.constitutionalquestionsorforeignpolicyissues,theextremecase,inwhichtherateof'don'tknows' becomesenormous,being'DoyouthinkthereisaconnectionbetweentheVietnamWarandtheArabIsraeliconflict?').Bycontrast,therearemoralquestions(such as'Shouldgirlsunder18begiventhepill?',etc.),wherethegapsbetweenmenandwomendisappear.Inasecondhighlysignificantvariation,ratesofnonresponse arealsoverystronglycorrelatedwithlevelofeducation:thehigheraperson'squalifications(otherthingsbeingequal),thelowertherateofnonresponse.Athird correlation,partiallyoverlappingthesecondone,isbetweenrateofnonresponseandsocialclass(orsociooccupationalcategoryitamountstothesame).Thereis alsoastrongcorrelationwiththeoppositionParisprovinces.Inaword,broadlyspeaking,therateofnonresponsevariesindirectratiototherespondents'positionin thevarioushierarchies. Thatseemstomeanthatpeople'slikelihoodofabstainingincreasesasthequestionsbecomemorepoliticalandastheybecomepoliticallylesscompetent.Butthatisa simpletautology.Infact,wehavetoaskwhatitmeanstobecompetent.Whyarewomenlesstechnicallycompetentthanmen?Spontaneoussociologyimmediately offersascoreofreasons:theyhavelesstimetospareforpolitics,theydothehousework,theyarelessinterested.Butwhyaretheylessinterested?Becausetheyhave lesscompetence,thewordnowbeingusednotinthetechnicalsensebutinthelegalsense,asonespeaksofacompetentcourt.Tobecompetentistobeentitled andrequiredtodealwithsomething.Inotherwords,thereallawthatishiddenbehindtheseseeminglyanodynecorrelationsisthattechnical,politicalcompetence,like allcompetences,isasocialcompetence.Thatdoesnotmeanthattechnicalcompetencedoesnotexist,butitdoesmeanthatthepropensitytoacquirewhatiscalled technicalcompetenceriseswithsocialcompetence,thatis,asafunctionofsocialrecognitionofbeingworthyandthereforecalledupontoacquirethatcompetence. Thiscircle,whichagainlookslikeapuretautology,istheformparexcellenceofthespecificallysocialactionwhichconsistsinproducing

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differenceswherenoneexisted.Socialmagiccantransformpeoplebytellingthemtheyaredifferent.Thatiswhatcompetitiveexaminationsdo(the300thcandidateis stillsomething,the301stisnothing).Inotherwords,thesocialworldconstitutesdifferencesbythemerefactofdesignatingthem.(Religion,which,accordingto Durkheim,isdefinedbythesettingupofafrontierbetweenthesacredandtheprofane,issimplyaparticularcaseofalltheactsofinstitutingfrontiersthroughwhich differencesofnaturearesetupbetweenrealitiesthatin'reality'areseparatedbyinfinitesimal,sometimesimperceptibledifferences.)Menaremorecompetent politicallybecausepoliticsispartoftheircompetence.Thedifferencebetweenmenandwomenthatweacceptasselfevident,becauseitreappearsinallpractices,is basedonasocialimposition,theassignmentofacompetence.Thedivisionoflabourbetweenthesexesgivespoliticstotheman,justasitgiveshimtheoutside,the publicarena,paidworkoutsidethehome,etc.,whereasitassignswomantothedomesticinterior,unrecognizedwork,andalsopsychology,feeling,thereadingof novels,andsoon.However,thingsarenotsosimple,andthedifferencebetweenthesexesvariesaccordingtoclassandclassfraction,withthepropertiesallottedto eachsexbecomingspecifiedineachcase.Forexample,inthetwo(orratherthree)dimensionalspacethatIconstructedinDistinction,asonemovesfromthe bottomtothetopandfromlefttoright,towardsthefractionsofthedominantclassthatarerichestinculturalcapitalandpoorestineconomiccapital,thatis,the intellectuals,sothedifferencebetweenthesexestendstodisappear:forexample,amongsecondaryandhighereducationteachers,readingofLeMondeisalmostas commonamongwomenasamongmen.Conversely,asyoumoveupbuttotheright,towardsthetraditionalbourgeoisie,thedifferenceagaindeclines,butmuchless strongly.Andalltheevidencetendstoconfirmthatwomensituatedclosetotheintellectualpole,whoaresociallyrecognizedashavingpoliticalcompetence,have dispositionsandcompetencesinmattersofpoliticswhichdifferinfinitelylessfromthoseofthecorrespondingmenthandothoseofwomenintheotherclassfractions ortheotherclasses. Soitcanbeacceptedthatthetechnicallycompetentarethosewhoaresociallydesignatedascompetent,andthatitissufficienttodesignatesomeoneascompetentin ordertoimposeonhimorherapropensitytoacquirethetechnicalcompetencewhichinreturnisthebasisofhisorhersocialcompetence.Thishypothesisisalso validinaccountingfortheeffectsofeducationalcapital.Inallsurveysoneobservesaverystrongcorrelationbetweeneducationalcapital,asmeasuredbyeducational qualifications,andcompetencesinareasthattheeducationalsystemdoesnotteachatall,orthatitonlypretendstoteach,suchasmusic,arthistory,etc.Thedirect explanation,intermsofinculcation,cannotbeused.Infact,amongthemosthidden,mostsecreteffectsoftheeducationalsystemiswhatIcalltheeffectofassignment bystatus,thenoblesseobligeeffect.Thesystemconstantlyplaysonthisthroughtheeffectofallocation(forexample,ifyou

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putalyceninthereputedly'highflying'sixthformclass,our'secondeC',youcalluponhimtobea'highflyer',tobeworthyofthe'class'youattributetohim).And qualifications,especially,ofcourse,themostprestigiousones,actaccordingtothesamelogic:theyassigntheirholderstoclasseswhichdemandofthemtheyshow 'class'.Thefactofbeingdesignatedasacademicallycompetent,andthereforesociallycompetent,'implies',forexample,thatyoureadLeMonde,thatyougotoart galleries,ownclassicalrecords,andsoon,andofcourse,tocometowhatconcernsushere,thatyouacquirepoliticalcompetence.It'sanothereffectofthatmagical powerwherebyitispossibletodistinguishpeoplebytellingthem,withauthority,thattheyaredifferent,distinguishedor,moreprecisely,throughtheverylogicof institutionssuchasaristocracyoracademia,whichconstitutepeopleasdifferentandproducepermanentdifferencesinthem,eitherexternalones,detachablefromthe person,likeanofficer'sstripes,ordifferencesinscribedintheverypersonasaparticularwayoftalking,anaccentorwhatiscalleddistinction.Inshort,whereasone mightnavelysaythatpeoplearemorepoliticallyinformed,morepoliticallycompetent,totheextentthattheyaremoreeducated,inmyviewoneshouldsaythatthose whoaresociallydesignatedascompetent,asentitledandrequiredtohavepoliticalcompetence,aremorelikelytobecomewhattheyare,tobecomewhattheyare toldtheyare,thatispoliticallycompetent. AmechanismsuchastheoneIhavejustdescribedmeansthatacertainnumberofpeopleeliminatethemselvesfromthegameofpolitics(justastheyeliminate themselvesfromtheeducationalsystem,sayingthatitdoesnotinterestthem)andthatthosewhodisenfranchisethemselvesspontaneouslyaremoreorlesstheones thatthedominantfractionswoulddisqualifyiftheyhadthepowertodoso.(Weknowthattherestrictedfranchisesystemsofthepastlegallydisqualifiedthepeople whohadnorighttohaveasaybecausetheylackedproperty,qualificationsorrank.)Buttheselectivefranchiseworksinahiddenway,andthatmakesallthe difference.Thesepeoplewhodisqualifythemselvesdosolargelybecausetheydonotseethemselvesaspossessingpoliticalcompetence.Thesocialrepresentationof competencethatissociallyassignedtothem(particularlybytheeducationalsystem,whichhasbecomeoneofthemainagenciesfortheassigningofcompetence) becomesanunconsciousdisposition,ataste.Thosewhodisqualifythemselvesinasensecollaborateintheirowndisqualification,whichistacitlyrecognizedas legitimatebythosewhoareitsvictims. Thus,theprobabilityofreplyingtoanobjectivelypoliticalquestion(whichwillbeveryunequallyperceivedaspolitical,dependingonthesamevariablesthatdetermine thelikelihoodofreplying)islinkedtoasetofvariablesentirelysimilartothosethatgovernaccesstoculture.Inotherwords,thechancesofproducingapolitical opinionaredistributedratherlikethechancesofvisitingmuseums.Butwehavealsoseenthatthefactors

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differentiatingthechancesofreplyingtoquestionsingeneralcomeintoplaythatmuchmorestronglywhenthequestionsarecouchedinamorepoliticallanguage,by whichImeanalanguagemoreinthestyleofourinstitutesof'politicalscience'.Inotherwords,thegapbetweenmenandwomenandbetweenthemosteducatedand theleasteducatedisparticularlygreatwhenfacedwithquestionstypicalofSciencesPoortheEacutecoleNationald'Administration(suchas'Doyouthinkthataidto developingcountriesshouldrisewithGDP?'). Whatdoesthatmean?Toproduceananswertothequestion'Aremyfriends'friendsmyfriends?',Ican,asPierreGrecopointsout,eitherthinkofmyrealfriends (aretheX'sreallyfriendsoftheY's?)ortreatthequestionintermsoflogicalcalculation(that'sthekindofresponsetheeducationalsystemexpects:youanswer withoutthinkingmuchaboutreality).Thesetwowaysofansweringareboundupwithtwodifferentrelationstolanguage,words,theworldandotherpeople.'Strictly political'questionsarequestionsthathavetobeansweredintermsoflogicalcalculation.Theyarequestionsthatrequirethe'pure'posture,theonedemandedbythe educationalsystemandbytheacademicuseoflanguage.Platosayssomewhere,'Toopineistospeak.'Inthedefinitionofopinion,thereisawholeimplicitcontent whichweforgetbecauseweareproductsofasysteminwhichyouhavetospeak(sometimesforspeaking'ssake,sometimestosaynothing)ifyouwanttosurvive. OpinionasIhaveimplicitlydefineditsofarisverbalizedandverbalizableopinion,producedinresponsetoanexplicitlyverbalizablequestion,inaformsuchthatthe answerpresupposesaneutralandneutralizingrelationtolanguage.ToanswerapoliticalsciencequestioninthestyleoftheoneIquotedamomentago('Istherea connectionbetweentheVietnamWar...?')requiresaposturesimilartothatrequiredforwritingadissertation,adispositionthatisalsopresupposedbyawhole hostofotherpractices,suchaslookingatapaintingintermsofformandcompositionratherthansubjectmatter.Thismeansthat,facedwithopiniondefinedas discourseandasdiscoursepresupposinganeutralandneutralizingrelationtotheobject,theremaybeinequalitiesofthesametypeasthosebeforeaworkofart, withoutitbeingpossibletoconcludethatthosewhocannot'opine',inthesenseofspeaking,donothavesomethingthatIcannotcallpoliticalopinion,sinceopinion impliesutterance,butwhichIshallcallapoliticalsense. Forexample,ontheproblemofsocialclasses,respondentsmayshowthemselvesquiteincapableofansweringthequestionastotheexistenceofsocialclassesor evenastotheirownpositioninthesocialstructure(doyoubelongtothelower,middleorupperclasses?),whilehavingaquiteinfalliblesenseofclass.Whilethey cannotthematizeandobjectifytheirposition,theirwholeattitudetowardstheinterviewerisgovernedbyasenseofsocialdistancewhichsaysexactlywheretheyare andwheretheinterviewerisandwhatisthesocialrelationbetweenthem.

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Anexamplecomestomind:anAmericansociologisthaspointedoutthatthelikelihoodoftalkingpoliticstosomeoneriseswiththeproximityofthatperson'spolitical opinionstoyourown.Howdopeopleknowthatthosetheyaregoingtotalkpoliticstohavethesameopinionsasthemselves?It'safineexampleofpracticalsense. TherearesomesuperbanalysesbyGoffmanofmeetingsbetweenstrangersandtheworkpeopledotodiagnosewhattheycanandcan'tsay,howfartheycango, andsoon.Ifindoubt,theycanalwaystalkabouttheweather,theleastcontroversialsubjectofall. Thesociologistisdealingwithpeoplewhoknowbetterthanhedoes,inthepracticalmode,whathewantstoknow.Whetherthesubjectisthebossesorthesub proletariat,hehastobringtoanexplicitlevelthingsthathisrespondentsknowperfectlybutinanothermode,that'stosaywithoutreallyknowingthem.Veryoftenhe getsnohelpfromwhatpeoplesayaboutwhattheydoandwhattheyknow.Thesenseofpoliticalorientationcangovernsomepracticalpoliticalchoiceswithoutrising tothelevelofdiscourse,anditwillbedisconcertedanddisarmedbysituationsinwhichananswerisrequiredatthelevelofdiscourse.(That'swhy,exceptin elections,opinionpollshavelowpredictivevalue,becausetheycannotgraspthingsthatarenotlinguisticallyconstituted.)Thismeansthat,contrarytowhatmightbe thought,thosewhoabstain,whodonotanswerorwhoanswerrandomlyeverythingsuggeststhatthelikelihoodofchoosingamultiplechoiceansweratrandom riseswiththerateof'noanswers'ofthecategoryinquestionarenotemptyvesselswhoseheadscanbefilledwithanypolicy(anotherillusionentertainedby intellectuals).Theyarereducedtowhatthemedievaltheologianscalledinawonderfulphrasefidesimplicita,implicitfaith,afaiththatdoesnotrisetothelevelof discoursebutisreducedtoapracticalsense.Howdotheychoose?Theclassesmostdeprivedofthecapacityforopinion,thosewhoarereducedtoimplicitfaith, makechoicesattheseconddegree.Iftheyareasked,'Doyouthinkthereisaconnectionbetweenthisandthat?',theydonotknow,buttheydelegatetoaninstitution oftheirchoice(aparty,aunion...)thetaskofmakingtheirchoicesforthem.AllChurcheslovefidesimplicita.Theideaoffidesimplicitacontainstheideaof entrustingoneself. Politicscanbedescribedbyanalogywithaphenomenonofthemarket:supplyanddemand.Abodyofprofessionalpoliticians,definedastheholdersofthedefacto monopolyoftheproductionofdiscoursesrecognizedaspolitical,producesarangeofdiscoursesthatareofferedtopeopleendowedwithapoliticaltaste,thatis,a veryunequalcapacityfordiscerningbetweenthediscoursesonoffer.Thesediscourseswillbereceived,understood,perceived,selected,chosenandacceptedonthe basisofatechnicalcompetence,andmorepreciselyasystemofclassificationwhoseacuityandfinenessofdiscriminationwillvaryasafunctionofthevariablesthat definesocialcompetence.Itbecomesimpossibletounderstandthespecificallysymboliceffectoftheproductsofferediftheyareseenasdirectlycalledforthbythe demandorinspiredbysomekindof

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trimitspoliciestomeettheneedsofcompetitionwiththeotherparties(recenteventsgivesuchaclearempiricaldemonstrationofthisthatIdon'tneedtoarguethe point)whenalargeproportionofitsclienteleconsistsofpeoplewhohavegivenitablankchequeonceandforall.That'swhatneedstobeborneinmindwhen consideringtheprocessofbureaucratizationofrevolutionaryparties,whetherinFranceorintheSovietUnion.(Onealsoneedstobearinmind,ofcourse,thespecific logicofdelegation,whichtendstodispossess,infavourofprofessionalofficials,thosewhodidnotsurrenderthemselvestotally.)Thismeansthattheironlawof oligarchies,namelythetendencyofpower,evenrevolutionarypower,tobeconcentratedinthehandsofafew,whichtheneoMachiavellianspresentastheinevitable tendencyofpoliticalbureaucracies,isenormouslystrengthenedbythisrelationofimplicitfaith. Thatiswhy,inconclusion,I'dwanttodiscussrapidlythequestionoftheconditionsinwhichthepracticalpoliticalsensecanmovetothelevelofexplicitness.Labov hasshownthatAmericanbluecollarworkershaveastrongresistancetoacculturationasregardspronunciation,because,hesays,theyunconsciouslyidentifytheir classaccentwiththeirvirilityasiftheirclasssensewerelodgedintheirthroats,asifacertainkindoftoughguygutturalspeechwerea(quiteunconscious)refusalof thedominantdiction,adefenceofworkingclassidentitythatcanalsobelocatedinacertainwayofswingingtheshoulders,etc.(Thisalsohasanimportantroleinthe choiceofuniondelegates:CGTdelegateshaveaquitedistinctivemannerandlook,andweknowthatintherelationsbetweencommunistsandultraleftists,bodily indices,shortorlonghair,andstyleofdressplayanimportantpart.) Sothere'sthisclasssense,hiddenawaydeepinthebody,arelationtothebodywhichisarelationtoclass,andthenthereisconsciousnessandclassconsciousness. Thisisoneofthefavouriteareasforpopulistfantasy.Fromtheverybeginning,inMarxhimself,theproblemoftheawakeningofclassconsciousnesshasbeenposed ratherasphilosophersposetheproblemofthetheoryofknowledge.IthinkthatwhatI'vesaidthiseveninghelpstoposetheproblemrathermorerealisticallyinthe formoftheproblemoftheshiftfromthedeepseated,corporealdispositionsinwhichaclassliveswithoutarticulatingitselfassuch,tomodesofexpressionboth verbalandnonverbal(suchasdemonstrations). There'sawholeanalysistobedoneofthewaysinwhichagroupisabletoconstituteitselfasagroup,toconstituteitsidentity,symbolizeitself,tomovefroma populationofworkerstoalabourmovementoraworkingclass.Thistransition,whichpresupposesrepresentationinthesenseofdelegation,butalsointhetheatrical senseofmiseenscne,isaverycomplicatedalchemyinwhichthespecificeffectofthe'discursivesupply',therangeofalreadyexistingdiscoursesandavailable modelsofaction(demos,strikes,etc.),playsanimportantpart.

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directdealingandconsciousbargainingwiththeaudience.WhenajournalistisdescribedasthehackscribbleroftheCatholiclobbyorthelackeyofcapitalism,this assumesthatheconsciouslyseeksadjustmentwiththeexpectationsofhisreadersandaimstosatisfythemdirectly.Infact,analysisofthefieldsofculturalproduction showsthat,whetheramongtheatreandfilmcriticsorpoliticaljournalists,whetherintheintellectualfieldorthereligiousfield,producersproducenot,ornotsomuch aspeoplethink,byreferencetotheiraudience,butbyreferencetotheircompetitors.Butthisisstilltooteleologicaladescriptionandmightsuggestthattheywritewith theconsciousintentionofdistinguishingthemselves.Infact,theyproducemuchmoreasafunctionofthepositiontheyoccupyinacertaincompetitivespace.It'seasy toshow,forexample,thatinthesphereofpolitics,theparties,likethenewspapers,areconstantlydrivenbytwocontrarypressures,onewhichleadsthemtosharpen theirdifferences,evenartificially,inordertodistinguishthemselves,tobeperceptibletopeopleapplyingacertainsystemofclassification(e.g.,ontheright,theRPR andtheUDF),andtheotherwhichleadsthemtoextendtheirappealbyblurringtheirdifferences. So,onthesideofproduction,there'sanarenaofcompetition,whichhasitsautonomouslogic,itsownhistory(itsToursCongress,forexample),1 andthat'svery important,becauseinpoliticsasinart,youcan'tunderstandthelateststrategiesifyoudon'tknowthehistoryofthefield,whichisrelativelyautonomouswithrespect togeneralhistory.Ontheotherside,thatofconsumption,there'sauniverseofclients,whowillperceiveandassesstheproductsofferedthroughcategoriesof perceptionandappreciationthatvaryaccordingtoseveralvariables.Thestateofthedistributionofpoliticalopinionsatagivenmomentisthustheencounterbetween tworelativelyindependenthistories.It'sthemeetingbetweenasupplydevelopednotinresponsetodemandbuttotheconstraintspeculiartoapoliticalspacethathas ahistoryofitsown,andademandwhich,althoughitistheproductofalltheindividualhistoriesinwhichpeople'spoliticaldispositionshavebeenconstituted,is organizedinaccordancewithahomologousstructure. There'sonepointthatI'dliketoreturntorapidly,becauseIraiseditveryelliptically,inawaythatmightleadtoconfusion.It'sthequestionoftherelationshipbetween theparties,especiallytheCommunistParty,and'implicitfaith'.Everythingseemstosuggestthatthegreatertheproportionofitsclienteleapartydrawsfromthat sectoroftheconsumerswhodependonfidesimplicita,thelessconstraineditwillbeandthemoreitshistorywillberelativelyautonomous.Themoredepriveda socialcategoryis(wemighttaketheextremecaseofproductionlineworkerswhoarefemaleasthemajorityareandwholiveintheprovinces,andareilliterate andvirtuallyunqualified),themoreitreliesonitschosenparty,towhomitentrustsitselfabsolutelyinmattersofpolitics.Itfollowsthataparty,situatedintherelatively autonomousspaceoftheparties,willbethatmuchmorefreeto

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Thiscanbeseeninopinionpolls.Whenthemostdeprivedhavetochoosebetweenseveral'preformed'answers,theycanalwayspointtooneofthealready formulatedopinions(whichmaskstheessentialpointhere,thattheywouldnotnecessarilyhavebeenabletoformulateit,especiallyinthetermsthatareused).When theyhavecuesenablingthemtorecognizethe'right'answerorapartylinewhichdesignatesit,theymayevensingleouttheonethatbestcorrespondstotheirdeclared politicalaffiliations.Ifnot,theyarecondemnedtowhatIhavecalledallodoxia,themistakingofoneopinionforanother,justasfromadistanceonetakesoneperson foranother(theequivalentofwhat,inotherareas,leadspeopletotakeGoldenDeliciousforapples,orleatheretteforleather,orStrausswaltzesforclassicalmusic). Theyareendlesslylikelytomakemistakesaboutthequalityoftheproduct,becausetheychoosewithaclasssensewhenwhatisneededisclassconsciousness.A politicianmaybechosenforhis(appealing)lookswhenheshouldbechosenforwhathesays.Theallodoxiaeffectispartlyduetothefactthattheproducersof opinionsunconsciouslymanipulateclasshabitus,throughcommunicationsthataresetupbetweenclassbodieswithoutpassingthroughtheconsciousnessofeitherthe senderorthereceiver.Thusone'classthroat'speakstoanother.WhatIampresentinghereisobviouslyproblematicit'snotatallthelastwordonthesubject,I simplywantedtoshowthattoooftenthesequestionsarepresentedinawaythatisbothtooabstractandtoosimple. Inanycase,andonthisIshallconclude,it'sonlywhenonegivesseriousattentiontothesefactswhicharesoselfevidentthattheypassforinsignificant,thesebanal thingswhichmostofthosewhosetaskinlifeistounderstandandarticulatethesocialworldwouldconsiderunworthyoftheirattention,thatoneisabletoconstruct theoreticalmodelsthatarebothverygeneralandyetnot'empty'.Oneofthese,Ibelieve,wouldbethemodelIhaveputforwardhereoftheproductionand consumptionofpoliticalopinions,whichwouldalsobevalidforotherculturalproducts. Note 1.Thistookplacein1920,whentheFrenchLeftsplitbetweenCommunistsandSocialists[translator]

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20 StrikesandPoliticalAction
Could'strikes'beoneofthose'preconstructed'objectsthatresearchersallowtobefoistedonthem?Firstofall,itisgenerallyagreedthatastrikeonlyhasmeaningif itisresituatedinthefieldoflabourstruggles,theobjectivestructureofpowerrelationsdefinedbythestrugglebetween,ontheonehand,workers(forwhomastrike istheprincipalweapon)andontheother,employers,withapossiblethirdactor(whichmaynotbeone),theState. Onethencomesupagainsttheproblem(directlyposedbythenotionofageneralstrike)ofthedegreeofunificationofthisfield.Iwouldliketogiveitamoregeneral formulationbyreferringtoaarticlebytheAmericaneconomistO.W.Phelps.Contrarytotheclassicaltheorythatconceivesthemarketasaunifiedsetoffree transactions,Phelpsobservesthatthereisnosinglelabourmarketbutratherseverallabourmarkets,whichhavetheirownstructures,bywhichhemeansthe'setof mechanismsthatpermanentlygovernthequestionofthedifferentemploymentfunctionsrecruitment,selection,joballocation,payandwhich,beingbasedonlaw, contract,customornationalpolicy,haveastheirmainfunctiontodeterminetherightsandprivilegesofemployeesandtobringregularityandpredictabilityintolabour managementandeverythingthatconcernslabour'.Isn'tthehistoricaltendencytowardsagradualshiftfromlocallabourmarkets(inotherwords,fieldsofstruggle)toa moreintegratedlabourmarket,inwhichlocalconflictsaremorelikelytotriggeroffbroaderconflicts? Whatarethefactorsofunification?Wecandistinguisheconomicfactorsandspecifically'political'factors,namelytheexistenceofanapparatusformobilizationthe tradeunions.Ithasconstantlybeenassumedherethatthereisarelationshipbetweentheunificationoftheeconomicmechanismsandtheunificationofthefieldof struggleandalsoarelationshipbetweentheunificationoftheapparatusofstruggleandtheunificationofthefieldofstruggle.Infact,thereiseveryreasontothinkthat the'nationalization'oftheeconomyfavoursthedevelopmentofnationalapparatusesthatareincreasinglyautonomouswithrespecttotheirlocalbase,adevelopment whichfavoursthegeneralizationoflocalconflicts.Towhatextentisthererelativeautonomyofthepoliticalagentsofstruggleandtowhatextentistheunificationtobe ascribedtotheunifyingactionoftheunions?Doesn't
ConcludingremarksmadeatasymposiumonEuropeansocialhistory,organizedbytheMaisondesSciencesdel'Homme,Paris,23May1975

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thefactthateverystrikethatbreaksoutcanbecomegeneralized(obviouslywithvaryingsuccessdependingontheeconomicsector,whichmaybemoreorless strategicorsymbolic)inclineustooverestimatetheobjectiveunificationofthisfield?Itmightbethatthisunificationismuchmorevoluntaristic,muchmore attributabletotheorganizationsthantoobjectivesolidarities.Oneofthemajorproblemsofthefuturecouldwellbethemismatchbetweenthenationalcharacterof unionorganizationsandtheinternationalcharacteroffirmsandtheeconomy. But,withrespecttoeachstateofthefield,itispossibletoaskhowcloseditis,andtoconsider,forexample,whethertherealcentreoftheexistenceoftheworking classisinthefieldoroutsidethefield.Theproblemarises,forexample,inthecaseofaworkingclassworldthatisstillstronglylinkedtothepeasantworld,towhich itreturnsorinwhichitplacesitsincomeor,afortiori,inthecaseofaforeignsubproletariat,asinEuropetoday.Bycontrast,thewholeworkingclasspopulation maybesharplyseparatedfromtheexternalworldandhaveallitsinterestsinthefieldofstruggle.Andagain,variationscanbefounddependingonwhetherthat separationhasoccurredwithinthatgenerationoroverseveralgenerations. Seniorityinentryintothefieldmeasuresthedurationofwhatmightbecalledtheprocessof'operativization'or'factoryization'(ifyouwillacceptthatbarbarous concept,forgedalongthelinesofthenotionof'asylumization'devisedbyGoffmantorefertotheprocesswherebypeopleinprisons,barracksandall'totalinstitutions' progressivelyadapttotheinstitutionand,inaway,cometotermswithit).Bythat,Imeantheprocessthroughwhichworkersappropriatetheirfirmandare appropriatedbyit,appropriatetheirmachineryandareappropriatedbyit,appropriatetheirworkingclasstraditionsandareappropriatedbythem,appropriatetheir unionandareappropriatedbyit,andsoon.Severalaspectscanbedistinguishedwithinthisprocess.Thefirst,entirelynegative,consistsintheabandonmentof externalinterests.Theseinterestsorstakesmaybeentirelyreal:onethinksofemigrantworkerswhosendtheirmoneyhometotheirfamilies,buylandorfarm equipmentorshopsbackhome.Ortheymaybeimaginarybutnolesspotent:thisisthecasewithemigrantworkerswho,thoughhavinglostallrealhopeofreturning home,remainintransitandsoneverbecomecompletely'operativized'. Next,whateverthestateoftheirexternallinkages,workersmayidentifywiththeirpositioninthefieldofstruggle,totallyembracetheinterestsassociatedwithit, withoutchangingtheirdeeprooteddispositions.Thus,asEricHobsbawmpointsout,peasantswhohaveonlyrecentlyenteredindustriallabourmayengagein revolutionarystruggleswithoutlosinganythingoftheirpeasantdispositions. Atanotherstageintheprocess,theirdeeprooteddispositionsmaybemodifiedbytheobjectivelawsoftheindustrialmilieutheymaylearnrulesofbehaviourthat theyhavetoobserveinordertobeaccepted(asregardsrateofwork,orsolidarity,forexample)theymayespousecollectivevalues

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(suchasrespectforthemachineswithwhichtheywork),oragain,takeonthecollectivehistoryofthegroup,itstraditions,especiallyofstruggle,andsoon. Finally,theymaybeintegratedintotheworldoforganizedlabour,losingintherealmofwhatmightbecalled'primary'revolttheoftenviolentandunorganized revoltofpeasantssuddenlycastintotheindustrialworldandgainingintherealmof'secondary',organizedrevolt.Doestradeunionismwidenornarrowtherangeof demands?Thatisaquestionwhichthislineofthinkingleadsto. Tillyhasemphasizedtheneedtoconsiderthesystemofagentsinvolvedinstruggleemployers,workers,theStateasawhole.Theproblemofrelationswiththe otherclassesisaveryimportantelementwhichHaimsonalludedtowhendescribingtheambivalenceofsomefractionsoftheworkingclasstowardsthebourgeoisie. Thisiswherethelocal/nationaloppositiontakesonitsfullmeaning.TheobjectiverelationsthataredescribedintheformofthetriademployersworkersState'take verydifferentconcreteformsdependingonthesizeofthefirm,butalsodependingonthesocialenvironmentoftheworkinglife:youdoordon'tseetheboss,youdo ordon'tseehisdaughtergoingtochurch,youdoordon'tseehowhelives,andsoon.Waysoflifeareoneoftheconcretemediationsbetweentheobjectivestructure ofthelabourmarketandmentalstructure,andconsequentlytheexperiencepeoplecanhaveofthestruggle,etc.Theobjectiverelationsthatdefinethefieldofstruggle areapprehendedinalltheconcreteinteractionsandnotonlyintheworkplace(andthatisoneofthebasesofpaternalism).Thosearethetermsinwhichonehasto trytounderstandthat,asHaimsonsuggests,thecityseemsmorefavourabletoworkingclassconsciousness,whereas,inasmall,entirelyworkingclasstown,the growthofclassconsciousnessislessrapidbutmoreradical.Theclassstructureasitisperceivedatlocallevelseemstobeanimportantmediationinunderstandingthe strategiesoftheworkingclass. Wenowhavetoaskhow,ineachcase,thisfieldofstrugglesfunctions.Therearesomestructuralinvariantsandwecanconstructaveryabstract'model'ofthemin ordertoanalysethevariants.Afirstquestion,posedbyTilly,iswhethertherearetwoorthreepositions:doestheStatesimplyduplicatetheemployers?Tillytriesto showthatinthecaseofFrance,theStateisarealagent.Isitarealagentoraeuphemized,legitimizedexpressionoftherelationshipbetweenemployersandworkers (whichexistsatleastinsofarasithastheappearanceofreality)?Thisisaquestionraisedbycomparisonbetweentheworkers'strugglesinRussiabetween1905and 1917andinFranceundertheThirdRepublic(wemightalsothinkofthecaseofSweden:whatistheparticularformtakenbythestrugglewhentheStateisstrongly controlledbythetradeunions?).WewouldneedamodelofallthepossibleformsoftherelationshipbetweentheStateandtheemployers(withoutexcludingthe Sovietmodel)inordertoseetheformthattheworkers'struggletakesineachcase.

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Thereisafundamentalquestionthathasnotbeenfullybroughtout:whenwetalkabouttherelationshipbetweentheState,theemployersandtheworkers,itisnot entirelylegitimatetocontrasttheobjectiverealityofthisrelationship(aretheStateandtheemployersinterdependentornotaretheyalliesordoestheStatehavean umpiringrole?)withthesubjectiverealityfromthepointofviewoftheworkingclass(classconsciousnessorfalseconsciousness).ThefactthattheStateisseenas autonomous('ourState','ourRepublic')isanobjectivefactor.InthecaseofFranceespeciallyatcertaintimesandincertaincircumstancestheStateisseenbythe workingclassasindependent,asareferee.AndtheStatecanbeorseemtobeareferee,insofarasitactstomaintainorder(oftenagainsttherulingclass,which,in blinddefenceofitsshortterminterests,wouldotherwisecutoffthebranchonwhichitsits).Inotherwords,whenwetalkabouttheState,arewetalkingaboutits materialforce(army,police,etc.)oritssymbolicforce,whichmayconsistintherecognitionoftheStateimpliedinmisrecognitionoftherealroleoftheState? Legitimacymeansmisrecognition,andwhatarecalledlegitimateformsofstruggle(astrikeislegitimate,sabotageisnot)representadominantdefinitionwhichisnot perceivedassuch,whichisrecognizedbythedominatedgroupstotheextentthattheinterestthatthedominantgroupshaveinthatdefinitionismisrecognized. Weneedtobringintoadescriptionofthefieldofconflictsagencieswhichhavenotsofarbeenmentioned,suchastheeducationalsystem,whichhelpstoinculcate, amongotherthings,ameritocraticvisionofthedistributionofhierarchicalpositions,throughthematchingofqualificationstojobsornationalservice,whichplaysa keyroleinpreparingfor'operativization'.Perhapsoneshouldaddthelegalsystem,whichfixesateverymomenttheestablishedstateofpowerrelations,thushelping tomaintainthemorthesocialservices,whichnowplayacentralrole,andalltheotherinstitutionsresponsibleforthesoftformsofviolence.Theidea,inculcatedby theeducationalsystem,thatpeoplehavethejobstheydeserveonthebasisoftheireducationandtheirqualificationsplaysadecisiveroleinimposinghierarchiesat workandoutsidework.Toregardeducationalqualificationsasthetitlesofnobilityofoursocietyisnowildanalogy.Theyhaveacrucialroleinthisprocessof inculcatingasenseofproprietyintoclassrelations.Alongsidethetendentiallawoftheunificationofstruggles,thereisashiftfromformsofroughviolencetoformsof soft,symbolicviolence. Asecondquestion:inthisstruggle,howarethelegitimatestakesandmeans,thatis,whatitislegitimatetofightforandthemeansthatitislegitimatetouse,defined? Thereisstruggleoverthestakesandmeansofstruggle,notonlybetweenthedominantandthedominated,butalsoamongthedominatedthemselves.Oneofthe subtletiesofthepowerrelationsbetweenthedominantandthedominatedisthat,inthisstruggle,thedominantmayexploitthestruggleamongthedominatedoverthe

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legitimatemeansandends(forexample,theoppositionbetweenquantitativeandqualitativedemands,ortheoppositionbetweeneconomicandpoliticalstrikes). There'sawholesocialhistorytobedoneofthediscussionaboutlegitimateclassstruggle:whatisitlegitimatetodotoaboss,andsoon?Thisquestionwasreposed inpracticewhenworkersstartedlockingbossesintheirofficesafterMay1968:whyaretheseactsagainstthepersonofthebossregardedasscandalous?Itmightbe wonderedifeveryrecognitionoflimitstostruggle,everyrecognitionoftheillegitimacyofcertainmeansorcertainends,doesnotweakenthestruggleofthe dominated,doesnotweakenthedominated.Economism,forexample,isastrategyofthedominant:itconsistsinsayingthatthelegitimatedemandofthedominatedis wagesandnothingelse.Onthatpoint,IreferyoubacktoeverythingthatTillysaidabouttheFrenchemployer'sextraordinaryinterestinhisauthority,aboutthefact thathemaygivewayonwagesbutwillrefusetotreatthedominatedasacceptablepartnersindialogueandcommunicateswiththemthroughpostersonnotice boards,etc. Whatisthedefinitionofalegitimatedemand?Itisessentialhere,asMichlePerrotpointedout,toconsiderthestructureofthesystemofdemandsand,asTillysaid, thestructureofthemeansofstruggle.Youcannotstudyademandsuchasawageclaimindependentlyofthesystemofotherclaims(workingconditionsandsoon). Similarly,youcannotstudyameansofstruggle,suchasastrike,independentlyofthesystemoftheothermeansofstruggle,ifonlytonote,insomecases,thattheyare notused.Thefactofthinkingstructurallybringsouttheimportanceofabsences. Itseemsthatateverymomentinworkers'struggles,threelevelscanbedistinguished:first,thereisan'unthought'aspectofthestruggle(whatis'takenforgranted',the doxa),andoneoftheeffectsof'operativization'isthattherearethingsthatnoonethinksofdisputinganddemandingbecausetheydonotcometomindorarenot 'reasonable':secondly,thereiswhatisunthinkable,whatisexplicitlycondemned('whatweknowthebosseswillnotgivewayon'sackingaforeman,talkingwitha workers'delegate,etc.)and,atathirdlevel,thereistheclaimable,thedemandable,thelegitimateobjectofdemands. Thesameanalysesarevalidforthedefinitionofthelegitimatemeans(strikes,sabotage,confinementofmanagers,etc.).Theunionsareresponsiblefordefiningthe 'right','correct'strategy.Doesthatmeanthemosteffectivestrategyinabsolutetermswithnoholdsbarredortheonethatismosteffectivebecauseitisthemost 'appropriate'inasocialcontextimplyingaparticulardefinitionofthelegitimateandtheillegitimate?Inthecollectiveproductionofthisdefinitionoflegitimateends andmeans,ofwhat,forexample,constitutesa'fair'and'reasonable'strikeora'wildcatstrike',journalistsandalltheprofessionalanalysts('politicalscientists')often infactthesamepeoplenowplayadecisiveroleinthiscontext,thedistinctionbetweenpoliticalstrikesandnonpolitical(i.e.purely

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economic)strikesisapoliticallymotivatedonethatsciencecannottakeoverwithimpunity.Thereisapoliticalmanipulationofthedefinitionofthepolitical.The questionofwhatisatstakeinthestruggleispartofwhatisatstakeinthestruggle:ateverymomentthereisastruggletosayifitis'appropriate'ornottofight onthisorthatpoint.Thatisoneofthechannelsthroughwhichsymbolicviolenceisexercised,assoft,disguisedviolence.Weneedananalysisofthe'Geneva conventions'ofsocialconflict,thatis,thewholesetofnorms,clearlyvaryinggreatlyfromperiodtoperiodandsocietytosociety,whichimposethemselvesonthe dominatedatagivenpointintimeandwhichobligetheworkerstosetlimitstotheiractionoutofasortofconcernforrespectability,whichleadstoacceptanceofthe dominantdefinitionofacceptablestruggle(forexample,theconcernnottoinconveniencethepublicbyastrike).Itwouldbeinterestingtomakeasystematic collectionofalltheremindersoftheseconventionsandalsotoseeallthemechanismswhichworkinthatdirection,includinglinguisticcensorship. Thirdquestion:whatfactorsdeterminethestrengthofthedifferentsidesinastrike?Wemaypositthattheirstrategieswilldependateverymoment,inpartatleast,on thestrengththeyobjectivelywieldinthepowerrelations(thestructure),thatis,onthestrengththeyhaveacquiredandaccumulatedthroughpreviousstruggles(the history).Thisistotheextentthatthesepowerrelationsarecorrectlyperceivedandappreciatedonthebasisoftheinstrumentsofperception(whethertheoreticalor groundedintheexperienceofpreviousstruggles)thatareavailabletotheagents. Inthecaseoftheworkers,thestrikeisthemaininstrumentofstruggle,becauseoneofthefewweaponstheyhaveispreciselythewithdrawaloflabour,eithertotal (secessionorstrike)orpartial(agoslow).Itwouldbeinterestingtodeterminethecostsandbenefitsofthesedifferentformsofwithdrawalforthetwosides,andso toprovidethemeansofanalysinghow,onthebasisofthissystemofcostsandbenefits,thesystemofstrategiesthatTillyreferstowillbeorganized.Oneillustrationof thepropositionthatstrategiesdependonthestateofthepowerrelationscanbefoundinthedialecticdescribedbyMontgommery,withreferencetothebeginningsof TaylorismintheUS:unionization,whichincreasestheworkers'strength,leadstolowerproductivitytowhichtheemployersrespondwithTaylorizationandawhole setofnewmanagementtechniques(theoriginsofAmericansociologyoflabour). Anotherweaponavailabletotheworkersistheirphysicalstrength(which,togetherwithweapons,isacomponentoffightingstrength).Intermsofthatlogiconewould havetoanalysethevaluesofmasculinityandcombativeness(whichareoneofthewaysinwhichtheArmymayensnaretheworkingclassesbyexaltingthemale virtues,machismo,physicalstrength).Butthereisalsosymbolicviolenceand,inthatrespect,thestrikeisaparticularlyinterestinginstrument:itisaninstrumentofreal violencethathassymboliceffectsthroughthedemonstrationandaffirmationofthe

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cohesionofthegroup,thecollectivebreakwiththeeverydayorderthatitproduces,andsoon. Thedistinctivefeatureoftheworkers'strategiesisthattheyareeffectiveonlyiftheyarecollective,andthereforeconsciousandmethodical,thatis,mediatedbyan organizationdesignedtodefinetheobjectivesandorganizethestruggle.Thatwouldbesufficienttoexplainwhytheworkingclassconditiontendstofavour collectivist(asopposedtoindividualist)dispositions,iftherewerenotawholesetoffactors,constitutiveoftheirconditionsofexistence,actinginthesamedirection therisksoftheworkandtheuncertaintiesofthewholeofexistence,whichimposesolidarityexperienceoftheinterchangeabilityoftheworkers(reinforcedbythe strategiesofdeskilling)andofsubmissiontotheverdictofthelabourmarket,whichtendstoexcludetheideaofthe'fairprice'oflabour(anideasostrongamong craftsmenandmembersoftheindependentprofessions).(Anotherdifferencebetweentheworkerandthecraftsmanisthattheworkerislesslikelytomystifyhimself andtofindhissymbolicgratificationsintheideathathisworkisworthmorethanitspriceandthathetherebyestablishesarelationshipofnonmonetaryexchangewith hisclientele.)Theabsenceofanyideaof'career'(withsenioritysometimesplayinganegativerole)alsointroducesafundamentaldifferencebetweenmanualworkers andwhitecollaremployees,whomayinvestinindividualcompetitionforpromotionwhattheworkersdespitethehierarchieswithintheworkingclassitselfcan onlyinvestincollectivestruggle.Thefactthatmanualworkerscanasserttheirstrengthandvalueonlycollectivelystructurestheirwholeworldviewandmarksa importantseparationfromthepetitebourgeoisie.Inthisrespect,onewouldneedtoanalysethe'economicmorality'oftheworkingclassasE.P.Thompsonhasfor thepreindustrialperiodanddeterminetheprinciplesofevaluationofthepriceoflabour(relationshipoflabourtimetowagecomparisonofwagesassignedto equivalentworkrelationshipofneedsfamilytowages,etc.). Itfollowsfromthisthatthestrengthofthesellersoflabourpowerdependsfundamentallyonthemobilizationandorganizationofthemobilizedgroup,and consequently,tosomeextentatleast,ontheexistenceofa(tradeunion)apparatuscapableoffulfillingthefunctionsofexpression,mobilization,organizationand representation. Butthatraisesaproblemwhichsociologistshaveneverreallythoughtthroughthatofthenatureofgroupsandthemodesofaggregation.Thereisafirstmodeof aggregationwhichistheadditiveorrecurrentgroup(1+1+1...).Thedominantstrategiesalwaystendtoensurethatthereisnotagroupbutaseriesof individuals(inthenineteenthcentury,thebossessoughttodealwiththeworkersindividually,onebyone)theopinionpollorsecretballotisalwaysinvokedagainst theshowofhandsanddelegation.Likewise,bonussystemsandmanyothersystemsofremunerationaresomanydivisivestrategies,inotherwordsdepoliticizing strategies(thisisone

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ofthebasesofthebourgeoishorrorofthecollectiveandtheexaltationoftheindividual). Thesecondmodeiscollectivemobilization.Thisisthegroupassemblingphysicallyinthesameplaceandmanifestingitsstrengthbyitsnumber(hencethe importanceofthedisputeovernumbersthepolicealwayssaytherewere10,000demonstratorsandtheunions20,000). Finally,thereisdelegation:thewordsoftheunionrepresentativespeakingforperhapshalfamillionpeople(thesecondandthirdmodesarenotmutuallyexclusive). Weneedacomparativesociologyandhistoryofthemodesandproceduresofdelegation(forexample,itisoftensaidthattheFrenchtraditionfavoursthemass meeting),themodesofdesignationofdelegatesandthecharacteristicsofdelegates(forexample,theCGTdelegatetendstobeasolidlybuilt,seriousminded, respectablefamilymanwithamoustache,withmanyyears'serviceinthefirmbehindhim,etc.).Finally,wewouldneedtoconsiderthenatureofthedelegation: whatdoesitmeantodelegatetosomeoneapowertoexpress,represent,mobilizeandorganize?Whatisthenatureoftheopinionproducedbyproxy?Justwhatis thisdelegationofthepowertoproduceopinionsthatsooffendsbourgeoissensibilities,whicharesoattachedtowhattheycall'personalopinion',an'authenticity' whichweknowissimplythemisrecognizedproductofthesamemechanisms? Whatdodelegatesdo?Dotheyopenorclosetherangeofdemands?Whatdoestheexpressivecapacityofaspokesmanconsistin?There'sapainandthenthere'sa languagetonameit(onethinksofthepatientdoctorrelationship).Thelanguagegivesthemeansofexpressingthepain,butatthesametimeitclosesofftherangeof demandsthatcouldspringfromageneralizeddiscomfortitmakesthesicknessexist,makesitpossibletoappropriateitbyconstitutingitobjectively,butatthesame timeitdispossesses('Iusedtofeelbadallover,butnowIknowit'smyliver','itusedtobethewholejob,theworkingconditions,thatmademefeelsick,butnowI knowthepain'sinmypay').Thenotionoftheawakeningofconsciousnessmaybedefinedinmaximalistorminimalistterms:isitaquestionofsufficientconsciousness tobeabletothinkandexpressthesituation(theproblemofthedispossessionandreappropriationofthemeansofexpression)andtoorganizeanddirectthestruggle, ormerelyofsufficientconsciousnesstodelegatethesefunctionstoapparatusescapableoffulfillingtheminthebestinterestsofthedelegators(fidesimplicita)? Infact,thiswayofposingtheproblemistypicallyintellectualist:it'stheapproachthatcomesmostnaturallytointellectualsandalsotheonethatmostconformstothe interestsofintellectuals,sinceitmakesthemtheindispensablemediationbetweentheproletariatanditsrevolutionarytruth.Infact,asThompsonhasoftenshown, classconsciousnessandrevoltcanspringfromprocessesthathavenothingtodowiththekindofrevolutionarycogitothatintellectualsimagine(itmaybe,for example,indignationandrevoltarousedbybloodshed).

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Thefactremainsthatthemobilizationoftheworkingclassislinkedtotheexistenceofasymbolicapparatusfortheproductionofinstrumentsofperceptionand expressionofthesocialworldandlabourstrugglesallthemoresosincethedominantclassconstantlytendstoproduceandimposedemobilizingmodelsof perceptionandexpression(forexample,nowadaystheadversariesinlabourstrugglesaredescribedas'socialpartners').Ifoneaccepts,assometextsbyMarx suggest,thatlanguagecanbeidentifiedwithconsciousness,thenraisingthequestionofclassconsciousnessamountstoaskingwhatapparatusofperceptionand expressiontheworkingclasshasinordertounderstandandspeakofitscondition.Acomparativehistoryofthevocabulariesofstrugglewouldbeveryimportantin thisrespect:whatarethewordsused(wordsfor'employers'and'managers',forexample),andtheeuphemisms(e.g.'socialpartners').Howaretheseeuphemisms producedanddiffused(forexample,weknowthattheFrenchplanningcommissionshaveplayedamajorroleinproducingtheseeuphemismsandawholecollective discoursewhichthedominatedtakeovervirtuallylock,stockandbarrel)? Asregardstheemployers,onewouldneedtoanalyse,amongotherthings,theirrepresentationofthelabourstruggleandwhatisatstakeinit(whichisnotsolely economicbutmaycallintoquestiontheimagethatmanagementhasofitsauthorityanditsrole),andtheirrelationshipwiththeState,whichmayinsomecasesdefend theirinterestsagainstthemselves(oratleasttheinterestsoftheirclassasawhole,attheexpenseofthemostreactionarypartoftheclass),etc. Havingestablishedthesystemofdeterminantfactorsofthestructureofpowerrelations,onewouldfinallyneedtoestablishthefactorstendingtoreinforceorweaken theactionofthosefactors.Thesemightinclude:theeconomicsituationoftheday,andinparticularthedegreeoftensionofthelabourmarketthepoliticalsituation andtheintensityofrepressiontheexperienceofpreviousstruggleswhich,inthedominantclass,favoursdevelopmentofmethodsofmanipulationandtheartof concessions,and,inthedominatedclass,masteryoftheproletarianmethodsofstruggle(withacorrespondingtendencytowardstheritualizationofstrategies)the degreeofhomogeneityorheterogeneityoftheworkingclassworkingconditions,etc.Ineachhistoricalsituation,itisthewholesetoffactors(whichareinanycase notallindependent)whichvaries,sodefiningthepowerrelationshipand,consequently,thestrategiesaimedattransformingit.

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21 TheRacismof'Intelligence'
ThefirstpointIwouldmakeisthatthereisnosingleracism,thereareracismsintheplural.Thereareasmanyracismsastherearegroupswhoneedtojustify themselvesinexistingastheyexistthisistheinvariantfunctionofallracisms. Itseemstomeveryimportanttobringanalysistobearontheformsofracismthatarethemostsubtle,themostreadilymisrecognizable,andthereforetheleastoften denounced,perhapsbecausethosewhoordinarilydenounceracismpossesssomeofthepropertiesconducivetothisformofracism.IamthinkingofIQracism,the racismofintelligence.IQracismisaracismofthedominantclassthatdiffersinahostofwaysfromwhatisgenerallycalledracism,that'stosaythepetitbourgeois racismwhichisthecentraltargetofmostclassiccritiquesofracism,includingthemostvigorousofthem,suchasthatbySartre. Thisracismischaracteristicofadominantclasswhosereproductiondependstoalargeextentonthetransmissionofculturalcapital,aninheritedcapitalthathasthe propertyofbeinganembodied,andthereforeapparentlynatural,innate,capital.Theracismofintelligenceisthemeansthroughwhichthemembersofthedominant classaimtoproducea'theodicyoftheirownprivilege',asWeberputsit,inotherwordsajustificationofthesocialorderthattheydominate.Itiswhatcausesthe dominantclasstofeeljustifiedinbeingdominant:theyfeelthemselvestobeessentiallysuperior.Everyracismisanessentialism,andtheracismofintelligenceisthe formofsociodicycharacteristicofadominantclasswhosepowerispartlybasedonpossessionof'titles'which,likeeducationalqualifications,arepresumedtobe guaranteesofintelligence,andwhich,inmanysocieties,evenforaccesstopositionsofeconomicpower,havetakentheplaceofearliertitlessuchastitlesofproperty andofnobility. Thisracismderivessomeofitspropertiesfromthefactthatcensorshipofthecrudestandmostbrutalformsofracismhasbecomestronger,sothattheracistimpulse canonlybeexpressedinhighlyeuphemizedforms,maskedbydenial(inthepsychoanalyticsense).TheGRECE1 usesalanguageinwhichitexpressesracismbutin suchawaythatitdoesnotexpressit.Whenbroughtinthiswaytoahighdegreeofeuphemization,
TalkgivenataColloquiumoftheMRAP,UNESCO,May1978,publishedinCahiersDroitetlibert(Races.socitsetaptitudes:apportsetlimitesdelascience),382,1978:67 71

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racismbecomesvirtuallymisrecognizable.Thenewracistsarefacedwithaproblemofoptimization:eithertheyincreasetheovertracistcontentoftheirdiscourse(for example,bycomingoutinfavourofeugenics),attheriskofshockingtheaudienceandlosingincommunicability,transmissibility,ortheydecidetosayless,inahighly euphemizedform,conformingtothenormsoftheprevailingcensorship(bytalkingaboutgeneticsorecology,forexample),andsoincreasethechanceof'gettingthe messageacross'byslippingitthroughunnoticed. Themostwidespreadformofeuphemizationnowadaysisobviouslytheapparentscientificizationoflanguage.IfscientificdiscourseisinvokedtojustifyIQracism,that isnotonlybecausesciencerepresentsthedominantformoflegitimatediscourse,butalso,andmoreimportantly,becauseapowerthatbelievesitselftobebasedon science,atechnocratictypeofpower,naturallyaskssciencetobethebasisofpowerbecauseintelligenceiswhatgivestherighttogovernwhengovernmentclaimsto bebasedonscienceandonthe'scientific'competenceofthosewhogovern(I'mthinkingoftheroleofthesciencesineducationalselection,wheremathematicshas becomethemeasureofallintelligence).Scienceisboundupwithwhatitisaskedtojustify. Havingsaidthat,Ithinkoneshouldpurelyandsimplyrefusetoaccepttheproblemofthebiologicalorsocialfoundationsof'intelligence',inwhichpsychologistshave allowedthemselvestobetrapped.Ratherthantryingtodecidethequestionscientifically,oneshouldtotrytolookscientificallyatthequestionitselfandtryto analysethesocialconditionsoftheemergenceofthiskindofenquiryandoftheclassracismtowhichitpointstheway.Infact,theargumentsoftheGRECEare simplytheextremeformoftheargumentsthathavecomeformanyyearsfromsomegrandecolealumniassociationsitisthelanguageof'leaders'whofeel themselvestobelegitimizedby'intelligence'andwhodominateasocietyfoundedondiscriminationbasedon'intelligence',thatis,foundedonwhattheeducational systemmeasuresundertheterm'intelligence'.Intelligenceiswhatismeasuredbyintelligencetests,thatis,whattheeducationalsystemmeasures.Thatisallthereisto besaidinadebatewhichcannotbedecidedsolongasoneremainsontheterrainofpsychology,becausepsychologyitself(orIQtesting,atleast)istheproductof thesocialdeterminationswhicharethesourceofIQracism,thekindofracismspecificto'lites'whosepositionisboundupwitheducationalsuccess,adominant classderivingitslegitimacyfromeducationalclassification. Educationalclassificationisaeuphemizedversionofsocialclassification,asocialclassificationthathasbecomenaturalandabsolute,havingbeencensoredand alchemicallytransmutedinsuchawaythatclassdifferencesturnintodifferencesof'intelligence','talent',andthereforedifferencesofnature.Religionswereneverso successful.Ineducationalclassification,asocialdiscriminationislegitimizedandgiventhesanctionofscience.Andthereweagainfindpsychologyandthe reinforcementithas

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broughtfromtheverybeginningtothefunctioningoftheeducationalsystem.TheinventionofintelligencetestsliketheBinetSimontestislinkedtothearrivalinthe educationalsystem,duetocompulsoryschooling,ofpupilsthatthesystemcouldnotcopewith,becausetheywerenot'predisposed','gifted',thatis,endowedbytheir homebackgroundwiththepredispositionsassumedbytheordinaryfunctioningoftheschoolsystemculturalcapitalandapositiveattitudetowardsacademic rewardsandpunishments.Testswhichmeasurethesocialpredispositionrequiredbytheschoolhencetheircapacitytopredictscholasticsuccessareaperfect instrumentforlegitimizinginadvancetheacademicverdictswhichinturnlegitimizethetests. WhynowthisnewupsurgeofIQracism?Perhapsagoodnumberofteachersandintellectualswhohavebeenhitheadonbythecrisisoftheeducationalsystem aremoreinclinedtoexpressortoleratetheexpressioninthecrudestformsofwhatwaspreviouslyadiscreethightablelitism.Butwealsoneedtoaskwhythe impulsethatleadstoIQracismhasalsoincreased.Ithinkit'slargelyduetothefactthatfairlyrecentlytheeducationalsystemfounditselfconfrontedwithalmost unprecedentedproblemsduetothearrivalofpeoplewholackedthesociallyconstituteddispositionsthatittacitlydemands.Aboveall,thesewerepeoplewho,by theirnumber,devaluedacademicqualificationsandevendevaluedthepoststheywouldoccupythankstothosequalifications.Hencethedream(alreadyarealityin somedisciplines,likemedicine)ofthenumerusclausus.Allracismsresembleoneanother.Thenumerusclaususisakindofprotectionistmeasure,analogousto immigrationrestrictions,ariposteto'overcrowding'provokedbythefearofbeing'overwhelmed'byinvadinghordes. Oneisalwaysreadytostigmatizethestigmatizer,todenouncetheelementary,'vulgar'racismofpetitbourgeoisresentment.Butthat'stooeasy.Wemustturnthe tablesandaskwhatcontributionintellectualsmaketoIQracism.Weshouldstudytherolethatdoctorsplayinthemedicalizing,thatis,thenaturalizing,ofsocial differences,socialstigmata,andtheroleofpsychologists,psychiatristsandpsychoanalystsinproducingeuphemismsthatmakeitpossibletorefertothechildrenof subproletariansorimmigrantsinsuchawaythatsocialcasesbecomepsychologicalcases,andsocialdeficienciesmentaldeficiencies,etc.Inotherwords,weneedto analysealltheformsofseconddegreelegitimationwhichreinforceeducationallegitimationaslegitimatediscrimination,notforgettingwouldbescientificarguments, psychologicaldiscourse,andtheveryremarkswemakeourselves. Note 1.Agroupofrightwingintellectualspurportingtoresearchon'Europeancivilization'.flourishinginthe1980s[translator].

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FurtherReading Forfurtherdiscussion,seeBourdieu,P.(1978)TheInheritors:FrenchStudentsandTheirRelationtoCulture,ChicagoandLondon:ChicagoUniversityPress, 7797.