Professional Documents
Culture Documents
To cite this article: Sylvie Fogiel-Bijaoui (2002) Familism, postmodernity and the state:
the case of Israel, Journal of Israeli History: Politics, Society, Culture, 21:1-2, 38-62, DOI:
10.1080/13531040212331295852
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211-2jih08.qxd 8/8/03 10:36 Page 38
Sylvie Fogiel-Bijaoui
European
Union1 5.1 1.8 1.4 24
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Notes:
* Number of marriage certificates issued per 1,000 persons by a recognized official licensing
authority.
** Number of legal divorce certificates issued per 1,000 persons.
*** Number of children a woman is expected to bear in her lifetime.
**** Births to never-married women per 100 live births.
1 The 15 countries of the European Union are: Austria, Belgium, Britain, Denmark,
Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Holland, Ireland, Italy, Luxemburg, Portugal, Spain,
Sweden.
Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, Shnaton statisti le-Yisrael (Annual Statistical Abstract of
Israel) (hereafter CBS), No. 51 (2000), Tables 3.1, 3.12, 3.16; Eurostat Yearbook, 19981999,
pp. 84, 86, 88.
TABLE 2
FAMILISM IN ISRAELS ETHNO -RELIGIOUS GROUPS,
DEMOGRAPHIC INDICATORS, 198599
Note: * 1985 was the year in which the first National Unity Government instituted the neoliberal
economic policy that still characterizes the Israeli economy.
Source: CBS, No. 37 (1986), Tables C.1, C.3; CBS, No. 51 (2000), Tables 3.1, 3.12.
have high rates of marriage and low rates of divorce, accompanied, however,
by a consistent decline in fertility since the 1970s. They are the only ethno-
religious group in Israel to have seen such a decline. In addition, the average
age at first marriage among Arab women has remained more or less stable
since the 1970s, while among the Jews there has been a gradual, moderate rise.
In 1998, the average age at first marriage among Christian women was 23.7;
among Muslim women, 21.6; among Druze women, 21.2; and among Jewish
women, 25.5. Among men, the average age at first marriage in that year was
29.3 for Christians; 26.3 for Muslims; 25.9 for Druze; and 28.5 for Jews.
Moreover, the average difference between the mean age of the bride and
groom among Israeli Palestinians has remained more or less stable, while the
average difference among the Jews has somewhat decreased over the years.17
How can one explain the strength of familism in Israel in comparison to
other post-industrial societies? How can one account for the different
dimensions of familism among the different ethno-religious communities?
211-2jih08.qxd 8/8/03 10:36 Page 43
to matters of personal status. This means that, with certain exceptions, Israeli
law does not contain civil mechanisms for marriage and divorce.19 In this
section, I analyze the implications that these religious laws have for men and
women in Israel, and then explain why most Israeli Jews and Israeli
Palestinians consider these laws national assets even though they violate
basic human rights.
Religious law thus strengthens marriage and hinders divorce, at least for
women whose husbands do not agree to it.
The situation is similar in the other religions, and in some cases even more
problematic. Catholics cannot divorce at all. In Islam and in the Druze
religion, a woman cannot divorce her husband, though in certain cases she
may ask the Qadi (the religious authority) to permit her to do so. In Islam,
which is polygamous, a man can easily divorce his wife: in most cases, it is
enough for him to tell her You are divorced before witnesses, with no need
for judicial proceedings, since the Sharia Court (Muslim Court) will authorize
the divorce retroactively. In many cases, women are divorced without
appropriate compensation and lose their children, who remain in the custody
of their husbands family. In the Druze religion, although it is monogamous,
the situation is similar: a wife cannot divorce her husband, though a man can
divorce his wife with relative ease. Moreover, Druze women may not remarry
after being divorced (or after being widowed). In addition, among Muslims in
Israel, there are polygamous marriages (made in religious ceremonies) that are
not reported to the Ministry of Interior. Among Muslim, Druze and Christian
Arabs, girls are sometimes married as children. In many cases, such marriages
are arranged by the girls relatives, without the girls participation in the
decision and without her consent or agreement. Most of these practices, it
should be noted, occur in circumvention of Israeli civil laws prohibiting
polygamy, child marriage and one-sided non-judicial divorce.
Israeli law also discriminates between Jews, Druze and Christians, on the
one hand, and Muslims, on the other. In the event of divorce, Jews, Druze and
to a fair extent also Christians may turn to a civil court with regard to alimony,
child support and the division of assets. That is, they can choose between the
religious and civil courts. Women generally hasten to turn to the civil courts,
which mostly pay more attention to their civil and human rights. Men
generally prefer the religious courts, which, in accord with religious law,
usually give them preferential treatment. For the Muslims in Israel, however,
211-2jih08.qxd 8/8/03 10:36 Page 45
their sexuality and conceal it in the public sphere. Modesty is also a value that
applies to men. However, it does not have the same far-reaching implications
in the public and private sphere for men as for women.
Modesty as a value is differently interpreted in the various religions, and
sometimes in the different streams within each religion. This value is
nourished by customs and traditions, most of which are ancient and which
derive from different sources. However, for all the variations, there are basic
similarities in the way modesty is socially constructed: modesty excludes
women from the public sphere and institutionalizes the wifes subordination to
her husbands authority within her home, where she is obliged to channel her
sexuality to the highest aim of helping her husband fulfill the commandment
be fruitful and multiply.
Among Jews, Muslims and Druze, though not among Christians, modesty
entails the separation between men and women not only in the public
sphere, but also in the private sphere. In the latter, there are various
degrees of separation between strange (meaning unrelated) men and
women and even between husband and wife. For example, Jewish religious
law (Halakhah) constructs the menstruating woman as unclean and
forbids sexual contact and even touch between her and her husband
(niddah, according to Leviticus). These restrictions come on top of the fact
that her perceived uncleanliness bars her from participation in the public
sphere, in synagogue, cemetery and so forth.
In all the religions, the ultimate meaning of marriage is the bringing of
legitimate children into the world so as to ensure the biological and
cultural continuity of the collective. In this context, virginity constitutes
the highest value. In the best case, loss of virginity means losing the
chance of marrying or even of being considered a possible match (among
a substantial portion of Muslims and Druze and a not insignificant portion
of Jews marriages are arranged). In the worst case, loss of virginity can lead
to the murder of the deviant woman by the men in her family, usually her
211-2jih08.qxd 8/8/03 10:36 Page 46
father and brothers, with the cooperation of her mother. We will return to
this subject below.
Modesty also means that girls and women must cover and conceal their
body and head, to one degree or another, by a veil, wig and/or long dress,
so as not to arouse the evil instinct in men. Although there is little
consensus about the age at which the body must be covered, the means by
which it must be covered or how thoroughly it must be covered, this moral
code is found among Jews, Muslims and Druze (as well as among
Christians, to a more limited extent). Covering the body and head is
important to the woman as well, since the cover serves as a kind of
passport that gives her a certain, though sometimes most limited, freedom
of movement. When her body is covered, a woman may leave her home
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1. Religious laws are needed to prevent mixed marriages between Jews and
non-Jews both in and outside of Israel. In other words, the family laws in
Israel delineate the boundaries of the Jewish collective and serve as a
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dividing line between the Jewish and Arab citizens. For all practical
purposes, this demarcation is the desired situation, not only in the eyes of
religious Jews but also in those of most Jews who are not religious.28 In other
words, religious laws are instrumentalized on behalf of a national project,
which can be defined as preserving the boundaries of the national collective.
2. Out of similar motives, much of the Jewish Israeli public accepts
(Orthodox) religious laws as a means of facilitating the identification of
the religious people with the state. Their readiness to do so is accompanied
by ambivalence towards the Conservative and Reform streams of Judaism
and their family laws (marriage and divorce),which are not recognized in
Israel. Although a not inconsequential proportion of Israeli Jews declare
that they support Jewish pluralism, many of them, including not only those
who define themselves as religious but also those who define themselves as
secular, feel that non-Orthodox marriages will lead to a split in the nation
(not to a split in the religion!), and oppose these marriages.
3. The religious and family laws, at the core of which is the commandment
to be fruitful and multiply and fill the land, make a substantial normative
contribution to the demographic competition which exists both overtly
and covertly between the Jewish and Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel.
The demographic problem, that is, the need to ensure a Jewish majority
for the future of Zionism, is raised in many and varied discussions: in
discussions about the PalestinianJewish conflict, in discussions on the
civil status of the Arab citizens of Israel; in discussions on abortion, and
others.29 As a normative discourse, religious law fosters attitudes, values
and behaviors that construct childbirth as a national commandment for
perpetuation and numerical enlargement of the nation. It forms a major
component of what Anson and Meiri term the strategy of group
survival.30 It is thus clear that religious laws, and the institutionalization
of familism in marriage, divorce and childbirth, constitute a central
component in the crystallization of the Jewish collective at both the
symbolic and the demographic levels.
211-2jih08.qxd 8/8/03 10:36 Page 49
seen as promoting the common good, even at the price of infringing upon
basic human rights, especially womens basic human rights. This approach
explains the findings in Table 1, which compares the dimensions of familism
in Israel with those in other post-industrial societies.
I will now discuss the various dimensions of familism among the different
ethno-religious groups that comprise Israeli society .
patterns, values and norms that have been created by capitalism in Israel.34
The positioning of each group in the Israeli economy in the age of
globalization refers, above all, to the access that the group and its members
have to the structures of educational and occupational opportunities created
by post-industrial capitalism. This access is what enables the mass
participation of women in the labor market, which, as recalled, has been the
major lever in changing the institution of the family. In addition, access to
educational and occupational opportunities exposes women to the ethos of
individualism, which is based on competition and achievement and which
emphasizes the individuals abilities, wishes and responsibility for his/her fate.
Clearly, not every person who is exposed to and lives in an individualistic
environment will support this ethos in the family. The opposite is quite often
the case. On the other hand, the absence of an environment that enables
people to live on their own, economically and normatively, will make it
difficult for persons to think in individualistic terms and even more difficult
for them to realize their individualism in practice.
In Israeli society, exposure to individualism as a norm and access to
educational and occupational opportunities correspond almost entirely with
the division of the population into ethno-religious groups. Here too there is a
clear division both between Jewish and Arab citizens of Israel and among the
Jews and Arabs. Israeli society is characterized by ethno-religious and class
stratification in addition to gender stratification. As a result, familism takes on
different forms in the various groups, in accordance with each groups
encounter with post-industrial capitalism and globalization.
Among those groups which, as a result of the countrys ethno-religious and
class stratification, have not been exposed or have been only minimally
exposed to the processes of globalization, the level of familism is high: married
women do not join the work force en masse and family patterns have changed
only slightly. In contrast, among those groups who have been maximally
exposed to post-industrial capitalism or who have led the post-industrial
processes, the dimensions of familism are much lower: many women/mothers
211-2jih08.qxd 8/8/03 10:36 Page 51
Israeli Arab women hold semi-professional jobs, in education, social work and
nursing, and about 4 percent are in the liberal professions.36
This situation stems from the geographic and occupational stratification of
Arabs and Jews in Israel: about 85 percent of the Arabs in Israel live in
separate communities and about 15 percent live in mixed cities but in separate
neighborhoods.37 The Arab sector lacks a developed economic
infrastructure, and its business activity is most limited. Unemployment,
especially for skilled and educated workers, is chronic in their areas of
residence. Moreover, with the exception of some spheres, the Jewish sector
and the public sector are reluctant to include Arab citizens. The exceptions
include government services, local authorities, institutions of higher learning,
the electronic and printed media, finance and law, and the arts, in which
Israels Palestinian-Arab citizens are somewhat more integrated. On the
whole, however, most Arab citizens of Israel have hardly any access to the
post-industrial society and if they do have access, it is generally in low-
status and low-paid occupations. It is no wonder that under these conditions
the structural economic changes that would permit the massive entrance of
Arab women into the paid labor force have not taken place and that there has
been no significant change in the social construction of Arab women in the
private and the public sphere.
Given this state of affairs, the power of the hamula, the extended family, is
still significant, even though it has somewhat declined. Granted, the
economic dependency of the individual on the hamula has declined, mainly
because of the entrance of the young men into the paid labor force, and the
hamula tends to interfere less in the lives of its members than it previously did
and tends less than before to impose rigid norms. Nonetheless, the hamula still
plays a major role in promoting, rather than obstructing, its members
adjustment to the processes of social change that the Palestinian-Arab
population in Israel is undergoing. It serves as a basis of identity and belonging,
as an economic security net, and as a source of functional support in the light
of the limited state services in the Arab sector, as well as a base for political
211-2jih08.qxd 8/8/03 10:36 Page 52
organization and activity at the local and national levels. For women,
however, the centrality of the hamula in the life of the community generally
means control and domination by the men and women of the hamula, that is,
the enforcement of familistic patterns of behavior.38 Given all these factors,
one can understand the continued existence of the most traditional family
patterns among the Arabs in Israel, though there are also other family
patterns.
of young children, join the labor force so as to realize the ideal of Ultra-
Orthodox society, which, since the 1950s in Israel, has become a society of
scholars. Going out to work has become part of the household chores
performed by women and mothers so as to free their husbands to devote
themselves entirely to the study of Torah, without having to work for pay.45
As a result, more and more Ultra-Orthodox women work in places that
respect the rules of modesty: in education and small businesses, in clerical
jobs, in Ultra-Orthodox institutions; in the arts and crafts: graphics, drawing
and music; and recently in computers, literature, journalism and radio. There
are even Ultra-Orthodox women who work as rabbinic pleaders (toanot
rabbaniot) women who represent women in the rabbinical courts.46 These
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processes which partly explain the high poverty rate among the haredim
are beginning to affect the normative role division in Ultra-Orthodox
families, as the man takes upon himself some of the household chores, since
his wife is sometimes the main or the sole provider.47 As Friedman
summarizes: The Ultra-Orthodox woman is today a dynamic factor who is
certainly changing the patterns of Ultra-Orthodox life.48 In other words, the
more Ultra-Orthodox women assume the role of working mothers, the
more changes one can expect in Ultra-Orthodox communities and their
families.
Neomodern Families
The typical, normative family in Israel is the nuclear family headed by a
heterosexual couple who have an average of three children. The couple
marries according to Jewish Law, and both spouses do paid work: the man as
the main provider, the woman as the second wage earner a distinction
that perpetuates the dependency of wives on their husbands.
In 1998, the rate of women in the labor force was about 51 percent; in
1999, it rose to 52.5 percent. However, in the 2534-year-old cohort, 76.1
percent of the women were in the paid labor force; and in the 3544-year-old
cohort, 78.5 percent were. Womens participation in the labor force varies
somewhat depending on whether the father was born in Israel, Asia-Africa
(i.e. of eastern origin, or Mizrahi), or Europe-America (i.e. of western origin,
or Ashkenazi). However, in both cohorts and across ethnic origin, over 70
percent of the women were in the labor force.49 The gap between women of
eastern and western origin does not lie, therefore, in the very fact of
working for wages, but rather in the type of work they can obtain. In general,
the westerners, the Ashkenazim, work in more prestigious and better-paid
feminine jobs, the easterners, the Mizrahim, in lower-paid and lower-status
feminine jobs.50 This is a class difference that reflects the still-existing
inequality of educational and occupational opportunities between Israeli Jews
of eastern and western origin.
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Postmodern Families
As defined at the beginning, postmodern families are families in which the
individual, his/her wants, his/her needs are the center and purpose of the
institution. These families include two-career families, single-parent families,
homosexual and lesbian families, second families, families established through
marriages (whether between Jews or between persons of different religions)
that circumvent the religious establishment or through common-law
marriages, cohabiting couples, and couples where the spouses live separately.
The members of these families are characterized by the fact that they are not
religious in the sense accepted in Israel, but are either religious in accord with
their own definition or completely atheist. These families generally live in
urban centers, since, sociologically, cities not only enable access to the
developed capitalist economy and to varied services but also make it possible
to live far from the social control of the family and community and in an
atmosphere in which individualism is both legitimate and approved. The vast
majority of postmodern families live in Tel Aviv and other cities in the center
of Israel, as well as in the cities of Haifa, Beer-Sheva, Eilat and Jerusalem.51
Postmodern families are also found in rural areas, such as in kibbutzim.
From the above analysis, we can deduce that there are not very many
postmodern families in Israel. The members of these families are mostly
Ashkenazim. But there are also a fair number of Mizrahim, as well as a small
number of Palestinian Arabs, who by their education and income belong to
the middle class or above.
NOTES
1 See, for example, Judith Stacey, Brave New Families (New York, 1990); Barrie Thorne and
Marilyn Yalom (eds.), Rethinking the Family: Some Feminist Questions (Boston, 1992); Ulrich
Beck and Elizabeth Beck-Gernsheim, The Normal Chaos of Love (Cambridge, 1995); Wilfried
Dumon Ha-mishpahah u-matzavah be-Eiropah ha-maaravit (The Western European
Families: An Overview), Bitahon Sotziali, No. 44 (1995), pp. 523; Janet S. Chafetz and Jane
Hagan, The Gender Division of Labour and Family Change in Industrial Societies: A
Theoretical Accounting, Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 27, No. 2 (1996), pp.
187210; Jan Trost, Family Structure and Relationships: The Dyadic Approach, Journal of
Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 7, No. 2 (1996), pp. 395408; Eva Illouz, Consuming the
Romantic Utopia: Love and the Contradictions of Capitalism (Berkeley, 1997); Franois de
Singly, Libres Ensembles: Lindividualisme dans la vie commune (Paris, 2000).
2 Yohanan Peres and Ruth Katz, Mishpahah u-mishpahtiyut be-Yisrael (Stability and
Centrality: The Nuclear Family in Modern Israel), Megamot, Vol. 26, No. 1 (1980), pp.
3756; Leah Shamgar-Handleman and Rivka Bar-Yossef (eds.), Mishpahot be-Yisrael (Families
in Israel) (Jerusalem, 1991); Dafna N. Izraeli, Ha-migdur ba-olam ha-avodah (Gendering
the Labor Market in Israel), in Dafna N. Izraeli et al. (eds.), Min, migdar, politikah (Sex,
Gender, Politics) (Tel Aviv, 1999), pp. 167217; Sylvie Fogiel-Bijaoui, Mishpahot be-Yisrael:
Bein mishpahtiyut le-post-moderniyut (Families in Israel: Postmodernism, Feminism and the
State), in ibid., pp. 10767; Liat Kulik, Intrafamiliar Congruence in Gender-Role Ideology:
Husband-Wife Versus Parents-Offspring, Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 31, No.
1 (2000), pp. 91106.
211-2jih08.qxd 8/8/03 10:36 Page 59
3 (1999), pp. 36490; Ahmed Saadi, Incorporation without Integration: Palestinian Citizens
in Israels Labour Market, Sociology,Vol. 29, No. 3 (1995), pp. 42951.
6 In this study, the family is defined as the legitimate framework adults create to raise their
children. This legitimacy is necessary because the family is still the major framework for the
biological and cultural reproduction of society notwithstanding the achievements of
medical technology.
7 World Bank Report (Washington, 1996), pp. 2389.
8 Dumon, Ha-mishpahah u-matzavah; Stacey, Brave New Families; Thorne and Yalom (eds.),
Rethinking the Family; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, Normal Chaos of Love; Chafetz and Hagan,
The Gender Division of Labour; Trost, Family Structure and Relationships; Illouz,
Consuming the Romantic Utopia; de Singly, Libres Ensembles.
9 CBS, No. 51 (2000), p. 5.
10 Anat Maor (ed.), Nashim, ha-koah ha-oleh: Niputz tikrat ha-zkhukhit (Women, the Rising
Power: The Breaking of the Glass Ceiling) (Tel Aviv, 1997); Izraeli, Ha-migdur ba-olam
ha-avodah; CBS, No. 51 (2000), Tables 12.4, 12.5.
11 Shamgar-Handleman and Bar-Yossef (eds.), Mishpahot be-Yisrael, pp. 17.
12 Izraeli, Ha-migdur ba-olam ha-avodah.
13 Jonathan Shapira, Ha-demokratiyah ha-yisreelit (Israeli Democracy) (Ramat Gan, 1977); The
Association for Citizens Rights in Israel, Zkhuyot ha-adam be-Yisrael: Tmunat matzav 1996
(Human Rights in Israel: An Overview) (Jerusalem, 1996); Aharon Barak, Tafkido shel beit
ha-mishpat ha-elyon be-hevrah demokratit (The Role of the Supreme Court in a
Democratic Society), in R. Cohen Almagor (ed.), Sugiyot yesod ba-demokratiyah ha-yisreelit
(Basic Issues in Israeli Democracy) (Tel Aviv, 1999), pp. 12941; Frances Radai, Kol ha-
ishah be-demokratiyah ha-yisreelit (Womans Voice in Israeli Democracy), in ibid., pp.
14366; Alon Harel, Aliyatah ve-nefilatah shel ha-mahapekhah ha-mishpatit ha-
homoseksualit (The Rise and Fall of the Homosexual Revolution in Israeli Law), Ha-Mishpat,
No. 12 (July 2001), pp. 1020.
14 CBS, No. 37 (1986), Table C/1, C/3; CBS, No. 51 (2000), Tables 3.1, 3.12, 3.16.
15 Idit Geist, Yisrael-2000 doh hevrati: Indikatorim hevratiim (Israel 2000 Social Report), Report
No. 3 (Jerusalem, 2000).
16 See in this volume Manar Hasan, The Politics of Honor: Patriarchy, the State and the
Murder of Women in the Name of Family Honor, pp. 137 above; see also Izraeli, Migdur
ba-olam ha-avodah.
17 CBS, No. 51 (2000), Table 3.5. These ages are lower than the normative ages in the post-
industrial countries, including the ages in the 15 countries of the European Union. See
Statistiques Demographiques, Thme 3: Population et conditions sociales (Commission
Europenne, 1999), p. 134.
18 Radai, Kol ha-ishah; Carmel Shalev, Hofesh ha-tikshoret le-nisuim vele-hayim
meshutafim (The Freedom to Choose? Marriage in Israel), in Frances Radai, Carmel Shalev
and Michal Liban-Koobi (eds.), Maamad ha-ishah ba-hevrah uva-mishpat (The Status of
Women in Israeli Law and Society) (Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, 1995), pp. 459502.
211-2jih08.qxd 8/8/03 10:36 Page 60
19 Ibid., p. 460. As Shalev points out, the State of Israel recognizes civil marriages only if they
are made outside of Israel. It also recognizes marriages carried out by an emissary when the
couple does not leave the country, as in so-called Mexican and Paraguayan marriages. A
Mexican marriage, for example, is conducted by a person in Mexico who has been given
power of attorney before a public notary in Israel to marry the couple in their absence. The
marriage certificate is then sent to Israel. Marriages conducted by non-Orthodox rabbis
(Reform, Conservative, etc.) and mixed marriages (between persons of different religions)
are not recognized in Israel. For their marriages to be recognized, mixed couples and those
who do not marry within the accepted legal and religious frameworks must hold a civil
marriage abroad (e.g., in Cyprus, the Russian Federation) and then register as married in the
Population Register. Guest workers in Israel can marry in their countrys consulate.
20 This section is based on comprehensive bibliographic material. The Hebrew sources are:
Tamar El-Or, Maskilot u-vurot: Me-olaman shel nashim harediyot (Educated and Ignorant: From
the World of Ultra-Orthodox Women) (Tel Aviv, 1993); Dalila Amir, Ahrayot,
mehuyavot, ve-nevonot: Kinun nashiyut yisreelit ba-vaadot le-hafsakat heryon
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Democracy?), Sotziologiyah Yisreelit, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2000), pp. 565630; Eliezer Ben-Raphael,
Quest-ce qutre juif? 50 sages rpondent Ben-Gourion (Paris, 2001). It should be emphasized
that in the Israeli (Jewish) collective memory the Shoah is mainly constructed in terms of
nationhood as conveyed in the Hebrew expression Shoah ve-tkumah (Shoah and National
Resurrection); cf. Yosef Gorny, Bein Auschwitz le-Yerushalayim (Between Auschwitz and
Jerusalem) (Tel Aviv, 1998).
25 For discussion of the significance of the Sociology of Religion, see Danile Hervieu-Lger,
Religion as a Chain of Memory, trans. Simone Lee (New Brunswick, NJ, 2000), p. 82; and
Roberto Cipriani, Sociology of Religion: An Historical Introduction (New York, 2000).
26 Shifman, Mi mefahed mi-nisuim ezrahiim? especially pp. 132. See also Ben-Raphael, Quest-
ce qutre Juif?, pp. 2395.
27 Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life: The Totemic System in Australia
(New York, 1995).
28 Shifman, Mi mefahed mi-nisuim ezrahiim?, pp. 132.
29 Carmel Shalev, Nesiat ubarim (pundakaut): Ha-miskhar be-sherutei holadah (Carrying
Fetuses: The Commerce in Childbirth Services), Bitahon Sotziali, No. 46 (1996), pp. 87100;
Nitza Berkowitz, Eshet hayil mi yimtza? Nashim ve-ezrahut be-Yisrael (Women of Valor:
Women and Citizenship in Israel), Sotziologiyah Yisreelit, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1999), pp. 277318.
30 Jonathan Anson and Avinoam Meiri, Datiyut, leumanut u-firyon be-Yisrael (Religiosity,
Nationalism and Biological Reproduction), Bitahon Sotziali, Vol. 46 (1996), pp. 4363. See
also Nira Yuval-Davis, The Bearers of the Collective: Women and Religious Legislation in
Israel, Feminist Review, Vol. 11, No. 4 (1980), pp. 127, and idem, Gender And Nation
(London, 1997).
31 Rivka Bar-Yossef and Dorit Padan-Eisenstark, Role System under Stress: Sex Roles in War,
Social Problems, Vol. 20, No. 1 (1977), pp. 13545; Dafna N. Izraeli, Gendering Military
Service in the Israel Defense Forces, Israel Social Science Research, Vol. 12, No. 1 (1997), pp.
12966; Hannah Herzog, Homefront and Battlefront and the Status of Jewish and
Palestinian Women in Israel, Israel Studies, Vol. 3, No. 1 (1998), pp. 6184; Berkowitz,
Eshet hayil; Naveh, Ha-havayah ha-yisreelit.
32 Al-Hadj, Hinukh bekerev ha-aravim.
33 Shifman, Mi mefehad mi-nisuim ezrahiim?, p. 5.
34 See Saadi, Incorporation without Integration; Al-Hadj, Hinukh bekerev ha-aravim; Ram,
Bein ha-neshek veha-meshek; Smooha, Tmurot ba-hevrah ha-yisreelit; Yiftachel,
Ethnocracy; Adva Center, Tmunat matzav hevratit 2000.
35 Geist, Yisrael 2000, p. 59.
36 N.G.O. Report, Status of Palestinian Women, p. 33.
37 Al-Hadj, Hinukh bekerev ha-aravim.
38 Majid Al-Hadj, Social Research on Family Life Styles among Arabs in Israel, Journal of
Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 20, No. 2 (1989), pp.17595, and Kinship and
Modernization in Developing Societies: The Emergence of Instrumentalized Kinship,
Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 26, No. 3 (1995), pp. 31128; N.G.O. Report,
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