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when preceding a rough breathing in the next word. Thus, e.g.: £9' dds for éni dbs or Ka! Hpaig for Karta Hp = at the end of the first member of composite words are regularly changed to <9,0,> when preceding a spiritus asper in the next member of the composite word. Thus e, KaBerrceo = The Attic dialect in particular is marked by contractions: two vowels without an intervening consonant were merged in a single syllable; for instance uncontracted (disyllabic) (ea) ([e.a]) occurs regularly in dialects but contracts to {n) in Attic, supporting the view that was pronounced [é:] (intermediate between [e] and [a]) rather than [i:] as in Modern Greek. Similar! uncontracted (¢e), (00) ([e.e], [0.0]) occur regularly in onic but contract to (e1) and (ov) in Attic, suggesting [e:], [0:] values for the spurious (s1) and (ov) diphthongs in Attic as opposed to the [i] and [u] sounds they later acquired. RTOS, Morphophonological alternations like the above are often treated differently in non-standard spellings than in standardised literary spelling. This may lead to doubts about the representativeness of the literary dialect and may in some cases force slightly different reconstructions than if one were only to take the ntps:fenhpedacrgwindexghptiterArcier_ Greek pronlogySrnabe=yes 2408sono ‘Ancient Greek phonology - Wikipedia, the free neyclopedta literary texts of the high standard language into account. Thus, e.g. = non-standard epigraphical spelling sometimes indicates assimilation of final (x) to (7) before voiced consonants in a following word, or of final (x) to (z) before aspirated sounds, in words like ix. Metrical evidence The metres used in Classical Greek poetry are based on the patterns of light and heavy syllables, and can thus sometimes provide evidence as to the length of vowels where this is not evident from the orthography. By the 4th century AD poetry was normally written using stress-based metres, suggesting that the distinctions between long and short vowels had been lost by then, and the pitch accent had been replaced by a stress accent, External evidence Orthoepic descriptions Some ancient grammarians attempt to give systematic descriptions of the sounds of the language, In other authors one can sometimes find occasional remarks about correct pronunciation of certain sounds. However, both types of evidence are often difficult to interpret, because the phonetic terminology of the time was often vague, and it is often not clear in what relation the described forms of the language stand to those which were actually spoken by different groups of the population, Important ancient authors include: = Dionysius Thrax = Dionysius of Halicarnassus = Aclius Herodianus Cross-dialectal comparison Sometimes the comparison of standard Attic Greek with the written forms of other Greek dialects, or the humorous renderings of dialectal speech in Attic theatrical works, can provide hints as to the phonetic value of certain spellings. An example of this treatment with Spartan Greek is given above. Loanwords The spelling of Greek loanwords in other languages and vice versa can provide important hints about pronunciation. However, the evidence is often difficult to interpret or indecisive. The sounds of Joanwords are often not taken over identically into the receiving language. Where the receiving language lacks a sound that corresponds exactly to that of the source language, sounds are usually mapped to some other, similar sound. In this regard, Latin is of great value to the reconstruction of ancient Greek phonology because of its close proximity to the Greek world which caused numerous Greek words to be borrowed by the Romans. At first, Greek loanwords denoting technical terms or proper names which contained the letter © were imported in Latin with the spelling P or PH, indicating an effort to imitate, albeit imperfectly, a sound that Latin lacked. Later on, in the Ist centuries AD, spellings with F start to appear in such loanwords, signaling the onset of the fricative pronunciation of . Thus, in the 2nd century AD, Filippus tpin.wikipodiarorgwindex.phpitle=Anciert_Greck_phonologypriniaolo=yes 2505sorvaor6 ‘ecient Grek pharlony - Wikipedia tw ro encyclopedia replaces P(hjilippus. At about the same time, the letter F also begins to be used as a substitute for the letter @, for lack of a better choice, indicating that the sound of Greek theta had become a fricative as well. For the purpose of borrowing certain other Greek words, the Romans added the letters ¥ and Z to the Latin alphabet, taken directly from the Greek one. These additions are important as they show that the Romans had no symbols to represent the sounds of the letters Y and Z. in Greek, which means that in these cases no known sound of Latin can be used to reconstruct the Greek sounds. Latin often wrote {i u) for Greek (¢ 0). This can be explained by the fact that Latin /i u/ were pronounced as near-close [1 0], and therefore were as similar to the Ancient Greek mid vowels /e o/ as to the Ancient Greek close vowels /i w/.4) = Didovpévn > Philumina = Eundpiov > empurium Sanskrit, Persian, and Armenian also provide evidence. The quality of short /a/ is shown by some transcriptions between Ancient Greek and Sanskrit. Greek short /a/ was transcribed with Sanskrit long a, not with Sanskrit short a, which had a closer pronunciation: [9]. Conversely, Sanskrit short a was transcribed with Greek ¢.l28) = Gr anéxdapa [apéklima] > Skt apoklima- [a:poklima] (an astrological term) Skt brihmaya > Gr praMENat Comparison with older alphabets The Greek alphabet developed from the older Phoenician alphabet. It may be assumed that the Greeks tended to assign to each Phoenician letter that Greek sound which most closely resembled the Phoenician sound, But, as with loanwords, the interpretation is not straightforward. Comparison with younger/derived alphabets The Greek alphabet was in turn the basis of other alphabets, notably the Etruscan and Coptic and later the Armenian, Gothic, and Cyrillic. Similar arguments can be derived in these cases as in the Phoenician-Greek case. For example, in Cyrillic, the letter B (ve) stands for [v], confirming that beta was pronounced as fricative by the 9th century AD, while the new letter B (be) was invented to note the sound [b]. Conversely, in Gothic, the letter derived from beta stands for [b], so in the 4th century AD, beta may have still been a plosive in Greek although according to evidence from the Greek papyri of Egypt, beta as a stop had been generally replaced by beta as a voiced bilabial fricative [B] by the first century AD. Comparison with Modern Greek Any reconstruction of Ancient Greek needs to take into account how the sounds later developed towards Modem Greek, and how these changes could have occurred. In general, the changes between the reconstructed Ancient Greek and Modern Greek are assumed to be unproblematic in this respect by historical linguists, because all the relevant changes (spirantization, chain-shifis of long vowels towards [iJ, loss of initial (h], restructuring of vowel-Length and accentuation systems, etc.) are of types that are cross-linguistically frequently attested and relatively easy to explain. tpe:fenwhpedacrgwindexghptiterArciert_Greok_phonlogySrnabe=yes 2108sorvanre ‘Arcint Greek phonology -Wikipada the ree encyclopedia Comparative reconstruction of Indo-European Systematic relationships between sounds in Greek and sounds in other Indo-European languages are taken as strong evidence for reconstruction by historical linguists, because such relationships indicate that these sounds may go back to an inherited sound in the proto-language. History of the reconstruction of ancient pronunciation The Renaissance Until the 15th century (during the time of the Byzantine Greck Empire) ancient Greek texts were pronounced exactly like contemporary Greek when they were read aloud. From about 1486, various scholars (notably Antonio of Lebrixa, Girolamo Aleandro, and Aldus Manutius) judged that this pronunciation appeared to be inconsistent with the descriptions handed down by ancient grammarians, and suggested alternative pronunciations Johann Reuchlin, the leading Greek scholar in the West around 1500, had taken his Greek learning from Byzantine émigré scholars, and continued to use the modern pronunciation. This pronunciation system was called into question by Erasmus (1466-1536) who in 1528 published De recta Latini Graecique sermonis pronuntiatione dialogus, a philological treatise clothed in the form of a philosophical dialogue, in which he developed the idea of a historical reconstruction of ancient Latin and Greek pronunciation. The two models of pronunciation became soon known, after their principal proponents, as the "Reuchlinian" and the "Erasmian" system, or, after the characteristic vowel pronunciations, as the "jotacist" (or "itacist” ) and the "etacist" system, respectively. Erasmus’ reconstruction was based on a wide range of arguments, derived from the philological knowledge available at his time. In the main, he strove for a more regular correspondence of letters to sounds, assuming that different letters must have stood for different sounds, and same letters for same sounds. That led him, for instance, to posit that the various letters which in the iotacist system all denoted [i] must have had different values, and that <1, at, ot, £v, av, ov were all diphthongs with a closing offglide. He also insisted on taking the accounts of ancient grammarians literally, for instance where they described vowels as being distinctively long and short, or the acute and circumflex accents as being clearly distinguished by pitch contours. In addition, he drew on evidence from word correspondences between Greek and Latin as well as some other European languages. Some of his arguments in this direction are, in hindsight, mistaken, because he naturally lacked much of the knowledge developed through later linguistic work. Thus, he could not distinguish between Latin-Greek word relations based on loans (e.g. PoiBos — Phoebus) on the one hand, and those based on common descent from Indo-European (e.g. 9% — fiir) on the other. He also fell victim to a few spurious relations due to mere accidental similarity (e.g. Greek Oée1v ‘to sacrifice’ — French tuer, 'to kill"), In other areas, his arguments are of quite the same kind as those used by modem linguistics, e.g. where he argues on the basis of cross-dialectal correspondences within Greek that n must have been a rather open e-sound, close to [a] Erasmus also took great pains to assign to the members in his reconstructed system plausible phonetic values. This was no easy task, as contemporary grammatical theory lacked the rich and precise terminology to describe such values. In order to overcome that problem, Erasmus drew upon his knowledge of the sound repertoires of contemporary living languages, for instance likening his reconstructed no Scots a ({ze]), his reconstructed ov to Dutch ou ({oo}), and his reconstructed ot to French oj (at that time pronounced [or]. tpin.wikipodiarorgwindex.phpitle=Anciert_Greck_phonologypriniaolo=yes 2785sorvaor6 ‘ecient Grek pharlony - Wikipedia tw ro encyclopedia Erasmus assigned to the Greek consonant letters 8, 7, 6 the sounds of voiced plosives /b/, /g/, /d/, while for the consonant letters @, 8, and ¥ he advocated the use of fricatives /f/, /0/, /x/ as in Modern Greek (arguing, however, that this type of /f/ must have been different from that denoted by Latin (f)). The reception of Erasmus' idea among his contemporaries was mixed. Most prominent among those scholars who resisted his move was Philipp Melanchthon, a student of Reuchlin’s. Debate in humanist circles continued up into the 17th century, but the situation remained undecided for several centuries. (See Pronunciation of Ancient Greek in teaching.) The 19th century A renewed interest in the issues of reconstructed pronunciation arose during the 19th century. On the one hand, the new science of historical linguistics, based on the method of comparative reconstruction, took a vivid interest in Greek. It soon established beyond any doubt that Greek was descended in parallel with many other languages from the common source of the Indo-European proto-language. This had important consequences for how its phonological system must be reconstructed. At the same time, continued work in philology and archeology was bringing to light an ever-growing corpus of non- standard, non-literary and non-classical Greek writings, e.g. inscriptions and later also papyri. These added considerably to what could be known about the development of the language. On the other hand, there was a revival of academic life in Greece after the establishment of the Greek state in 1830, and scholars in Greece were at first reluctant to accept the seemingly foreign idea that Greek should have been pronounced so differently from what they knew. Comparative linguistics led to a picture of ancient Greek that more or less corroborated Erasmus’ view, though with some modifications. It soon became clear, for instance, that the pattern of long and short vowels observed in Greek was mirrored in similar oppositions in other languages and thus had to be a common inheritance (sce Ablaut); that Greek (v) had to have been [u] at some stage because it regularly corresponded to [u] in all other Indo-European languages (cf. Gr. tig : Lat. mis); that many instances of (n) had earlier been [a:] (cf. Gr. rtp : Lat. mater); that Greek (ov) sometimes stood in words that had been lengthened from (0) and therefore must have been pronounced [o:] at some stage (the same holds analogically for (e) and (e1), which must have been [e:]), and so on, For the consonants, historical linguistics established the originally plosive nature of both the aspirates (.p,0,z) [p*, t, k] and the mediae (B, 8, 7) [b, d, g], which were recognised to be a direct continuation of similar sounds in Indo-European (reconstructed *b?, *d®, *g and *b, *d, *g). It was also recognised that the word-initial spiritus asper was most often a reflex of earlier *s (cf. Gr, énté : Lat, septem), which was believed to have been weakened to [h] in pronunciation. Work was also done reconstructing the linguistic background to the rules of ancient Greek versification, especially in Homer, which shed important light on the phonology regarding syllable structure and accent. Scholars also described and explained the regularities in the development of consonants and vowels under processes of assimilation, reduplication, compensatory lengthening ete. While comparative linguistics could in this way firmly establish that a certain source state, roughly along the Erasmian model, had once obtained, and that significant changes had to have occurred later, during the development towards Modern Greek, the comparative method had less to say about the question when these changes took place. Erasmus had been eager to find a pronunciation system that corresponded most closely to the written letters, and it was now natural to assume that the reconstructed sound system was that which obtained at the time when Greek orthography was in its formative period. For a time, it was taken for granted that this would also have been the pronunciation valid for all the period of classical literature. However, it was perfectly possible that the pronunciation of the living language had begun to move on from that reconstructed system towards that of Modern Greek, possibly already quite early during antiquity. tpin.wikipodiarorgwindex.phpitle=Anciert_Greck_phonologypriniaolo=yes 2805sono ‘Ancient Greek phonology - Wikipedia, the free neyclopedta In this context, the freshly emerging evidence from the non-standard inscriptions became of decisive importance. Critics of the Erasmian reconstruction drew attention to the systematic patterns of spelling mistakes made by scribes. These mistakes showed that scribes had trouble distinguishing between the orthographically correct spellings for certain words, for instance involving (1), (n), and (s1). This provided evidence that these vowels had already begun to merge in the living speech of the period. While some scholars in Greece were quick to emphasise these findings in order to cast doubt on the Erasmian system as a whole, some western European scholars tended to downplay them, explaining early instances of such orthographical aberrations as either isolated exceptions or influences from non- Attic, non-standard dialects. The resulting debate, as it was conducted during the 19th century, finds its expression in, for instance, the works of Jannaris (1897) and Papadimitrakopoulos (1889) on the anti- Erasmian side, and of Friedrich Blass (1870) on the pro-Erasmian side, It was not until the early 20th century and the work of G. Chatzidakis, a linguist often credited with having first introduced the methods of modern historical linguistics into the Greek academic establishment, that the validity of the comparative method and its reconstructions for Greek began to be widely accepted among Greek scholars too. The international consensus view that had been reached by the early and mid-20th century is represented in the works of Sturtevant (1940) and Allen (1987). More recent developments Since the 1970s and 1980s, several scholars have attempted a systematic re-evaluation of the inscriptional and papyrological evidence (Smith 1972, Teodorsson 1974, 1977, 1978; Gignac 1976; Threatte 1980, summary in Horrocks 1999). According to their results, many of the relevant phonological changes can be dated fairly early, reaching well into the classical period, and the period of the Koiné can be characterised as one of very rapid phonological change. Many of the changes in vowel quality are now dated to some time between the Sth and the Ist centuries BC, while those in the consonants are assumed to have been completed by the 4th century AD. However, there is still considerable debate over precise dating, and it is still not clear to what degree, and for how long, different pronunciation systems would have persisted side by side within the Greek speech community. The resulting majority view today is that a phonological system roughly along Erasmian lines can still be assumed to have been valid for the period of classical Attic literature, but biblical and other post- classical Koine Greek is likely to have been spoken with a pronunciation that already approached the Modem Greek one in many crucial respects. Recently, there has been one attempt at a more radically revisionist, anti-Erasmian reconstruction, proposed by the theologian and philologist Chrys Caragounis, Professor Emeritus at Lund University (1995, 2004). On the basis of the inscriptional record, Caragounis dates virtually all relevant vowel changes into or before the early classical period. He relies heavily upon Threatte and Gignac for data from the papyri, but he provides little if any actual interaction with their own markedly different analyses of the very same historical data. He also argues for a very early fricative status of the aspirate and medial consonants, and casts doubt on the validity of the vowel-length and accent distinctions in the spoken language in general. These views are currently isolated within the field. Footnotes 1, Roger D. Woodard (2008), "Greek dialects”, in: The Ancient Languages of Europe, ed. R. D. Woodard, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 51. Allen 1987, pp. xii-xvi, introduction: dialectal nature of Greek Allen 1987, pp. 48-51 Sihler 1995, pp. 7-12, §12-15: history of Greek, dialects and their use Smyth 1920, §C-E: Greek dialects, their characteristics, the regions they occurred in, and their use in tpin.wikipodiarorgwindex.phpitle=Anciert_Greck_phonologypriniaolo=yes 2905sono ‘Ancient Greek phonology - Wikipedia, the free neyclopedta literature Sihler 1995, pp. 149, 150, §148: assibilation in Greek Allen 1987, pp. 73, 74, long e from long a Allen 1987, pp. 66, 67, long y from oi in Boeotian 9. Allen 1987, pp. 80, 81, the diphthong oi 10, Allen 1987, pp. 50, 51, Aeolic digamma 11, Stanford 1959, I: The Homeric dialect 12, Stanford & 1959 §2: digamma in Homer 13, Sihler 1995, pp. 50-52, §54-56: Attic-lonic n from *4; Attic reversion; origin of "2 14, Allen 1987, pp. 18-29, aspirated plosives 15, Allen 1987, pp. 14-18, voiceless plosives 16, Allen 1987, pp. 29-32, voiced plosives 17, Allen 1987, pp. 52-55, h 18, Allen 1987, pp. 45, 46, the fricative s 19, Allen 1987, pp. 56-59, zeta 20. Allen 1987, pp. 59, 60, x, ps 21, Allen 1987, pp. 41-45, on r 22. Allen 1987, pp. 47-51, the semivowel w 23, Allen 1987, pp. 51, 52, the semivowel y 24. Allen 1987, pp. 81-84, diphthongs before other vowels 25. Allen 1987, pp. 62, simple vowels 26. Kiparsky 1973, p. 796, Greek accentual mobility and contour accents 27. Found only as the second element of diphthongs. 28, Allen 1987, pp. 62, 63, the vowel a 29. Allen 1987, pp. 65, the vowel i 30, Allen 1987, pp. 65-69, upsilon 31, Allen 1987, pp. 75-79, ou 6 32. Allen 1987, pp. 69-75, & and ei 33. Sturtevant 1940, p. 34 34. Allen 1987, pp. 63, 64, short mid vowels 35, Allen 1978, pp. 47-49, long and short vowel quality 36. Smyth 1920, §37: compensatory lengthening 37. Smyth 1920, §48-59: contraction 38, Smyth 1920, §6: ei ou, spurious and genuine diphthongs 39, Allen 1987, pp. 79, short diphthongs 40. Allen 1987, pp. 84-88, long diphthongs 41. Allen 1987, p. 21, doubling of aspirates 42. Allen 1987, pp. 35-39 43. Smyth 1920, §138, 140: syllables, vowels, and intervocalic consonants 44, Allen 1987, pp. 104, 105, terms for syllable quantity 45. Allen 1973, pp. 53-55, heavy or long versus light or short 46. Allen 1987, pp. 105, 106, syllable division 47. Allen 1987, pp. 106-110, correptio Attica 48, Allen 1973, pp. 210-216, syllable weight before consonant sequences inside words 49. Goldstein 2014 50, Allen 1987, pp. 116-124, ac 51. Smyth 1920, §161 52, Smyth 1920, §156: the circumflex and its pronunciation 53. Robins 1993, p. 50 (https://books. google.comy/books?id-hTZHbNmF fpsC&pg-PAS0) 54, Allen 1987, pp. 124-126, accent marks and their meanings 55, Sibler 1995, pp. 168-170, §170: debuccalized initial s in Greek 56. Sibler 1995, pp. 170, 171, §171: s in initial clusters with a sonorant 57. Sihler 1995, pp. 169, 170, §169: unchanged s in Greek 58. Sibler 1995, pp. 187, 188, §191: y in initial position 59, Sibler 1995, pp. 171, 172, §172: intervocalic s 60, Smyth 1920, § 61. Allen 1987, pp. 60, 61, too nt tpin.wikipodiarorgwindex.phpitle=Anciert_Greck_phonologypriniaolo=yes 12 (http://www.perseus.tufts. eduw/hopper'text?doc=Perseus:text: 1999.04.0007:smythp=1 12)sono ‘Ancient Greek phonology - Wikipedia, the free neyclopedta 62. Sibler 1995, §154: reflexes of palatals, plain velars, and labiovelars in Greek, Italic, and Germanic 63. Sibler 1995, pp. 160-164, §161-164 A: examples of reflexes of labiovelar stops in Greek; remarks on them 64, Smyth, §9 D: footnote on loss of rough breathing, 65. mapoévos (http://www. perseus. tufts. edwhopperitext?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04,0057:entry=parse/nos), 1d (huip://www,perseus. tufts. edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04,0057:entry=sia/), ov (http://www.perscus.tufis.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999,04.0057:entry=siw/2), obpa (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doe=Perseus:text: 1999.04.0057:entry=su=ma). Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert; A Greek-English Lexicon at the Perseus Project 66. Allen 1987, pp. 23-26, development of aspirated stops to fricatives 67. Smyth 1920, §30, 30 D: Attic 1 @; footnote on Dorie, Aeolic, and Ionic 68. Aristotle, 14566 69. Dionysius, §6 70. Allen 1987, p. 19, Ancient Greek terminology for consonants Bibliography Recent literature = Allen, William Sidney (1973). Accent and Rhythm: Prosodic features of Latin and Greek (3rd ed.). Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-20098-9. = Allen, William Sidney (1987) [1968]. Vox Graeca: the pronunciation of Classical Greek (3rd ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-33555-8 = Allen, William Sidney (1978) [1965]. Vox Latina—a Guide to the Pronunciation of Classical Latin (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-37936-9, = C.C. Caragounis (1995): "The error of Erasmus and un-Greek pronunciations of Greek". Filologia Neotestamentaria (http://www.bsw.org) 8 (16). = C.C. Caragounis (2004): Development of Greek and the New Testament, Mohr Siebeck (ISBN 3- 16-148290-5), = A-F. Christidis ed, (2007), A History of Ancient Greek, Cambridge University Press (ISBN 0-521- 83307-8): A. Malikouti-Drachmann, "The phonology of Classical Greek", 524-544; E. B. Petrounias, "The pronunciation of Ancient Greek: Evidence and hypotheses", 556-570; idem, "The pronunciation of Classical Greek", 556-570. = Bakker, Egbert J., ed. (2010). A Companion to the Ancient Greek Language. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-5326-3. = Beekes, Robert (2010) [2009]. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. With the assistance of Lucien van Beek. In two volumes. Leiden, Boston. ISBN 9789004174184. = Devine, Andrew M.; Stephens, Laurence D. (1994). The Prosody of Greek Speech. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-508546-9, = G, Horrocks (1997): Greek: A History of the Language and Its Speakers. London: Addison Wesley (ISBN 0-582-30709-0). = ET. Gignac (1976): A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods. Volume 1: Phonology. Milan: Istituto Editoriale Cisalpino-La Goliardica, = Goldstein, David (2014). "Phonotacties". Encyclopedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics 3. Brill. pp. 96, 97. Retrieved 19 January 2015 — via academia.edu. = C. Karvounis (2008): Aussprache und Phonologie im Altgriechischen ("Pronunciation and Phonology in Ancient Greek"), Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft (ISBN 978-3-534- 20834-0). = -M, Lejeune (1972): Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien ("Historical phonetics of Mycenean and Ancient Greek"), Paris: Librairie Klincksieck (reprint 2005, ISBN 2-252-03496-3). =H. Rix (1992): Historische Grammatik des Griechischen. Laut- und Formenlehre ("Historical Grammar of Greek. Phonology and Morphology”), Darmstadt: Wissenschafiliche Buchgesellschaft (2nd edition, ISBN 3-534-03840-1). = Robins, Robert Henry (1993). The Byzantine Grammarians: Their Place in History. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 9783110135749. Retrieved 23 January 2015 — via Google Books. tpiin.wikipodiarorgwindex.phpitle=Anclert_Greck_phonology&priniaolo=yes 3185sono ‘Ancient Greek phonology - Wikipedia, the free neyclopedta = Siler, Andrew Littleton (1995). New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-508345-8. = R.B. Smith (1972): Empirical evidences and theoretical interpretations of Greek phonology: Prolegomena to a theory of sound patterns in the Hellenistic Koine, Ph.D. diss. Indiana University. = S-T. Teodorsson (1974): The phonemic system of the Attic dialect 400-340 BC. Giteborg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis (ASIN B0006CLS1U). = S.-T. Teodorsson (1977): The phonology of Ptolemaic Koine (Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia), Goteborg (ISBN 91-7346-035-4). = S.-T. Teodorsson (1978): The phonology of Attic in the Hellenistic period (Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia), Goteborg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis (ISBN 91-7346-059-1). = L. Threatte (1980): The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions, vol. 1: Phonology, Berlin: de Gruyter (ISBN 3-11-007344-7) Older literature = G. Babiniotis: Iotopici Tpappateia tng Apyaias EXAnvixiis PA@ooac, 1. Dovodoyia ("Historical Grammar of the Ancient Greek Language: 1. Phonology") =F, Blass (1870): Uber die Aussprache des Griechischen, Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung. = I. Bywater, The Erasmian Pronunciation of Greek and its Precursors, Oxford: 1908, Defends Erasmus from the claim that he hastily wrote his Dialogus based on a hoax. Mentions Erasmus's predecessors Jerome Aleander, Aldus Manutius, and Antonio of Lebrixa. Short review in The Journal of Hellenic Studies 29 (1909), p. 133. STOR 624654 (http://www. jstor.org/stable/624654), = E.A.S. Dawes (1894): The Pronunciation of Greek aspirates, D. Nutt. = EM. Geldart (1870): The Modern Greek Language In Its Relation To Ancient Greek (reprint 2004, Lightning Source Inc. ISBN 1-4179-4849-3). = GN. Hatzidakis (1902): Axadnpaixte avayvoopara: i xpopopit ti ("Academic Studies: The pronunciation of Ancient Greek"). = Jannaris, A. (1897). An Historical Greek Grammar Chiefly of the Attic Dialect As Written and Spoken From Classical Antiquity Down to the Present Time. London: MacMillan. = Kiparsky, Paul (1973). "The Inflectional Accent in Indo-European". Language (Linguistic Society of America) 49 (4): 794-849, doi: 10.2307/412064, Retrieved 23 January 2015 - via JSTOR. = A. Meillet (1975) Apergu d'une histoire de la langue grecque, Paris: Librairie Klincksieck (8th edition). = A. Meillet & J. Vendryes (1968): Traité de grammaire comparée des langues classiques, Paris: Librairie Ancienne Honoré Champion (4th edition). = Papadimitrakopoulos, Th. (1889). Béoavos tv nepi tijg EMAnvuxiis mpopopas Epaopixdy denodeiGeev [Critique of the Erasmian evidence regarding Greek pronunciation]. Athens. = E, Schwyzer (1939): Griechische Grammatik, vol. 1, Allgemeiner Teil. Lautlehre, Wortbildung, Flexion, Minchen: C.H. Beck (repr. 1990 ISBN 3-406-01339-2). = Smyth, Herbert Weir (1920). A Greek Grammar for Colleges. American Book Company — via Perseus Project. = Stanford, William Bedell (1959) [1947]. "Introduction, Grammatical Introduction”. Homer: Odyssey I-XII 1 (2nd ed.). Macmillan Education Ltd. pp. IX-LXXXVI. ISBN 1-85399-502-9. = W.B. Stanford (1967): The Sound of Greek. = Sturtevant, E. H. (1940) [1920]. The Pronunciation of Greek and Latin (2nd ed.). Philadelphia. apyaing EXaqviniis Aristotle Aristotle (in Classical Greek). @ epi Touring [Poetics]. Wikisource. section 1456b, lines 20-34, tpin.wikipodiarorgwindex.phpitle=Anciert_Greck_phonologypriniaolo=yes 3285sorvanre ‘Arcint Greek phonology -Wikipada the ree encyclopedia All speech consists of these categories: element [letter], Tiig 38 AéGes dmaons 148" dori va pépn, syllable, conjunction, noun, verb, inflection, phrase. otorysiov avAAafih obvdeqp0s Svo}ta Aijja pOpov mrdeig Novos, A letter is an indivisible sound — not any sound, but a sound from which a compound sound [syllable] can Exorzziov pév obv dot gov Adtaiperog, od naturally be made, since the sounds of animals are also néioa 8& GAA’ 8 fig nEoUKE ovvOET} yiyvecban indivisible, and I call none of them a letter. The ova: Kai yap TOV Onpiav sisiv dBiaiperor categories of sound are sounding [vowels], half- govai, Sy oddepiav AEyo otorzsiov. Tadens 38 sounding [semivowels: fricatives and sonorants], and —_iépn t6 te QoviEV Kai TO Hpipovoy Kai unsounded [silent or mute: stop]. &pevov. These categories are the vowel, which has audible “Eotwv 38 tara peovijey ev deve sound but no contact [between lips or between tongue xpoafohijc Xxov Ooviy &xovaTiy, HLiPOVvOV and the inside of the mouth]; the semivowel, which has 8é 1 tetét npooBodig EZov gavity &KkovoTiy, audible sound and contact (for example s and r); and the ofov rE Kai td P, dipevov 38 76 peti mute, which has contact and no sound by itself, mpooBodiig ka0" abtd tev obdepiav Exov becoming audible only with [letters] that have a sound gavijv, sta 88 tev EySvewv TIVE QOVAV (for example g and d). yivouevov axovorsy, ofov 13 F Kai 16 A. [Letters] differ in the shape of the mouth and place [in tadta 8é Siagéper oxpaciv te 10d otopatos the mouth], in thickness and thinness [aspiration and ai tono1s kai SaodTaT Kal WLROTHT Kai unaspiration}, in length and shortness — and still more _pjxer kai Bpagomyn En 38 OEbrHT Kai in sharpness and depth and middle [high and low Bapbtmt kai t@ péow: nepi dv Kad" EKAoTOV pitch, and pitch between the two]: but theorizing about _év toi petpiKois mpoorxet Oewopeiv, these things in detail is the job of those who study [poetic] meter. Dionysius Thrax Dionysius Thrax. "c' nepi otorgeiou" [6. On the Sound]. Tégv Fpapparix [Art of Grammar] (in Koine Greek), Retrieved 21 January 2015 — via biblotheca Augustana. There are 24 letters, from a to d.... Letters are also —-ypapparé éouw cixoottésoupa dino tod a called elements [of speech] because they have an order éyp1 708 oo... Ta [ypaypiara] 3é adrét Kai and classification. ororgeia Kahetoa dud 1 Eger otoiysv twva Kai réewv. Of these, seven are vowels: a, e, & i, 0, y, 3. They are called vowels because they form a complete sound by todtav pavijevta pév gow émtér ae N10 0G, themselves govijevta! BE Aéyetan, dt1 pooviyy do" Eavtdov anotehai.. Two of the vowels are long (2 and 4), two are short’ (e and 0), and three are two-timed (a iy). They are called tv 58 povnévtov paxpit pév Eom 860, 1 Kai two-timed since they can be lengthened and shortened. ©, Bpazéa dbo, Kai o, digpova tpia, a1 v. digpovar 5 Aéyeray, éxei Exteiverca Kat Five are prefixable vowels: a, ¢, 2, 0, 3. They are called guaréaderat. prefixable because they form a complete syllable when prefixed before i and y: for instance, ai au. Two are mpotaxtixit govijevta névte: aE 110 ©. suffixable: j and y, And y is sometimes prefixable mpotaxtixd 58 Méyetar, 61 mpotasaspeva tod before i, as in myia and harpyia. kai v ovAAaBi amotedei, ofov an av. tpin.wikipodiarorgwindex.phpitle=Anciert_Greck_phonologypriniaolo=yes 3305sorvaor6 ‘Arcint Greek phonology -Wikipada the ree encyclopedia Six are diphthongs: ai au ei eu oi ou dmotaxtuci: 560° Kal v, Kai 1) v 88 EdtE mpotaxtixéy dom tod 1, ds Ev tat prota Kat The remaining seventeen letters are consonants apavia. [pronounced-with]: b, g, d, z, th, k, m,n, x, p.r 5,t ph, kh, ps. They are called consonants because they do digBoyyor dé sit EE: at av £1 ev 01 00. not have a sound on their own, but they form a complete sound when arranged with vowels. obpoova dé tH Lowa Extaxaidexa By SFO KA LVERpotOZY. cdpgovan dé Aéyovta, St Of these, eight are semivowels: z, x, ps, /,m,n.7,s. abt pév a0" Eater povity obx Exe1, They are called semivowels, because, though a little ovvtasadpieva 3 peti TOV POVNEVTOV GOviY weaker than the vowels, they still sound pleasant in moreei. hummings and hissings. obtaV Hpipeva yey sor Ord: CE WAH P Nine are mutes: b, g, d, k, p, t, th, ph, kh. They are 6. apigava dé Aéyetar, 6u1 nap’ Soov jirtov called mute, because, more than the others, they sound tv povnévtav ebpava KadécrnKey EV te TOTS bad, just as we call a performer of tragedy who sounds rwypois Kai orypors, bad voiceless. Three of these are thin (&, p, 1), three are thick (th, ph, kh), and three of them are middle dpeova & Sou Ewew Py SKTTO OY. dpova [intermediate] (6, g, d). They are called middle, because 58 Aéyetar, but didAov tav Gov éotiv they are thicker than the thin [mutes], but thinner than KaKduva, Gonep sipovov MyopEV tov the thick [mutes]. And b is [the mute] between p and ph, tpayrdov tov Kakdgavoy. tobtaV WlAis rév g between kand kh, and d between th and t. éou tpia, x x 1, bacéa tpia, 0 9 x, Héoa 5é tobtev tpia, By 5. pésa dé cipytm, ou TOV The thick [mutes] alternate with the thin ones, ph with pv whov éou Sasbtepa, HV SE Sackeov p, as in [an example from the Odyssey]; kh with k:ihétepa. Kai Zott 18 pév B péoov t0d x Kai o, [another example from the Odyssey]; th with [an 10 38 péaov tod K Kai x, TO 38 8 pEcoV tod O example from the Iliad] Kai t deyniotorgel 88 ta Bata toig wrhoig, tat EV 10 9, ob tag = GANG por cig’ dam [siné Sup] Eoxes iov bepyéa vija (Odyssey 4.279), io BK TOY, = abri’ 6 [abtixa 6] piv yraivav te wntGva te Ewor’ Odvaceis (Odyssey 5.229), 10 62 0 tH Tt = Gc Epa0"- of [Eoato oi] 8° dpa navees axiy éyévovto tani (Iliad 4.95), In addition, three consonants are double: z, x, ps. 11 8 TOV ovpdvev SuTha HEV Eom tpia: CE y. They are called double because cach one of them is Sum 3é ipyta, bt BV Exaotov adtOv éx 360 made up of two consonants: z from s and d, x from k ovpgdvav obyxerta, tO Hey Ex tod 6 Kal 8, tO and s, and ps from p and s, 8b & Ex TOD K Ka G, TO BE y EK TOD AKU. tpin.wikipodiarorgwindex.phpitle=Anciert_Greck_phonologypriniaolo=yes 3495sorvaor6 ‘ecient Grek pharlony - Wikipedia tw ro encyclopedia There are four unchangeable [consonants] /, m,n, r. dpevéBoha téooupa: 2 pvp. dytetaBona 38 They are called unchangeable because they do not Aéyetar, 81 od wetaPAdAer Ev toic péAAOVOI TOV change in the future [tenses of verbs and in the nptv ob88 év tag KMoet TOV vojtdtov. tit declensions of nouns. They are also called liquids. 38 abtit kai dypa Kadstran, External links = University of California/Berkeley Practice of ancient Greek pronunciation (http://socrates. berkeley.edu/~ancgreek/pronunchtml/pronune_practU.html) = Society for the oral reading of Greek and Latin Literature Recitation of classies books (http://www.thapsodes. fll. vt.edu/Greek.htm) = Erasmus De recta Latini Graecique sermonis pronuntiatione dialogus (hup://big.chez.com/asklepios/erasmus/pronuntiatione.htm) (in Latin) = Brian Joseph, Ancient Greek (http://www. ling. ohio-state.edu/~bjoseph/articles/gancient.htm), Modern Greek (http:/www.ling. ohio-state. edu/~bjoseph/articles/gmodern.htm) = Harry Foundalis Greek Alphabet and pronunciation (htip://www.foundalis.com/lan/grkalpha,him) = Carl W. Conrad 4 Compendium of Ancient Greek Phonology (http:/Wwww.artsci.wustl.edu/~cwconrad/docs/CompPhon.pdf): about phonology strictly speaking, and not phonetics = Randall uth: 17 xo} mpogopa: Notes on the Pronunciation System of Phonemic Koine Greek (http://www. biblicallanguagecenter.com/wp- content/uploads/2010/03/Greek_Pronunciation_2008,pdf) = Chrys C. Caragounis: The error of Erasmus and un-Greek pronunciations of Greek (http:/www.septuagint-interlinear-greek-bible.com/un-greek pd)) = Sidney Allen Vox Graeca (hitp://books. google.com/books?vid=ISBNO521335558&id=yws4Zey- ZnYC&dq=vox+graeca) (only a preview available, but still useful). Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php? title=Ancient_Greek_phonology&oldid=698756434" Categories: Ancient Greek language | Language phonologies = This page was last modified on 8 January 2016, at 01:33. = Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. 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