Bourdieu, Pierre Algeria 1960. The Disenchantment of The World, The Sense of Honour, The Kabyle House or The World Reversed

ALGERIA 1960
Pierre is one of the leading anthro-

pologists who have worked in Algeria. T h i s book
centres on his classic essay, Algeria 1960: The
Disenchantment of the World, previously
unavailable in English, w h i c h is based on his
research on economic behaviour and attitudes in
Algeria around
T h i s essay analyses the relationship between
economic structures and the structures of the
experience of time which underlie opposing
patterns of economic behaviour hoarding or
saving, gift-exchange or credit, mutual aid or
contractual co-operation. Professor Bourdieu
discusses the nature of this relationship in both
capitalist and pre-capitalist economies. He
analyses the economic practices of agents in
different economic situations, and so brings to
light the economic conditions in which
economic behaviour is really possible. Implicitly
challenging theorists such as F a n o n , he
shows that the economic basis of the difference
between sub-proletarian reveries and
proletarian revolutionary designs lies in the
capacity to plan the future, which is demanded
and instilled by a capitalist economy.
T h e second part of the book contains two
studies in K a b y l e ethnography. T h e first analyses
in terms of symbolic power a set of practices -
gift and counter-gift, challenge and riposte -
that are generally reduced to their communica-
tion and exchange functions. T h e second
explores the meanings of the K a b y l e house, in
the context of the K a b y l e mythico-ritual system.
T h e book will be of interest to anthropologists,
particularly those specialising in economic
anthropology, sociologists and specialists in
A f r i c a n studies.
Studies in m o d e r n capitalism Etudes sur capitalisme m o d e r n e
Algeria
Studies in m o d e r n capitalism E t u d e s sur le capitalisme m o d e r n e
Editorial board de redaction
Maurice M a i s o n des Sciences d e l ' H o m m e , Paris

Jacques Revel, des H a u t e s E t u d e s e n Sciences Sociales, Paris
I m m a n u e l Wallerstein, F e r n a n d B r a u d e l C e n t e r for the Study o f E c o n -
omies, Historical Systems, a n d Civilizations, B i n g h a m t o n , N e w Y o r k
This series is devoted to an attempt to comprehend capitalism as a

w o r l d - s y s t e m . I t will i n c l u d e m o n o g r a p h s , collections o f essays colloquia
a r o u n d specific t h e m e s , w r i t t e n b y h i s t o r i a n s a n d social scientists u n i t e d
by a common concern for the study of large-scale, long-term social
s t r u c t u r e a n d social c h a n g e .
T h e series is a joint enterprise of the M a i s o n des Sciences de l ' H o m m e
i n P a r i s a n d the F e r n a n d B r a u d e l C e n t e r f o r the S t u d y o f E c o n o m i e s ,
H i s t o r i c a l Systems, a n d Civilizations at the State U n i v e r s i t y of N e w Y o r k
at Binghamton.
O t h e r books in the series

Immanuel Wallerstein: The capitalist world-economy
Andre Gunder Frank: Mexican 1521-1630: transformation of
mode of production
T h i s book is published as part of the joint publishing agreement established

in 1977 between the F o n d a t i o n de la M a i s o n des Sciences de l ' H o m m e a n d
the Syndics of the C a m b r i d g e University Titles published under
a r r a n g e m e n t m a y a p p e a r i n a n y E u r o p e a n l a n g u a g e or, i n the case o f
v o l u m e s of collected essays, in several languages.
N e w b o o k s w i l l a p p e a r e i t h e r a s i n d i v i d u a l titles o r i n o n e o f t h e s e r i e s
w h i c h the M a i s o n des Sciences d e l ' H o m m e a n d the C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y
Press have jointly a g r e e d to publish. A l l books p u b l i s h e d jointly by the
M a i s o n des Sciences d e l ' H o m m e a n d the C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press will
be distributed by the Press t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d .
Algeria 1960
The disenchantment of the world
The sense of honour
The Kabyle house or the world reversed
Essays by
PIERRE B O U R D I E U
Directeur
des E t u d e s en Sciences
Translated by R i c h a r d Nice
C a m b r i d g e University Press
Cambridge London New Y o r k Melbourne
8c Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l ' H o m m e

Paris
Published by the Syndics of the C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press
T h e Pitt B u i l d i n g , Street, C a m b r i d g e C B 2 1 R P
H o u s e , 200 E u s t o n R o a d , L o n d o n N W 1 2 D B
3 2 E a s t 5 7 t h Street, N e w Y o r k , N Y 10022, U S A
296 P a r a d e , M i d d l e P a r k , M e l b o u r n e 3206, A u s t r a l i a
a n d E d i t i o n s de la Maison des Sciences de l ' H o m m e
54 B o u l e v a r d R a s p a i l , 75270 Paris C e d e x 06
O r i g i n a l F r e n c h version of E d i t i o n s de M i n u i t
O r i g i n a l F r e n c h version o f " T h e sense o f h o n o u r " a n d " T h e K a b y l e house"
© P i e r r e B o u r d i e u 1972
E n g l i s h translation © Maison des Sciences de l ' H o m m e a n d

C a m b r i d g e University Press 1979
E n g l i s h translation first published 1979
P r i n t e d in G r e a t B r i t a i n at the U n i v e r s i t y Press, C a m b r i d g e
Library of Congress in Publication Data

Bourdieu, Pierre.
Algeria
(Studies in m o d e r n capitalism)
T r a n s l a t i o n of 60.
I n c l u d e s index.
1. A l g e r i a - E c o n o m i c conditions. 2. E c o n o m i c development - C a s e studies.
3 . C a p i t a l i s m - C a s e studies. I . T i d e . I I . Series.
HC547.A4B6413 330.9'65'05 78-4237
I S B N 0 521 22090 4
Contents
Preface page
T h e disenchantment of the w o r l d 1
Introduction 1
1 Simple r e p r o d u c t i o n a n d cyclical time 8
2 C o n t r a d i c t o r y necessities and ambiguous conduct 30
3 Subjective hopes and objective chances 50
4 T h e economic conditions f o r t r a n s f o r m e d economic
dispositions 64
Conclusion 92
T h e sense of h o n o u r 95
T h e Kabyle house or the w o r l d reversed 133
Index
Preface
T h e present text of my first essay, w r i t t e n in f o r a foreign-

language e d i t i o n , is a shortened version of Travail et travailleurs
en Algerie (published in 1963), w h i c h presented the findings of a
series of ethnographic a n d statistical studies carried out in A l g e r i a
between 1958 a n d
It was not by chance that the relationship between structures a n d
was constituted as a theoretical p r o b l e m in relation to a
historical situation in w h i c h that p r o b l e m was in a sense presented
by reality itself, in the f o r m of a permanent discrepancy between
the agents' economic dispositions a n d the economic w o r l d in w h i c h
they h a d to act. In situations of transition between a pre-capitalist
economy a n d a capitalist economy, the objectivist abstraction in
which j o i n hands w i t h structural-Marxists is so
flagrantly inadequate that one has to be b l i n d to reality to reduce
the economic agents to mere reflections of the economic structures
a n d to fail to pose the p r o b l e m of the genesis of economic dis-
positions and of the economic a n d social conditions of their
genesis. A particular class of material conditions of existence,
grasped objectively in the f o r m of a particular structure
objective probabilities - an objective future - generates determinate
dispositions towards the future. These dispositions are structured
structures w h i c h f u n c t i o n as s t r u c t u r i n g structures, o r i e n t i n g a n d
organizing the economic practices of daily life - purchases, saving,
1. T h e apparatus of s u p p o r t i n g material - statistical tables, extracts f r o m interviews,
documents, etc. - is not r e p r i n t e d here. T h e r e a d e r should therefore consult Travail
et travailleurs en Algerie (Paris a n d T h e H a g u e : M o u t o n , 1963) for this information;
also for details of the survey methodology (sampling, questionnaire, etc.) a n d analysis
of the findings. " T h e D i s e n c h a n t m e n t of the W o r l d " was published in F r e n c h u n d e r
the title Algerie 60 (Paris: E d i t i o n s de M i n u i t , 1978).
2. T h e habitus is a system d u r a b l e , transposable dispositions w h i c h functions as the
generative basis of s t r u c t u r e d , objectively unified practices.
vii
viii Preface
and credit - and also political representations, whether resigned

or Those who have no before them, as the
phrase goes, are unlikely to f o r m the i n d i v i d u a l project of
b r i n g i n g about their future, or to w o r k f o r the c o m i n g of a new
collective future. T h e relation to a f u t u r e objectively inscribed in
the material conditions of existence contains the basis of the
distinction between the sub-proletariat and the proletariat -
between the u p r o o t e d , demoralized masses' disposition to revolt
a n d the revolutionary dispositions of organized workers w h o have
sufficient c o n t r o l over their present to undertake to reappropriate
the f u t u r e .
Rereading this text, w r i t t e n more t h a n a decade ago, I m o r e than
once felt the wish to refine a n d systematize the analyses, by
investing in t h e m all that subsequent w o r k has yielded (particularly
Outline of Theory of But, conscious of the futility of all
forms of l a b o u r " that are n o t accompanied by
empirical w o r k on the things themselves (which w o u l d mean, in
this case, a r e t u r n to w h i c h is possible at present),
I have refrained f r o m d o i n g so. I have added two f u r t h e r essays,
" T h e Sense of H o n o u r " and " T h e House or the W o r l d
Reversed", previously available in English b u t in an unsatisfactory
t h o u g h they belong more closely to the line of anthropo-
logical research presented in the Outline, they should help to give
the reader a clearer idea of the cultural presuppositions of the logic
of the Kabyle economy.
P.B.
Paris
December 1976
3. See P. B o u r d i e u , Esquisse de la pratique ( G e n e v a a n d Paris: 1972)

(Outline of a Theory of Practice, C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e University Press,
einer Theorie Praxis, F r a n k f u r t : S u h r k a m p , 1976).
F o r n o t h i n g i s m o r e c e r t a i n , t h a n t h a t d e s p a i r h a s a l m o s t t h e s a m e effect o n u s
w i t h e n j o y m e n t , a n d that we a r e no sooner w i t h the impossibility o f
satisfying a n y d e s i r e , t h a n the d e s i r e itself v a n i s h e s .
David Hume, Introduction to Treatise of Nature
Introduction
Those w h o pose the r i t u a l question of the cultural obstacles to

economic development are generally concerned exclusively, that
is to say w i t h the "rationalization" of economic conducts,
a n d they describe as resistances, solely imputable to the c u l t u r a l
heritage (or, worse, to one or another of its aspects, Islam f o r
every failure to meet the requirements of an abstract
m o d e l of "rationality" as defined by economic theory. Paradoxi-
cally, the philosophy of economic development w h i c h reduces
a n t h r o p o l o g y to a d i m e n s i o n of economics leads to the i g n o r i n g
of the economic conditions for the a d o p t i o n of "rational" economic
behaviour a n d expects the m a n of pre-capitalist societies to start
by converting himself i n t o a "developed" m a n in o r d e r to be able
to enjoy the economic advantages of a "developed" economy.
N o r does c u l t u r a l a n t h r o p o l o g y escape abstraction w h e n it sees
a simple effect of "culture contact" in the transformations of
pre-capitalist societies w h i c h it describes as "culture change" or
"acculturation". It tends to ignore the fact that t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of
the system of c u l t u r a l models a n d values is n o t the result of a simple
logical c o m b i n a t i o n between the i m p o r t e d models a n d the o r i g i n a l
models but that, being b o t h the consequence a n d the
of economic transformations, this transformation takes place only
t h r o u g h the m e d i a t i o n of the experience a n d practice of i n d i v i d -
uals differently situated w i t h respect to the economic system.
T h u s , w i t h i n the apparently most homogeneous peasant society,
1
2 Algeria
statistical analysis reveals differences in economic dispositions

w h i c h can be related to differences in economic The
cash economy a n d the system of dispositions that is l i n k e d to it
develop at v a r y i n g speeds in the different social classes, d e p e n d i n g
on t h e i r type of activity a n d especially on the intensity a n d d u r a t i o n
of t h e i r previous contacts w i t h the cash economy and, on the
r e b o u n d , these inequalities in r h y t h m t e n d to w i d e n the cleavages
between the T h i s single example is sufficient to recall a
t r u t h too often i g n o r e d by economists a n d in-
equalities in relation to the "rational" economy and economic
rationality, or, to p u t it another way, unequal r h y t h m s (between
one i n d i v i d u a l o r g r o u p a n d another) i n the transformation o f
economic attitudes are p r i m a r i l y the reflection of economic a n d
social inequalities.
It follows f r o m this that the logic of the transformation of
practices takes different forms d e p e n d i n g on the economic a n d
social situations in w h i c h it takes place. Economic practice ( w h i c h
one can always measure abstractly on a scale of degrees of econ-
omic always refers back to a class c o n d i t i o n : the
subject of economic acts is n o t homo b u t the real m a n ,
w h o is made by the economy. In consequence, given that the
practices (both economic and non-economic) of each agent have
as t h e i r c o m m o n r o o t the relation he objectively maintains,
t h r o u g h the m e d i a t i o n of his habitus w h i c h is itself the p r o d u c t
of a definite type of economic c o n d i t i o n , w i t h the objective a n d
collective f u t u r e w h i c h defines his class situation, only a sociology
of t e m p o r a l dispositions enables us to get b e y o n d the t r a d i t i o n a l
question as to w h e t h e r transformation of the conditions of exist-
ence precedes a n d governs the transformation of dispositions or
the contrary, a n d to determine h o w class c o n d i t i o n is able to
structure the whole experience of social subjects, not least t h e i r
economic experience, w i t h o u t acting t h r o u g h the i n t e r m e d i a r y of
mechanical determinations or of an adequate a n d explicit aware-
ness of the objective t r u t h of the situation.
1. See P. B o u r d i e u a n d A. Le la crise de en
(Paris: E d i t i o n s de Minuic, 1964).
2. If anthropologists so r a r e l y resort to the statistical m e t h o d , this is not only because their
t r a i n i n g a n d the tradition of their discipline do not e n c o u r a g e t h e m to use this
u n f a m i l i a r technique even w h e n it w o u l d seem to be essential, as in the study of c u l t u r e
changes, but also, it w o u l d a p p e a r , because they almost always think in terms of the
a n d the " r u l e " .
The disenchantment of the world 3
T h e economic system i m p o r t e d by colonization - the objectified

heritage of another civilization, a legacy of accumulated experi-
ences, techniques of payment or m a r k e t i n g , methods of account-
ancy, calculation, a n d organization - has the necessity of a
(as Weber puts it) i n t o w h i c h the workers find themselves
cast a n d whose rules they must learn in o r d e r to survive. C o n -
sequently, i n most T h i r d W o r l d countries, i n spite o f all the
analogies, the situation is quite different f r o m that of nascent
capitalism. Sombart w r o t e that " i n the early capitalist age, the
e n t r e p r e n e u r p r o d u c e d capitalism, in the perfected capitalist age
capitalism produces the A n d he himself went on
t o qualify that i l l u m i n a t i n g b u t o v e r s i m p l i f y i n g f o r m u l a : " I n the
y o u n g days of capitalism, capitalist organization was by no means
general; it was mostly the creation of the non-capitalist genius. Its
stock of knowledge a n d experience was not b o t h experience
a n d knowledge h a d to be gained, garnered, a n d tested. It had little
in the way of capitalist a n d that little h a d to be
A n d as f o r the p r i m a r y foundations of all contracts a n d
agreements, they h a d not yet been l a i d ; l o n g a n d strenuous was
the u p w a r d s t r i v i n g of credit a n d confidence a n d trust. Does it
not stand to sense that u n d e r such circumstances the capitalist
e n t r e p r e n e u r was b o u n d to act on his o w n initiative, a n d possibly
w i t h a g o o d deal of If initiative a n d caprice had such
an i m p o r t a n t p a r t to play, the reason is that, as Sombart indicates,
the f o r m a t i o n of what he calls the o u t l o o k " a n d the
constitution of the economic system were accomplished concur-
r e n t l y , because they were l i n k e d in a dialectical r e l a t i o n of m u t u a l
dependence a n d p r i o r i t y .
T h e essence of the situation of economic dependence (of w h i c h
the colonial situation is the extreme case) is, by contrast, that
economic a n d social organization is the p r o d u c t not of an auton-
omous e v o l u t i o n of the society t r a n s f o r m i n g itself in accordance
w i t h its i n t e r n a l logic, b u t of exogenous, accelerated change, i m -
posed by the imperialist power. In these circumstances, the extent
of the free decision a n d initiative to the economic agents seems
to be reduced to zero; a n d one m i g h t t h i n k that, u n l i k e t h e i r
counterparts in the early days of capitalism, they have no o p t i o n
3. W. S o m b a r t , The Quintessence of Capitalism: A Study of History and Psychology of
Modern Business Man, trans. M. E p s t e i n ( L o n d o n : 1915), p. 197 (modified).
4. hoc. cit.
4 A l g e r i a 1960
b u t to adapt to the i m p o r t e d system. In reality, agents b r o u g h t up

in a quite different c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n can only succeed in adapting
to the cash economy by means of a creative r e i n v e n t i o n w h i c h is
the very opposite of a p u r e l y mechanical a n d passive forced
In this respect they are closer to the early entre-
p r e n e u r t h a n to the economic agents of capitalist societies. As it
evolves, economic organization tends to impose itself as a quasi-
autonomous system w h i c h expects a n d demands of the i n d i v i d u a l
a certain type of economic practice a n d dispositions. T h e spirit of
calculation a n d forecasting, insensibly acquired a n d assimilated
t h r o u g h i m p l i c i t a n d explicit education, thus tends to be taken f o r
g r a n t e d because is the atmosphere one lives a n d
moves i n .
T h e m a t e r i a l techniques r e q u i r e d for e c o n o m i c c o n d u c t i n the capitalist system
are, as has often been shown, inseparable f r o m a "lived philosophy" w h i c h has
b e e n built up slowly over the course of history a n d is transmitted both t h r o u g h
the early education p e r f o r m e d by the family a n d t h r o u g h f o r m a l education. As
p u t s it, " A s t h e d e m a n d f o r e c o n o m i c r a t i o n a l i s m a r o s e i t w a s s a t i s f i e d
by specialist w o r k . T h o u s a n d s of people a r e e n g a g e d today in t h i n k i n g out a n d
c a r r y i n g t h r o u g h the best m e t h o d s of c o n d u c t i n g business. T h e r e is a w h o l e
h i e r a r c h y of them, f r o m the professors of economics to the a r m y of accountants,
m a k e r s of calculating machines, c a r d - i n d e x systems, typewriters a n d w h a t not.
I n m a n y cases, too, t h e e m p l o y e e s o f business h o u s e s a r e u r g e d b y p r o m i s e s o f
b o n u s e s t o take p a r t i n this p r o d u c t i o n o f e c o n o m i c One
t y p i c a l " a n e c d o t e ( r e p o r t e d b y t h e n e w s p a p e r s o n 2 5 O c t o b e r 1 9 5 9 ) w i l l suffice
to demonstrate how, even in childhood, the economy tends to mould the
economic habitus: t h e p u b l i c s c h o o l b o y s o f L o w e s t o f t ( E n g l a n d ) set u p a n i n -
s u r a n c e society. F o r a beating a boy w h o was i n s u r e d r e c e i v e d f o u r shillings. B u t
because the system was b e i n g a b u s e d , the c h a i r m a n , a g e d thirteen, h a d to insist
on a s u p p l e m e n t a r y clause w h e r e b y t h e society was not liable for
deliberately i n c u r r e d .
For the m a n of pre-capitalist societies, these presuppositions are

alien ways, to be laboriously acquired. For the new system of
dispositions is n o t constructed in a v a c u u m ; it is b u i l t up f r o m
customary dispositions w h i c h outlast the disappearance or disin-
t e g r a t i o n of their economic bases a n d w h i c h can only be adapted
to the demands of the new objective situation by means of a
creative t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . T h e discrepancy between the
tus a n d the structures of the economy, w h i c h is relatively n a r r o w
in nascent capitalism as in advanced capitalist society, is here as
wide as it can be. Because they do not change in the same r h y t h m
5. Ibid. p p . 3 4 5 - 6 .
as the economic structures, dispositions a n d ideologies corre-

s p o n d i n g to different economic structures, still present or already
swept away, coexist in the same society a n d sometimes even in the
same individuals. B u t the c o m p l e x i t y of the phenomena is f u r t h e r
increased by the fact that some remnants of the pre-capitalist m o d e
of p r o d u c t i o n persist despite everything, a n d w i t h t h e m , the
associated dispositions. It follows f r o m this that, b o t h at the level
of the economic structures a n d at the level of dispositions,
resentations, and values, the same duality is to be observed, as if
these societies were not contemporary w i t h themselves.
T h e decision to take as the p r i m a r y object of o u r analysis the
process by w h i c h dispositions a n d ideologies are adapted to
i m p o r t e d a n d imposed economic structures, i.e. the r e i n v e n t i o n
of a new system of dispositions u n d e r the pressure of economic
necessity, does not i m p l y f a l l i n g i n t o the psychologistic
jectivism of considering that the dispositions of the economic
subjects generate the structure of the objective economic or social
relations. N o r does it i m p l y the ethnocentrism that is
often associated w i t h subjectivism, w h i c h tends to make the desire
to maximize u t i l i t y or preference the p r i n c i p l e g o v e r n i n g all
economic activity. A l t h o u g h it does n o t express a universal
r e g u l a r i t y of economic activity, the theory of m a r g i n a l u t i l i t y
manifests a f u n d a m e n t a l aspect of m o d e r n societies, the tendency
towards (formal) w h i c h affects all facets of
m o d e r n life. historical particularity o f the capitalist
w r o t e Weber, " a n d , by the same token, the significance of the
theory of m a r g i n a l u t i l i t y (as of every economic value theory) f o r
the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of this epoch, lies in the fact that, whereas the
economic history of many past epochs has, not incorrectly, been
termed history o f the i n m o d e r n l i v i n g con-
ditions the a p p r o x i m a t i o n of reality to the theoretical propositions
has been constantly increasing, i n v o l v i n g the fate of ever broader
strata o f h u m a n i t y , and, so far as one can foresee, w i l l become
steadily greater in the f u t u r e . In this cultural-historical
the heuristic significance of the theory of m a r g i n a l
T h e recent history of A l g e r i a n society is a particular case of this
cultural-historical fact. T h e process of adaptation to the capitalist
6. Max Weber, "Die Grenznutlehre das [1908],
2nd edn (Tubingen: Mohr, p. 395.
6 A l g e r i a 1960
economy w h i c h is to be observed there r e m i n d s us of what we are

liable to forget if we consider only advanced capitalist societies,
namely that the f u n c t i o n i n g of any economic system is t i e d to the
existence of a definite system of dispositions towards the w o r l d ,
and, m o r e precisely, towards t i m e : because the economic system
a n d the agents' dispositions are there in relative h a r m o n y , w i t h
rationalization e x t e n d i n g little by little i n t o the domestic econ-
o m y , one is liable to forget that the economic system presents
itself as a field of objective expectations w h i c h can only be
by agents endowed w i t h a certain type of economic and, m o r e
broadly, t e m p o r a l dispositions. Consequently, t h o u g h description
of the f u l l y realized capitalist system can (at least as a first ap-
p r o x i m a t i o n ) be restricted to objective properties, such as pre-
dictability a n d calculability, the fact remains that in developing
societies, the discrepancy between the objective structures a n d the
agents' dispositions is such that constructing an adequate economic
theory w o u l d perhaps require one to r e f r a i n , in this case at least,
f r o m d e d u c i n g behaviour f r o m the system as it is or, worse, as one
w o u l d like it to be.
F u r t h e r m o r e , w h e n one observes the dramatic c o n f r o n t a t i o n
between an economic cosmos i m p o s i n g itself a n d economic agents
w h o m n o t h i n g has p r e p a r e d to grasp its deep i n t e n t i o n , one is
forced to reflect on the conditions f o r the existence a n d f u n c t i o n -
i n g of the capitalist system, i.e. on the economic dispositions
w h i c h it b o t h favours a n d demands. N o t h i n g , indeed, is m o r e alien
(or u n i m p o r t a n t ) to economic theory t h a n the concrete economic
far f r o m economics b e i n g a d e p a r t m e n t of anthropology,
a n t h r o p o l o g y is o n l y an a p p e n d i x to economics a n d homo
the result of an a priori style of d e d u c t i o n w h i c h tends to
find c o n f i r m a t i o n in experience, at least statistically, because an
economic system u n d e r g o i n g has the means to
m o u l d agents in accordance w i t h its requirements. W h e n one has
i m p l i c i d y or explicitly set oneself the p r o b l e m of what economic
m a n must be in o r d e r f o r the capitalist economy to be possible,
one is i n c l i n e d to consider the categories of the economic con-
sciousness p r o p e r to the capitalist as universal categories, inde-
pendent of economic a n d social conditions; and, by the same t o k e n ,
one runs the risk of i g n o r i n g the genesis, b o t h collective a n d
i n d i v i d u a l , of the structures of the economic consciousness.
A d a p t a t i o n to an economic a n d social order, of whatever sort,

presupposes an ensemble of knowledges transmitted by or
f o r m a l education, practical skills and k n o w - h o w b o u n d up w i t h
an ethos a n d m a k i n g it possible to act w i t h a reasonable chance
of success. T h u s , adaptation to an economic organization w h i c h
tends to ensure predictability and calculability demands a p a r t i -
cular disposition towards time and, m o r e precisely, towards the
f u t u r e , since the of economic conduct implies
that the whole of existence be organized in relation to an absent,
i m a g i n a r y vanishing p o i n t . T o understand the process o f adapting
to the capitalist economy, a n d in particular to e x p l a i n its slowness
a n d difficulty, it seems necessary to analyse, albeit briefly, the
structure of the t e m p o r a l consciousness associated w i t h the pre-
capitalist economy.
1 Simple reproduction and cyclical time
It is t r u e that n o t h i n g is m o r e to the pre-capitalist economy

t h a n representation of the f u t u r e as a field of possibles
to be e x p l o r e d a n d mastered by B u t it does not f o l l o w
f r o m this, as has often been supposed, that the A l g e r i a n peasant
is incapable of f i x i n g his sights on a distant f u t u r e since
his distrust of any attempt to take possession of the f u t u r e always
coexists w i t h the foresight needed to spread the yield f r o m a good
harvest over a p e r i o d of time, sometimes several years. T h e fact
that the peasant sets aside f o r f u t u r e c o n s u m p t i o n a p r o p o r t i o n
of his direct goods (that is to say, those goods capable of g i v i n g
immediate satisfaction at any time, such as the c o n s u m p t i o n goods
w i t h w h i c h he surrounds himself a n d w h i c h constitute the tangible
guarantee of his security) presupposes that he is a i m i n g at a
future venir") i m p l i c i t in the directly per-
ceived present. By contrast, the accumulation of indirect goods
w h i c h , w i t h o u t b e i n g the source of any intrinsic satisfaction, can
help to produce direct goods, is only m e a n i n g f u l in relation to a
future futur) constructed by calculation. said
not mean seeing things in advance" ce
n'est pas v o i r a l'avance"). Fore-sight differs f r o m
forecasting in that the w h i c h it grasps is
i n h e r e n t in the situation itself as perceived t h r o u g h the technico-
r i t u a l schemes of perception a n d assessment inculcated by material
conditions of existence, themselves grasped t h r o u g h the same
schemes of thought. Economic decision is not d e t e r m i n e d here by
t a k i n g i n t o account a goal explicitly posited as f u t u r e like that
established by calculation w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k of a plan; econ-
omic action is oriented towards a that is directly
grasped in experience or established by all the accumulated experi-
ences w h i c h constitute the t r a d i t i o n .
8
f
T h u s , in general, the peasant spends in relation to the income

derived f r o m the last harvest, a n d not the income expected f r o m
the next. Moreover, w h e n the crop yields a surplus, he tends to
treat the e x t r a wheat or barley as direct goods a n d prefers to h o a r d
t h e m f o r c o n s u m p t i o n at a later date rather than sow t h e m a n d
increase his chances of getting a g o o d y i e l d f r o m a f u t u r e crop.
He thus sacrifices f u t u r e p r o d u c t i o n to f u t u r e consumption. Far
f r o m b e i n g dictated by a prospective a i m i n g at a projected future,
the practices of fore-sight stem f r o m the desire to c o n f o r m to
i n h e r i t e d models. T h u s the p o i n t of h o n o u r demands that, even
if a peasant has no pomegranate trees, a stock of pomegranate
seeds should be kept f o r use in the couscous served to his
or neighbours the first t i m e the o x e n go o u t f o r p l o u g h i n g ;
likewise, it demands that salt meat should be kept in store f o r
feastdays. A g a i n , in the past, the mistress of the house w o u l d take
p r i d e in b u i l d i n g up a special stock called thiji, made up of all the
best produce, the best f r u i t (figs, raisins, pomegranates, nuts, etc.),
the o i l f r o m the best olives, the best butter, a n d so In this
d o m a i n as elsewhere, ethical n o r m s are also, a n d inseparably, r i t u a l
imperatives, a n d the h o m o l o g y between the f e r t i l i t i y of the house
a n d the f e r t i l i t y of the l a n d means that the h o a r d i n g of goods,
w h i c h ensures the fullness of the house is as
m u c h a p r o p i t i a t o r y rite as an economic act. Similarly, a n u m b e r
of practices w h i c h m i g h t seem to be investments obey a logic w h i c h
is not that of economic calculation. T h u s , l a n d purchases, w h i c h
became m o r e frequent as the economic bases of the o l d society
collapsed w i t h the generalization of monetary exchange a n d the
accompanying crisis of the peasant ethos, were, u n t i l recently,
often motivated by the desire to prevent family l a n d f a l l i n g i n t o
the hands of another family. Similarly, the sense of h o n o u r has
i n s p i r e d m a n y innovations i n the f i e l d o f agricultural a n d domestic
e q u i p m e n t in the last fifty years, a n d it was not u n c o m m o n f o r the
r i v a l r y between the t w o factions i n t o w h i c h most villages are
d i v i d e d , or between two great families, to lead b o t h groups to
p r o v i d e themselves w i t h the same equipment, o i l presses, m o t o r -
d r i v e n mills, lorries, etc., w i t h o u t r e g a r d f o r profitability.
T h e d o m i n a n c e of the m a r k e t economy brings about a complete r e v e r s a l of the
h i e r a r c h y of values e x p r e s s e d in this tradition. On the one h a n d , the top-quality
products a r e n e e d e d for the m a r k e t , a n d on the other h a n d , new patterns of con-
sumption are adopted w h i c h help to justify a b a n d o n i n g the tradition of thiji a n d
seeking cash incomes (for instance, the adoption of coffee, w h i c h has s u p p l a n t e d figs).
10 Algeria 1960
In agrarian economy in w h i c h the p r o d u c t i o n cycle can be

encompassed in a single glance, since the products are generally
renewed in the space of a year, the peasant no m o r e dissociates
his labour f r o m the p r o d u c t w i t h w h i c h it is preg-
nant than, w i t h i n the year, he distinguishes labour t i m e
f r o m p r o d u c t i o n time, a p e r i o d w h e n his activity is virtually
suspended. By contrast, the capitalist economy, w i t h its generally
m u c h longer p r o d u c t i o n cycle, presupposes the constitution of a
mediated, abstract future, w i t h rational calculation having to make
up f o r the absence of an i n t u i t i v e grasp of the process as a whole.
But such calculation to be possible, the gap between labour time
a n d p r o d u c t i o n t i m e has to be reduced, and w i t h it the corre-
s p o n d i n g dependence on organic processes. In other words, the
organic u n i t y w h i c h u n i t e d the present of labour w i t h its
has to be b r o k e n . T h i s u n i t y is none other t h a n that of
the indivisible, unanalysable cycles of reproduction, or that of the
p r o d u c t itself, as is seen by c o m p a r i n g a craft technique, m a k i n g
whole products, w i t h industrial technology based on specialization
a n d the parcelling-out of tasks. It is understandable that measures
t e n d i n g to change the traditional length of the agrarian cycles a n d
r e q u i r i n g the sacrifice of an immediate tangible interest f o r
sake of an abstract interest (such as the offer to to construct
terraces, free of charge, f o r tree planting), were resisted by the
Algerian they only began to show some (slight) interest
w h e n they saw the success of the improvements carried o u t on the
lands of the E u r o p e a n colonists, w h o h a d taken advantage of the
offer w i t h o u t hesitation. M o r e generally, if plans arouse only
incomprehension or scepticism, the reason is that, being based on
abstract calculation a n d entailing a suspension of adherence to
the familiar they are tainted w i t h the unreality of the
imaginary. As if rational p l a n n i n g were to traditional fore-sight
as rational demonstration in geometry is to a practical
by c u t t i n g a n d f o l d i n g , a project will only be accepted i f i t offers
concrete, immediately perceptible results or if it is r e c o m m e n d e d
by a recognized, respected (such as the schoolmaster
in Kabyle
Similarly, the deep distrust w h i c h the A l g e r i a n peasants l o n g

showed towards money is explained by the fact that, in terms of
1
the t e m p o r a l structures w h i c h it demands, monetary exchange is

to barter as accumulation of capital is to h o a r d i n g .
E x c h a n g e s w e r e f o r m e r l y m a d e i n k i n d , i n a c c o r d a n c e with traditional rates
of equivalence: " I n the T e l l r e g i o n , the n o m a d w o u l d e x c h a n g e o n e m e a s u r e
of dates for three m e a s u r e s of barley, or half a m e a s u r e of wheat for three
measures In 1939, a c c o r d i n g to A u g u s t i n B e r q u e , the rates w e r e as
o n e q u i n t a l of w h e a t one sheep twenty litres of oil two quintals of
grapes or apricots three h u n d r e d kilos of c h a r c o a l one a n d a t h i r d quintals
of U n t i l t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , khammes a n d a s s o c i a t e s w e r e p a i d i n k i n d ,
a n d loans w e r e m a d e i n k i n d , i n most villages i n T h e smith was paid
for his w o r k in pottery was u n t i l recently e x c h a n g e d for the a m o u n t of
figs o r g r a i n i t c o u l d h o l d . I n s o m e p l a c e s , e x c h a n g e i n k i n d h a s b e e n k e p t u p ,
b u t i t has b e e n r e i n t e r p r e t e d i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the logic o f m o n e t a r y e x c h a n g e .
T h u s , w h e a t being w o r t h twice as m u c h in s p r i n g as at harvest time, the b o r r o w e r
m u s t g i v e b a c k t w i c e a s m u c h g r a i n a s h e r e c e i v e d . O n l y fifty y e a r s a g o , m a r k e t
trading everywhere tended to be conducted through direct exchange of com-
modities r a t h e r t h a n t h r o u g h c o m m e r c i a l exchanges r e q u i r i n g the use of credit
or cash. W h e n m o n e y d i d play a part, it was mainly a s t a n d a r d for reference.
T h u s the quoted c a s h prices of products c o n t i n u e d for a l o n g time to r e p r o d u c e
their exchange rate as established at a time w h e n transactions were conducted
through barter.
Whereas the object exchanged offers directly to i n t u i t i o n the

use that can be made of i t , as an inherent quality along w i t h its
colour, and taste, money, the indirect good par excellence,
is in itself the source of no satisfaction (a fact u n d e r l i n e d by the
story of the fellah w h o d i e d in the m i d d l e of the desert beside the
sheepskin f u l l of gold coins w h i c h he had just discovered). T h e
future use to w h i c h it points is distant, imaginary, a n d undeter-
A n d w i t h paper money, one no longer possesses even the
signs of things, but only the signs of signs. A p r o d u c t " , the saying
runs, "is w o r t h more than its equivalent [ i n
products rather t h a n money." Money, w h i c h serves anyone, any-
where, f o r any exchange, an i n s t r u m e n t only use is to be
useful f o r enables its owner, on the one hand, to look
f o r w a r d to an indeterminate use and to quantify the infinity of
possible uses it contains, so that a sort of accountancy of hopes can
take place. I d o n ' t k n o w how m u c h wheat I shall be able
to buy with my observes, " I d o k n o w that I can
buy some in the f u t u r e ; a n d if wheat isn't what I need, I k n o w
2. A. B e r n a r d a n d N. L a c r o i x , (Algiers: A. J o u r d a n ,
1906), p. 207.
A l g e r i a 1960
I shall be able to feed a n d clothe a n d t u r n my g o l d to g o o d

purpose." A n d again: power to anticipate or represent a
f u t u r e value, even to realize it in advance, is the essential f u n c t i o n
of money, especially in progressive On the other h a n d ,
because the different uses to w h i c h a given s u m can be p u t are
m u t u a l l y exclusive as soon as one sets about realizing t h e m , the
r a t i o n a l spending of a l i m i t e d a m o u n t of money entails a calcu-
l a t i o n t e n d i n g , first, to decide w h i c h f u t u r e uses are possible w i t h i n
the l i m i t s of the means available, a n d w h i c h of these are m u t u a l l y
compatible, a n d secondly, to define the o p t i o n in
terms of a hierarchy of goals. By contrast, commodities exchanged
in barter on the basis of t r a d i t i o n a l equivalences immediately
declare their potential use a n d their value, w h i c h , u n l i k e that of
money, is independent of all external conditions. It is therefore
m u c h easier to manage reserves of c o n s u m p t i o n goods
t h a n to spread a sum of money over a whole m o n t h or d r a w
up a rational hierarchy of needs a n d e x p e n d i t u r e . Clearly, the
tendency to consume everything is infinitely less great t h a n the
t e m p t a t i o n to realize all one's money at once. T h e Kabyles keep
t h e i r wheat a n d barley in large earthenware jars made w i t h holes
at various heights, a n d the p r u d e n t mistress of the house, re-
sponsible m a n a g i n g the reserves, knows that w h e n the level of
the g r a i n falls below the central hole, called thimith, the navel, she
must c u r b consumption. T h e is automatic a n d the
j a r functions like an hour-glass showing at all times how m u c h has
gone a n d h o w m u c h is left. In short, the use of money demands
a conversion comparable to that effected in another context by
analytical the apodictic evidence of the senses is ousted
b y the " b l i n d derived f r o m the m a n i p u l a t i o n o f
symbols. H e n c e f o r w a r d , instead of h a n d l i n g objects w h i c h declare
almost tangibly a n d palpably the use a n d satisfaction w h i c h they
promise, reason deals w i t h signs w h i c h in themselves are the source
of no pleasure. Between the economic subject a n d the commodities
or services he seeks falls the veil of money. Economic agents
b r o u g h t up to an older economic logic therefore have to learn, at
t h e i r o w n expense, the rational use of money as the universal
m e d i a t i o n of economic relations. T h e y are sorely t e m p t e d to
3. F. " L a monnaie, sociale", ser. D, 1934, pp. 81
a n d 80.
convert all t h e i r wages, as soon as they get t h e m , i n t o real goods,

food, clothing, f u r n i t u r e , a n d so o n , a n d fifty years ago it was not
u n c o m m o n to see f a r m workers spending a month's pay in a few
days. M o r e recently, similar behaviour was observed a m o n g the
southern nomads, w h e n the shepherds, w h o h a d previously been
p a i d in k i n d , started to be p a i d a wage in
It is also certain that the peasants' lack of skill in h a n d l i n g m o n e y a n d inability
to a d j u s t to legal rules h a v e p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t p a r t in accelerating the process
by w h i c h they h a v e been dispossessed of their l a n d . T h u s , after c o n d e m n i n g the
policy w h i c h was divesting the A l g e r i a n s of their c o m m o n l a n d , Violette
too m u c h use i s m a d e o f there are g r o u n d s for
e x p r o p r i a t i n g , at least t h e r e s h o u l d be fair c o m p e n s a t i o n , a n d the authorities
s h o u l d c a r r y out their d u t y to resettle those e x p r o p r i a t e d , especially the natives
C a s h c o m p e n s a t i o n is m e a n i n g l e s s to the fellah. He will s p e n d it i m m e d i a t e l y ;
he is not capable of investing it and using the modest income he would
get f r o m the A n u m b e r of small landowners, who h a d acquired
documents giving readily negotiable property rights as a result of the b r e a k u p
o f f o r m e r l y u n d i v i d e d estates that w a s e n c o u r a g e d b y the laws o f and
w e r e t e m p t e d b y t h e i r p o v e r t y t o sell t h e i r l a n d s . U n u s e d t o h a n d l i n g m o n e y ,
they soon s q u a n d e r e d their modest capital a n d w e r e forced to w o r k for wages
as f a r m h a n d s or to migrate to the towns.
Of a l l the economic institutions a n d techniques i n t r o d u c e d by

colonization, the one most alien to the logic of the pre-capitalist
economy is u n d o u b t e d l y credit, w h i c h entails reference to an
abstract f u t u r e defined by a w r i t t e n contract that is guaranteed by
a whole system of sanctions, a n d w h i c h , w i t h the n o t i o n of interest,
brings in the financial value of time.
U s u r y , with average interest rates of 50 to 60 per cent before a n d 25

to 30 per cent in certainly h a d a part to play in an economy which, though
m i n i m i z i n g the role of m o n e y circulation, was constantly subject to crises o w i n g
t o t h e v a g a r i e s o f t h e c l i m a t e , w h i c h t h e a v a i l a b l e t e c h n i q u e s c o u l d d o little t o
mitigate. B u t this e m e r g e n c y credit, i m p o s e d by necessity a n d u s e d exclusively
for c o n s u m p t i o n , was quite different f r o m credit used investment. T h e u s u r e r
i s the last r e s o r t , all the resources of mutual aid have been exhausted,
a n d a n y o n e w h o forced a brother or cousin to go to the u s u r e r w h e n he c o u l d
have given aid himself w o u l d have b e e n d i s h o n o u r e d . T h e prohibition of interest
on loans is simply the c o u n t e r p a r t of the imperative of solidarity, a n d the
c o m m u n i t y rules, sometimes codified as customary laws, r e q u i r e d assistance to
be given to the sick, widows, o r p h a n s , a n d the poor, a n d also to the victims of
m i s f o r t u n e (for e x a m p l e , w h e n a n i n j u r e d a n i m a l h a d t o b e s l a u g h t e r e d , the
4. M. Violette, Notes (Paris:

1931), p p . 8 3 - 9 1 .
5. A. H a n o t e a u , Poesies de la (Paris: 1867), p.
193 n. 1.
14 Algeria
community compensated the owner and the meat was shared among the
Whereas credit takes care to guarantee its security by m a k i n g

sure of the debtor's solvency, amicable agreements (the o n l y ones
recognized by the ethic of h o n o u r ) are backed solely by g o o d
the assurances the being p r o v i d e d not by wealth b u t by
the owner of the wealth. T h e prospective b o r r o w e r calls on a
relative or f r i e n d a n d says, I k n o w y o u have such a sum a n d that
y o u d o n ' t need i t . Y o u can u p o n it as still being in y o u r house."
No precise date is fixed f o r repayment the or
the harvest"). Since such arrangements are only made between
acquaintances, whether kinsmen, friends, or the f u t u r e
of the association is ensured, in the present not only by each
party's experience of the other, w h o m he knows to be reliable, b u t
also by the objective relationship between the partners, w h i c h w i l l
outlast their transaction, guaranteeing the future of the exchange
m o r e surely t h a n any of the explicit, f o r m a l codifications w i t h
w h i c h credit must a r m itself because it presupposes the complete
impersonality of the relationship between contracting parties.
N o t h i n g is m o r e antithetical to m u t u a l aid, w h i c h always associates
individuals u n i t e d by ties of real or fictitious kinship, than the
co-operation w h i c h mobilizes individuals selected w i t h a view to
the calculated aims of a specific u n d e r t a k i n g . In m u t u a l aid, the
g r o u p exists and the shared performance of a shared
task; in co-operation, the group's raison d'etre lies outside itself, in
the goal defined by the contract, a n d it ceases to exist as soon
as the contract is fulfilled. In other words, contrary to populist
illusions, the traditions of agnate m u t u a l aid are far f r o m pre-
p a r i n g the peasants to adapt to co-operative or collectivist forms
of the agricultural workers in intensively colonized
areas, w h o have been dispossessed of their land and their
traditions, are m o r e amenable to this type of structure t h a n the
smallholders of relatively uncolonized regions.
W h a t distinguishes the indefinite f u t u r e the locus of
the abstract possibles of an interchangeable subject, f r o m the
practical, future pratique), the possible of
objective potentiality, is not, as is often supposed, a greater or lesser
f r o m the present, since the latter can p u t f o r w a r d as
quasi-present the variously remote in objective time,
that are l i n k e d to it in the immediate u n i t y of a practice or a

n a t u r a l cycle. T h e p o p u l a r consciousness experiences a n d enacts
this distinction w i t h o u t explicitly stating i t , except in the f o r m of
" W h e r e are y o u his friends asked Djeha, an
imaginary character w i t h w h o m the Kabyles like to identify. I ' m
g o i n g t o market." Shouldn't y o u add, i t please
Djeha went on his way, b u t w h e n he came to a w o o d , he was beaten
a n d r o b b e d b y brigands. " W h e r e are y o u going,
g o i n g h o m e " , said Djeha, it please G o d . " T h e phrase i n d i -
cates that one is m o v i n g i n t o a different w o r l d , governed by a
different logic, the unreal w o r l d of the f u t u r e a n d its
P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d see h e r e o n e o f the roots o f the taboo o n all f o r m s o f

n u m e r i c a l assessment: the n u m b e r of m e n present in an assembly m u s t not be
c o u n t e d , the s e e d c o r n m u s t not b e m e a s u r e d , the n u m b e r o f eggs laid m u s t not
b e c o u n t e d , b u t the c h i c k s that h a v e h a t c h e d are c o u n t e d . T o c o u n t the eggs laid
o r m e a s u r e the s e e d c o r n w o u l d b e t o p r e s u m e u p o n the f u t u r e a n d thereby t o
j e o p a r d i z e it, t o or it. T h e f e l l a h m e a s u r e s h i s h a r v e s t o n l y w i t h
e x t r e m e p r e c a u t i o n , "so a s n o t t o c o u n t G o d ' s In some regions it
i s f o r b i d d e n t o u t t e r t h e n a m e o f a n u m b e r o n t h e t h r e s h i n g floor. E l s e w h e r e ,
euphemistic n u m b e r s are used. Similarly, administrative attempts to carry out
a census met with intense resistance first. In a p o e m by ben
quoted by o n e f i n d s this: o u r goods have been w e i g h e d in the
balance. H o w m a n y acres have been surveyed, m e a s u r e d with a yardstick! E v e r y
y e a r w e a r e set d o w n o n t h e c e n s u s r o l l ! T h e y h a v e r e c o r d e d e v e r y l i v i n g m a n
and The same refusal of exact figures a n d calculation inspired
n i c k n a m e s a p p l i e d to the F r e n c h in poetry: "the industrious race", race of
(scientists), people of the signature a n d the r u b b e r
6. T h e story is told of an aged K a b y l e w h o for the first time in his life r e a c h e d the s u m m i t
of a hill w h i c h m a r k e d the h o r i z o n of his village, a n d e x c l a i m e d : G o d , how great
y o u r w o r l d is." B e y o n d the h o r i z o n of the present begins the i m a g i n a r y w o r l d w h i c h
c a n n o t be connected with the u n i v e r s e of e x p e r i e n c e a n d w h i c h is therefore g o v e r n e d
by a quite different logic. T h i n g s that m i g h t a p p e a r a b s u r d or impossible if they w e r e
located in the field of e x p e r i e n c e can come about in other places remote in space a n d
time. T h i s is t r u e of the miracles of the saints; S i d i Y a h i a , w h o m a d e a s l a u g h t e r e d
ox stand u p , S i d i K a l i , w h o t u r n e d himself into a lion, S i d i M o u h o u b , w h o d i v i d e d a
f o u n t a i n to settle a dispute between two hostile clans, or Sidi M o u s s a , w h o caused olive
oil to g u s h f r o m a pillar. Different c r i t e r i a a p p l y to events o c c u r r i n g within the
h o r i z o n a n d to those in the l a n d of legends w h i c h begins at the b o u n d a r i e s of the
e v e r y d a y w o r l d . In the first case, the only guarantee is the evidence of one's senses,
o r short o f this, the authority o f someone k n o w n a n d trustworthy. T h e s e c o n d case
involves a u n i v e r s e in w h i c h , by definition, a n y t h i n g is possible; h e r e the c r i t e r i a a r e
m u c h less strict, a n d a n y affirmation c o n v e y e d by the general o p i n i o n will be
entertained.
7. J. D e s p a r m e t , reactions nationalitaires en Bulletin de la de
1933; see also " L a turcophilie en A l g e r i e " , ibid. 1916.
8. Desparmet, de la F r a n c e p a r les indigenes", ibid. 1910.
A l g e r i a 1960
d azqa, is the the f u t u r e is a v o i d w h i c h

it w o u l d be futile to t r y to grasp, a nothingness w h i c h does not
belong to us. T h e m a n w h o worries too m u c h about the f u t u r e ,
f o r g e t t i n g that it is beyond his reach, is said " t o want to make
himself the associate of a n d to urge h i m to m o r e restraint,
people say, trouble yourself about what is f o r e i g n to
or again: " W h e n money's not in y o u r purse, d o n ' t see it as
T h e story of Djeha is sufficient to w a r n us against the ethno-

centrism w h i c h leads so many anthropologists to establish an
essential difference between the system of dispositions towards
time w h i c h the pre-capitalist economy calls f o r t h a n d the system
r e q u i r e d a n d created by the money-based economy. T h e t e m p o r a l
experience that is favoured by the pre-capitalist economy is
of the modalities w h i c h all experience of temporality can assume,
i n c l u d i n g that of the most " r a t i o n a l " economic agents in the
societies w h i c h produce It owes its specificity
solely to the that instead of presenting itself as one possibility
a m o n g others, it is imposed as the only possible experience by an
economy w h i c h is unable to provide the conditions in w h i c h it
is possible to posit the n o t i o n of the possible and, w h i c h amounts
to the same t h i n g , by an ethos w h i c h is n o t h i n g other than the
internalization of the system of possibilities and impossibilities
objectively inscribed in material conditions of existence d o m i n a t e d
by insecurity a n d accident. E v e r y t h i n g takes place as if explicit
discouragement of all the dispositions demanded a n d favoured
by the capitalist economy — the spirit of enterprise, concern f o r
p r o d u c t i v i t y a n d efficiency, etc. - a n d denunciation of the spirit
of forecasting as devilish a m b i t i o n , on the grounds the f u t u r e
is in God's hands", were simply ways of " m a k i n g a v i r t u e of
necessity", here as elsewhere, a n d of adjusting one's hopes to the
objective
If the economic practices of the A l g e r i a n peasant can only be

u n d e r s t o o d in terms of the categories of his t e m p o r a l conscious-
ness, the fact remains that those categories are closely l i n k e d ,
t h r o u g h the m e d i a t i o n of the ethos, to the economic bases the
society. T h e a i m of technical a n d r i t u a l activity is to ensure what
M a r x t e r m e d simple r e p r o d u c t i o n , i n other words the p r o d u c t i o n

of the goods w h i c h enable the g r o u p to subsist and to reproduce
itself biologically, and, inseparably f r o m this, the r e p r o d u c t i o n of
the ties, values, a n d beliefs w h i c h ensure the cohesion of the
group.
Economy a n d ethos are so p r o f o u n d l y i n t e r d e p e n d e n t that the
whole attitude towards time, calculation, a n d forecasting is
v i r t u a l l y inscribed in the m o d e of a p p r o p r i a t i n g the soil, namely
j o i n t ownership a n d j o i n t exploitation. I t has often been p o i n t e d
o u t that in p r e v e n t i n g calculation of the respective share of each
m e m b e r of the g r o u p (or each household) in c o n s u m p t i o n and,
a fortiori, in p r o d u c t i o n , this i n s t i t u t i o n tends to prevent i n d i v i d u a l
i n v e n t i o n a n d stifle In the area of consumption, it
allows calculation to be reduced to its simplest expression, i.e. a
fairly flexible r a t i o n i n g , w i t h o u t there ever b e i n g any measure-
m e n t of the relation between resources a n d the n u m b e r of i n d i -
viduals. A m o n g other consequences, it follows that there is no
brake on the b i r t h B u t , equally, u n d i v i d e d ownership can
only continue so l o n g as no one thinks of d r a w i n g up a systematic
balance-sheet of the i n d i v i d u a l shares in p r o d u c t i o n a n d consump-
t i o n . A n d i n d e e d the generalization o f money exchanges a n d
of the spirit of calculation has everywhere coincided w i t h an
increasing n u m b e r of breakups of j o i n t ownership; by m a k i n g it
possible to measure a n d compare the energy expended, the
p r o d u c t of labour a n d the resources money encourages
calculation of the respective share of each household in the g r o u p
economy. I n short, j o i n t ownership i n fact prevents calculation,
and, conversely, the p r e v e n t i o n of calculation is the c o n d i t i o n of
the permanence o f u n d i v i d e d p r o p e r t y a n d o f the c o m m u n i t y
(family or clan) that is based on i t .
It is remarkable to see h o w the ethos is carried straight t h r o u g h
9. I realize the ethnocentric c h a r a c t e r of such a view. F o r an analysis of the various
functions of u n d i v i d e d o w n e r s h i p in the economic system of A l g e r i a , see
P. B o u r d i e u . Sociologie de (Paris: P U F . 1960), p. 66.
10. T h e r e is a n e e d for a systematic study of the differential influence w h i c h the various
i n h e r i t a n c e systems a n d modes o f l a n d a p p r o p r i a t i o n w h i c h a c c o m p a n y t h e m ( p r i m o -
o w n e r s h i p r e s e r v e d for a single heir, equal shares, whether parcelled out
o r , as in A l g e r i a , held jointly) have e x e r t e d or now exert on the birth rate, the spirit
o f enterprise, e m i g r a t i o n t o towns, etc. (cf. H . J . and
E c o n o m i c C h a n g e in N i n e t e e n t h - C e n t u r y E u r o p e " , of Economic History, 15
1-12.
18 A l g e r i a 1960
i n t o ethics. T h e precepts of the mode of h o n o u r w h i c h denounce

the s p i r i t of calculation a n d all its manifestations, such as avidity
a n d haste, w h i c h c o n d e m n the t y r a n n y of the watch, devil's
can be seen as so many partial a n d veiled formulations o f
the objective " i n t e n t i o n " of the economy. Since exchanges are
reduced to the m i n i m u m , they cannot become the focal p o i n t
a r o u n d w h i c h p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n m i g h t b e organized;
each p r o d u c t i o n u n i t tends to live so that most
exchanges take place between close acquaintances a n d it w o u l d be
absurd to b r i n g calculation i n t o t h e m ; the producer, b e i n g at the
same t i m e the consumer, does not assess his p r o d u c t i o n in terms
of the effort or t i m e spent on i t . Wastage of t i m e - w h i c h appears
as such only by reference to alien principles, such as the p r i n c i p l e
of m a x i m u m profitability - a n d wastage of means are perhaps the
c o n d i t i o n of the survival of societies w h i c h , if they counted, w o u l d
give u p .
Certainly calculation is necessarily i m p l i e d in every equitable
transaction. L e t us consider a type of association that is c o m m o n
practice in dealing w i t h livestock. T h e owner a woman who
has invested her savings in this way) entrusts her animals, goats
f o r example, to another person, w h o promises to feed a n d l o o k
after t h e m . T h e animals are evaluated a n d it is agreed that the
produce t h e m w i l l be shared. Every week the b o r r o w e r sends
a g o u r d of m i l k w h i c h is delivered by a c h i l d (who receives in r e t u r n
f r u i t , o i l , eggs, or sugar). A f t e r three years, the b o r r o w e r returns
the animals a n d the profits are shared between the two parties,
as is the d i m i n u t i o n of the o r i g i n a l capital due to ageing: either
the b o r r o w e r pays compensation in k i n d , or he gives only half
the flock together w i t h a sum equal to half its value at the b e g i n n i n g
of the contract. It can be seen that a l t h o u g h such an arrangement
is only possible between acquaintances, a m o n g friends, a n d al-
t h o u g h it is always an occasion f o r r i t u a l exchanges totally
to the spirit of calculation, it never steps outside the most strict
calculation.
B u t calculation is in the service of the sense of equity and is
absolutely opposed to the spirit of calculation r e l y i n g on the
quantitative evaluation of p r o f i t , abolishes the hazardous a n d (at
least apparently) disinterested approximations of a code of
generosity a n d h o n o u r . It is acceptable only if subordinated to the
sense of equity w h i c h has its roots in the punctilious egalitarianism

of the p o i n t of h o n o u r r a t h e r than in a rational, abstract con-
sciousness of equality. Similarly, if i n n o v a t i o n is always suspect -
a n d n o t only inasmuch as it flouts t r a d i t i o n - this is because the
peasants are always i n c l i n e d to see it as the desire to distinguish
oneself, to stand apart, a way of challenging others a n d crushing
t h e m . T h e d e m a n d f o r c o n f o r m i t y can thus b e u n d e r s t o o d w i t h i n
the logic of h o n o u r : to stand apart f r o m others, especially by
gratuitous a n d ostentatious novelty, is to t h r o w d o w n a challenge
to the g r o u p a n d its p o i n t of h o n o u r ; like the gift so great as to
r u l e o u t a counter-gift, ostentatious conduct (or conduct perceived
as such) puts the g r o u p i n t o a state of i n f e r i o r i t y a n d can only be
felt as an affront, each m e m b e r an attack on his self-esteem.
T h e acquisition of wealth is never explicitly recognized as the
goal of economic activity. Resistance to accumulation a n d to the
accompanying differentiation is a way of safeguarding the econ-
omic bases of the social order, since, in a stationary economy in
w h i c h the q u a n t i t y of assets possessed (i.e. m a i n l y land) is constant,
one man's e n r i c h m e n t is another man's impoverishment. A n d ,
once again, the ethic simply records the necessities i m m a n e n t in
the economy.
" A g e n e r o u s m a n " , the K a b y l e s say, G o d ' s f r i e n d . " G o d gives w e a l t h t o

w h o m he chooses, but he w h o receives m u s t show himself worthy of it by p r o v i n g
his generosity, by u s i n g his wealth to alleviate the poverty of others; otherwise
he will be d e n i e d wealth. G o d , give u n t o m e " , a n o t h e r s a y i n g r u n s , "that
I m a y give." My G o d , if thou not to m e , give to my brother." T h e m a n
w h o c a n c o m b i n e wealth, generosity a n d sobriety is the happiest of m e n ,
for the w o r l d a n d the h e r e a f t e r b e l o n g t o h i m . W e a l t h entails duties. W e a l t h
u n a c c o m p a n i e d by generosity is despised.
T h o u g h never absent, calculation is never avowed. Certain tasks,

such as harvesting, olive gathering, hoeing, a n d second dressing,
were p e r f o r m e d in by the the clan, a n d some-
times the whole village; the same was t r u e of the t r a n s p o r t i n g of
stones a n d beams w h e n a new house was b e i n g b u i l t . A f t e r the
o p e n i n g rites, the placing of objects in the foundations, a n d the
sacrifices w h i c h m a r k e d the start a n d the c o m p l e t i o n of the w o r k
a n d w h i c h were p e r f o r m e d by the head of the family, after the
of the materials w i t h the blood of the v i c t i m , the w o r k
ended w i t h a shared meal in w h i c h the sacrificed a n i m a l was
20 A l g e r i a 1960
W h e n the meal was over the w o m e n sang in alternating choirs

w h i l e the girls danced. Shared w o r k was a collective r i t e a n d
feast t h r o u g h w h i c h family solidarity was publicly a n d solemnly
reaffirmed. B u t the economic consequences of the feast were
weighty; a single meal m i g h t swallow up the laboriously amassed
provisions. I n p r i n c i p l e , all the inhabitants o f the village w h o h a d
helped w i t h the b u i l d i n g o u g h t t o take part. I n reality, d e p e n d i n g
on the locality, only the notables were i n v i t e d , or one m a n per
family, or the members of the same clan or same Thus,
calculation was used to solve the p r o b l e m posed by calculation; b u t
people c o u l d n o t b u t approve a use of calculation w h i c h tended
to perpetuate traditions incompatible w i t h the spirit of cal-
culation.
T h e generalization of monetary exchanges has h a d the better
of a n u m b e r of these traditions. W h e n houses were b u i l t , the
masonry a n d carpentry were entrusted to specialists w h o were
compensated in k i n d or in cash: the meal was never taken i n t o
account i n estimating the wage; the w o r k m a n m i g h t f o r g o the
wage, b u t never the meal. In a village in the region, a
r e n o w n e d mason w h o h a d learnt his trade in France was called
to h e l p b u i l d a in about he went home w i t h o u t h a v i n g
the meal a n d requested 200 francs i n d e m n i t y . He was immediately
p a i d f o r the day's labour (1,000 francs), together w i t h the 200
francs, a n d was t o l d never to T h e story spread a n d since
t h e n people have been reluctant to give h i m any w o r k at all. T h i s
anecdote contains the essence of the debate between - inevitable
- calculation a n d the — b l a m e w o r t h y - spirit of calculation. It
shows that a clear-cut distinction is d r a w n between payment in k i n d
or in cash, as compensation f o r the effort supplied (which may
come to be seen as a wage), a n d the meal, a symbolic act w h i c h
cannot be reduced to its strictly economic dimension w i t h o u t
causing a scandal. T h e meal is an act of exchange w h i c h seals an
alliance, w h i c h unites strangers in a relationship analogous to
k i n s h i p ("Between us I p u t the f o o d a n d the salt"). (col-
lective w o r k ) is inconceivable w i t h o u t the final meal. T h e r e f o r e it
o n l y brings together people f r o m the same clan or the same sub-
clan. It is understandable that the mason p r o v o k e d unanimous
11. R. M a u n i e r , Melanges de sociologie (Paris: 1930), p p . 1 7 1 - 2 .
12. H e r e , a n d subsequently in this text, the sums q u o t e d a r e in old francs.
r e p r o v a l : his conduct merely enacted in complete logic the

culative i n t e n t i o n that was expressed in a disguised f o r m t h r o u g h
the used to l i m i t the expense; but, by d r a w i n g all the
inferences, d e m a n d i n g the conversion of the meal i n t o money, it
b r o u g h t o u t i n t o b r o a d daylight that w h i c h the a p p r o v e d conduct
c o n t r i v e d to conceal. For the r u l e of the game is that objective
convertibility a n d calculability must never appear as such.
T h e r e are exchanges in w h i c h calculation betrays itself rather
m o r e , f o r example charka, a contract generally agreed between
m e n of different villages, whereby the o w n e r of an ox entrusts it
to a peasant too p o o r to b u y in exchange f o r a certain n u m b e r
of measures of wheat or barley. It m i g h t seem that in this case the
ox is treated like capital (ras literally, " t h e head of the
i n t e n d e d to y i e l d a p r o f i t . B u t in fact the discrepancy
between the objective t r u t h of the economic exchange a n d the
experience the agents have of it is never m o r e manifest. T h e
economist can see this exchange as a simple loan, i n d i v i d u a l A
e n t r u s t i n g an ox to i n d i v i d u a l B in r e t u r n f o r a quantity of wheat
by way of interest. T h e description the Kabyles give of it is very
different: i n d i v i d u a l A gives the ox's labour-power, b u t equity is
satisfied because i n d i v i d u a l B feeds the ox, w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l A
w o u l d have h a d to do in any case. T h e measures of wheat are t h e n
n o t h i n g o t h e r t h a n a compensation f o r the ox's loss of value due
to ageing. It can thus be seen that the ox is never perceived a n d
treated as capital (it is not u n c o m m o n f o r a b o r r o w e r w h o wants
to conceal his poverty a n d to have it t h o u g h t that the ox is his o w n
to deliver the wheat prescribed in the contract by n i g h t ; a n d f o r
the owner to play along w i t h h i m because it is best to be discreet
about a transaction bears w i t h i n it the potentiality of ex-
W h e n self-interested calculation is openly it is
sharply r e p r o v e d : this happens in the case of a certain type of
rahnia (mortgage), a contract whereby the b o r r o w e r grants the
lender the usufruct of a piece of l a n d u n t i l the date of repayment.
However, things are n o t always so clear-cut, a n d there is r o o m for
a whole casuistry. No one w o u l d c o n d e m n — f a r f r o m i t -
lends money to a kinsman in difficulty in r e t u r n f o r l a n d treated
as security. ( T h e sum lent may bear no relation to the value of
the it may be greater or smaller, d e p e n d i n g on the borrower's
needs. So there is no calculation; n o r is any deadline fixed f o r
22 A l g e r i a 1960
t a k i n g possession the land.) saved me f r o m h a v i n g to

is what is said in such cases. Preventing l a n d f r o m into
the hands of strangers is a d u t y ; and since the l a n d is never really
treated as capital, it is i m p l i c i t l y accepted that the produce f r o m
it should go to the m a n w h o works on i t .
T h u s , at the risk of always r e m a i n i n g in ambiguity a n d equivo-
cation, people play simultaneously in the registers of unavowed
self-interest a n d publicly declared h o n o u r . Is the generous ex-
change a n y t h i n g other t h a n the u n f o l d i n g in t e m p o r a l succession
of the different moments of a transaction w h i c h the rational
contract telescopes i n t o an instant? If the gift can appear to the
observer as an obligatory stage in a continuous series of gifts
a n d counter-gifts, whereas it is experienced as a disinterested,
deliberate act, this is precisely by v i r t u e of the time-lag interposed.
T h e worst offence is precisely that of immediately r e t u r n i n g the
gift received or g i v i n g back an identical Because the
counter-gift is deferred, each act of g i v i n g can be grasped as
an absolute b e g i n n i n g and not as the forced continuation of an
exchange already begun. E v e r y t h i n g takes place as if generous
exchange tended to allow the actors in the transaction not to have
to discover it as a transaction - not to have to recognize i n w a r d l y
or before others the existence of the model in accordance w i t h
w h i c h they objectively act. Gift exchange is an exchange in a n d
by w h i c h the agents strive to conceal the objective t r u t h of the
exchange, i.e. the calculation w h i c h guarantees the equity of the
exchange. I f the direct swapping o f equivalent
values, is the t r u t h of gift exchange, gift exchange is a swapping
w h i c h cannot acknowledge itself as It is therefore the
13. T h i s analysis points the way b e y o n d the opposition that L e v i - S t r a u s s , for e x a m p l e ,
establishes between a w o r d y p h e n o m e n o l o g y h e l d captive by the ideologies s p r i n g i n g
f r o m the lived e x p e r i e n c e of exchange, a n d s t r u c t u r a l anthropology, w h i c h is able to
reconstruct the m o d e l in accordance with w h i c h that experience occurs, at the cost of
an objectivist b r e a k with the content of naive e x p e r i e n c e . is exchange that constitutes
the basic p h e n o m e n o n a n d not the discrete operations into w h i c h social life breaks it
down" Levi-Strauss, "Introduction a de in M. Sociologie et
(Paris: 1950), pp. x x x v i i i , x x x i x , T h e anthropologist has the
task of reconstituting the totality f r o m w h i c h it is possible to discover the unity between
subjective e x p e r i e n c e , a distorted a p p r e h e n s i o n of the social system, a n d the objective
s t r u c t u r e w h i c h scientific reflection constructs or discovers. I n d e e d , only the existence
of an essential discrepancy between subjective certainty a n d objective truth c a n e x p l a i n
how the gift c a n be described as a m o m e n t in an indefinite series of prestations a n d
counter-prestations a n d , at the same time, be e x p e r i e n c e d as a deliberate, disinterested
act.
The of the world 23
exchange f o r m par excellence in a society w h i c h , in phrase,

denies true soil of its and which, u n w i l l i n g to confer on
economic realities t h e i r a n d p u r e l y economic meaning,
has an economy in itself a n d not for itself. In systematically accen-
t u a t i n g the symbolic significance of the acts or relations of p r o -
d u c t i o n , this society refuses to posit the economy as such, i.e. as a
system governed by laws of its o w n , and to recognize explicitly the
economic goals by to w h i c h economic action is objectively
oriented, those of self-interested calculation, competition, or
exploitation.
T h e same negation is observed in p r o d u c t i o n . T h e peasant does
not arise as an effective power c o n f r o n t i n g an alien w o r l d : very
close to a nature that is neither prepared f o r n o r m a r k e d by the
action of man, he can only feel submissiveness before forces he
does not aspire to discipline. Is it surprising that he does not
understand his o w n action as labour in the true sense of the w o r d ,
that he refuses to treat as a raw material the o m n i p o t e n t nature
w h i c h his beliefs people w i t h charms a n d mysteries, w h i c h is the
d w e l l i n g of a diffuse, impersonal sacredness, the source of all
misfortunes a n d all benefits? T h e peasant does not, stricdy
speaking, labour: he takes pains. [ y o u r sweat] to the earth,
a n d she w i l l give to y o u says the proverb. T h i s can be taken to
mean that nature, obedient to the logic of gift exchange, grants
her benefits only to those w h o b r i n g her t h e i r t o i l in tribute. B u t
m o r e p r o f o u n d l y , it c o u l d be that technical action is a f o r m of
revivification It is in fact the application of categories
f o r e i g n to the peasant's experience that produces the distinction
between the technical aspect a n d the r i t u a l aspect of f a r m i n g
activity. P e r f o r m e d w i t h i n a cosmic cycle w h i c h they punctuate,
the tasks of f a r m i n g , such as p l o u g h i n g or harvesting, impose
themselves w i t h the arbitrary r i g o u r of traditional duties, w i t h the
same necessity as the rites w h i c h are inseparable f r o m t h e m . Never
treated as a c o m m o n substance or raw material to be exploited,
the e a r t h is the object of a respect m i n g l e d w i t h fear (el hiba). It
14. T h e old folk describe the a b a n d o n m e n t of f a r m i n g traditions as a scandal, a profa-
nation, a n d a sacrilege. F o r e x a m p l e , to leave it to youngsters, as h a p p e n s m o r e a n d
m o r e often, to the earth a n d p l o u g h into it the wealth of the new year", is an
insult to the l a n d . " T h e e a r t h no longer gives a n y t h i n g because it is given nothing.
People openly m o c k the l a n d a n d it is only r i g h t that the l a n d should pay us back with
lies."
24 A l g e r i a 1960
is said that t h e l a n d w i l l its scores" a n d get its o w n back

f o r the i l l - t r e a t m e n t i t receives a t t h e hands o f the over-hasty o r
clumsy peasant (el T h e t r u t h of a g r a r i a n practices a n d of
the ethos w h i c h inhabits t h e m finds symbolic expression i n t h e
r i t u a l system, whose b u r i e d i n t e n t i o n can b e b r o u g h t o u t b y
s t r u c t u r a l analysis. L e f t to itself, n a t u r e tends leftwards, t o w a r d s
fallowness a n d sterility. L i k e twisted, m a l i g n a n t it must be
subjected t o t h e beneficent, f e r t i l i z i n g action o f m a n . A l t h o u g h
necessary a n d inevitable, this i n t e r v e n t i o n by t h e peasant a n d his
techniques is c r i m i n a l , because it is rape a n d violence. E v e r y t h i n g
takes place as if t h e rites, p a r t i c u l a r l y those w h i c h m a r k t h e c r i t i c a l
p o i n t s i n the r e l a t i o n between m a n a n d the e a r t h , p l o u g h i n g a n d
harvesting, w e r e i n f o r m e d b y t h e i n t e n t i o n o f r e s o l v i n g t h e
c o n t r a d i c t i o n a t t h e h e a r t o f f a r m i n g , w h i c h i s f o r c e d t o violate
the e a r t h i n o r d e r t o tear its riches f r o m
W o r k is n e i t h e r an e n d in itself n o r a v i r t u e W h a t is v a l u e d
i s n o t action d i r e c t e d towards a n economic goal, b u t activity i n
regardless o f its economic f u n c t i o n a n d m e r e l y o n c o n d i t i o n
that it has a social f u n c t i o n . T h e self-respecting m a n m u s t always
b e busy d o i n g s o m e t h i n g . I f h e can f i n d n o t h i n g t o d o , a t least
h e can carve his s p o o n " . " T h e u n o c c u p i e d s h e p h e r d " , r u n s
a n o t h e r saying, his A lazy p e r s o n is n o t f u l f i l l i n g
the function incumbent u p o n h i m as a member of the g r o u p : he
t h e r e b y sets h i m s e l f o n t h e edge o f society a n d r u n s t h e r i s k o f
b e i n g cast o u t . T o r e m a i n i d l e , especially i f one belongs t o a great
is to d o w n o n one's c o m m i t m e n t s t o t h e g r o u p , t o a v o i d
t h e duties, tasks, a n d responsibilities t h a t are inseparable f r o m
m e m b e r s h i p i n t h e g r o u p . So, f o r e x a m p l e , a m a n w h o has been
o u t o f f a r m i n g activity f o r some t i m e , w h e t h e r o n account o f
illness o r e m i g r a t i o n t o France, i s r a p i d l y reinstated o n his r e t u r n
i n t o t h e cycle o f w o r k a n d the c i r c u i t o f t h e exchange o f
T h e adolescents o f p o o r families, the sons o f w i d o w s , are t o l d :
" G o a n d h i r e yourselves o u t y o u ' l l become m e n b y
h o l d i n g t h e p l o u g h a n d d i g g i n g t h e e a r t h . " Because t h e g r o u p
i s e n t i t l e d t o d e m a n d o f everyone t h a t h e u n d e r t a k e a n o c c u p a t i o n ,
it is also o b l i g e d to m a k e sure t h a t everyone has an o c c u p a t i o n ,
15. O n this p o i n t , see P . B o u r d i e u , " G e n e r a t i v e S c h e m e s a n d P r a c t i c a l L o g i c : I n v e n t i o n
w i t h i n L i m i t s " , Outline of a Theory of Practice ( C a m b r i d g e : U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 7 ) , c h a p .
3, pp. 96-158.
albeit a p u r e l y symbolic one. T h e f a r m e r w h o provides a n

o p p o r t u n i t y t o w o r k o n his l a n d f o r those w h o have n o l a n d t o
p l o u g h , no p l o u g h to h o l d , no trees to p r u n e , such as the sons
of f a r m labourers, or w i d o w s , is universally a p p r o v e d ,
because he is g i v i n g these m a r g i n a l i n d i v i d u a l s a chance to
i n t e g r a t e themselves i n t o t h e g r o u p , i n short, t o become c o m p l e t e
men.
In such a c o n t e x t , w h a t m u s t appear as a state of m e r e l y b e i n g
o c c u p i e d w h e n one i m p l i c i t l y relates i t t o the c o n c e p t i o n o f l a b o u r
as p r o d u c t i v e activity, was n o t a n d c o u l d n o t be perceived in that
way. T h u s , the head o f the was n a t u r a l l y the oldest m e m b e r ,
because his w o r k , i n his o w n eyes a n d i n those o f t h e g r o u p , was
i d e n t i f i e d w i t h t h e very f u n c t i o n o f head o f the f a m i l y , responsible
f o r each a n d f o r a l l , c h a r g e d w i t h o r d e r i n g a n d o r g a n i z i n g w o r k ,
e x p e n d i t u r e , a n d social relations. T h e d i s t i n c t i o n between p r o -
d u c t i v e a n d u n p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r , l i k e the d i s t i n c t i o n between
p r o f i t a b l e a n d u n p r o f i t a b l e l a b o u r , was relegated to t h e back-
g r o u n d ; the f u n d a m e n t a l o p p o s i t i o n was between the i d l e r (by
circumstance o r i n c l i n a t i o n ) w h o fails i n his social d u t y a n d the
w o r k e r w h o fulfils his social f u n c t i o n , whatever the p r o d u c t of his
efforts. T h e t r u e peasant w o u l d be recognized by the fact that he
d e v o t e d every m o m e n t of respite to the l i t t l e tasks w h i c h were, so
t o speak, t h e a r t art's sake o f t h e peasant a r t o f l i v i n g -
t h e f i e l d s , p r u n i n g t h e trees, p r o t e c t i n g t h e y o u n g shoots against
animals, o r a n d w a t c h i n g over the f i e l d s ; i n the absence
of concern p r o f i t a b i l i t y a n d p r o d u c t i v i t y , effort was b o t h its o w n
yardstick a n d its o w n e n d .
If a clear-cut distinction is not m a d e between w o r k as gainful activity a n d w o r k
as a social function, o n e is likely to fail to u n d e r s t a n d the logic of pre-capitalist
economies. M a x W e b e r h i m s e l f invited m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g by his use of the
equivocal concept In fact, d e p e n d i n g on the point of view adopted, it is
possible to c o n s i d e r that bourgeois capitalism, like the Protestant ethic, makes
w o r k an e n d in itself, activity b e i n g not a m e r e e c o n o m i c means, qua gainful
activity, but a m o r a l e n d , qua ethically i m p o s e d duty; or, conversely, that the
ultimate e n d of existence is not, for the capitalist, w o r k as an e n d in itself, but
" w o r k as a m e a n s of e a r n i n g m o r e a n d m o r e the f u n d a m e n t a l
imperative being individual's duty to increase his T h i s second aspect
is the o n e W e b e r h i m s e l f emphasizes in the texts he devotes to the traditionalist
spirit: T h e u n i v e r s a l r e i g n of absolute u n s c r u p u l o u s n e s s in the p u r s u i t of selfish
interests by the m a k i n g of has b e e n a specific characteristic of precisely
those countries whose bourgeois-capitalistic d e v e l o p m e n t , m e a s u r e d a c c o r d i n g
26 A l g e r i a 1960
to O c c i d e n t a l standards, has r e m a i n e d b a c k w a r d . As every employer knows, the

lack of of the labourers of such countries, for instance Italy as
c o m p a r e d w i t h G e r m a n y , h a s b e e n , a n d t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t still is, o n e o f t h e
p r i n c i p a l obstacles to their capitalistic W h a t is in question here
is an ethic of w o r k considered as g a i n f u l activity. Elsewhere, Weber righdy
r e m a r k s that w h a t distinguishes societies is that t h e r e the a p p e t i t e
for gain does n o t c o n s t i t u t e per s e a n i n c i t e m e n t t o w o r k . B u t i t m u s t n o t b e
f o r g o t t e n t h a t w o r k qua s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i s o n e o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l d u t i e s .
However it may be, the peasant's action transforms

nature by d o i n g it violence; b u t it cannot appear to h i m in that
l i g h t . Such a self-avowal presupposes a conversion of the r e l a t i o n
between m a n a n d the w o r l d : convinced that he has no means of
acting effectively on his future a n d on the of his
the peasant feels himself responsible only f o r the act, not for its
success or failure, w h i c h d e p e n d on n a t u r a l or supernatural
powers. L a b o u r as such appears w h e n (and only when) the
remission that is indissociable f r o m dependence gives way to
avowed aggression against a nature s t r i p p e d of the enchantments
of magic a n d reduced to its economic dimension alone. F a r m i n g
activity t h e n ceases to be a t r i b u t e p a i d to a necessary order; it is
labour, action directed towards another possible o r d e r w h i c h
can only come t h r o u g h the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the present given
order. So l o n g as the distinction between the social f u n c t i o n of the
effort a n d its strictly economic f u n c t i o n remains u n k n o w n , activity
cannot explicitly direct itself towards an exclusively economic goal.
B u t deliberate, systematic organization of all economic means in
relation to a c o m m o n goal, monetary p r o f i t , is the p r e c o n d i t i o n
f o r the emergence of economic o r d e r d o m i n a t e d by the necess-
ity of o b t a i n i n g a cash p r o f i t , a strictly economic necessity indepen-
dent of ethical imperatives.
T h e disenchantment o f the w o r l d coincides w i t h the failure o f
the endeavour to enchant the experience of time (la by
magico-ritual stereotyping of the techniques or rituals w h i c h
tended to make the u n f o l d i n g of t i m e "the m o v i n g image of
So l o n g as activity has no other goal than to ensure
r e p r o d u c t i o n of the economic a n d social order, so l o n g as the whole
g r o u p sets itself no other goal t h a n to last, a n d objectively
transforms the w o r l d w i t h o u t acknowledging that it does so, the
The Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism ( L o n d o n : U n w i n , 1930), p. 57.
acting subject lives in the very r h y t h m (dure de la of the

w o r l d w i t h w h i c h he is b o u n d u p . He cannot discover himself as
an historical agent whose action in the present, against the present
is only in r e l a t i o n to the f u t u r e and to the
o r d e r w h i c h it works to b r i n g about. T r a d i t i o n a l i s m appears as
a methodical u n d e r t a k i n g ( t h o u g h not apparent to itself as such)
aimed at d e n y i n g the event as an event, i.e. as a novelty i n d u c e d
by innovatory action or t e n d i n g to induce i t ; aimed at overcoming
events by m a k i n g chronological o r d e r d e p e n d on the eternal o r d e r
of mythic logic.
T h e Kabyle peasant's existence is r h y t h m i c a l l y structured by the
divisions of the m y t h i c o - r i t u a l calendar w h i c h is n o t h i n g other t h a n
the projection, i n t o the o r d e r of succession, of the system of mythic
oppositions w h i c h dominate the whole of existence. A u t u m n a n d
w i n t e r are opposed to s p r i n g a n d summer as the wet is opposed
to the d r y , d o w n to u p , cold to hot, left to r i g h t , west a n d n o r t h
to east a n d south, n i g h t to day, male to female. P l o u g h i n g a n d
sowing are opposed to r e a p i n g a n d treading-out as weaving, the
homologue of p l o u g h i n g , is opposed to the f i r i n g of pottery, and
so o n . T h e organizing principle of the t e m p o r a l succession is the
same as that w h i c h determines the division of labour between the
sexes, the distinction between the moist of the wet season a n d
the d r y food of the d r y season, the alternations of social life, feasts,
rites, games, tasks, the organization of space, a n d n u m e r o u s other
features. T h u s , two successive moments can be r e f e r r e d to the two
opposing terms of a timeless relation; hence social time as f o r m ,
in the musical sense, i.e. as the o r d e r i n g of a succession, an o r d e r
whose essence is that it is o n l y accomplished w i t h i n time, is
reducible to a timeless system of logical
T h e calendar of tasks a n d feasts, w h i c h is b o t h an organizing
principle - w i t h the of o r d e r i n g the t e m p o r a l succession
- and an integrating force, since it guarantees the h a r m o n i z a t i o n
of i n d i v i d u a l conducts a n d the m u t u a l f u l f i l m e n t of expectations
about the behaviour of others, founds the cohesion of the g r o u p
by any of collective expectations at the same
t i m e as it ensures predictability, by means opposed to those of
science or economic calculation. T h e social o r d e r is first of all a
17. On this point too, see B o u r d i e u . " G e n e r a t i v e S c h e m e s " , cit.
28 Algeria
r h y t h m , a tempo. C o n f o r m i n g to the social o r d e r is p r i m a r i l y a

matter of respecting r h y t h m s , keeping pace, n o t getting out of
step. B e l o n g i n g to the g r o u p means behaving in the same way at
the same time of the day a n d the year as the other members of
the g r o u p . To adopt unusual r h y t h m s a n d take eccentric paths is
in itself to stand outside the g r o u p . W o r k i n g w h e n others are
resting, staying at home w h e n others are in the fields, s t r o l l i n g in
the village streets w h e n others are sleeping, w a l k i n g along deserted
l i n g e r i n g in the streets w h e n others are at the m a r k e t - these
are all suspicious ways of behaving. Respect f o r the t e m p o r a l
r h y t h m s is indeed one of the fundamental imperatives of this ethic
of c o n f o r m i t y . Observance of the annual r h y t h m s is even m o r e
rigorously r e q u i r e d . N o t only are the m a j o r dates of the f a r m i n g
year d e t e r m i n e d by collective decision a n d preceded by feasts a n d
ceremonies, b u t every technical or social activity has its prescribed
day a n d h o u r . T h e f a r m i n g calendar sets o u t recommendations,
taboos, proverbs, a n d portents f o r every p e r i o d . T h e eccentric
i n d i v i d u a l w h o behaves differently f r o m others is called
(from to i n f r i n g e , a n d it is p o i n t e d out, w i t h
a p u n on the roots, that amkhalef is also the m a n w h o is late ( f r o m
khellef, to leave behind). B u t u n t i m e l y conduct n o t only infringes
the imperative w h i c h condemns singularity; it transgresses the
imperative w h i c h imposes c o n f o r m i t y w i t h a social o r d e r that is
identical w i t h the o r d e r o f the
L i k e scientific reason, the pre-capitalist ethos endeavours to
make sure of the f u t u r e , b u t in very different ways. Forecasting
entails recognizing the possibility of the unforeseen, the possibility
of another possible w h i c h c o u l d contradict i t : the hypothesis
creates the event as an event, i.e. as a denial or c o n f i r m a t i o n . B u t
the prudence o f traditionalism w i l l n o t be belied by the w o r l d .
I t does not f o r m the a m b i t i o n o f t a k i n g h o l d o f the f u t u r e , i t o n l y
strives to offer the f u t u r e the least possible h o l d u p o n The
fear of an objective refutation, w h i c h c o u l d shake the established
o r d e r a n d break the i n t e r l o c k i n g of expectations, leads people to
h o l d fast to a state of affairs that can be mastered by the simple
actualization of the t r a d i t i o n a l schemes, at the cost of a systematic
contraction of the field of aspirations; a n d methodically to exclude
the unusual situations w h i c h w o u l d d e m a n d the i n v e n t i o n of new
schemes. A d h e r e n c e to an u n d i s p u t e d t r a d i t i o n implies refusal
to engage openly in the struggle against nature and leads to the

p u r s u i t of e q u i l i b r i u m at the cost of a r e d u c t i o n of expectations
commensurate w i t h the weakness of the means of acting on the
w o r l d . Constandy threatened in its very existence, forced to spend
all its energy in m a i n t a i n i n g a precarious e q u i l i b r i u m w i t h the
external w o r l d , this society, haunted by the concern w i t h subsisting,
chooses to conserve so as to conserve itself rather t h a n t r a n s f o r m
itself so as to transform.
T h e t r a d i t i o n a l o r d e r is viable only on c o n d i t i o n that it is appre-
hended, not as the best possible one, but as the only possible one
c o n d i t i o n that everyone remains unaware o f the "lateral
possibles w h i c h contain the worst of threats in the very fact that
they w o u l d show up the t r a d i t i o n a l order, h e l d to be i m m u t a b l e
and as one possible o r d e r a m o n g in other
as arbitrary. T h e survival of traditionalism hangs on its n o t being
aware of itself as such, that is, as a choice made unawares. In
refusing projects and, by the same token, labour, in the sense of
will directed towards t r a n s f o r m i n g the w o r l d a n d the means of
t r a n s f o r m i n g the w o r l d , such a society refuses to have a history.
For labour, like the p u r s u i t of progress or the revolutionary
consciousness, is based on the choice of a d o p t i n g the perspective
of the possible, of suspending passive acquiescence in the natural
or social order. T h e w i l l to t r a n s f o r m the w o r l d entails t r a n -
scending the present in the direction of a rationally calculated
w h i c h can only be attained by t r a n s f o r m i n g given
reality a n d above all by t r a n s f o r m i n g the transformative action,
that is, techniques a n d the agents w h o use t h e m . T r a d i t i o n a l i s m
seeks to abolish chronological succession in the sense of continuous
discontinuity, by r e d u c i n g the chronological o r d e r ( i n the cycle
of life as in the cycle of f a r m i n g ) to the (mytho)logical order. A n d
perhaps structural analysis unwittingly reproduces the
i n t e n t i o n of this social o r d e r w h e n it gathers together in the
instant, in the f o r m of a system of oppositions a n d homologies,
what is by nature a in this respect structural analysis
can be said to resemble a G o d , capable of really
c o m p r e h e n d i n g the essence of the square r o o t of 2, w h i c h the
agents only ever grasp partially a n d successively by endlessly
a d d i n g f u r t h e r figures after the decimal p o i n t .
2 Contradictory necessities and
ambiguous conduct
A l t h o u g h the immense a n d extremely varied literature w h i c h

anthropologists have devoted to c u l t u r e change cannot be charac-
terized generically w i t h o u t some degree of arbitrariness, it
cannot fail to be observed that these studies, w h i c h differ p r o -
f o u n d l y in the objects they treat, generally concur in a u t o n o m i z i n g
certain levels of social reality a n d give only very l i m i t e d space to
economic transformations, in particular to systematic e x a m i n a t i o n
of the influence such transformations have on the system of social
relations a n d dispositions. W h e t h e r the authors emphasize
the logic of selectivity, the recontextual-
ization of b o r r o w i n g s a n d the r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of o r i g i n a l features,
the p h e n o m e n a o f c u l t u r a l disintegration o r r e i n t e g r a t i o n , the
dynamics of the personality changes w h i c h result f r o m changes
in the techniques of early education, or the differential adaptability
of the different cultures b r o u g h t i n t o contact, or whether they
concern themselves rather w i t h the relations between the societies
i n v o l v e d , the type of social relations between the individuals w h o
compose t h e m , the concrete f o r m of these relations (superiority
o r i n f e r i o r i t y , distance o r p r o x i m i t y , etc.), a n d the situation i n
w h i c h they are set up (a colonial situation, a reservation, etc.), they
restrict themselves to c u l t u r e change or social change in its generic
f o r m , generally f a i l i n g to analyse the progressive differentiation
of the society a n d the differential reactions of the different social
classes.
B u t this w h i c h stems in p a r t f r o m the
economic a n d social characteristics of the societies studied by
specialists, is no d o u b t less dangerous t h a n the
systematic distortions w h i c h a certain type of sociology introduces
30
by dissociating differences in attitudes to " m o d e r n i s m " a n d

m o d e r n i z a t i o n f r o m the economic a n d social conditions of their
f o r m a t i o n a n d expression. T h u s , on the basis of a vast survey in
six M i d d l e Eastern countries, Daniel L e r n e r presents a theory of
m o d e r n i z a t i o n that articulates the c o m m o n compulsions to w h i c h
all M i d d l e Eastern peoples are w h i c h he summarizes
as m o d e l of behavior developed by m o d e r n society
is characterized by empathy, a h i g h capacity f o r r e a r r a n g i n g the
self-system on short notice. Whereas the isolate communities of
t r a d i t i o n a l society f u n c t i o n e d on the basis of a h i g h l y con-
strictive personality, the interdependent sectors of m o d e r n
society r e q u i r e widespread T h i s in t u r n requires an
expansive a n d adaptive ready to incorporate new roles
a n d to identify personal values w i t h public issues. T h i s is w h y
m o d e r n i z a t i o n of any society has involved the great charactero-
logical t r a n s f o r m a t i o n we call psychic O r , even m o r e
naively expressed: " T h e media teach people
depicting f o r t h e m new a n d strange situations a n d by
t h e m w i t h a range of opinions a m o n g w h i c h they can choose. Some
people learn better t h a n others, the variation reflecting their
differential skill in E m p a t h y endows a person w i t h the
capacity to imagine himself as p r o p r i e t o r of a bigger grocery store
in a city, to wear nice clothes a n d live in a nice house, to be
interested in is g o i n g on in the a n d to o u t of his
W i t h the spread of curiosity a n d i m a g i n a t i o n a m o n g a
previously quietistic p o p u l a t i o n come the h u m a n skills needed for
social g r o w t h a n d economic
D e f i n i n g " m o d e r n i t y " as participant style of Lerner
is able to i d e n t i f y the personality transformation accompanying
m o d e r n i z a t i o n (qua psychic m o b i l i t y ) as one of and
to r e g a r d w h i c h is considered to increase em-
pathy by g i v i n g it an o p p o r t u n i t y to be exercised, as one of the
D a n i e l L e r n e r , The of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New Y o r k ;
F r e e Press, 1958), p. 77.
2. Ibid. p. 51. 3. Ibid. p. 412.
4. Ibid. p. 78. If traditional society a n d i n d u s t r i a l society are opposed as a closed w o r l d
to an open w o r l d , a n d if it c a n be a s s u m e d that to a m o r e or less b r o a d living space
(real or i m a g i n e d ) there c o r r e s p o n d different psychic dispositions, there nevertheless
is no justification for privileging this opposition a m o n g a t h o u s a n d other, equally
pertinent ones.
32 A l g e r i a 1960
decisive factors in attitude T h e r e is no d o u b t that

uprooting the t r a d i t i o n a l o r d e r a n d a n often b r u t a l entry i n t o
the w o r l d of the m o d e r n economy b r i n g about and presuppose
systematic transformations of the habitus; b u t is t a k i n g the
part f o r the whole a n d the effect f o r the cause w h e n he reduces
the process of adaptation to the m o d e r n economy to its psycho-
logical dimension alone, particularly w h e n the variations observed
in practices, dispositions, a n d opinions are a t t r i b u t e d to a psycho-
logical disposition as ill-defined as empathy. In reality, "the
characterological r e q u i r e d by
like the c u l t u r a l transactions that anthropologists talk about, are
concretely accomplished by particular agents inserted in particular
economic a n d social conditions - w h i c h is not to say that they owe
n o t h i n g to the logic of acquired dispositions or of the c u l t u r a l
systems that are b r o u g h t i n t o
W h e n he proceeds as if the a d o p t i o n of a m o d e r n way of life
were the result of a free choice, does not the sociologist reveal his
i m p l i c i t philosophy of history, in w h i c h that is
to say, A m e r i c a n society in its capitalist f o r m , is seen as the centre
of a universal attraction? writes
Lerner, considerably less u n h a p p y - a n d the m o r e r a p i d l y the
society a r o u n d t h e m is m o d e r n i z e d the happier they Tra-
d i t i o n a l society is passing f r o m the M i d d l e East because relatively
few M i d d l e Easterners still want to live by its Nietzsche
m i g h t well have w o u l d l i k e , by every means,
to convince themselves that the s t r i v i n g after English happiness,
I mean comfort a n d fashion (and in the highest instance, a seat
5. residence, schooling, m e d i a train a n d r e i n f o r c e the e m p a t h i c
predisposition that was already present" (p. 60). " T h e i m p o r t a n c e of m e d i a e x p o s u r e ,
in o u r theory, is that it enlarges a person's view of the w o r l d by
i n c r e a s i n g his capacity to imagine himself in new a n d strange situations
(p. " T h e male vanity culture w h i c h u n d e r l a y T r a d i t i o n a l institutions has p r o v e d
relatively defenseless against the inroads of the mass m e d i a , particularly the
(p. 399).
6. Ibid. p. 76. T h e vocabulary L e r n e r uses is itself sufficient to
indicate that he is implicitly r e f e r r i n g to natural dispositions, although e m p a t h y is
c o r r e l a t e d with specifically sociological determinants s u c h as education a n d town or
c o u n t r y residence a n d , no doubt, occupation a n d social class.
7. O u t of questions, the questionnaire w h i c h serves as the basis for the theory of
has only 2 questions dealing with w o r k a n d socio-economic position
(as against 87 on the "mass m e d i a " , the c i n e m a , newspapers, r a d i o , television); those
variables a r e h a r d l y ever taken into account in the analysis of the findings.
8. Ibid. p p . 3 9 8 - 9 (my italics).
disenchantment of the world 33
in Parliament), is at the same t i m e the t r u e p a t h of v i r t u e ; in fact,

that in so far as there has been v i r t u e in the w o r l d h i t h e r t o , it
has just consisted in such a
In peasant society, the l e n g t h of the f a r m i n g cycles, w h i c h allowed

effort, an to be dissociated f r o m its p r o d u c t ,
"the gift of G o d " , the family solidarity w h i c h gave protection
against absolute destitution, the reserves of f o o d - all combined to
veil the relationship between w o r k and its product. In this
economic universe, the transition f r o m p r o d u c t i o n activity o r i e n -
ted towards traditional goals to gainful activity is only
accomplished slowly a n d progressively, because even w h e n cash
revenues have made t h e i r appearance alongside the customary
resources, the p r o d u c e of agriculture, husbandry, a n d family
crafts enables at least a p r o p o r t i o n of the group's needs to be
satisfied w i t h o u t recourse t o the market. I n the u r b a n w o r l d , o n
the other h a n d , the universalization of monetary exchanges, l i n k e d
to the disappearance of o t h e r resources, makes o b t a i n i n g a cash
income an absolute, universal F r o m the E u r o p e a n
farms in the Philippeville r e g i o n where they used to go a n d w o r k ,
the Kabyle peasants h a d b r o u g h t a saying w h i c h encapsulated
t h e i r discovery o f the m o d e r n significance o f labour: work,
no b r e a d " (and also an expression: achantyi ichumuran, " u n e m -
ployment de To discover w o r k as gainful
activity - as opposed to t r a d i t i o n a l activity w h i c h now appears as
merely busy - is to discover its scarcity, a n o t i o n i n c o n -
ceivable in an economy w h i c h d i d not concern itself w i t h
productivity.
T h e p r e s s u r e o f t h e " i n d u s t r i a l r e s e r v e a r m y " , a l w a y s s t r o n g l y felt, i s s o m e -

times e x p r e s s e d explicitly, w h e t h e r in vague, general j u d g e m e n t s ( " T h e r e a r e
a lot o f a r m s " , " T h e r e a r e too m a n y or in m o r e concrete terms that
a r e c l o s e r t o a still v i v i d e x p e r i e n c e : d o w n to the waterfront one m o r n i n g ,
a n d y o u ' l l see: t h e r e a r e h u n d r e d s , t h o u s a n d s o f t h e m , w a i t i n g f o r w o r k , f o r a
9. Beyond Good and Evil: Prelude to a Philosophy of the Future, trans. H. Z i m m e r n ( E d i n b u r g h :

Foulis, p.
10. T h e e n f o r c e d r e g r o u p i n g s of the population, w h i c h p r o d u c e d a q u a s i - u r b a n situation
in the A l g e r i a n countryside, b r o u g h t about changes in economic attitude entirely
analogous to those p r o v o k e d by town-dwelling (see P. B o u r d i e u a n d A. S a y a d , he
la crise de traditionelle en Algerie (Paris: E d i t i o n s de M i n u i t ,
34 Algeria 1960
day's w o r k , to e a r n the b r e a d to feed their (labourer, Algiers). In such a

context, c o m p e t i t i o n f o r w o r k is the p r i m a r y f o r m of the struggle f o r life, a
struggle w h i c h , for some, begins a n e w every m o r n i n g a n d has no m o r e rules t h a n
a g a m e of t h e r e w e a r e , w a i t i n g i n f r o n t o f a b u i l d i n g site; it's l i k e
[a game of W h i c h o n e are they going to (unemployed
labourer, Constantine).
C o m p e t i t i o n is unrestrained because rational methods of re-

c r u i t m e n t cannot be applied to this a r m y of equally defenceless
labourers. For all those w h o have neither f o r m a l qualification n o r
special skill - the great majority - the f r e e d o m to choose their
occupation is reduced to zero a n d their e m p l o y m e n t can only be
the p r o d u c t of chance. Available f o r any j o b because really
p r e p a r e d for none, the unskilled, u n q u a l i f i e d labourer is at the
mercy of r a n d o m h i r i n g and lay-off. said a shop
w o r k e r , "is a a n d master of none." A n d
another: isn't a w o r k e r , he's a at the service
of " T o each his l u c k " , " T o e a c h his chance" - stereo-
typed formulae translate the experience of the arbitrary decree
w h i c h makes one m a n a w o r k e r a n d another u n e m p l o y e d . In the
great m a j o r i t y of cases, the w o r k e r does n o t choose the j o b , the
j o b chooses the w o r k e r . T h e y o u n g , forced to start earning their
l i v i n g very early, between ten and fifteen, are t h r o w n i n t o the
c o m p e t i t i o n f o r w o r k w i t h o u t any p r e p a r a t i o n , w h e n they are
h a r d l y o u t of school, i f , that is, they have h a d the luck to go to
school. T h e years of adolescence are the most difficult years of
existence. T h i s is the time of inevitable instability a n d makeshift
jobs; before settling in regular e m p l o y m e n t , most permanent
m a n u a l a n d clerical workers have h a d several successive jobs, w h i c h
almost always means several bosses a n d often several trades.
We k n o w that the earlier one leaves school, the n a r r o w e r the
range of choices. To each level of education corresponds a specific
degree of freedom. In a society in w h i c h 87 per cent of the people
have no certificate of general education a n d 98 per cent no
certificate of technical education, possession of a trade proficiency
d i p l o m a or a certificate of p r i m a r y education give an enormous
advantage in economic competition; a m i n u t e difference in level,
such as that between someone w h o can read a n d someone w h o can
read a n d also w r i t e , produces a quite disproportionate difference
in chances of social Various consequences follow f r o m this.
First, the barriers created by differences in schooling are very

sharply defined, especially in the m o d e r n sector where advance-
m e n t in the social hierarchy comes only by large leaps. Secondly,
qualified a n d h i g h l y qualified workers enjoy an incomparable
privilege: at a stroke they break away f r o m the mass of people
w i t h o u t any qualification a n d benefit f r o m a whole range of safe-
and the m a i n beneficiaries of
the effect of the general lack o f qualification are those
e q u i p p e d w i t h a certificate of general education w h o , by v i r t u e
of t h e i r small n u m b e r , have no in m o n o p o l i z i n g the
administrative jobs a n d all the functions, the prestige
attached to those functions r e d o u b l i n g the prestige traditionally
accorded to the scholar. T h e life-style a n d the very existence of
this sub-intelligentsia of m i n o r bureaucrats - civil servants or
clerks — w h o often use t h e i r competence as a charismatic tech-
nique, presuppose a largely illiterate society, u n i n f o r m e d about
the structure of schooling a n d the hierarchies l i n k e d to i t .
For the sub-proletarians, the whole of their w o r k i n g existence
is d o m i n a t e d by arbitrariness. A n d indeed, in the absence of
rational methods f o r m a t c h i n g workers a n d a n d of any c o n t r o l
of r e c r u i t m e n t procedures, some employers may take advantage
(or let advantage be taken) of the a r m y of unskilled labourers w h o
are p r e p a r e d to accept any conditions in o r d e r to escape
u n e m p l o y m e n t . I n certain f i r m s , especially i n the construction
industry, before a w o r k e r is taken on he has to pay baksheesh
generally to the f o r e m a n . To force the h a n d of chance a n d over-
come the hostility of an unjust order, those w h o have neither a
" t r a d e " n o r " e d u c a t i o n " have another recourse, the power of
patronage, and Relations o f k i n -
ship, n e i g h b o u r h o o d , a n d comradeship t e n d to reduce the sense
of arbitrariness b u t only by strengthening the - no less i r r a t i o n a l
- conviction that influence, connections, bak-
sheesh, a n d can do everything. Doubtless, recourse to
personal relationships is f a v o u r e d by the whole c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n
w h i c h encourages a n d demands solidarity a n d m u t u a l the m a n
w h o has succeeded must use his o w n success to help others,
starting w i t h the members of his o w n family; every self-respecting
i n d i v i d u a l feels responsible for several m o r e or less close
f o r w h o m it is his d u t y , a m o n g other things, to find w o r k by using
36 A l g e r i a 1960
his position a n d his personal connections. N e p o t i s m is a v i r t u e
If the uncertainty of the r e c r u i t m e n t p r o c e d u r e s , the scarcity of skilled workers,

a n d the s u r p l u s o f m a n p o w e r give s t r e n g t h t o the belief i n the o m n i p o t e n c e o f
influence, the effectiveness of patronage and connections is not the same
t h r o u g h o u t the different occupational categories a n d the different sectors of the
e c o n o m y . I n the traditional sector, a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the crafts a n d c o m m e r c e ,
t h e o l d m e t h o d s o f r e c r u i t m e n t still p e r s i s t , e s p e c i a l l y i n s m a l l enterprises.
A p a r t f r o m all those w h o h a v e i n h e r i t e d their w o r k s h o p or store, a n u m b e r of
c r a f s m e n a n d traders r u n a business o w n e d by a relative; others have only been
able t o set u p o n t h e i r o w n a c c o u n t t h a n k s t o t h e f i n a n c i a l a i d o f a relative o r
f r i e n d . I n short, the traditional sector allows those w h o h a v e n o e d u c a t i o n a l o r
t e c h n i c a l assets t o get r o u n d the b a r r i e r s w h i c h r a t i o n a l o r s e m i - r a t i o n a l r u l e s
o f s e l e c t i o n w o u l d p u t i n t h e i r w a y . B u t i n t h e m o d e r n s e c t o r itself, s u c h r u l e s
often do not apply. It is not, strictly s p e a k i n g , the firms that do the r e c r u i t i n g ;
n e w w o r k e r s are taken on as a result of spontaneous co-option a m o n g those
a l r e a d y t h e r e . A n d so, a l o n g s i d e t h e g r e a t o c c u p a t i o n a l c l a n s w i t h t h e i r o f t e n
long traditions - Mozabite shopkeepers, porters and greengrocers from the
Djidjelli area, d u s t m e n f r o m B i s k r a (formerly water-carriers), waiters f r o m the
Michelet region, dishwashers from a r o u n d - there is a whole network
o f little g r o u p s , b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r b y m u t u a l a i d o r c o - o p t i o n , w h o m a i n t a i n ,
in f r a g m e n t e d f o r m , w i t h i n the w o r l d of l a b o u r , a type of social r e l a t i o n s h i p
characteristic of a system based on bonds of kinship a n d acquaintance.
T h e real value of connections is most manifest a m o n g clerical

workers a n d supervisory T h i s is because, on the one h a n d ,
those w h o have h a d elementary education can expect to get one
of the stable, less laborious, a n d hence supremely coveted jobs,
such as that of o r d e r l y , or male nurse, so l o n g as they have the
s u p p o r t of a f r i e n d or relative; a n d on the other h a n d , sub-
proletarians often have a less extensive a n d less s t r o n g n e t w o r k
of social relations t h a n regular workers, a handicap w h i c h is b o t h
the cause a n d a consequence of their r e l a t i o n to e m p l o y m e n t . For,
M u t u a l h e l p is the only safety-net for the peasant w h o , in most cases, finds h i m s e l f
t h r o w n abruptly into the city. T h e statistics show that, setting aside those w h o have
been in a city for some time, m o r e than two-thirds of the city-dwelling heads of families
have c o m e straight f r o m the c o u n t r y , with no i n t e r m e d i a t e stage; only o n e - t h i r d of
t h e m have come via m e d i u m - s i z e d towns. E v e r y t h i n g seems to suggest that these two
types of m i g r a t i o n c o r r e s p o n d to two different categories of the r u r a l population. T h o s e
w h o migrate in great leaps seem to be p r e d o m i n a n t l y the lower strata, r e g u l a r or
seasonal f a r m w o r k e r s , a n d smallholders, w h o take off a i m -
lessly for the city or for F r a n c e , expecting n o t h i n g better t h a n a w a g e - e a r n i n g j o b , or,
if they c a n n o t find one, t h e n to set up as small traders. T h e short-range migrants seem
to be m o r e often m e d i u m l a n d o w n e r s w h o m o v e to the towns n e a r t h e i r f o r m e r
r e s i d e n c e , w h e r e they e n j o y the advantages d e r i v e d f r o m their n e t w o r k of previous
connections (e.g. credit), a n d w h e r e , thanks to the capital s u p p l i e d by the sale of their
l a n d or its p r o d u c e , they c a n find highly esteemed a n d less a r d u o u s trades such as
c o m m e r c e o r traditional handicraft.
because of t h e i r instability, they have less chance of

connections, w h i c h are generally restricted to the place of w o r k ,
t h a n the long-standing employees of family business or the skilled
workers attached to a f i r m .
a s k e d w h y their relationships are limited to their w o r k place, they most
often p o i n t o u t h o w a r d u o u s t h e i r task i s a n d h o w f a r a w a y t h e y live. B u t w h a t
in fact seems to be d e t e r m i n a n t is their psychological distance f r o m their w o r k ,
t h e f i r m , a n d e v e r y t h i n g a s s o c i a t e d w i t h it; a g e n e r a l i z e d r e f u s a l t o a d h e r e t o
a w o r l d that is h a t e d as a w h o l e ; the d e s i r e to m a k e as c l e a r - c u t a s e p a r a t i o n as
possible between the w o r k situation, w h e r e they feel i n f e r i o r , a n d f a m i l y life,
w h i c h , to c o m p e n s a t e , takes on a great i m p o r t a n c e . I don't associate with a n y o n e ,
I d o n ' t see said a driver, formerly a building labourer. go there, I
c o m e b a c k ; m y f a m i l y i s a l l t h e r e is." A n d a n o t h e r w o r k e r s a i d : h a v e n ' t got
any workmates; there are two of us cutters. W h e n w o r k is over, I go home:
the kids are my (cutter in a canvas factory, O r a n ) . Poverty m a k e s
i n r o a d s into the traditions of m u t u a l help, a n d some justify this renegation by
pointing to the c o m m o n destitution: w e leave w o r k I talk w i t h t h e m . W e
talk a b o u t o u r p o v e r t y a n d o u r w o r r i e s a n d t h e n e v e r y o n e goes h o m e b e c a u s e
we're no m u t u a l help: we're all poor. F o r m a r r i a g e s a n d
c i r c u m c i s i o n s a n d s o o n , y o u g o a n d visit (factory w o r k e r , O r a n ) . O t h e r s
t a k e e n f o r c e d i n d i v i d u a l i s m t o its l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n , f o r m i n g a l l t h e i r r e l a t i o n -
ships outside the w o r l d of work: work, every m a n for himself; after w o r k ,
every m a n i n his o w n h o m e " (labourer, O r a n ) . T h e establishment o f friendly
relations on the basis of w o r k relations thus seems to be i n s e p a r a b l e f r o m a s t r o n g
commitment to the trade a n d a strong integration into the w o r k i n g group.
Skilled w o r k e r s , w h o have generally b e e n with their firms for a l o n g time, are
usually on good terms with their workmates. O n l y a m o n g some highly skilled
w o r k e r s does a n e w attitude appear: h a v i n g s u c c e e d e d i n t h e i r w o r k i n g lives,
they m e a n to keep aloof f r o m the mass of unskilled w o r k e r s a n d labourers, so
that a narrowing circle of social relations is one of the indices of
embourgeoisement.
I l a v i n g been p r e p a r e d by their c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n to expect

intense a n d o v e r d e t e r m i n e d interpersonal relations, A l g e r i a n
workers therefore t e n d to react w i t h pain to the cold or b r u t a l
impersonality of w o r k relations, perhaps especially in the case of
relations w i t h their b u t the fear of dismissal is such that
the aspiration towards m o r e h u m a n relations remains at the level
of nostalgia. I go in a n d p u t on my a p r o n . morning, good
m o r n i n g ; good n i g h t , g o o d just like that, n o t h i n g
( T h e nostalgia f o r personal a n d symmetrical relationships is ex-
pressed t h r o u g h o t h e r f o r example, the reason most often
given by those w h o say they do not w a n t to change t h e i r jobs so
as to earn m o r e m o n e y is t h e i r attachment to t h e i r bosses. Similarly,
most workers a n d clerks in small businesses where patriarchal- or
38
paternalist-style w o r k i n g relations still survive say they like their

jobs even w h e n they are dissatisfied w i t h their wages.) T h e younger
workers, w h o have a more coherent political consciousness and
m o r e often arrive at the capitalist conception of labour as a mere
means of a c q u i r i n g cash income, tend to consider their employers
as employers a n d to adjust to neutral, impersonal relations,
whereas the sub-proletarians most often express nostalgia f o r
enchanted relationships or a Manichean antithesis between the
bad f o r e m a n a n d the good boss.
O n l y in terms of a situation of chronic u n e m p l o y m e n t can it be
understood w h y nearly three-quarters of those w o r k i n g say they
dislike their trade; w h y the only reasons f o r dissatisfaction given
are low wages a n d excessively arduous or dangerous w o r k ; w h y
no one complains that he is d e p r i v e d of initiative in his w o r k and
reduced to the role of executant; why low wages eclipse all other
reasons f o r discontent, such as distance f r o m home, the m o n o t o n y
of the task, ill-treatment or b u l l y i n g by superiors (despite the fact
that very many workers express their resentment of the contempt
associated w i t h d e g r a d i n g w h y only a few workers in the
most categories valorize the intrinsic interest of their task
a n d expect it to make t h e m r i c h or w h y the aspiration
towards m o r e h u m a n relations in the place of w o r k is expressed
only i n the f o r m o f resigned nostalgia o r i m p o t e n t revolt; w h y
m o r e than two-thirds of those w h o say they dislike their jobs also
say they are not l o o k i n g for another one; a n d why generalized
discontent coincides w i t h very great stability of employment.
C o n s c i o u s o f t h e e x c e s s o f m a n p o w e r a n d k n o w i n g t h e m s e l v e s t o b e a s little
i r r e p l a c e a b l e a s i t p o s s i b l e t o b e , m o s t l a b o u r e r s a n d office w o r k e r s h a v e n o o t h e r
c o n c e r n t h a n t o k e e p t h e i r j o b s , h o w e v e r d e t e s t a b l e t h e y m a y be. T h i s i s w h a t
emerges f r o m the litany of reasons given by some to explain the failure of their
s e a r c h for s o m e t h i n g better, a n d b y others t o e x p l a i n w h y they d o not b o t h e r
to search. I haven't looked anything because I wouldn't have
a n y t h i n g . I can't d o a n y t h i n g else; t o get w o r k , y o u n e e d e d u c a t i o n . W h e r e c a n
y o u find w o r k n o w a d a y s ? It's this j o b or n o t h i n g . O t h e r w i s e I starve." I haven't
got a t r a d e , that's w h a t my t r a d e is." F o r c e d a d h e r e n c e to a j o b to w h i c h no
statable r e a s o n attaches t h e m c a n only be understood in terms of the fear of
unemployment. Their whole attitude towards their jobs is contained in the
expression u s e d by a l a b o u r e r in course, I have to like it [my
A s t a r v i n g m a n w h o finds a b o n e says, is G i v e n the situation
of s t r u c t u r a l u n e m p l o y m e n t , the fact of h a v i n g a job, especially a r e g u l a r one,
r a t h e r t h a n b e i n g u n e m p l o y e d c a n n o t fail to be seen as a privilege.
40 A l g e r i a 1960
T h e choice of instability is reserved f o r those whose qualification

makes i t certain that they w i l l easily f i n d a new j o b . For the rest,
there is only forced instability a n d the fear of dismissal, w h i c h
overcomes all other considerations. T h e most destitute often have
to choose between h u n g e r a n d contempt. So the d e m a n d f o r
d i g n i t y , never absent, must give way to the imperative of w o r k at
any price. It comes to the f o r e g r o u n d only f o r a m i n o r i t y of
p r i v i l e g e d individuals, freed f r o m the fear of t o m o r r o w , the petty
bourgeoisie o f j u n i o r a n d m i d d l e - r a n k civil servants.
Even if it is not clearly perceived as such, the most d e g r a d i n g w o r k

always remains something m o r e a n d other t h a n a way of e a r n i n g
a l i v i n g , a n d u n e m p l o y m e n t is so intensely feared only because
economic d e p r i v a t i o n is accompanied by a social m u t i l a t i o n . So
l o n g as we t h i n k strictly in terms of economic profitability, h o w
can we understand the behaviour of all the i t i n e r a n t traders,
sellers of trifles f o r t r i f l i n g sums, w h o push t h e i r barrows a r o u n d
all day in the hope of selling a couple of water-melons, a
h a n d garment, or a packet of peanuts? W h a t , f o r those w h o do
it a n d f o r their society, can be the f u n c t i o n of this sort of w o r k
w h i c h o u g h t rather to be called a way of being occupied?
First, the street hawker's activity is the only trade w i c h requires
no i n i t i a l capital, no professional qualification or special skill, no
education, no money, no premises, no As such, it
is the o n l y resource of those w h o have n o t h i n g and for w h o m all
occupations are closed, i n c l u d i n g , f o r lack of employers to h i r e
t h e m , the arduous a n d unanimously disparaged tasks of l a b o u r i n g
" w i t h pick and shovel". I n general, the p r o b l e m o f the i n i t i a l
investment does n o t arise. It costs next to n o t h i n g to assemble the
boxes m o u n t e d on bicycle wheels, prams w i t h a
w o o d e n tray on t o p serving as a display, salvaged carts s t r u n g w i t h
cords on w h i c h to h a n g l i n e n , secondhand clothes a n d trinkets,
a n d i n n u m e r a b l e other ingenious inventions. T h e goods are
supplied by a relative or f r i e n d a n d p a i d back after they are sold.
B e h i n d the m a r k e t brokers' backs, some of the wholesale
greengrocers let relatives or friends f r o m t h e i r r e g i o n buy t h e i r
vegetables cheap. B u t the i t i n e r a n t trader's situation is not always
so favourable: I sell water-melons. Sometimes I stand in
the street all day w i t h o u t e a r n i n g a I've sold 80

francs' w o r k of goods a n d I've been here all day. If I earned 50
francs a day, that w o u l d be all r i g h t . B u t u n f o r t u n a t e l y I ' m not
e a r n i n g a n y t h i n g . T h e r e are days w h e n the melons r o t a n d I have
to t h r o w t h e m away. I've got to buy a q u i n t a l of melons on credit.
W h e n I've sold the goods, I ' l l have to pay the wholesaler.
Sometimes I give h i m e v e r y t h i n g a n d I ' m left w i t h o u t a penny."
No d o u b t the income f r o m such occupations, however derisory,
is not negligible f o r those w h o have n o t h i n g . However, the p r o -
l i f e r a t i o n of all these cannot be explained simply
in terms of interest a n d p r o f i t . T h e pressure of economic necessity
a n d the situation of structural u n e m p l o y m e n t have the effect of
perpetuating practices w h i c h b o r r o w t h e i r justifications f r o m the
peasant m o r a l i t y of the past. In fact it is not u n c o m m o n to hear
precepts stated w h i c h , on first analysis, appear to belong to the
logic of the t r a d i t i o n a l A w o r t h y m a n , a m a n w h o doesn't
want to live at others' expense, even if he has to live by his wits,
must w o r k . If he can't f i n d any w o r k , he can still be a street trader
(cook, Algiers) — in o t h e r words, in the language of the past, he
can carve his A n d there is no d o u b t that, for those sub-
proletarians in the towns w h o have kept a strong sense of d i g n i t y ,
the o u t w a r d appearances of being occupied are the last resort
against the u l t i m a t e degradation of the m a n w h o gets others to
feed h i m , w h o lives at the expense of kinsmen or neighbours. Such
activity has t r u l y no other goal than to safeguard self-respect.
Does this mean that we should assign the same m e a n i n g a n d

f u n c t i o n to the symbolic activity of the u r b a n sub-proletariat a n d
to that of the old-fashioned peasant? Despite the apparent identity,
t r a d i t i o n a l activity congruous w i t h the expectations of the g r o u p
differs b o t h f r o m labour qua productive activity a n d f r o m merely
b e i n g occupied. A society w h i c h , as peasant society does, accepts
the d u t y of g i v i n g w o r k to its members a n d w h i c h , lacking the
n o t i o n of p r o d u c t i v e or lucrative w o r k and, by the same token,
scarcity of w o r k , has no place f o r the experience of u n e m p l o y m e n t ,
can consider that there is always something to be done by those
w h o want to do something, a n d can treat w o r k as a social d u t y ,
idleness as m o r a l misconduct. W h e r e activity is identified w i t h
42 Algeria 1960
social f u n c t i o n and is not measured by the p r o d u c t in k i n d (still

less in money) of the effort and time expended, everyone is
entitled to feel a n d say he is busy, p r o v i d e d he fulfils the role
appropriate to his age a n d status. In u r b a n society, on the contrary,
activity w h i c h does not procure a cash income is seen as bereft of
what, in the new logic, is its natural result.
It is only because profitable w o r k is closed to t h e m that the
sub-proletarians renounce economic satisfaction a n d f a l l back on
occupations whose p r i n c i p a l , if not exclusive, function is merely
to p r o v i d e a justification in the eyes of the g r o u p . E v e r y t h i n g takes
place as if they were forced by circumstances to dissociate w o r k
f r o m its economic result, to understand it not so m u c h in r e l a t i o n
to its p r o d u c t as in opposition to n o n - w o r k . To w o r k , even for a
m i n u t e income, means, both to oneself a n d to the g r o u p , that one
is d o i n g everything in one's power to earn a l i v i n g by w o r k i n g , in
o r d e r to escape the state of u n e m p l o y m e n t . Those w h o f i n d
themselves in a position where it is impossible to get real w o r k
endeavour to fill the abyss between t h e i r unrealizable aspirations
a n d the effective possibilities by p e r f o r m i n g w o r k whose f u n c t i o n
is d o u b l y symbolic in that it gives a fictitious satisfaction to the m a n
w h o performs it while at the same time p r o v i d i n g h i m w i t h a
justification in the eyes of others, b o t h those w h o depend on h i m
a n d those to w h o m he must go f o r help in o r d e r to survive. T h e
g r o u p , for its part, cannot reasonably h o l d the u n e m p l o y e d
responsible f o r their lack of e m p l o y m e n t ; b u t it is entitled to
expect t h e m to keep themselves occupied d o i n g something. T h e
logic of relationships between kinsmen never absolutely excludes
self-interest a n d calculation; a n d so the duties of solidarity are o n l y
felt to be b i n d i n g towards those whose attitude shows that they are
the victims of an objective situation a n d n o t of their incapacity or
laziness.
T h i s being so, w o r k in the sense of simply keeping busy can only
be defined in negative terms. Awareness of the obstacles w h i c h
stand in the way of getting a j o b w o u l d be regarded by everyone
as an unanswerable excuse a n d w o u l d suffice to free the i n d i v i d u a l
f r o m his responsibility if people d i d not continue to believe that,
ideally at least and in accordance w i t h a different logic, the possi-
bility always exists of d o i n g something rather than n o t h i n g . B u t
at the same time, everyone tends also to acknowledge that the only
genuine w o r k is w o r k that brings in a cash income. T h i s explains

why, to justify activity u n d e r t a k e n f o r the sake of keeping busy,
people should have recourse to ambiguous ideologies w h i c h
mingle capitalist w i t h pre-capitalist logic: h e can't f i n d w o r k " ,
said an i n f o r m a n t , can sell things in the street." A n d the same
respondent went on to say: w o r k means having a trade, d o i n g
it regularly a n d e a r n i n g a decent that's different. If w o r k
means d o i n g something, d o i n g a n y t h i n g at all rather t h a n sit
a r o u n d d o i n g n o t h i n g , so as to earn y o u r daily bread, well, in that
case only idlers d o n ' t w o r k . " So a m a n can simultaneously affirm
the categorical d u t y of w o r k i n g , even f o r a v i r t u a l l y worthless
p r o d u c t , a n d insist that that p r o d u c t , however derisory, is not
negligible; whereas peasant society never dissociated the social
f u n c t i o n of activity f r o m its economic function, here a distinction
is made between the two functions, between w o r k in the sense of
productive, profitable activity a n d w o r k as a way of f u l f i l l i n g
obligations towards the g r o u p .
T h e duality of the standards by w h i c h the fictitiously occupied
sub-proletarians t h e i r o w n activity (and by w h i c h the
judges them) makes it i n t o an ambiguous reality w h i c h , in o r d e r
to be understood, requires that reference be made successively to
two different grids. T h u s activity as a mere state of being busy
w h i c h abolishes any correspondence between income a n d labour
time is totally absurd if one relates it solely to principles of econ-
omic rationality, a n d is reminiscent of the conduct of the old-style
peasants w h i c h was based on the actual a n d essential i n c o m m e n -
surability between the means employed a n d the purpose achieved
and, m o r e precisely, on the absence of any r e c k o n i n g or quanti-
fication (by the expression of labour time in cash terms) of the
e x p e n d i t u r e of labour.
B u t , for the old-fashioned peasant, the absence of calculation
a n d accounting is one of the constituent elements of the economic
and social o r d e r to w h i c h he belongs. His economic activity, always
charged w i t h a p l u r a l i t y of incommensurable
functions, a m o n g w h i c h the economic f u n c t i o n is never isolated
a n d constituted as such, a n d e m p l o y i n g means of various orders,
themselves resistant to quantification a n d measurement, achieves
t r a d i t i o n a l ends by t r a d i t i o n a l means. In contrast, even w h e n
necessity forces t h e m to surrender t h e i r economic conduct a n d
44 Algeria
their whole existence to incoherence, the u r b a n sub-proletarian

a n d the proletarianized peasant always retain, f r o m the economic
system w i t h w h i c h they have h a d to the of calculability
a n d even the capacity to comply w i t h calculation, in abstracto. A n d
so it is c o m m o n f o r t h e m to see their activity as d e v o i d of
p r o f i t a b i l i t y a n d consequently o f meaning. i n the shop all
day", said a trader in T l e m c e n , " f r o m seven in the m o r n i n g to
eight in the evening. I just take Friday afternoon off. I k n o w I
don't sell a n y t h i n g . I sell just a little bit in the m o r n i n g , w h e n
the w o m e n come o u t and do t h e i r shopping, b u t I stay there all
the same, saying to myself, there'll be a It's
t u r n i n g i n t o a bad habit, a n d that's a fact. A bad habit! I arrive,
I d o n ' t do any business, I just wait. B u t I have to be there. It's
a bad habit! I d o n ' t make e n o u g h to feed my family."
In fact, whether they are seen as the p u r e p r o d u c t of necessity
or as the consequence of strict obedience to the o l d logic, the
new conducts are always accompanied by a certain n u m b e r of
ideologies w h i c h t e n d to rationalize the forced choices: the aware-
ness that one can act differently is contained by the awareness of
b e i n g prevented, in reality a n d by the weight of circumstances,
f r o m acting differently: c o u l d I n o t like m y w o r k ? " " W h o
w o u l d n ' t w a n t to get on in the w o r l d ? " - questionings, h e a r d a
thousand times, all testifying to the fact that necessity can only
appear as such to a consciousness f o r w h i c h other possibles exist.
A m o n g all the workers w h o say they are prepared to w o r k over-

time, n o t one gives any other reason than the desire to earn m o r e
as to keep my f a m i l y " ; but there is no respondent who does
n o t understand the m e a n i n g of the n o t i o n , at least well
to say that it has no m e a n i n g f o r a m a n w h o already works all day,
w h i c h presupposes i m p l i c i t reference t o w o r k l i m i t e d i n time a n d
to the corresponding n o t i o n of an h o u r l y wage. If most sub-
proletarians identify the wage they consider they deserve w i t h the
income needed to satisfy t h e i r needs, if they are often i n d i g n a n t
that r e m u n e r a t i o n is not defined in relation to the n u m b e r of
c h i l d r e n , on the p r i n c i p l e each according to his and
not each according to his a n d if they rarely b r i n g
the n o t i o n of the h o u r l y wage i n t o t h e i r assessments, nonetheless
they cannot ignore the demands the new system makes of t h e m ,

even w h e n i t prohibits t h e m f r o m f u l f i l l i n g those
W i t h economic necessity t e n d i n g to r e q u i r e the subordination
of all the ends (particularly the t r a d i t i o n a l ones) and all the means
of activity to the monetary product, the o l d n o r m s and especially
those w h i c h regulated relations w i t h kinsmen, as well as the o l d
values of h o n o u r a n d solidarity, must also reckon w i t h the de-
mands of calculation and sometimes give way to t h e m . In southern
A l g e r i a , where the t r a d i t i o n a l economy has remained relatively
intact, the head of the family (that is to say, f o r the purposes of
the survey, the person w h o states that he is the head of the family)
is generally the member. H i s a u t h o r i t y rests on the
foundations a n d is quite independent of his c o n t r i -
b u t i o n to the economic life of the g r o u p , the other members of
the family r e m a i n i n g in a relation of dependence, whatever their
effective contributions. U n d i v i d e d ownership ensures the p a t r i -
archal a u t h o r i t y w h i c h i n t u r n guarantees the u n i t y o f the
undivided In general, a n d although it is becoming rarer,
u n d i v i d e d ownership is m o r e readily accepted in r u r a l areas,
because the monetary o u t l o o k has not made such inroads a n d the
corresponding attitudes are less widespread, b u t also and espec-
ially because the major resource remains the direct p r o d u c t of
agriculture. In regions where the capitalist economy has made
greater inroads, in Kabylia f o r example, a n d a fortiori in the cities,
increasingly it is the m a n w h o makes the greatest c o n t r i b u t i o n to
the family budget w h o declares himself head of the family,
regardless of his age. However, there are qualifications to be made.
W h e n the father works, like his son, and is still relatively young,
he may r e t a i n effective a u t h o r i t y ; so may the elder brother. Most
often a sort of division of powers takes place spontaneously, the
y o u n g head of the household t e n d i n g to take the decisions that
concern the family's economic life a n d all its relations w i t h the
m o d e r n economic w o r l d to w h i c h he is objectively better adapted,
often because he has had m o r e education. In short, analysis of
concrete situations brings o u t a whole range of forms of possible
12. A n u m b e r of respondents assess their o w n situation by c o m p a r i s o n with that of civil
servants: If I w o r k e d for the g o v e r n m e n t , I ' d have r e g u l a r w o r k i n g h o u r s a n d I c o u l d
take leave" (head of a dairy, A l g i e r s ) . can't do overtime, my w o r k isn't
s h o p k e e p e r doesn't w o r k fixed h o u r s ; I ' m talking about this firm" (cloth merchant's
clerk, T l e m c e n ) .
46 Algeria
relations, f r o m maintenance of patriarchal a u t h o r i t y to complete

reversal of the customary relationship.
A first consequence the advent of a p l u r a l i t y of money
incomes, measurable a n d commensurable, contains the poten-
tiality of a b r e a k u p of u n d i v i d e d o w n e r s h i p a n d threatens the
a u t h o r i t y of the head of the since the economic dependence
of the other members steadily diminishes a n d each of t h e m can
d e m a n d his share of the total income. For once the respective
contributions are made in the f o r m of cash, rational accountancy
becomes possible a n d each i n d i v i d u a l or each household can
evaluate precisely its share in income a n d T h i s means
the e n d of the of calculation w h i c h was p e r m i t t e d
b y u n d i v i d e d possession a n d w h i c h i n t u r n safeguarded u n d i v i d e d
possession: " A t said a labourer, "there are f o u r brothers
a n d t w o sisters w i t h their husbands. In all there are twenty-eight
c h i l d r e n . T h e r e are forty-eight of us all together. We've stopped
sharing the same cooking-pot because the w o m e n used to My
k i d hasn't got e n o u g h to T h e r e were arguments all the t i m e .
N o w my m o t h e r eats w i t h me, the eldest son." T h e b r e a k u p of
the extended is b o t h the p r e c o n d i t i o n the rationalization
o f the domestic economy a n d o f economic conduct i n general,
a n d also the p r o d u c t of that rationalization, as is shown by the
fact that the m a r r i e d couple tends to become the basic economic
a n d social u n i t as the degree of adaptation to the economic system
increases a n d incomes rise. T h i s b r e a k u p is h e l d back by the
h o u s i n g shortage, w h i c h keeps together households w h i c h are
destined to go their separate ways as they have the o p p o r t u n i t y .
T h o u g h cohabitation stands in the way of the rationalization of
conduct, because, like u n d i v i d e d possession, it rules o u t l o n g - t e r m
u n d e r t a k i n g s a n d keeps families in forced incoherence by pre-
v e n t i n g calculation, it enables the poorest to achieve a f o r m of
e q u i l i b r i u m , o n account o f the p l u r a l i t y o f (simultaneous o r
successive) sources of income as against a single outlet for
My was a shopkeeper said a cloth merchant
in T l e m c e n , a n d he persuaded me to b u y a business w i t h h i m .
He's o l d now, b u t he still has his business a n d he works. He's the
one w h o keeps the family I've got three c h i l d r e n a n d I
haven't got e n o u g h money. I c o u l d n ' t live on what I earn and
he's the one w h o helps I ' d need three or thousand francs
a day to live w i t h o u t my father's help, if I was alone w i t h my wife

a n d kids."
In a d d i t i o n to the increased autonomy of the couple, w h i c h tends
to become an i n d e p e n d e n t economic u n i t a n d even to break away
whenever its resources p e r m i t , the change in the structure of the
activities of the different members of the produces a certain
n u m b e r of i m p o r t a n t transformations. First, even w h e n urban-
ization brings about emancipation in other areas, the wife's
economic dependence increases, especially since even partial or
unconscious a d o p t i o n of capitalist economic dispositions leads
people to disparage female activities by as real w o r k
only that w h i c h brings in a money income. Unable to take outside
w o r k , the wife is assigned to the home a n d is completely excluded
(except in the most privileged strata) the i m p o r t a n t economic
decisions, sometimes not even k n o w i n g how m u c h her husband
So l o n g as the ideology w h i c h c o u l d justify a n d valorize her
new f u n c t i o n remains u n f o r m e d , she finds herself relegated to an
i n f e r i o r r a n k a n d role m o r e brutally a n d m o r e totally t h a n before,
because the new economic a n d social universe tends to dispossess
her even f r o m the functions w h i c h the o l d society acknowledged
to be hers.
O n the other hand, a l t h o u g h the chronic u n d e r e m p l o y m e n t
tends to p u l l in the opposite direction, the dependence of the
y o u n g on t h e i r parents decreases as soon as they start b r i n g i n g in
a salary, especially w h e n their schooling has made t h e m m o r e
adapted to the economic w o r l d . T h u s , whereas in the t r a d i t i o n a l
society they r e m a i n e d dependent on their father so l o n g as he was
alive, u r b a n society sometimes provides t h e m w i t h the economic
conditions f o r emancipation. Conscious of b r i n g i n g in a share of
the family income, they seek to participate in the management of
the budget even w h e n , as often happens, they still h a n d over all
or part of their wages to t h e i r fathers. Every family is the site of
a clash of civilizations. However, the tension between the gener-
ations (which is often made m o r e complex w h e n three ages co-
habit) does not always take an acute whether because the son,
m o r e respectful of t r a d i t i o n , agrees to h a n d over all his earnings
w i t h o u t c o u n t i n g , as is frequently the case in crafts or commerce;
or because the households separate, to the great i n d i g n a t i o n of the
or because, as increasingly happens, the father decides
48 A l g e r i a 1960
to accept the new m o d e l of relations between parents a n d c h i l d r e n

a n d also the c o r r e s p o n d i n g ideology; or because, as an extreme
solution, the father or elder b r o t h e r pays a wage to the son or
y o u n g e r brother.
T h e y o u n g are emancipated that m u c h earlier the sooner they
f i n d regular, well-paid e m p l o y m e n t a n d the better educated they
are, or, m o r e exactly, the greater the difference in level between
parents a n d c h i l d r e n . T h e extreme case is that of families in w h i c h
the uneducated father has to ask his son or daughter to read or
compose his letters, fill i n administrative forms, and even guide
his decisions c o n c e r n i n g the family's economic life. M o r e c o m -
m o n l y , the father, as exemplified by a craftsman in T l e m c e n ,
maintains an absolute a u t h o r i t y over the older, uneducated sons
a n d allows almost total f r e e d o m to the younger ones w h o go to
school. T h e fact remains that in most cases the u n d i s p u t e d
a u t h o r i t y of the head of the family, w h o decided a n d o r d e r e d
everything, is gone f o r good. Those w h o are most attached to the
o l d o r d e r have to accommodate themselves to the new values w h i c h
have come in irresistibly w i t h the generalization of monetary
exchanges, independently of the influence exerted by the example
of the family life of the Europeans. T h e dispositions w h i c h are
b o u n d u p w i t h the m o d e r n economy, i n the f o r e f r o n t o f w h i c h
stand the p u r s u i t of p r o f i t a n d the s p i r i t of calculation, are i n d e e d
the very antithesis of those w h i c h safeguarded the t r a d i t i o n a l
family: whereas in the o l d society economic relations were con-
ceived on the m o d e l of k i n s h i p relations, n o w k i n s h i p relations
themselves are not exempt f r o m economic calculation.
W i t h g r o w i n g adaptation t o the capitalist economy a n d g r o w i n g
assimilation of the c o r r e s p o n d i n g dispositions comes increasing
tension between the t r a d i t i o n a l norms w h i c h impose duties of
solidarity towards the extended family a n d the imperatives of an
individualistic, calculating economy. T h e sub-proletarians are
subjected to contradictory pressures w h i c h give rise to ambiguous
thus the necessities of the economy can develop in t h e m
the spirit of calculation w h i c h economic necessity prevents t h e m
f r o m exercising i n their daily conduct. M o r e precisely, the s p i r i t
of calculation w h i c h as we have w i t h calculability (that
is, concretely, w i t h monetary incomes) contradicts the o l d type of
family relationship at the time w h e n economic constraints a n d
the h o u s i n g shortage often d e m a n d the maintenance or recon-

stitution o f the extended families. U n d i v i d e d ownership i n the
shanty towns is closer to what the Kabyles call in-
doors t h a n to the arrangement w h i c h supplied the cohesion of the
o l d extended f a m i l y : just as, f o r the sake of h o n o u r , some families
abandon c o m m o n o w n e r s h i p internally a n d share o u t all
the goods while m a i n t a i n i n g the fiction of u n i t y f o r external
purposes, so u r b a n families often present only a facade of j o i n t
ownership, because the s p i r i t of calculation is g n a w i n g away at a
u n i t y imposed by necessity.
T h u s economic necessity can lead the most u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d to
behave in ways w h i c h can be seen either as the f u l f i l m e n t or as
the betrayal o f the t r a d i t i o n . Such conduct assumes its f u l l m e a n i n g
neither i n terms o f the t r a d i t i o n a l logic n o r i n terms o f the logic
of the capitalist economy. In reality, like an ambiguous Gestalt, each
practice lends itself to a d u a l r e a d i n g because it contains reference
to the t w o logics imposed by necessity. T h u s the h a n d - t o - m o u t h
existence of the sub-proletarian or the proletarianized peasant
differs totally f r o m the security-encircled existence of t h e old-style
fellah. In one case, the search f o r subsistence is the sole a n d
u n a n i m o u s l y a p p r o v e d goal guaranteed by the rules of custom;
in the o t h e r case, getting the m i n i m u m r e q u i r e d for survival is the
goal imposed by necessity on an e x p l o i t e d class. Because the
context has changed a n d everybody is aware of i t , because the
economic assurances a n d psychological security that were pre-
viously given by an integrated society a n d a l i v i n g t r a d i t i o n have
been swept away, hazardous i m p r o v i s a t i o n has to take the place of
customary a n d the reassuring stereotyping of behaviour.
T h u s u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d i n t e r m i t t e n t e m p l o y m e n t produce a
disorganization of conduct w h i c h it w o u l d be a mistake to see as
i n n o v a t i o n based on a conversion of outlook. T h e t r a d i t i o n a l i s m
of despair a n d the absence of a life-plan are two faces of the same
reality.
3 Subjective hopes and objective chances
T o tear oneself f r o m the w o r l d i n o r d e r t o c o n f r o n t o r master i t

is to tear oneself f r o m the immediate present and the i m m i n e n t
an urgency a n d threat w i t h w h i c h the present is
fraught. T h e sub-proletarian, locked in the present, knows o n l y
the free-floating indefinite f u t u r e of his daydreams. Because the
field of possibles has the same limits as the field of objective
possibilities, the i n d i v i d u a l project a n d the revolutionary con-
sciousness are closely allied. i n d i v i d u a l practices - not least,
economic acts - can be organized in accordance w i t h a life-plan
and a systematic, rational awareness of the economic system
as a system can be f o r m e d , there has to be some relaxation in the
pressure of the economic necessity w h i c h forbids that suspension
of fascinated adherence to the present w i t h o u t w h i c h no
"lateral possible" can be posited. It follows that to the different
stages of the process leading f r o m existence abandoned to chance
to economic conduct regulated by calculation, correspond differ-
ent forms of awareness of u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d of r e v o l u t i o n a r y
W h e n asked what income they w o u l d need in o r d e r to live w e l l ,

the individuals w i t h the smallest resources t e n d on the whole to
f o r m u l a t e i n o r d i n a t e aspirations w h i c h seem to be r a n d o m l y
d i s t r i b u t e d , the disparity between the income considered necessary
a n d t h e i r real income being in most cases enormous. E v e r y t h i n g
takes place as if most sub-proletarians were incapable of measuring
their needs, even in the mode of abstract calculation. A n d yet,
because it belongs a m o n g the most everyday a n d most pressing
preoccupations, estimation of needs is less likely to get detached
In o r d e r to b r i n g out m o r e clearly the s t r u c t u r a l between political dispositions
a n d e c o n o m i c dispositions, 1 have presented in a synoptic a n d schematic f o r m the
description of the different systems of dispositions to which I r e t u r n below.
50
f r o m the real t h a n opinions concerning aspects of existence about

w h i c h , as one interviewee said, have the r i g h t to So
if we must hierarchize opinions i n v o l v i n g the f u t u r e according to
their modality, the d a y d r e a m to the project r o o t e d in present
conduct, we must n o t forget that the degree of c o m m i t m e n t in the
o p i n i o n f o r m u l a t e d varies w i t h the degree of accessibility of the
f u t u r e that is aimed at. N o w , this is m o r e or less accessible
d e p e n d i n g on the material conditions of existence a n d social status
of each i n d i v i d u a l a n d also on the area of existence that is at
thus opinions concerning the children's f u t u r e are even more
vague than the estimation of needs, because the f o r m e r presup-
pose a life-plan stretching over two generations.
It is not surprising to f i n d that aspirations tend to become m o r e
realistic, more strictly tailored to the real in p r o p o r t i o n
as the real possibilities become greater. So it is that the disparity
between the income estimated to be necessary a n d the present
income decreases as real income w h i c h indicates that the
distance between the standard aspired to a n d the real standard of
living, between needs a n d means, tends to fall as income rises a n d
as economic calculation comes to be e m b o d i e d in conduct.
T h e field of the real that is, of the really access-
ible future, w h i c h is extremely l i m i t e d f o r the sub-proletarians
c o n d e m n e d to project impossible possibles, is steadily enlarged.
T h e degree of freedom c o n f e r r e d on each w o r k e r , the freedom
to choose his j o b a n d his employer, the freedom to define the
r h y t h m a n d quality of his w o r k , the freedom to d e m a n d respect
in w o r k varies considerably according to socio-
occupational category, income, a n d especially the degree of skill
a n d level of education. Similarly, the field of possibles tends to
e x p a n d as one rises in the social hierarchy: whereas the great
m a j o r i t y cannot expect either l e n g t h of service or wage demands
to b r i n g about a better occupational situation a n d h i g h e r social
status, a privileged m i n o r i t y enjoys a whole set of assurances
concerning the present a n d the future. L i k e social ascent in the
course of a lifetime, m o b i l i t y over two generations, w h i c h is always
relatively rare, varies considerably a m o n g the different
2. F o r the sons of smallholders or f a r m social ascent, w h i c h is always very r a r e ,

entails a break with the family milieu t h r o u g h emigration to the towns or to F r a n c e .
F o r the sons of t r a d e s m e n a n d c r a f t s m e n , the chances of social mobility are inversely
52 A l g e r i a 1960
W h e t h e r the respondent is estimating the needs of his family

or considering the f u t u r e of his c h i l d r e n - w h o are seen as a
liability as soon as attention is seriously given to their f u t u r e a n d
particularly t h e i r education - whether he is envisaging his o w n
occupational f u t u r e or passing general judgements on society as
a whole, the opinions expressed are m o r e realistic, that is, m o r e
closely adjusted to reality, a n d m o r e rational, that is, m o r e strictly
subjected to calculation, the higher the effective possibilities (for
w h i c h level of education a n d income are g o o d T h e expec-
tation of r i s i n g in one's trade varies significantly according to
category, as does the m o d a l i t y of that hope. T h e
instability of e m p l o y m e n t a n d the consequent i r r e g u l a r i t y of
income, the lack of assurances c o n c e r n i n g even the immediate
f u t u r e , the awareness (aggravated by experience) of completely
lacking the means needed in o r d e r to escape incoherence a n d
contingencies, c o n d e m n the sub-proletarians to despair. W h e n
they are asked about t h e i r hopes of r i s i n g in t h e i r they
often r e p l y w i t h a j o k e : d o n ' t hope f o r a n y t h i n g " , said a Saida
a p i c k and shovel m a n . " T h e y are denied not
o n l y all reasonable hope of r i s i n g in society b u t even the very idea
of such a I w o r k all year r o u n d f o r francs a f o r t n i g h t
plus 2,000 a m o n t h . T h a t makes 20,000. W i t h nine mouths to
feed, h o w do y o u expect me to live on that? I have to push the
cars, we're not allowed to start t h e m . I l o o k after t h e m . I've been
d o i n g the same every day f o r a l o n g t i m e . Get on in the world?
A r e y o u d r e a m i n g or do y o u want me to dream? I haven't got a
trade a n d I ' l l never learn one d o i n g what I d o now. N o w , i f I ' d
h a d some education I could've f o u n d another j o b . I could have
h a d some (garage watchman, In the
absence of reasonable expectations, all that is is d a y d r e a m a n d
Utopia. T h e gap between aspirations a n d reality tends towards
i n f i n i t y . If the realistic hope of h i g h e r status always becomes m o r e
frequent as income increases, it seems to d e p e n d more precisely
on the guarantees a n d assurances about the f u t u r e given by the
occupation one is i n . A study of the m o d a l i t y of the hopes of social
ascent over two generations, as expressed in the wishes f o r m u l a t e d
r e l a t e d to the size of the business, the strength of the trade traditions a n d the
likelihood of c o m i n g into a large inheritance. T h e very small t r a d e s m e n a r e the ones
w h o provide a relatively large contingent of i n d u s t r i a l a n d office w o r k e r s .
f o r the children's future, confirms the previous Outlooks

on the f u t u r e d e p e n d closely on the objective potentialities w h i c h
are defined f o r each i n d i v i d u a l by his or her social status and
material conditions of existence. T h e most i n d i v i d u a l project is
never a n y t h i n g other than an aspect of the subjective expectations
that are attached to that agent's class.
It is clearly a m o n g the sub-proletarians that the abyss between
the imaginary and experience is greatest a n d incoherence between
opinions most frequent. A n u n e m p l o y e d m a n i n Constantine,
completely w i t h o u t resources, estimates that he w o u l d need
200,000 francs a m o n t h to satisfy his family's needs. Asked what
f u t u r e he w o u l d like f o r his c h i l d r e n , he says: w o u l d go to
school; w h e n they h a d got e n o u g h education they w o u l d choose
f o r themselves. B u t I can't send t h e m to school. If I able to,
I ' d like to keep t h e m at school l o n g e n o u g h to become doctors or
lawyers. B u t there's no one to h e l p me. I've got the r i g h t to d r e a m
We f i n d the same disconnection between imaginary
aspirations a n d the real situation in the words of the u n e m p l o y e d
man in w h o , after saying he fears he will have to take his
c h i l d r e n away f r o m school f o r lack of money, says he hopes his
daughter w i l l o n w i t h her education r i g h t the way t h r o u g h ,
u n t i l she's succeeded. Up to the if she can, or up to
the brevet. T h a t way she can w o r k as a schoolteacher." These are
the same people who, asked whether they want their c h i l d r e n to
carry on their studies after the p r i m a r y school certificate, often
reply, r i g h t the way or, like a labourer in O r a n ,
"Put d o w n whatever is best." T h e same unqualified affirmation,
the same d r e a m l i k e absence of realism, are expressed in their
answers concerning women's e m p l o y m e n t . It is in fact always the
persons w i t h the lowest incomes w h o provide the highest rate of
black-and-white responses, whether positive or negative.
W i t h regular wage-earners one enters another w o r l d . Awareness
of limits is expressed at the same time as the realistic hope of
advancement: I ' d like to be an assistant said a w a r d boy
at Constantine hospital. need qualifications to be an orderly.
Y o u can't get something just by asking f o r it. Y o u need to take
A man an assistant o r d e r l y - and y o u can do it w i t h
a p r i m a r y education certificate - can really earn something. W i t h
the family allowances, he can make 10,500 francs." Asked about
54 Algeria
his children's future, he replies: "That's a difficult one. I haven't

been able to t h i n k about it yet. A technical trade - engineer,
T h e r e are too many W h a t we is
If there are ten cafes, y o u d o n ' t set up in the cafe business. T h e r e
are doctors w h o are unemployed. If I make my c h i l d r e n
engineers, it's so they'll be looked u p t o . " T h i s example w i l l suffice
to show h o w aspirations tend to be circumscribed as the possibility
of satisfying t h e m increases, perhaps because there is a sharper
awareness of the difficulties in the way, as if n o t h i n g were really
impossible so l o n g as n o t h i n g is really possible.
In short, the whole range of economic attitudes is defined in
relation to two thresholds. Permanent e m p l o y m e n t and regular
income, together w i t h the whole set of assurances about the future
w h i c h they guarantee, b r i n g people on to what we may call the
security the goal of economic activity remains the satis-
faction of needs, a n d behaviour obeys the p r i n c i p l e of m a x i m u m
security. A r r i v a l the threshold of calculability (or enterprise), w h i c h
is essentially m a r k e d by possession of incomes sufficient to
overcome the concern w i t h simple subsistence, coincides w i t h a
p r o f o u n d change in dispositions: the rationalization of conduct
tends to extend to the domestic economy, the site of the last
resistances, a n d at this p o i n t the agents' dispositions f o r m a system
organized by reference to a future that is grasped a n d mastered
by calculation and forecast. T h u s , of the many indices of the
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the economic habitus in response to new con-
of perhaps one of the most reliable is the n u m b e r
of persons employed in each family, since, a m o n g the means of
increasing income, m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of the sources of income by
sending several family members to w o r k serves the same
f o r the most disadvantaged categories as overtime or p r o m o t i o n
f o r the others. T h e mean percentage of economically active
persons per family, highest in the lowest income bracket, steadily
decreases w i t h increased family income a n d then steadily rises
again, suggesting that beyond the security plateau the m u l t i p l i -
cation of sources of income becomes an imperative. As soon as
p e r m a n e n t e m p l o y m e n t appears on the scene, supplementary
resources, often derived f r o m i m p r o v i s e d sidelines, lose t h e i r
significance, now that security is ensured. At the higher threshold
one sees the reappearance of m u l t i p l e jobs, b u t all of t h e m
regular a n d well paid.
It goes w i t h o u t saying that this m o d e l is only valid f o r workers

in the m o d e r n sector. Shopkeeping a n d handicrafts constitute a
protected, reserved island o f f e r i n g a refuge f o r those w h o are not
a r m e d f o r economic c o m p e t i t i o n at the same t i m e as it holds back
in a pre-capitalist logic capitals a n d capacities w h i c h c o u l d be
invested in the m o d e r n sector.
Algerian capital tends to be invested in commerce or in those sectors of

i n d u s t r y (textiles, c l o t h i n g , l e a t h e r a n d food) in w h i c h traditional,
firms can be kept up, often r u n like c o m m e r c i a l or m o n e y - l e n d i n g businesses,
with the o w n e r taking charge of the financial m a n a g e m e n t , personally b u y i n g
the r a w m a t e r i a l , d e c i d i n g t h e p r i c e s , a n d o v e r s e e i n g sales. L i k e i n d u s t r i e s o f this
type, commerce requires no complex technical competences, and it is even
possible to delegate the day-to-day r u n n i n g of the f i r m to a relative. F u r t h e r m o r e ,
it is c e r t a i n that capital invested by a t r a d e s m a n yields a r e t u r n m u c h sooner t h a n
capital invested i n m a n u f a c t u r i n g industry. T h e retailer a n d the m i d d l e m a n w h o
can conduct their business without acquiring property rights over the c o m -
modities being marketed run the minimum of risks, since, apart from the
losses d u e t o of t h e g o o d s , the m o s t t h e y c a n lose is t h e r e s a l e
profit. T h e i n d u s t r i a l e n t r e p r e n e u r w h o invests m o r e capital a n d for a l o n g e r
p e r i o d has to r e c k o n with the c h a n g i n g economic situation, a n d in particular,
because he cannot take in the whole p r o d u c t i o n process at a glance, he has to
resort to rational calculation of the risks a n d likelihoods. T h e attitude to time
a n d to calculation that s h o p k e e p i n g authorizes is w h a t m a k e s it the refuge of
the pre-capitalist spirit within the urban world and what causes the small
shopkeeper to resemble the s m a l l p e a s a n t in so m a n y features of his life-style
and
These activities, w h i c h are generally expected to p r o v i d e

n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n the means of subsistence, are seen as a second
best even by those w h o practise t h e m . T h e c o m p e t i t i o n of
E u r o p e a n commerce a n d of the rationalized section of A l g e r i a n
commerce (e.g. the Mozabite firms in Algiers a n d a n u m b e r of
other A l g e r i a n towns) condemns the small tradesmen to the most
impoverished clientele, w h o w i l l patronize their shops so l o n g as
they give credit a n d discounts. L o w a n d unreliable profits, little
capital — a n d that tied up in the f o r m of loans to customers
- these are objective obstacles to rationalization. Moreover, often
perpetuating countrymen's attitudes in the u r b a n w o r l d , the
shopkeepers are generally reluctant to rationalize their
Most are illiterate, k n o w n o t h i n g of double-entry bookkeeping or
the distinction between the family budget a n d the business
budget, a n d often confuse takings w i t h profits; a l o n g series of
infinitesimal transitions leads f r o m very small-scale t r a d i n g as a
mere way of keeping busy to really profitable commerce. It is not
56 A l g e r i a 1960
s u r p r i s i n g that handicrafts a n d should be the refuge

f o r traditionalism in u r b a n society: there is n o t h i n g in his occu-
pational activity, his w o r k e n v i r o n m e n t (most often m e r g e d w i t h
the family home), or his contacts w i t h his customers that can
p r o v o k e the shopkeeper to change his style a n d habits of t h i n k i n g ;
on the contrary, the system of representations a n d values h a n d e d
d o w n by t r a d i t i o n is perfectly consistent w i t h an economic activity
that excludes rationalization.
T h e construction of a coherent picture of the social w o r l d a n d of

the agent's position in that w o r l d is subject to the same conditions
as the construction of a life-plan. T h e awakening of class con-
sciousness, in the sense of a t a k i n g h o l d of the objective t r u t h of
one's o w n position in the p r o d u c t i o n relations a n d of the social
mechanisms p r o d u c i n g and t e n d i n g to reproduce that position, is
not i n d e p e n d e n t of the agent's position in those relations and of
the action of the mechanisms w h i c h determine i t . In short, there
are economic conditions for the awareness of economic conditions.
T h e m o r e individuals w h o were questioned about the causes of
u n e m p l o y m e n t , the more forms a n d degrees one recorded of
consciousness of the same situation, apprehended t h r o u g h d i f -
ferent F r o m p u r e a n d simple surrender u p t o
coherent totalization runs a whole series of gradations.
o r "There's too m u c h
no w o r k " or enough w o r k " , " T h e r e are lots o f p e o p l e "
or " t o o m a n y people": such statements, however r u d i m e n t a r y ,
are only apparently self-evident. U n e m p l o y m e n t haunts these
people's t h i n k i n g . It governs t h e i r conduct, orients t h e i r
opinions, inspires their emotions. A n d yet it often escapes explicit
consciousness a n d systematic statement. It is the invisible centre
T h e decision to question respondents about the causes of u n e m p l o y m e n t as a way
g r a s p i n g their political attitudes was a necessary one in view of the police activities w h i c h
r u l e d out any direct questioning on the revolutionary war. B u t it was also motivated
by the a i m of e n c o u n t e r i n g those attitudes on the t e r r a i n on w h i c h they were most likely
to be expressed with the m a x i m u m of realism. In reality, as was shown even by the
analysts of the responses (especially statistical analysis of the variations in the implicit
of w o r k a n d u n e m p l o y m e n t entailed by stating w h e t h e r or not one was h e a d
of the family), the m e r e fact of talking about u n e m p l o y m e n t virtually i m p o s e d a
problematic (especially w h e n the question was p u t to the least u r b a n i z e d a n d the oldest
a r o u n d w h i c h behaviour revolves, the v i r t u a l vanishing p o i n t of

the sub-proletarian world-view.
If awareness of u n e m p l o y m e n t can exist w i t h o u t b e i n g for-
mulated except in the language of practices or in a discourse w h i c h
is a tautology f o r the real, it can also, as we have seen, be totally
absent; for, so l o n g as labour is defined as social f u n c t i o n , the
notions of u n e m p l o y m e n t or u n d e r e m p l o y m e n t cannot take
shape. T h e emergence of awareness of u n e m p l o y m e n t thus marks
a conversion of people's attitude to the w o r l d . N a t u r a l adhesion
to an order regarded as natural, because traditional, is hence-
forward customary w o r k is conceived a n d measured in
terms of a new system of - the n o t i o n of employment
that is d e r i v e d f r o m experience of w o r k in the m o d e r n sector. So
it is that, at very similar levels of activity, country-dwellers in the
Kabyle regions readily state themselves to be u n e m p l o y e d if they
consider that they are occupied, whereas the farmers
a n d shepherds of south A l g e r i a tend to say that they are
busy It is equally possible to say that the Kabyle u n e m p l o y e d are
farmers w h o describe themselves as u n e m p l o y e d or that the south
A l g e r i a n farmers are u n e m p l o y e d b u t unaware of i t . T h e Kabyles,
f o r m e r emigrants or members of a g r o u p whose economic prac-
tices a n d conceptions of the economy have been p r o f o u n d l y al-
tered by a l o n g t r a d i t i o n of e m i g r a t i o n to the towns of A l g e r i a or
to France, conceive t r a d i t i o n a l activity in terms of the sole
activity w o r t h y of the name, the w o r k that brings in money; a n d
so they can only see it as u n e m p l o y m e n t . T h e southerners, in the
absence of such a conception of w o r k , cannot see as u n e m p l o y m e n t
the inactivity to w h i c h they are condemned, still less the ways of
keeping busy that the t r a d i t i o n a l o r d e r allots to t h e m .
T h u s u n e m p l o y m e n t can first exist " i n itself", w i t h o u t being
grasped as u n e m p l o y m e n t ; at a second level, of
u n e m p l o y m e n t can manifest itself in practice w i t h o u t becoming
explicit, or becoming so only in very r u d i m e n t a r y forms of dis-
course such as the pleonastic statement of the given. T h e expres-
sion of consciousness of u n e m p l o y m e n t therefore marks the
transition to a t h i r d level. F r o m this p o i n t o n , consciousness a n d
its expression come h a n d in h a n d ; the wealth a n d clarity of the
content of consciousness g r o w at the same time as the wealth a n d
clarity of the expression it receives. A large n u m b e r of interviewees
58 A l g e r i a 1960
p u t f o r w a r d partial explanations w h i c h are most often n o t h i n g

other than the statement of the most strongly felt experiences of
t h e i r occupational lives; t h e i r explanations always bear the m a r k
of the circumstances and concrete conditions of their emergence.
Others, a m i n o r i t y , offer a mass of one-sided explanations, simply
juxtaposed in an aggregate; all concern to synthesize is generally
absent, as is shown by their contradictions a n d the fact that it is
often h a r d to distinguish between incomplete expression a n d
We must set apart what m i g h t be called affective quasi-

systematization, that is to say, a u n i t a r y o u d o o k on the economic
a n d social w o r l d whose u n i f y i n g p r i n c i p l e is n o t of the o r d e r of
the concept b u t of e m o t i o n , a n d w h i c h perceives the colonial w o r l d
as a universe d o m i n a t e d by a malignant, For what
is practically given in daily experience is concrete inequalities a n d
particular the colonial system is grasped only t h r o u g h its
manifestations. A n d so the structure a n d objective mechanisms of
the system, above all the system as such, are b o u n d to escape the
grasp of minds absorbed in the immediate difficulties of daily
revolt is p r i m a r i l y directed against i n d i v i d u a l persons or situations,
never against a system r e q u i r i n g systematic transformation. A n d
how c o u l d things be otherwise? W h a t is perceived is not d i s c r i m i -
n a t i o n b u t the racialist; not exploitation b u t the n o t even
the boss, b u t the Spanish foreman.
Closely b o u n d to a particular situation, the sub-proletarians are
unable to go beyond the phenomenal manifestations of the colonial
system w h i c h stop t h e m a n d where they themselves stop because
those manifestations present themselves w i t h exceptional urgency
in t h e i r daily existence a n d are charged w i t h emotional power.
W h e n asked to give reasons f o r a w o r l d w h i c h defies reason, they
can only fall back on stereotypes, a language halfway between
fiction and experience, between the constructed a n d the acci-
dental, w h i c h seems to refer to the given w h e n it is entirely
imaginary a n d w h i c h appears as flatus vocis even w h e n it expresses
experience, because the automatic i n t e r l o c k i n g of words stands
i n f o r authentic meanings.
4. H e r e a r e two examples of these two categories of responses:
A . " T h e r e aren't e n o u g h factories" o r " T h e r e isn't any w o r k because there a r e too
m a n y foreigners."
B. " T h e r e aren't e n o u g h factories: the S p a n i a r d s take all the jobs a n d there's
n o t h i n g left for us, so what do y o u
It is a m o n g the s u b - p r o l e t a r i a n s a n d also the petty bourgeois that o n e e n -

counters the highest proportion of stereotyped r e m a r k s a n d of speech obeying
the logic o f affective q u a s i - s y s t e m a t i z a t i o n . E m p t y w o r d s a r e not p e c u l i a r t o the
sub-proletarians. H o w e v e r , w h e r e a s a m o n g the petty bourgeois e m p t y speech
only expresses d i s a r m e d in the m o u t h s of the s u b - p r o l e t a r i a n s
it always retains a sort of t r u t h a n d p l e n i t u d e because, like a cry, it expresses
dramatically a dramatic experience a n d p r e s e n t s itself n e i t h e r as a sufficient
explanation of an inexplicable existence n o r as an adequate expression of an
inexpressible experience, but as an incoherent confession of an insuperable
incoherence.
However, the systematic character of the most diverse experi-

ences, f r o m victimization to u n e m p l o y m e n t , is felt v i v i d l y . A n d so
the simple description of a particular d a t u m , a certain type of
interpersonal relationship f o r example, overflows towards a grasp
of the system that is external a n d superior to individuals.
E u r o p e a n is f a v o u r e d here. For us, u n e m p l o y m e n t is something
natural. For a European, it's a scandal no one can tolerate - the
authorities couldn't, n o r could other Europeans. Every effort is
made to f i n d something f o r h i m . T h e y discover he has skills a n d
even if he hasn't got any, they find some. A n d once
he's been p u t in a j o b , he always t u r n s o u t to be at least a little
b i t h i g h e r placed t h a n all the Muslims. He can't be a worse
w o r k m a n t h a n they That's what s t r i n g - p u l l i n g can do, yet
y o u never k n o w w h o p u l l e d the string: everyone d i d "
maker, Algiers). T h u s , particular experiences can be understood,
by those w h o experience t h e m , as the outcome of a sort of
systematic plan. For indeed, w i t h i n this logic, only a w i l l can be
responsible f o r the coherent a n d quasi-methodical character of the
trials that are undergone, a n d only a diabolical w i l l c o u l d so
ingeniously contrive t o entrap m e n i n a n irresistible chain o f
catastrophic situations.
U n e m p l o y m e n t is u n d e r s t o o d n o t as an aspect of an economic
a n d social conjuncture b u t as the w o r k of a sort of evil h i d d e n g o d
w h o may be embodied, d e p e n d i n g on the occasion, in "the
Europeans", Spaniards", "the F r e n c h " ,
"the G o v e r n m e n t " , " T h e m " , o r " O t h e r people", a n d w h o wills
that of w h i c h it is said it is "The said an
u n e m p l o y e d m a n in d o n ' t want to give me any w o r k . A l l
these gentlemen a r o u n d me have no w o r k . They've all got
certificates. One is a mason, another a driver, they've all got a trade.
So w h y haven't they got a r i g h t to work? We are short of
60 A l g e r i a 1960
everything; the French have everything they need to live well. B u t

they d o n ' t w a n t to give us a n y t h i n g - neither w o r k n o r a n y t h i n g
else." A n d a grocer in Algiers: "Those w h o have w o r k to give
should give i t , a n d not hide i t . " T h e frequency a n d emotional
intensity w i t h w h i c h (le piston) is referred to,
always in the vaguest possible terms, sometimes w i t h o u t any refer-
ence to a situation concretely experienced, shows clearly that, f o r
the most u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d , it is a d a t u m of m y t h i c reason as m u c h
as of experience. T h e l i v i n g of life as a game of chance conjures
up powers, impersonal a n d personalized, omnipresent a n d local-
ized, beneficent a n d maleficent, w h i c h i m p e l a n d animate the
whole social universe. "Nowadays", said an O r a n street porter,
e v e r y t h i n g makes way for le That's the way it Hard work
gets y o u nowhere. B u t le piston always does the The
malignant piston a n d its manifestations, discrimination, the colon-
ists, the Spaniards, or the machines, all these hostile powers,
s p r i n g i n g f r o m experience, are transfigured by mythic reason.
A n d the sense o f systematic malevolence combines naturally w i t h
belief in the omnipotence of the benignant piston, the of the
Pessimistic fatalism, based on the conviction that it is absurd to

struggle against an all-powerful evil, owes n o t h i n g to the feeling
of in o l d religiosity. T h e revolt of resentment, w h i c h attacks
n o t so m u c h the system as such as its manifestations, is generally
only an aspect of resigned surrender, a n d miserabilism draws on
the same logic as emotional quasi-systematization. Those w h o say
d o n ' t want to give us are also those w h o say
d o n ' t give us enough." By substituting i n t e n t i o n f o r necessity,
people p u t themselves at the mercy of the arbitrary decrees of the
power of w h i c h they are the victims, b u t f r o m w h i c h they expect,
by way of in spite of everything, the satisfaction of their vital
aspirations. Is this not the deep significance of the conduct of the
candidates e m p l o y m e n t w h o persist in a i m i n g at the impossible,
as if to mask or offset, w i t h displaced ambitions, a defeat or
surrender that has already been unconsciously
Affective quasi-systematization typifies the u n d e r s t a n d i n g the
sub-proletarian makes f o r himself of the economic a n d social
w o r l d . E m o t i o n is indeed the only possible basis for u n i f y i n g a
dramatic experience d o m i n a t e d by incoherence. T h e sufferings
imposed by the most i n h u m a n situation are not sufficient motives
f o r conceiving a new economic and social order. On the contrary,

everything takes place as if poverty had to be eased, so m a k i n g
it possible to conceive a different economic and social order,
before poverty itself can be grasped as such and i m p u t e d to a
system that is explicitly grasped as unjust a n d unacceptable. Be-
cause poverty imposes itself on t h e m w i t h a necessity so total that
it allows t h e m no glimpse of a reasonable exit, sub-proletarians
tend to live their suffering as habitual a n d even natural, as an
inevitable i n g r e d i e n t in their existence; and because they do not
possess the indispensable m i n i m u m of security and culture, they
cannot clearly conceive the total change in the social o r d e r w h i c h
c o u l d abolish the causes of their suffering. A f t e r showing me his
wretched d w e l l i n g and p o i n t i n g to the destitution of his c h i l d r e n ,
a d r i v e r in O r a n added: what my life is. T h e only t h i n g
w r o n g is the wages. As f o r the rest, we're made f o r that."
Because their awareness of the objective barriers to getting a j o b
or adequate wages brings t h e m back to their awareness of their
incapacities, their lack of education or occupational skill f o r
example, the sub-proletarians t e n d to attribute their inadequacies
to the inadequacies of t h e i r o w n being rather t h a n to the
inadequacies of the objective order. each his o w n f o r t u n e " ,
said a Constantine labourer. "A m a n w h o isn't educated has
n o t h i n g . T h e y make h i m t o i l u n t i l h e drops. That's the life o f
a m a n w h o can't T h e y can never attain an awareness of
the system as being also responsible f o r their lack of education
or occupational skill, that is, b o t h f o r their inadequacies a n d f o r
the inadequacies of their being.
Far being intrinsically capable of d e t e r m i n i n g an appre-
hension of the given as intolerable or revolting, the pressure of
economic necessity even tends to p r o h i b i t the awakening of
consciousness, w h i c h presupposes something very different f r o m
a sort of revolutionary cogito. Failing to grasp their o w n situation
as one aspect of a whole system, the sub-proletarians cannot l i n k
the betterment of their c o n d i t i o n to a radical transformation of
the system: their aspirations, their demands, a n d even their revolt
are expressed w i t h i n the logic the system imposes on t h e m . T h u s
a p r o d u c t of the system, is seen as the only way
of inflecting the systematic r i g o u r of the system. In short, absolute
alienation annhilates even awareness of being alienated.
62 1960
the awareness of u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d of the system creating

it can be stated, the urgency of the w o r l d has to be relaxed:
consciousness of the absence of w o r k and of its objective basis is
different f r o m , a n d of another order than, the i m p l i c i t knowledge
w h i c h is only expressed in practice or in the ambiguous a n d
contradictory language of feeling. On the one hand, there is the
revolt of e m o t i o n , the uncertain a n d incoherent expression of a
c o n d i t i o n characterized by uncertainty a n d incoherence; on the
other hand, there is revolutionary radicalism, s p r i n g i n g f r o m the
systematic consideration of reality. These two attitudes correspond
to t w o types of material conditions of existence: on the one hand,
the sub-proletarians of the towns a n d the u p r o o t e d peasants whose
whole existence is constraint a n d on the other h a n d ,
the regular workers of the m o d e r n sector, p r o v i d e d w i t h the
m i n i m u m of security a n d guarantees w h i c h allow aspirations a n d
opinions to be p u t in perspective. Disorganization of daily conduct
prohibits the f o r m a t i o n of the system of rational projects a n d
forecasts of w h i c h the revolutionary is one aspect.
A force for revolution, the proletarianized peasantry a n d the u r b a n
sub-proletariat do not constitute a revolutionary force in the true
sense. W i t h permanent e m p l o y m e n t a n d regular wages, an o p e n
a n d r a t i o n a l t e m p o r a l consciousness is able to be f o r m e d ; actions,
judgements, a n d aspirations be o r d e r e d in relation a
T h e n , a n d t h e n only, does the revolutionary attitude take the place
of escape i n t o daydreams or fatalistic resignation.
T h i s is why we must challenge the thesis that, in the colonized
countries, the proletariat is not a t r u e revolutionary force, since,
u n l i k e the peasant masses, it has e v e r y t h i n g to lose, having become
an irreplaceable cog in the colonial machine. It is true that, in a
society h a u n t e d by u n e m p l o y m e n t , those workers w h o are sure of
a p e r m a n e n t j o b a n d a regular income a privileged category.
It is t r u e that, always and everywhere, the proletariat is d e t e r m i n e d ,
as m u c h as by its material conditions of existence, by the position
it occupies in the social structure, not at the very b o t t o m , in the
abyss, as a certain eschatological vision of r e v o l u t i o n as a reversal
w o u l d have i t , b u t at the peak of a negative career, the one w h i c h
leads towards a relapse i n t o the sub-proletariat. M o r e simply, it
w o u l d be easier to understand practices too readily i m p u t e d to
the conservatism of proletarians (or of t h e i r if it
were realized that, like the effective solidarity it gives, the slim
advantages associated w i t h stability of employment are at the
mercy of accident, illness, a n d lay-offs, a n d that all that bourgeois
commentators (revolutionary or not) are quick to describe as signs
of embourgeoisement are first of all bulwarks raised against the
counter-attacks of poverty.
To those w h o have the of u n d e r g o i n g permanent
a n d " r a t i o n a l " e x p l o i t a t i o n a n d o f e n j o y i n g the corresponding
advantages also belongs the privilege of a t r u l y revolutionary
T h i s realistic a i m i n g at the f u t u r e is only
accessible to those w h o have the means to confront the present a n d
to look f o r ways of b e g i n n i n g to i m p l e m e n t t h e i r hopes, instead
of g i v i n g way to resigned surrender or to the magical impatience
of those w h o are too crushed by the present to be able to look to
a n y t h i n g other t h a n a Utopian f u t u r e (un an immediate,
magical negation of the present.
4 The economic conditions for
transformed economic dispositions
Economic a n d political dispositions can only be understood by

reference to the economic a n d social situation w h i c h structures the
agents' whole experience t h r o u g h the m e d i a t i o n of their subjective
apprehension of their objective, collective future. T h a t appre-
hension derives its f o r m , modality, a n d content f r o m the poten-
tialities objectively inscribed in the situation, that is, f r o m the
f u t u r e (I'avenir) w h i c h offers itself to each agent as accessible
inasmuch as it is the objective future (I'avenir) of the class to w h i c h
he belongs. In Algeria, as in most developing countries, the most
clear-cut division is that between the regular workers, manual or
non-manual, a n d the mass of u n e m p l o y e d or i n t e r m i t t e n t workers,
j o u r n e y m e n , labourers, or small traders, interchangeable statuses
w h i c h often fall successively to the same i n d i v i d u a l . I n fact, to
each socio-economic position corresponds a system of practices
a n d dispositions organized a r o u n d the relationship to the f u t u r e
that is i m p l i e d in that position. These systems of dispositions can
be described as being d i s t r i b u t e d in accordance w i t h
the objective hierarchies of the socio-economic positions to w h i c h
they correspond. B u t they can also be seen as stages in an ordinate
if at m o m e n t t the disposition systems of two individuals
of two social classes A a n d B are defined by socio-economic
conditions and then w e may assume that a t m o m e n t
i n d i v i d u a l o r class A , having acquired c o n d i t i o n B , adopt the
behaviour w h i c h was that of B at m o m e n t t. We can then consider
that a description of the disposition systems of the different social
classes is at the same time a description of the different stages
in the process of
In s t u d y i n g the process of w o r k e r s ' adaptation to the capitalist system a n d the
assimilation of the categories w h i c h capitalism presupposes a n d demands, we
64
c l e a r l y c a n n o t i g n o r e the fact that t h e c o n f r o n t a t i o n of societies, the c l a s h of

cultures, a n d the consequent e c o n o m i c a n d cultural changes take place u n d e r
the pressure of the most implacable economic necessity a n d a r e only fully
intelligible in relation to the colonial system, in o t h e r w o r d s the d o m i n a t i o n w h i c h
forces the colonized to adopt the law of the colonizer as regards the e c o n o m y
a n d e v e n t h e i r life-style, d e n y i n g the d o m i n a t e d society the p o w e r o f selection.
So if one describes the process of adaptation to the e c o n o m y imported by
c o l o n i z a t i o n as o n e of r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , it m u s t n o t be f o r g o t t e n that this e c o n o m y
i s o n l y formally r a t i o n a l a n d t h a t , b e c a u s e i t i s b a s e d o n a n e s s e n t i a l contradiction,
it c a n gain in f o r m a l rationality only by losing in material rationality.
We can take it as established that the sheer pressure of economic

necessity is sufficient to impose forced submission (the price of
w h i c h is subsistence) to the economic o r d e r i m p o r t e d by coloni-
zation; that it can b r i n g about the collapse of the norms a n d mental
schemes w h i c h traditionally governed economic conduct; that it
can also give rise to a n d sustain economic practices that are absurd
b o t h in terms of the spirit of the pre-capitalist economy a n d in
terms of the logic of the capitalist economy. Does this mean to say
that the economic necessity w h i c h can break a n u m b e r of c u l t u r a l
resistances a n d make fidelity to the traditions untenable is in itself
capable of p r o d u c i n g a creative r e i n v e n t i o n of new economic
strategies a n d elective adherence to the ethos w h i c h , in the capi-
talist economic system, is l i n k e d to that capacity? If it is t r u e that
economic determinisms have to be eased before the possibility can
arise of effectively subjecting economic practice to the imperatives
of this means that r a p i d or gradual t r a n s f o r m -
ations of the economic habitus, w h i c h , we have seen, in some cases
take place u n d e r the pressure of economic necessity, always r e m a i n
dependent on material conditions. B u t must we therefore con-
clude that they are p u r e l y a n d simply imposed? In other words,
if attaining a m i n i m u m of security is the necessary c o n d i t i o n f o r
the effective of conduct, is it also a sufficient
c o n d i t i o n f o r the effective f o r m a t i o n of a system of goals the
highest of w h i c h is the m a x i m i z a t i o n of monetary income?
C o n d e m n e d to instability, d e p r i v e d of the patronage w h i c h the

age-old traditions guaranteed to the meanest lacking the
skills a n d qualifications w h i c h alone m i g h t w i n t h e m the security
they aspire to above all else, t r a p p e d in a h a n d - t o - m o u t h existence
66 A l g e r i a 1960
a n d in chronic anxiety about the next day, the sub-proletarians -

u n e m p l o y e d a n d casual j o u r n e y m e n , small traders, white-collar
workers in small a n d shops, labourers - are kept absolutely
incapable of calculating and forecasting by an economic system
w h i c h demands forecasts, calculation, a n d the rationalization of
economic conduct.
I wo r k one day, sometimes four days, sometimes I ' m out of work

for a whole month. I have debts of almost 5,000 francs. I b o r r o w on o n e side
to repay on the other, that's t h e w a y it's a l w a y s b e e n . I ' v e got n o t r a d e , no
qualifications, h o w do y o u expect me to live? I w o r k as a l a b o u r e r , I c a r r y water,
I c a r r y stones on b u i l d i n g o n l y I c o u l d get a j o b ! Y o u see I ' v e b e e n
by the W h e n I ' m not l a b o u r i n g , I go into town a n d I w o r k as a porter
in t h e m a r k e t . I b o r r o w left a n d I leave h o m e at five in the m o r n i n g a n d
I go. I l o o k a n d look. S o m e t i m e s I c o m e b a c k at m i d d a y or o n e o'clock a n d
I've still f o u n d My earnings are like my work. N e v e r regular, n e v e r
certain. W h a t can I do? I e a r n about francs a m o n t h on average. I'd do
a n y t h i n g to e a r n my family a living" (casual labourer, Constantine).
For these m e n , ready to do a n y t h i n g a n d conscious of being

skilled at n o t h i n g , always available a n d totally subject to every
d e t e r m i n i s m , w i t h o u t any true trade a n d therefore condemned to
every sort of pseudo-trade, there is n o t h i n g solid, n o t h i n g certain,
n o t h i n g permanent. T h e daily r o u t i n e d i v i d e d between searching
f o r w o r k and i m p r o v i s i n g w o r k , the week o r the m o n t h b r o k e n
up i n t o w o r k i n g days and idle days by chance hirings a n d
- e v e r y t h i n g is stamped w i t h No regular timetable,
no fixed place of w o r k ; the same discontinuity in time a n d space.
T h e search f o r w o r k is the one constant factor in an existence swept
to a n d f r o by the w h i m of accident, together w i t h the daily failure
o f that search. Y o u look f o r w o r k " l e f t a n d r i g h t " ; y o u b o r r o w
" l e f t a n d r i g h t " ; y o u b o r r o w o n the left t o repay o n the r i g h t . T h e
whole of life is lived u n d e r the sign of the provisional. My
said a street trader in T l e m c e n , "is just a makeshift, u n t i l
something better turns u p . " I l l adapted t o the u r b a n w o r l d i n t o
w h i c h they have strayed, lacking a regular w o r k i n g life a n d the
security given by the certain p r o d u c t of labour, d e p r i v e d of the
reassuring traditions of the village c o m m u n i t y , a n d to learn
e v e r y t h i n g about b o t h the u r b a n w o r l d a n d the technical w o r l d
- t h e i r language, their discipline, t h e i r skills - they strive w i t h
obstinate persistence to force the h a n d of chance a n d take h o l d
of a present w h i c h escapes their grasp.
U n e m p l o y m e n t leads to a systematic disorganization of c o n d u c t , attitude, a n d

ideologies. B y p r e v e n t i n g h i m f r o m fulfilling his e c o n o m i c f u n c t i o n , i t threatens
the social f u n c t i o n of the h e a d of the family, in other w o r d s his a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n
t h e f a m i l y a n d h i s d i g n i t y o u t s i d e it. T h e f a t h e r , t h e b r o t h e r s , t h e c o u s i n s , a n d
sometimes e v e n the wife a n d the c h i l d r e n m u s t s u p p l y the needs of the g r o u p .
T h e extreme situation, that of m e n w h o are s u p p o r t e d by their wives, is experi-
enced both by the individual c o n c e r n e d a n d the g r o u p as the final
my said an u n e m p l o y e d m a n in O r a n , w i f e s h o u l d n ' t w o r k ; it's
forbidden. B u t we couldn't keep o u r heads above water, so she w o r k e d . " A n d
another, s h a k i n g his h e a d to express the e n o r m i t y of the it's m y
wife w h o w o r k s for W h e n it ceases to be seen as a t e m p o r a r y e x p e d i e n t ,
the p e r m a n e n c e of s u c h a state of d e p e n d e n c e s o m e t i m e s b r i n g s on a p r o f o u n d
d e m o r a l i z a t i o n . S o m e street t r a d e r s e n d u p m a k i n g a n o c c u p a t i o n o f w h a t was
originally only a temporary makeshift. The same is true of some of the
u n e m p l o y e d . L i t t l e b y l i t t l e a f a t a l i s t i c r e s i g n a t i o n sets i n ; i r r e s i s t i b l y , a p a r a s i t i c
existence becomes natural a n d then habitual. B e i n g u n e m p l o y e d or
b e c o m e s a w a y o f life, a n o c c u p a t i o n . T h e o b j e c t i v e b a r r i e r s , w i l d , i m p o s s i b l e
aspirations, p s e u d o - w o r k a n d pseudo-efforts to find w o r k , all p r o v i d e excuses
for giving up. M o r e a n d m o r e applications are m a d e w h e r e there is a certainty
of failure, a miracle is awaited, a n d a n d shovel" w o r k is increasingly
s h u n n e d . A g a i n s t e x p l o i t a t i o n a n d i n j u s t i c e the o n l y w e a p o n s t o h a n d a r e flight,
c u n n i n g , a n d t r i c k e r y , t h e chtara t h a t i s s o o f t e n m e n t i o n e d : a n y t h i n g w i l l s e r v e
so l o n g as it helps o n e to escape exploitation, to cut out a m o m e n t of hateful
w o r k a n d t o e a r n one's w a g e s w i t h t h e least effort. T h e s e m e n , c h a i n e d b y n e e d
to a task w h i c h brings t h e m n o t h i n g b e y o n d the m i n i m u m they n e e d to survive,
have only one freedom left in their work: the freedom to express their
subterranean revolt against exploitation by underproduction.
T h e lack of regular e m p l o y m e n t means n o t just the absence of

a guaranteed wage b u t also the absence of the whole set of
constraints w h i c h define a coherent organization of time a n d a
system of coherent expectations. L i k e emotional e q u i l i b r i u m , t h e
system of t e m p o r a l a n d spatial frameworks w i t h i n w h i c h existence
unfolds cannot be constituted w i t h o u t the reference points
supplied by regular w o r k . T h e whole of life is abandoned to
A m a n w i t h o u t w o r k goes off in the m o r n i n g , m o r e
or less early, d e p e n d i n g on whether he really has hopes or is
already resigned; all m o r n i n g he walks f r o m one b u i l d i n g site to
another, r e l y i n g on the advice of a a cousin, or a neighbour.
He stops at a cafe a n d has a d r i n k a n d a smoke w i t h his friends.
L o o k i n g f o r w o r k becomes a whole occupation.
U n e m p l o y m e n t or i n t e r m i t t e n t w o r k sweep away the traditions
1. P e r h a p s there a r e g r o u n d s for seeing the absence of the precise spatio-temporal
f r a m e w o r k s that are p r o v i d e d by r e g u l a r w o r k as one cause of uncertainty a n d even
i n c o h e r e n c e i n opinions a n d j u d g e m e n t s , particularly those r e g a r d i n g relatively
abstract a n d g e n e r a l problems.
68 A l g e r i a 1960
b u t prevent the w o r k i n g - o u t of a rational life-plan. If you're not

sure o f said a n u n e m p l o y e d m a n i n Constantine,
y o u b e sure o f And a in Oran: more
I earn, the m o r e I eat; the less I earn, the less I eat." These two
f o r m u l a e go to the heart of the existence of the sub-proletarians.
T h e one goal of activity is the satisfaction of immediate needs. I
earn m y h u n k o f bread, and that's a l l . " " W h a t I earn, I eat." " I
earn just my children's bread." I w o r k to feed my c h i l d r e n . " Gone
are the o l d traditions of foresight. T h e townsman tends to
resemble the image w h i c h the t r a d i t i o n a l peasant had of h i m :
the day has t o i l e d at, the n i g h t has eaten." Sometimes one
sees the reappearance of t r a d i t i o n a l practices, totally o u t of place
in the new context, a n d i n s p i r e d by the obsession w i t h
have stocks o f f o o d set aside", said a small grocer i n O r a n
e a r n i n g 400 or 500 francs a day. " I f ever I earn n o t h i n g , I ' l l eat
all the same." T h i s is the t r a d i t i o n a l i s m of despair, as i r r a t i o n a l
as h a n d - t o - m o u t h existence.
B e c a u s e the sacrifices b e a r m a i n l y o n c o n s u m p t i o n , i n c o m e c a n increase with-

o u t s a v i n g o r e v e n t h e i d e a o f s a v i n g m a k i n g its a p p e a r a n c e , t h e n e e d s a r e s o
m u c h greater than the means. F u r t h e r m o r e , p a y m e n t by the day, especially in
the case of casual or regular day-labourers, prevents any rationalization. By
parcelling out income into small sums immediately exchangeable for goods
i n t e n d e d to be c o n s u m e d the same day, it tends to rule out all e x p e n d i t u r e on
d u r a b l e g o o d s , w h i c h c a n o n l y b e c o n c e i v e d o f ( a n d p a i d off) o v e r a l o n g p e r i o d .
Instead of the f u t u r e a n n o u n c i n g itself in present

conduct, instead of the present being organized in relation to a
f u t u r e (un futur) posited by calculation a n d connected rationally
to the present, the present day is lived w i t h o u t any reference,
whether rational or i n t u i t i v e , to the n e x t day. Primary needs are
such that their satisfaction cannot be d e f e r r e d or sacrificed. T h e
sub-proletarians are totally b a r r e d f r o m establishing a rational
hierarchy of the p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r the calculation w h i c h is the
basis of conduct as reasonable in terms of capitalist reason.
A n e c o n o m i c subject c o n f o r m i n g t o this description w o u l d r a p i d l y meet w i t h

disaster if he f o u n d himself t h r o w n into a perfectly rationalized economic a n d
social u n i v e r s e . I n reality, o n the edges o f the cities o f A f r i c a a n d S o u t h A m e r i c a
there a r e e c o n o m i c u n i v e r s e s w h i c h act as a sort of buffer b e t w e e n the sub-
proletariat a n d the m o d e r n w o r l d . T h e i r f u n d a m e n t a l law seems to be the same
as g o v e r n s i n d i v i d u a l practices: the absence of predictability a n d calculability. T h e
poorest a n d the most bewildered find there a n u m b e r of which enable
t h e m to achieve a p r e c a r i o u s e q u i l i b r i u m , at the lowest level, in the absence of

any calculation mutual help a m o n g kinsmen a n d neighbours which furnishes
assistance i n m o n e y o r k i n d d u r i n g the s e a r c h for w o r k , o r u n e m p l o y m e n t ,
s o m e t i m e s t h e j o b itself; a p l a c e to live, a s h a r e d l i v i n g s p a c e a n d k i t c h e n w h i c h
g u a r a n t e e subsistence to the most desititute, w i t h the p o o l i n g of wages a n d joint
e x p e n d i t u r e t e n d i n g to c o m p e n s a t e for the i r r e g u l a r i t y a n d of each
i n c o m e ; c r e d i t b a s e d o n t r u s t , etc.
L a c k i n g that m i n i m u m h o l d on the present w h i c h is the pre-

c o n d i t i o n f o r a deliberate effort to take h o l d of the future (le
these m e n are unable to w o r k o u t a life-plan, a coherent,
hierarchized system of goals foreseen or projected, encompassing
in the u n i t y of a single o u t l o o k their present conduct a n d the f u t u r e
w h i c h it works to b r i n g about. T o t a l l y overwhelmed by
a w o r l d w h i c h denies t h e m any realizable future they can
only accede to a " f u t u r e i n d e f i n i t e " (un futur in w h i c h
e v e r y t h i n g is possible, because there the economic a n d social laws
w h i c h govern the universe of their daily existence are suspended.
T h e u n e m p l o y e d m a n w h o , f o r himself, only aspires to a
to the p e r m a n e n t e m p l o y m e n t that an occupational skill
w o u l d give h i m , can d r e a m of f o r his son,
as one of t h e m p u t i t , lawyer or doctor. These are t w o
successive a n d m u t u a l l y exclusive consciousnesses w h i c h a i m at the
present a n d at the f u t u r e ; the discourse often proceeds in a jagged
line, the leaps i n t o d a y d r e a m b e i n g f o l l o w e d by relapses i n t o a
present that withers all fantasies. Short of a certain threshold of
l i k e l i h o o d , only magical solutions r e m a i n . Magical hope the
o u t l o o k on the f u t u r e characteristic of those w h o have no real
f u t u r e before t h e m .
Insecurity a n d poverty are exacerbated by the disappearance of
the whole set of guarantees w h i c h were f o r m e r l y p r o v i d e d by the
reassuring traditions of peasant society a n d w h i c h made possible
customary foresight, dictated a n d sustained by c o m m o n w i s d o m
a n d based o n t e m p o r a l landmarks a n d w h i c h ensured
a f o r m of predictability.
G o n e are the assurances p r o v i d e d by religion, w h i c h organized practices a n d
representations in a c c o r d a n c e with a single body of principles. T o r n f r o m the
social e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h t h e y l i v e d t h e i r w h o l e lives a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r
religious lives, d e p r i v e d o f the a t m o s p h e r e o f religiosity w h i c h e m a n a t e d f r o m
collective life, p l a c e d i n difficult c o n d i t i o n s o f existence a n d c o n f r o n t e d w i t h
radically new problems, the proletariat a n d sub-proletariat of the towns c a n only
choose between indifference and superstition — institutional piety, a series of
70 A l g e r i a 1960
gestures void of meaning, performed passively or m e c h a n i c a l l y a n d g o v e r n e d

by unenthusiastic submission to a mutilated tradition. T h e break with tradition
b r o u g h t about by e m i g r a t i o n , the r e l a x i n g of collective p r e s s u r e l i n k e d to the
a n o n y m i t y of u r b a n life, contact w i t h a t e c h n i c a l civilization e n t i r e l y d e v o t e d to
p r o f a n e e n d s , the explicit a n d diffuse teachings of the school, all these influences
c o m b i n e to p r o d u c e a t h o r o u g h t r a n s m u t a t i o n of values a n d to destroy the soil
in w h i c h traditional religiosity was rooted.
D e p r i v e d of the material a n d psychological support given by the

networks of relationships in peasant society a n d by the kinship
groups that are now fragmented by e m i g r a t i o n , too harassed to
be able to take systematic cognizance of their c o n d i t i o n a n d
encompass in the sweep of an active i n t e n t i o n the present that is
u n d e r g o n e a n d the f u t u r e that is desired, kept in a state of
perpetual f r u s t r a t i o n a n d insecurity w h i c h leads t h e m to hope
f o r i m m e d i a t e satisfactions a n d expect the miracle that could
rescue t h e m f r o m t h e i r c o n d i t i o n , the sub-proletarians - landless
peasants, f a r m workers, m e n w i t h o u t w o r k , j o u r n e y m e n , casual
labourers - will readily give ear to any eschatological prophecy
w h i c h breaks w i t h the r o u t i n e of everyday existence a n d holds
out, even if it means a radical t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of society, the
promise of again f i n d i n g a place in the w o r l d , that is to say, b o t h
the material security a n d the sense of security given by a new social
f r a m e w o r k . Revolutionary chiliasm a n d magical Utopias are the
only grasp on the f u t u r e that offers itself to a class w i t h o u t any
objective f u t u r e .
T h e workers are sharply d i v i d e d i n t o two groups, those w h o are

stable a n d do all they can to r e m a i n so, a n d those w h o are unstable
and are ready to do a n y t h i n g to escape f r o m instability. T h i s is
the fundamental fact that has to be b o r n e in m i n d in o r d e r to
understand, a m o n g other things, the fascination exerted on the
most u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d strata by stable occupations or, m o r e pre-
cisely, the stability of occupations a n d , therefore, by vocational
qualification a n d by education as the means of getting it. Jobs such
as those of caretaker, night-watchman, o r d e r l y , or w a r d e n are also,
in t h e i r o w n way, " d r e a m jobs", not only because they are
u n d e m a n d i n g b u t also because they are the most reliable of those
an i n d i v i d u a l w i t h o u t education, vocational t r a i n i n g , or capital can
get. T h e desire for stability, c o m m o n to the great m a j o r i t y of
u n s k i l l e d workers, low-grade office workers, small tradesmen a n d

craftsmen, takes the f o r m of an aspiration to a genuine occupation
- as opposed to just being busy - in w h i c h the conditions of
h i r i n g and p r o m o t i o n and retirement are guaranteed and
in w h i c h there is organized protection against cut-throat
c o m p e t i t i o n , a n d in w h i c h the regulations on health a n d safety,
hours of w o r k , standards of skill, a n d payment, are effectively
i m p l e m e n t e d . If the civil service is syncretically perceived as an
occupational paradise, that is because, even in the absence of u n i o n
m o n i t o r i n g , it provides the m i n i m u m guarantees against
arbitrariness a n d , above all, gives security, defined n o t so m u c h
by the a m o u n t of the wages as by their
If it coincides w i t h a readjustment of the system of aspirations,
the achievement of regular e m p l o y m e n t does not necessarily b r i n g
about a reorganization of the goals of economic activity, w h i c h in
most cases remains o r i e n t e d towards the of i m m e d i a t e
needs. T h e a m b i t i o n of the great m a j o r i t y of p e r m a n e n t workers
is to be able to live " w i t h o u t h a v i n g to count", in other words,
w i t h o u t debts or savings. As soon as they can, they give up the use
of credit based on confidence, w h i c h enabled the most u n d e r -
p r i v i l e g e d to secure a precarious balance between their aspirations
and their Economic conduct continues to obey the p r i n -
ciple of m a x i m i z i n g security, a n d aspirations t e n d to be tailored
m o r e or less in relation to the available means. In a situation
of structural u n e m p l o y m e n t , the very people w h o have achieved
security continue to experience it as threatened a n d see themselves
as W h e n it makes its appearance, the desire to maximize
income comes i n t o conflict w i t h the objective conditions of the
labour market, w h i c h prevent a profitable increasing of effort.
T h e r e is i n d i g n a t i o n that a bachelor can earn as m u c h as a m a r r i e d
2. T h i s explains m u c h b e h a v i o u r w h i c h m i g h t a p p e a r irrational if it w e r e r e f e r r e d to
the logic of the m a x i m i z a t i o n of i n c o m e . T h e following e x a m p l e is a case observed in
A l g i e r s in J u l y A m e c h a n i c specializing in the m a i n t e n a n c e of tractors a n d diesel
engines was taken on as an e m p l o y e e by the Soil D e f e n c e a n d Restoration D e p a r t m e n t :
he received a basic wage of 55,000 O l d F r a n c s , plus a d a n g e r allowance, travel
expenses, a n d overtime, so that the average m o n t h l y i n c o m e was 80,000 francs, On the
advice of his father, he t u r n e d it d o w n a n d got a j o b as a m e c h a n i c with the
( A l g e r i a n Public T r a n s p o r t A u t h o r i t y ) , w h e r e his father was a conductor. He started
at 36,000 francs a m o n t h , but he e n j o y e d all the advantages of public-sector employ-
m e n t - stability, pension, leave, etc. F o r the same reasons, craftsmen a n d t r a d e s m e n
e a r n i n g between 30,000 a n d 70,000 francs a m o n t h often envy the position of w o r k e r s
in the m o d e r n sector a n d , the public sector.
72 A l g e r i a 1960
m a n , a n d disapproval o f m e n w h o have m o r e than one j o b a n d

E u r o p e a n w o m e n w h o w o r k . T h e r e are many respondents w h o
seem n o t to conceive that their labour power a n d labour time c o u l d
be quantified, a n d w h o , in o r d e r to assess the wages they consider
they deserve, take account of their needs a n d not of their effort
or skill. However, opinions t e n d to become systematized: the gap
between level of aspiration a n d level of achievement tends to
close, b o t h because hopes become more moderate a n d because the
effective possibilities increase; by the same token, demands become
m o r e realistic.
T h e labour elite, relatively small i n n u m b e r o w i n g t o the l i m i t e d
development of industry, partake of the advantages supplied by
the m o d e r n economy, family allowances, p r o m o t i o n , m o d e r n
housing, schooling f o r their c h i l d r e n , " p r i v i l e g e s " w h i c h are
inseparable f r o m stability of e m p l o y m e n t a n d w h i c h are denied
b o t h to the sub-proletarians a n d to the semi-proletarians in the
t r a d i t i o n a l sector. Do the attachment to these advantages a n d the
contagion of needs by the effect of demonstration constitute
obstacles to the f o r m a t i o n of a r e v o l u t i o n a r y consciousness? In
reality, only individuals equipped w i t h a coherent system of
aspirations a n d demands, capable of setting themselves w i t h i n the
logic of calculation a n d forecasting because t h e i r conditions of
existence allow t h e m to do so a n d because they have been able
to acquire a progressive a n d rational attitude in t h e i r w o r k i n g life,
can grasp their existence systematically a n d realistically by
reference to a collective f u t u r e a n d deliberately accept the sacri-
fices a n d renunciations that accompany any r e v o l u t i o n a r y action.
A n d f i n a l l y , b e i n g accustomed t o submit t o rational requirements
a n d i n c l i n e d to realism by the very nature of their daily activity,
the proletarians are the g r o u p of workers least open to the
seductions of demagogy.
A r r i v a l at an income level between 60,000 a n d 80,000 francs a
m o n t h coincides w i t h a general t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of conduct w h i c h
is r o o t e d in the emergence of a new r e l a t i o n to the f u t u r e a n d is
manifested in a whole set of objective indices, such as the m u l t i -
plication of sources of income a m o n g those e a r n i n g between
60,000 a n d 80,000 francs, the emergence of the hope of increasing
financial gain w i t h o u t increasing effort, or what m i g h t appear to
be the p u r e l y demographic fact that the average n u m b e r of live
births per m a r r i e d w o m a n steadily increases w i t h income u n t i l

the income reaches 80,000 francs, d e c l i n i n g sharply thereafter.
E v e r y t h i n g takes place as if arrival at an income level such that
the preoccupation w i t h subsistence disappears a n d basic needs are
satisfied was the necessary c o n d i t i o n f o r the i n d i v i d u a l to be able
to w r e n c h himself or herself f r o m the crudest economic deter-
minisms a n d strive towards a still absent goal b e y o n d the present in
w h i c h he or she was t r a p p e d by the pressure of needs d e m a n d i n g
immediate satisfaction. T h e effort to master the f u t u r e cannot be
u n d e r t a k e n i n reality u n t i l the conditions indispensable f o r
ensuring it a m i n i m u m chance of success are actually p r o v i d e d .
U n t i l this is the case, the only possible attitude is forced tra-
ditionalism, w h i c h differs essentially f r o m adherence to t r a d i t i o n ,
because it implies the possibility of acting differently a n d the
impossibility of enacting that
T h o u g h it clearly corresponds to a decisive transformation of
the material conditions of existence, associated w i t h a r i s i n g level
of skill a n d education, this r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the system of dis-
positions a n d ideologies is not the p r o d u c t of necessity alone, and
presupposes an o r i g i n a l systematization w h i c h each i n d i v i d u a l ,
m a k i n g himself the entrepreneur of his o w n life, must carry out
on his o w n because his behaviour in each area has to be
the p r o d u c t of a t h o r o u g h g o i n g r e i n v e n t i o n . T h e a d o p t i o n and
assimilation of the s p i r i t of p r e d i c t i o n a n d calculation vary in direct
p r o p o r t i o n to the degree of i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o an economic a n d social
o r d e r defined by calculation and p r e d i c t i o n . T h e most reliable
significant indices of this degree of i n t e g r a t i o n are the degree
of bilingualism a n d level of education.
To explain why the degree of bilingualism increases with the degree of
e c o n o m i c success, o n e c a n n o d o u b t i n v o k e the fact that t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f
a t t i t u d e s a n d t h e l e a r n i n g o f F r e n c h p r e s u p p o s e t h e s a m e c o n d i t i o n s , i.e. i n t e n s e
a n d p r o l o n g e d c o n t a c t w i t h E u r o p e a n society o r the m o d e r n e c o n o m y . H o w e v e r ,
e v e r y t h i n g t a k e s p l a c e as if t h e u s e of A r a b i c w e r e l i n k e d — at a given moment in
the history of the society and the language - to t h e a d o p t i o n of a w h o l e w o r l d - v i e w .
Invocations of G o d or destiny, r a r e a m o n g F r e n c h - s p e a k i n g respondents, are
v e r y f r e q u e n t a m o n g those e x p r e s s i n g themselves i n A r a b i c , w h e t h e r e n a b l i n g
3. T h i s is seen very clearly a m o n g the peasants in intensively colonized regions, w h o will

acknowledge the s u p e r i o r efficiency a n d profitability of the colonist's techniques, but
continue to practise the traditional methods, because they k n o w that the colonist's way
of f a r m i n g d e m a n d s m e a n s w h i c h a r e not available they w o u l d
inevitably fail.
74 A l g e r i a 1960
an e m b a r r a s s i n g p r o b l e m to be a v o i d e d or s e r v i n g to conceal the absence of a n y

definite o p i n i o n u n d e r well-meaning remarks. Respondents w h o express
themselves in F r e n c h generally show themselves to be m o r e realistic a n d m o r e
revolutionary. F u r t h e r m o r e , those w h o h a v e m o s t difficulty w i t h F r e n c h o f t e n
punctuate their r e m a r k s with sentences or phrases in garbled or correct
m a i n l y w h e n e x p r e s s i n g their poverty or their revolt. F o r those w h o are bilingual,
switching f r o m their m o t h e r tongue to F r e n c h often has the same significance
a n d the same function. T h e F r e n c h language, especially as spoken in A l g e r i a ,
is felt to be s e c u l a r i z e d , realistic, a n d F o r t h e A l g e r i a n s i t is, a m o n g
o t h e r things, the l a n g u a g e o f r e a l o r i m a g i n a r y d i a l o g u e w i t h t h e i r bosses, a n d
h e n c e the language of b a r g a i n i n g for better pay a n d conditions.
I n most cases, education a n d occupational skill provide the

indispensable means enabling conduct based on foresight a n d
calculation to be p e r f o r m e d w i t h a certain chance of success
(stability a n d hopes of p r o m o t i o n , sufficient income, etc.), i.e.
the necessary c o n d i t i o n , while at the same time s u p p l y i n g the
intellectual resources enabling conduct to be rationalized, i.e. the
sufficient c o n d i t i o n . E v e r y t h i n g takes place as if the economic
agent's existence h a d to be amenable to a n d calculation
in o r d e r f o r h i m actually to be able to submit it to foresight a n d
calculation. O n l y those w i t h a f u t u r e before t h e m can u n d e r t a k e
to master i t .
If the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of practices takes a systematic f o r m , this is
because, sharing a c o m m o n reference to a calculated f u t u r e , all
forms of rational action - p l a n n i n g , saving, concern the
children's education - are u n i t e d by a structural affinity. For
example, so l o n g as people lack the m i n i m u m mastery of the
present that w o u l d enable t h e m to conceive the a m b i t i o n of mast-
e r i n g the future, surrender to natural f e r t i l i t y imposes itself as the
only means of g a i n i n g any sort of h o l d on the we may even
suppose that the ideology h a n d e d d o w n by t r a d i t i o n , whereby the
c h i l d , a n d especially the boy, is a p r o t e c t i o n a n d an h o n o u r , takes
on a new life in times of crisis, w h e n the o l d securities are swept
away, because to s u r r o u n d oneself w i t h c h i l d r e n is above all to
s u r r o u n d oneself w i t h protections. T o delay child-bearing, o n the
other h a n d , is to sacrifice the present to the f u t u r e , to refuse to
let things simply take their course; it is to act in the present in
r e l a t i o n to a calculated future. T h e r e s t r u c t u r i n g of conduct only
appears at a relatively h i g h level of income (and not as soon as the
security threshold is reached), because, precisely on account of the
The of the world 75
systematic nature of the new life-style, has to be

accomplished all at once, w h e n all the economic a n d c u l t u r a l
conditions the conversion of economic a n d c u l t u r a l dispositions
are u n i t e d . Those individuals a n d families unable to b r i n g together
all the necessary conditions are condemned to encounter v i r t u a l l y
insuperable contradictions w h e n they endeavour to cross the line
at a single point.
T h u s , access to m o d e r n housing casts i n t o a deep malaise i n d i -

viduals w h o do not have the means of satisfying all the needs l i n k e d
to the satisfied need. T h i s observation is all the m o r e surprising,
at first sight, because m o v i n g i n t o a m o d e r n d w e l l i n g is m a r k e d ,
overall, by an undeniable i m p r o v e m e n t in l i v i n g the
living-space i n d e x is 8, c o m p a r e d to 2.5 for the badly housed
sample. T h e average n u m b e r of rooms per family is as against
1.5. T w e n t y per cent of the respondents have the same n u m b e r
of rooms as in t h e i r previous home, 27 per cent one r o o m more,
33 per cent two more, a n d 18 per cent three more. T h e average
available surface is 45 square metres as against for the badly
housed. Rehousing means the end of the single r o o m or, at least,
the b i g shared b e d r o o m w h i c h is the lot of most shanty-town-
dwellers: in per cent of the cases, the parents a n d c h i l d r e n
4. T h e s e analyses a r e mainly based on a survey in the s u m m e r of 1960 w h i c h took a
representative sample of families (selected f r o m the files of the building organizations)
living in ten groups of m o d e r n dwellings an estate in seven estates in
Constantine (Les L e B o n Pasteur, Anatole F r a n c e , Bar, Les Les
L e s Pins, a n d a n d two estates i n Algiers ( L e s Pins a n d L a
C o n c o r d e , Nobleterre). F o r comparative purposes use was also m a d e of the results of
analysis of a r a n d o m sample of the housing requests received by the Service des H . L . M .
( M u n i c i p a l H o u s i n g D e p a r t m e n t ) i n Algiers, a n d observations a n d interviews i n
various shanty towns in Algiers a n d the in 1958 a n d 1959. I n f o r m a t i o n f r o m
a survey in 1960 of a sample of families h o u s e d in m o d e r n dwellings, p r o v i d i n g data
on the whole domestic economy, was also used. T h e master sample in the survey of
the newly h o u s e d accurately reflects the overall pattern of the tenants: labourers m a k e
up per cent, semi-skilled or skilled w o r k e r s 20.5 per cent, service 25.5 p e r cent,
civil servants a n d a r m e d forces 9 per cent, tradesmen a n d craftsmen p e r cent,
senior executives 2.5 per cent, a n d retired or n o n - e m p l o y e d 10 Ninety-seven
per cent of the respondents are of u r b a n origin, a n d , generally h a v i n g regular em-
p l o y m e n t a n d incomes, a r e particularly well placed to adapt to the d e m a n d s of their
new accommodation (so that all the analyses which follow are valid a fortiori for those
not exhibiting these T h i r t y - s i x per cent of the respondents have been
in their new dwelling less than a year, 65 p e r cent less than two years. ( T h e m a i n
findings of this survey have been assembled in a synoptic table, because they do not
a p p e a r in Travail et en Algerie.)
00
O
O
00
on
CM
ro
—
GO
CO
GO
CM
CO
S §
0
sleep in separate rooms (only 14.6 per cent of the families still share
the same So one m i g h t expect to r e c o r d only statements
of b u t in fact o n l y 47 per cent of the respondents say
they are satisfied, w h i l e 38 per cent express various degrees of
discontent (the others r e m a i n i n g undecided).
Because r e h o u s i n g generally leads to the of large
families w h i c h the housing crisis forced to live together, w i t h the
family g r o u p t e n d i n g to be reduced to the couple, the n u m b e r of
employed persons per family In the o l d home, economic
e q u i l i b r i u m was usually based on a p l u r a l i t y of sources of income,
as against j o i n t expenditure, on both housing and f o o d . T h i s
balance is therefore endangered at the m o m e n t w h e n all types of
e x p e n d i t u r e , particularly those related to housing, increase
sharply. T h e average n u m b e r of persons in each family is 6.3: this
still very h i g h figure is m u c h lower t h a n that f o u n d in the survey
of the badly housed, 8.6. T h e difference looks even greater w h e n
it is borne in m i n d that the n u m b e r of c h i l d r e n is, officially, one
of the criteria d e t e r m i n i n g w h o should be T h e fall in
the average n u m b e r of persons is due to the fact that one section
of the w h i c h h a d been reconstituted u n d e r the
pressure of necessity has r e m a i n e d in the o l d d w e l l i n g w h i l e the
other section has come to live in the (municipal housing).
T h i s is c o n f i r m e d by the fact that the p r o p o r t i o n of nuclear
is m u c h greater in the rehoused sample in the sample
l i v i n g i n precarious
Seventy-seven per cent of the families contain one economically
5. An indication that u r b a n life a n d the life-style it imposes favour the progressive
disintegration of the e x t e n d e d family may be seen in the fact that average family size
is inversely related to the size of the city: 7.2 in 6.9 in C o n s t a n t i n e , a n d
5.2 in Algiers. T h i s is a c c o u n t e d for in part by a parallel decline in the average n u m b e r
of c h i l d r e n (Philippeville 4.06, C o n s t a n t i n e 3.08, A l g i e r s 2.95); but the fact r e m a i n s
that the ideal of the e x t e n d e d family is most distorted a n d most b u r d e n s o m e w h e r e
adaptation to u r b a n life is most developed.
6. Priority in r e h o u s i n g was given to those who w e r e badly housed but e a r n i n g a relatively
r e g u l a r a n d h i g h income. W e have seen that i n A l g e r i a the n u m b e r o f c h i l d r e n tends
to rise with income ( u p to a c e r t a i n threshold).
7. On the other h a n d , although the average n u m b e r of c h i l d r e n has fallen slighdy (3.29
p e r family instead of 3.83) because of the separation of couples previously living in
the same h o u s e h o l d , r e h o u s i n g a n d the a c c o m p a n y i n g i m p r o v e m e n t i n hygiene a n d
comfort have led to a decline in the infant mortality rate (as is s h o w n by c o m p a r i n g
the n u m b e r of c h i l d r e n w h o , a c c o r d i n g to the fertility tables, ought to h a v e been b o r n
after r e h o u s i n g with the actual n u m b e r of births). T h i s short-term increase in fertility
coincides, in the most privileged families, with the a p p e a r a n c e of a tendency towards
i n c r e a s e d birth control, one d i m e n s i o n of a total disposition w h i c h finds the conditions
for its realization in the new d w e l l i n g a n d the new life-style now possible.
78 A l g e r i a 1960
active person a n d 14.5 per cent two, a n d the average f o r the whole
sample is this compares w i t h 1.67 f o r the badly housed
families, 20 per cent of w h i c h contain three or m o r e active persons
(as against only 3 per cent here). T h i s tends to c o n f i r m that the
r e d u c t i o n of the domestic g r o u p m a i n l y results f r o m the family
h a v i n g shed a certain n u m b e r of adults w h o previously lived w i t h
it (generally the father, mother, or brothers of husband or wife).
T h i s p h e n o m e n o n has i m p o r t a n t consequences: in the o l d
d w e l l i n g , a very l o w r e n t was met by several adults of w o r k i n g
age, whereas now the considerably h i g h e r housing costs t e n d to
be s u p p o r t e d by a single wage packet. T h e whole of the o l d
e q u i l i b r i u m , based on p l u r a l i t y of incomes a n d j o i n t expenditure,
is jeopardized at the very m o m e n t w h e n expenses of all sorts are
increased.
In the badly housed sample (inhabitants of the Algiers Casbah
or the shanty the average n u m b e r of economically active
persons per family was relatively h i g h , especially in those cate-
gories where the wages of the head of the family are lowest, so that
they can only live by c o m b i n i n g several small wages (retired people,
labourers, tradesmen a n d craftsmen, and, to a lesser extent, service
staff). By f o r c i n g several heads of families to share the same
d w e l l i n g a n d necessitating the survival of the o l d solidarities, w h i c h
u r b a n life a n d the logic of the money economy had u n d e r m i n e d ,
the housing shortage has the paradoxical effect of enabling an
unexpected type of adaptation to take place: the real u n i t is not
the couple (le menage) but the (la and a
g r o u p i n g of individuals or couples p o o l i n g a n u m b e r of small
wages lives incomparably less badly t h a n each couple w o u l d on a
single wage. G r o u p solidarity provides each i n d i v i d u a l or couple
w i t h guarantees against material a n d psychological destitution: the
i r r e g u l a r i t y of t h e i r earnings is offset by f a m i l y m u t u a l aid and
confidence-based credit w h i c h ensure a m i n i m u m of regularity in
c o n s u m p t i o n despite the uncertainty of incomes a n d the absence
of r a t i o n a l calculation. T h u s , the a i d of pooled wages a n d
family allowances, 48 per cent of the families receive an income
of m o r e than 70,000 francs a m o n t h , a n d 72 per cent of t h e m m o r e
t h a n 50,000 francs. T h e i r expenses are relatively low (especially
w h e n compared to what they w i l l be in their new the r e n t
is generally fairly small; the shopkeepers in the o l d quarters of the
city a n d the shanty towns sell second-quality goods b u t at very low

prices; they also give credit; travel expenses are relatively low
because it has been possible to choose the d w e l l i n g for the sake
of its p r o x i m i t y to the place of w o r k . T h u s , on similar wages, people
live better in a shanty t o w n than in an H . L . M . T h e shanty t o w n
partakes of an economic universe w h i c h has a logic of its o w n and
w h i c h enables the least well equipped to achieve a f o r m of
adaptation to the u r b a n w o r l d . A l t h o u g h , it presents
all the appearances of the contrary, the economy of poverty has
its coherence. T h e shanty t o w n even has its labour market, w h i c h
is able to p r o v i d e at least a semblance of w o r k (with the m i n o r
i m p r o v i s e d occupations), a n d its network of i n f o r m a t i o n as to the
chances of e m p l o y m e n t .
T h i s o l d e q u i l i b r i u m , w h i c h r e q u i r e d several couples to live
together, since, w i t h only very rare exceptions, only the men w o r k ,
cannot be replaced by a new e q u i l i b r i u m based in part on the
women's w o r k , as is the case in European households, w h i c h , in
the same estates, have an average income that is twice as h i g h
(122,900 francs a m o n t h as against 60,600), because they earn
h i g h e r average wages a n d also because per cent of the wives
w o r k in relatively well-paid occupations (compared to per cent
of the A l g e r i a n w o m e n ) . A n u m b e r of obstacles, not all of w h i c h ,
at least in the most p r i v i l e g e d strata, are c u l t u r a l , such as the
women's lack of education, prevent this substitution (at least tem-
p o r a r i l y ) . A n d the fact that, f o r lack of education, A l g e r i a n w o m e n
generally only have access to jobs considered to be d e g r a d i n g (such
as that of charwoman), provides reinforcement or justification f o r
the men's resistance to the women's w o r k i n g . T h u s rehousing
leaves many couples stranded between a lost e q u i l i b r i u m , the one
w h i c h ensured the forced survival of the o l d extended family, w i t h
several wages as against j o i n t expenditure, a n d a new e q u i l i b r i u m
that is f o r b i d d e n or unobtainable. T h e average family income
(60,600 francs) is m a r k e d l y lower than that of the badly housed
(74,000 francs), a l t h o u g h the average wage is markedly h i g h e r
(which mitigates the fall in income caused by the reduced n u m b e r
of economically active
T h e average n u m b e r of persons per having fallen at the
same time as income, the average income per person is higher than
before f o r the rehoused sample (9,629 francs as against 8,604
80 A l g e r i a 1960
B u t it is d o u b t f u l whether this (relatively large) difference

is sufficient to offset the new expenditure i n c u r r e d on m o v i n g i n t o
a m o d e r n dwelling. For the average m o n t h l y r e n t rises f r o m
a r o u n d 3,000 francs f o r the badly housed to 9,200 francs in the
new accommodation. T h e that the badly housed said they were
p r e p a r e d to pay francs a w h i c h is m o r e than they
actually pay for their new d w e l l i n g , does not prevent us f r o m
u n d e r s t a n d i n g w h y the rehoused c o m p l a i n in particular about the
dearness of their rent. It is only an apparent contradiction a n d
stems f r o m a p h e n o m e n o n of d u a l contextualization w h i c h needs
to be analysed.
S e v e n t y - s i x p e r c e n t o f the b a d l y h o u s e d p a y a r e n t o f less t h a n 3 , 0 0 0 f r a n c s
( a n d o n l y 4 p e r c e n t o f t h e total h a v e r e n t s o f m o r e t h a n francs); 73 per
c e n t o f t h e m s p e n d less t h a n 5 p e r c e n t o f t h e i r f a m i l y i n c o m e o n r e n t . T h e h i g h
rate of m e a n s that care m u s t be taken in the use of i n f o r m a t i o n
c o n c e r n i n g the m a x i m u m r e n t they say they w o u l d b e p r e p a r e d t o pay; b u t i t
m a y be noted that 52 per cent of t h e m were willing to pay a rent of m o r e t h a n
1 0 , 0 0 0 f r a n c s , a n d that the a v e r a g e o f the m a x i m u m acceptable r e n t s
francs) was 3.5 times h i g h e r t h a n their r e a l rents. S u c h a discrepancy is not
e x p l a i n e d s i m p l y by the fact that the d e s i r e to escape f r o m p r e c a r i o u s or critical
conditions of existence is so great as to rule out p u r e l y e c o n o m i c calculation. No
d o u b t it is true that catastrophic living conditions lead people to c o n f e r inordinate
importance on getting new housing (as is e v i d e n c e d by, inter alia, the large
n u m b e r of requests a n d applications w h i c h the respondents h a d B u t this
o v e r e s t i m a t i o n of the sacrifice to be m a d e is e n c o u r a g e d , above all, by the fact
that i n c o m p a r a b l e things a r e b e i n g c o m p a r e d - a certain budgetary e q u i l i b r i u m
achieved in the C a s b a h or shanty town, a n d n e w conditions w h o s e e c o n o m i c
c o n s e q u e n c e s a r e ill assessed in a d v a n c e . W h e n the badly housed accept the
possibility of a very h i g h rent (10,421 francs average), they a r e implicitly
m a k i n g reference to their present economic situation. B u t the economic equi-
l i b r i u m they achieve in their precarious environment presupposes a certain
n u m b e r of conditions w h i c h will not necessarily be fulfilled in the new e n v i r o n -
m e n t : s e v e r a l i n c o m e s , a l o w cost of living, v i r t u a l l y no service c h a r g e s , etc.
T h e p r o p o r t i o n of their i n c o m e that the r e h o u s e d s p e n d on their r e n t is
p e r cent on average, c o m p a r e d to 4.7 p e r cent a m o n g the badly h o u s e d ( w h o
declared themselves willing to s p e n d on rent p e r cent of a considerably h i g h e r
f a m i l y i n c o m e ) . T h i s e n o r m o u s d i f f e r e n c e i s d u e t o t h e c o m b i n e d effect o f t h e
fall i n a v e r a g e family i n c o m e a n d the i n c r e a s e d of the rents. L i k e all
expenses per person, rent has increased by a higher proportion than average
i n c o m e p e r p e r s o n : w h e r e a s , in the badly h o u s e d sample, it was 3,000 f r a n c s for
an a v e r a g e f a m i l y of 8.6 p e r s o n s , it is n o w 9 , 2 0 0 f r a n c s f o r a f a m i l y u n i t of 6.3
p e r s o n s (so t h a t t h e a v e r a g e r e n t p e r p e r s o n h a s trebled, r i s i n g f r o m 3 4 8 f r a n c s
to 1,472 f r a n c s ) .
As well as w e i g h i n g heavily on the family budget, rent brings

w i t h it the n o t i o n of fixed, regular payment dates. Whereas, in the
shanty t o w n or the Casbah, all sorts of arrangements were possible,

since it was always possible to the l a n d l o r d for an extension
or b o r r o w the small sum necessary to pay the instalment f r o m a
relative or f r i e n d , this is no longer the case in a housing estate or
an T h e flexibility of personal relationships gives way to
bureaucratic r i g i d i t y . Because it absorbs a major p r o p o r t i o n of
family income, and because it has to be p a i d at regular intervals
a n d on specified dates, the rent (to w h i c h are added various
service charges) becomes the centre of the whole pattern of budget-
i n g a n d the whole domestic economy. It entails the necessity of
d i s c i p l i n i n g a n d rationalizing expenditure. By virtue of the size
a n d regularity of the c o m m i t m e n t w h i c h it represents, it forbids
- by the threat of serious d i s e q u i l i b r i u m - i r r e g u l a r i t y a n d insta-
b i l i t y i n jobs a n d incomes, incoherence i n purchasing, i n short
everything w h i c h characterized the economic life of the great
m a j o r i t y of the badly housed people in the Casbah a n d the shanty
towns a n d w h i c h still pervades the existence of the least-well-off
a m o n g the new inhabitants of the
T h e increase in the o l d expenses, such as rent, is aggravated by
the appearance of new expenses such as transport costs a n d
service charges. T h e new u r b a n housing developments are mostly
on the edges of the towns, so that many workers find themselves
m u c h f u r t h e r f r o m t h e i r place of w o r k as a result of rehousing.
Moreover, m a n y estates are totally w i t h o u t facilities like schools
a n d shops a n d the c h i l d r e n often have to go to school by public
transport. In some cases l o n g journeys are necessary in o r d e r to
carry o u t administrative procedures, o r t o b r i n g i n supplies f r o m
the city centre or neighbourhoods where things are cheaper (it is
not u n c o m m o n , f o r example, f o r people to continue to go a n d
t h e i r s h o p p i n g in the area where they used to
Average monthly spending on travel is 2,300 francs (compared to 3,000 for
the B u t there a r e considerable variations between the social
categories: civil servants a n d service employees s p e n d 2,600 francs a n d 2,700
francs per month, labourers 750 francs. So it seems that individuals in the
least-well-off categories m a k e savings on this i t e m . It is a m o n g these g r o u p s ,
a n d particularly the labourers, that one finds the highest proportion w h o walk
to
8. T h i r t y - t w o of those w h o say they w o u l d like to move house give as a r e a s o n their desire

to live closer to w h e r e they w o r k (the average j o u r n e y time between h o m e a n d w o r k
is twenty minutes; 20 per cent of the heads of families have a j o u r n e y of m o r e t h a n
half a n h o u r ) .
82 Algeria
Service charges a m o u n t on average to 5,000 francs a m o n t h (8.5

per cent of income). It is k n o w n that, of the badly housed, 64 per
cent h a d r u n n i n g water, 64 per cent electricity, a n d only 20 per
cent gas, a n d also that the low-wage categories (labourers, oper-
atives, service employees) were those most lacking in means of
c o m f o r t . So it is the economically least-favoured categories, those
f o r w h o m the r e n t b u r d e n is p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y greatest, that ex-
perience the sharpest increase in service charges. A l t h o u g h the
contrast is lessened by the efforts made by the families w i t h the
lowest incomes to curb this expenditure, the sum devoted to
service charges does n o t vary in the same way as income, a n d it
is in the lowest-income categories that the p r o p o r t i o n taken by this
i t e m in total spending is greatest. O n e can imagine the unease felt
by low-income w i t h the d i l e m m a of whether to make
u n s t i n t i n g use of the facilities offered by t h e i r new accommodation,
at the price of completely unbalancing the family budget or m a k i n g
sacrifices in other areas, food f o r example, or to reduce as far as
possible the p r o p o r t i o n of income devoted to service charges
by r e f r a i n i n g f r o m using the water-heater, and r e d u c i n g their
c o n s u m p t i o n of gas, water, a n d electricity. B u t how can the total
conversion that is indispensable to ensure a rational management
of the budget, an even d i s t r i b u t i o n of wages over time, a n d a
balanced allocation of expenditure between the various items, be
expected of families (and particularly of women) w h o , only ever
having k n o w n village traditions a n d shanty-town poverty, do not
have the material a n d c u l t u r a l means of b r i n g i n g their everyday
existence u n d e r the c o n t r o l of rationality, calculation, a n d rational
forecasting? B u t this is not all: to opt to restrict as far as possible
the spending caused by the use of household facilities w o u l d mean
deliberately d e n y i n g yourself everything y o u had previously been
denied. T h a t w o u l d a m o u n t to p u t t i n g yourself back in a shanty-
t o w n life-style b u t in totally new conditions: there is an abyss
between not having gas w h e n y o u live in a shanty t o w n a n d being
obliged to t u r n it off, w h e n it is there, inside y o u r o w n flat, a n d
to go back to the (terracotta so as to save money.
T h e very fact of having moved i n t o new housing becomes retro-
spectively absurd. In either case, m o d e r n housing paradoxically
becomes the obstacle to the entry i n t o m o d e r n life w h i c h it
seemed to promise.
T h e same is t r u e of f u r n i t u r e . In this area too, the heaviest

expenses bear on the least-well-off. T h e better-off a m o n g the
rehoused are likely to have o w n e d some f u r n i t u r e already (when
their l i v i n g conditions allowed). T h e others mostly had only the
bare m i n i m u m of equipment, since a p r i m e effect of a precarious
e n v i r o n m e n t is that it rules o u t e x p e n d i t u r e on f u r n i t u r e and
household e q u i p m e n t in general. T h e r e are several convergent
reasons f o r this. First, there is a lack of space a n d the
has to be reduced to the strict m i n i m u m : mattresses that are spread
o u t at n i g h t a n d heaped in a corner by day, sometimes an
i m p r o v i s e d bed, made f r o m planks resting on trestles, a w a r d r o b e
or sideboard f o r clothes a n d the most valuable objects. Secondly,
even i f the occupants h a d e n o u g h r o o m , they w o u l d not t h i n k o f
really f u r n i s h i n g such a r u d i m e n t a r y d w e l l i n g , in w h i c h the
f u r n i t u r e w o u l d quickly deteriorate. For these reasons, spending
on decorating a n d is kept to the strict m i n i m u m (where-
as spending on secondary items, such as a r a d i o a n d occasionally
a television set, a n d especially a scooter or car, is sometimes
disproportionately great). I n m o d e r n housing, o n the o t h e r h a n d ,
the absence of f u r n i t u r e , w h i c h was one of the conditions of the
rational use of l i v i n g space, appears as a sort of scandalous
absurdity; it objectively testifies to the occupants' incapacity to take
real possession of the space available, an inability to adopt the
m o d e r n life-style w h i c h such housing
T h u s , the average percentage of e x p e n d i t u r e m o r e or less
directly related to the h o m e (rent, service charges, transport,
upkeep, a n d f u r n i t u r e ) is 44.5 per cent, as against less than 10 per
cent amongst the badly housed (only 4.5 per cent of whose income
went on r e n t w i t h very low service charges, upkeep, a n d f u r n i t u r e
T h e whole economic life of the rehoused has
to be restructured a r o u n d this i t e m , w h i c h takes on an i n o r d i n a t e
importance. T h e labourers, w h o have the lowest incomes 8
9. T h e sort of possession is at issue h e r e has n o t h i n g to do with o w n e r s h i p . A l t h o u g h
the great majority (82 p e r cent) of t h e m were tenants, the inhabitants of the shanty
towns a n d the C a s b a h h a d less difficulty in taking possession of their homes than the
estate-dwellers, of w h o m 9 p e r cent a r e 55 p e r cent v i r t u a l owners
(buying their flats by instalments), a n d only 36 p e r cent tenants. T h e feeling of being
unable to take real possession of the flat eventually takes away all m e a n i n g f r o m the
sense of o w n e r s h i p ; so m u c h so that a n u m b e r of people b u y i n g their o w n flats by
instalments say they w o u l d like to be flat-owners, w h e n they virtually
are so already.
84 A l g e r i a 1960
francs a m o n t h ) , devote 21.5 per cent of their income to rent

(compared to per cent of the whole sample a n d 8 per cent
f o r the senior a l t h o u g h they m i n i m i z e t h e i r electricity
a n d especially their gas consumption (either by using only the
kanun or by t u r n i n g off the water-heater), they still have to pay
5,000 francs, per cent of their income, in service charges. In
other words, these two items absorb exactly a third of t h e i r
resources. A l t h o u g h their spending on the upkeep of their flats
a n d on f u r n i t u r e is doubtless kept as low as possible (taking
together only per cent of income as against per cent f o r the
whole sample), housing-related e x p e n d i t u r e takes up almost half
their T h i s is a severe imbalance, a n d it is only by c u t t i n g
back on other items, such as and c l o t h i n g , that these families
can keep g o i n g in accommodation w h i c h causes t h e m e x p e n d i t u r e
disproportionate to t h e i r means. A m o n g the operatives, whose
average wages are considerably higher, the share of e x p e n d i t u r e
devoted to the home remains m u c h the same (45.6 per cent): r e n t
a n d service charges take up similar sums francs as against
14,091 f o r the labourers), b u t t h e i r transport costs francs
compared to 750 francs, 3.6 times as m u c h ) , t h e i r upkeep costs
(3,173 compared to 750 francs, 4.2 times as much), a n d their
spending on f u r n i t u r e (4,388 compared to 3,522, 1.2 times as
much) are m u c h greater (by m o r e than 5,000 Perhaps it
should be concluded that, of the restrictions people impose on
themselves, the most disagreeable (those they abandon as soon as
they are able) are, first, those concerning the upkeep a n d facilities
of t h e i r homes, next, transport costs, a n d then f u r n i t u r e . In this
category too, e x p e n d i t u r e related to housing takes up almost half
the For the other categories, the situation is very
different: first of all, there is a m u c h smaller gap between expen-
10. If the p r o p o r t i o n spent on f u r n i t u r e is relatively h i g h (8.4 p e r cent c o m p a r e d to 10.9
p e r cent for the whole sample), this is because most of these families were totally
without f u r n i t u r e w h e n they were r e h o u s e d .
C r a f t s m e n a n d t r a d e s m e n a r e , of all the categories, the one w h i c h devotes the lowest
p r o p o r t i o n of its income to rent a n d service charges (12.5 p e r cent a n d 8 p e r cent);
but there is a very m a r k e d contrast between traditional craftsmen a n d tradesmen w h o
have r e t a i n e d a traditional life-style, a n d hence very limited r e q u i r e m e n t s as r e g a r d s
h o u s i n g , a n d m o d e r n craftsmen w h o s p e n d relatively large sums on the of their
homes. Service staff, whose occupational activity brings them into contact with
E u r o p e a n s , a n d sometimes takes them into their homes, h a v e (relatively) h i g h e r
e x p e n d i t u r e on u p k e e p a n d f u r n i t u r e - 13,529 francs a m o n t h , w h i c h is m o r e than
the labourers a n d the operatives together (4,544 francs a n d 7,561 francs respectively).
i n the o l d h o m e and i n the new one. T h e m i d d l e a n d u p p e r

classes were already supplied w i t h comforts a n d often p a i d a
relatively h i g h rent; because their incomes are greater, r e n t a n d
service charges weigh less heavily on t h e i r budgets; a n d their
families are m u c h better prepared to adapt to a m o d e r n d w e l l i n g
a n d to accept the disciplines demanded by that adaptation. T h e i r
are by the advantages w h i c h a relatively h i g h
income renders accessible. So, as income rises, a n d w i t h it edu-
cational level a n d degree of adaptation to m o d e r n life, m o d e r n
housing ceases to be the sort o f poisoned which i t is the
lower categories a n d provides the material conditions f o r a
reorganization of the system of practices.
T h e m o d e r n apartment is an element in a system and, as such,
it requires its occupants to adopt a certain life-style; it presupposes
a n d calls f o r the a d o p t i o n of a whole complex of practices a n d
representations, such as new relationships between members of the
family, a new conception of the children's education, in a w o r d ,
a new domestic economy. Accession to this e n v i r o n m e n t demands
a c u l t u r a l metamorphosis w h i c h not all the rehoused are capable
of because they have neither the economic means of achieving i t ,
n o r the dispositions - w h i c h cannot be f o r m e d in the absence of
those means.
T h e m o d e r n apartment is an already structured space indicating
by its organization, its extent, a n d its f o r m the f u t u r e use w h i c h
can be made of i t , the type of occupation it calls for, etc. As a tool,
that is, a material object p r e p a r e d f o r a certain use, it announces
its f u t u r e a n d the f u t u r e use one can (and must) make of it
i f one wants t o c o n f o r m t o the i t contains. I n short,
it appears as a system of demands inscribed in objective space a n d
asking to be f u l f i l l e d , a universe strewn w i t h expectations a n d
thereby generating needs a n d dispositions. B u t at the same time,
insofar as it is not perfectly a n d totally completed, insofar as
additions a n d modifications are possible a n d even indispensable,
the f u t u r e use w h i c h can be made of it is never entirely pre-
d e t e r m i n e d . T h i s is w h y it presents itself b o t h as the site of
demands to be satisfied a n d as an alien space to be cleared,
humanized, in other words, possessed - a n d a space w h i c h resists.
T r a n s f o r m i n g an apartment, f u r n i s h i n g i t , decorating i t , means,
no doubt, m a k i n g it more comfortable, b u t also and especially it
86 Algeria 1960
means mastering it by i m p r i n t i n g one's m a r k on it, possessing it

by m a k i n g it personal. " M o d e r n " , made f o r a " m o d e r n " m a n ,
the apartment demands the behaviour of a m o d e r n m a n . For those
w h o lack the means to occupy it a n d i n h a b i t i t , it becomes a sort
o f alien w o r l d o n w h i c h they cannot i m p r i n t their m a r k a n d whose
expectations they do not k n o w how to fulfil. T h e arrangement
of the rooms, the available space, the functional predeterminations
call f o r a certain type of f u r n i t u r e , certain l i g h t i n g , certain
decoration. N o t h i n g is more desolate t h a n a m o d e r n apartment
as in a shanty t o w n , w i t h a few mattresses, a kanun,
a n d a straw mat. T h i s is because it is not lived in b u t
not a d w e l l i n g , an organized, mastered, humanized space, b u t
merely premises T h e scandal is all the greater f o r the occupants
themselves because they confusedly hoped that the m o d e r n
apartment c o u l d satisfy expectations w h i c h it in fact arouses
w i t h o u t h e l p i n g to fulfil; greater too because, contrary to what
happened in the shanty t o w n , incitements a n d solicitations are no
longer f o u n d (intermittently) in an alien universe, that of the
Europeans, b u t are permanently inscribed in the most familiar
In short, a m o d e r n apartment gives rise to sometimes insuper-

able material difficulties as well as inaccessible aspirations. Further-
more, by its very structure, it is l i n k e d to a whole art of l i v i n g
w h i c h the daily existence of many new tenants contradicts in every
respect. By a sort of displacement, the person w h o finds himself
incapable of f u l f i l l i n g the requirements of his apartment comes to
t h i n k that the accommodation does n o t satisfy his o w n require-
ments. D e c i p h e r i n g the i n t e n t i o n contained in accommodation that
is defined as "economical" or he per-
ceives it as an i n f e r i o r version of European housing, housing
f o r Arabs and fit for Arabs - w h e n the accommodation he finds
inadequate, because it is second-rate, in fact already exceeds his
possibilities. Hence the contradictory statements of u n h a p p y ten-
O n e of the foundations of the real solidarity between all the inhabitants of the shanty
town is the u n i f o r m i t y of their conditions of existence, w h i c h causes poverty to be
e x p e r i e n c e d as a c o m m o n condition, s h a r e d by the whole g r o u p . T h e revolt of the
e x c l u d e d , w h i c h springs f r o m c o m p a r i s o n with the w o r l d , both different a n d external,
of the E u r o p e a n s , is quite different in nature f r o m that a r o u s e d by direct e x p e r i e n c e
of the impossibility of e n j o y i n g the advantages offered by that w o r l d , w h i c h are now
within r e a c h , in one's own h o m e , in the form of a comfort which o n e has to d e n y
oneself, or in the flat or b u i l d i n g next door, in the h o m e s of those who have the m e a n s
of e n j o y i n g it.
ants w h o declare that they c o u l d afford the r e n t to live on the

E u r o p e a n estate ( w i t h mod. w h e n in reality they have
difficulty in meeting the r e n t and gas bills in their
housing. Hence too the constellation of practices by w h i c h those
w h o cannot adapt to the estate adapt the estate to themselves.
Unable to achieve the h i g h e r level of adaptation r e q u i r e d by the
m o d e r n estate, they seek to create a f o r m of adaptation at a lower
level, at the cost of a "shanty of the Thus,
in the poorest classes, the extended family, w h i c h had split u p ,
tends to be Relatives w h o h a d r e m a i n e d in the
shanty t o w n or have recently arrived f r o m the c o u n t r y come a n d
j o i n the nucleus that is established in the apartment. On single-
storey estates (La f o r instance), shacks are b u i l t in the
courtyards. W h e r e there are tall blocks, the loggias are closed
off a n d t u r n e d i n t o rooms to house extra couples. T h e n u m b e r
of economically active persons increases. T h e new arrivals seek
to make w o r k f o r themselves on the perimeter of the estate,
setting up small mobile businesses or spreading o u t their wretched,
miscellaneous wares on the g r o u n d . At the same time, some of
the European-style shops are abandoned. Meeting-places s p r i n g
up spontaneously a r o u n d the estate. Groups of o l d m e n are again
to be seen leaning against the walls of the b u i l d i n g , t a l k i n g all
day, as they d i d in the shanty t o w n or in their village in Kabylia.
B u t those w h o t u r n a m o d e r n estate i n t o a shanty t o w n are not
obeying a backward-looking traditionalism. Prevented f r o m
adapting, as they wished, to an e n v i r o n m e n t w h i c h requires a
transformation of all t h e i r attitudes, d e p r i v e d of the material
conditions f o r such a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , they are simply re-creating
the previous l i v i n g conditions w h i c h they t h o u g h t they were
leaving b e h i n d t h e m w h e n they arrived in a m o d e r n estate.
T h e contrast between the aroused by the h o u s i n g a n d the
T h e a m o u n t of vandalism in the s h a r e d parts of the estates, committed by the c h i l d r e n
a n d adolescents but r a r e l y a r o u s i n g s t r o n g disapproval in the parents, is p e r h a p s the
best indication of the lack of c o m m i t m e n t to so to speak, refusal of responsibility
the e n v i r o n m e n t . On one estate w h e r e there is strong discontent,
p e r h a p s because it contains in an e x t r e m e f o r m all the contradictions w h i c h have been
analysed (the estate is next to the "all m o d . cons." E u r o p e a n estate;
a n u m b e r of tenants have relatively low incomes a n d so have great difficulty in
a d a p t i n g to their a n d all sorts of obstacles stand in the way of the
"shanty townization" that is possible in other estates, s u c h as La
Montagne), there is a very h i g h degree of v a n d a l i s m . O t h e r estates (like D i a r el B a h i a ) ,
o c c u p i e d by families w h o e a r n h i g h wages a n d are co-owners of their buildings, have
been very little vandalized.
88 A l g e r i a 1960
means available is aggravated by the disturbance w h i c h results

f r o m m o v i n g i n t o the new apartment a n d w h i c h touches every
aspect of existence. N o t only is the balanced budget w h i c h de-
pended on there b e i n g several sources of income j e o p a r d i z e d by
the fact that there generally remains only one wage, a n d sometimes
an i r r e g u l a r one, to meet increased e x p e n d i t u r e that has to be
organized a r o u n d w h a t have become r e g u l a r but
also the splitting up of the family and the break w i t h a familiar
n e i g h b o u r h o o d lead to the isolation the nuclear family a n d a
slackening of the bonds of solidarity. T h e r e is no one to go f o r
a stroll w i t h ; the lively atmosphere of the shanty t o w n has given
way to the superficial, occasional relationships of the h o u s i n g
estate; some go back to the shanty t o w n in t h e i r spare t i m e , to see
t h e i r o l d friends, or go a n d sit in the shanty t o w n adjacent to t h e i r
b u i l d i n g . T h e w o m e n i n particular suffer f r o m this contraction o f
the social field ( s u r r o u n d e d by strangers, they go out less), all the
m o r e so since there is n o t h i n g in the h o m e to take the place of
their old
T h e new e n v i r o n m e n t isolates people whereas the shanty t o w n
or o l d n e i g h b o u r h o o d u n i t e d t h e m . In house in the Casbah, f o r
instance, the separation between the dwellings occupied by
different couples is m o r e symbolic t h a n real. T h e house or neigh-
b o u r h o o d is the extension of the i n t e r n a l space of the
T h e wife's l i v i n g space extends as far the n e i g h b o u r i n g houses or
rooms, a n d also as far as the f o u n t a i n a n d grocery store; the flat
or shack is s u r r o u n d e d by a whole set of variously distant points
c o r r e s p o n d i n g to different aspects of female activity, tasks w h i c h
b r i n g together increasingly large groups as the distance grows. In
the corner of the r o o m set aside f o r that purpose, the w o m a n
cooks; in the c o u r t y a r d she gets water a n d sometimes does her
14. In contrast to confidence-based credit, bank credit imposes a hitherto u n k n o w n
regularity a n d rigidity. T h e new expenses b e c o m e the focus of all conduct. Stable
e x p e n d i t u r e entails stable e m p l o y m e n t a n d a c e r t a i n a m o u n t of rational calculation.
15. S o m e m e n , aware of this privation, buy a television set for their wives. B u t s u c h a
p u r c h a s e is out of the question for the poorest, who a r e h a r d put to it to pay their
rent.
In the C a s b a h , I k n e w everybody a n d everybody k n e w me. I could go into all the houses
a n d visit the w o m e n . I could c o m p l a i n to people without there being trouble.
R e l a t i o n s h i p s with other people were no p r o b l e m . T h e r e was only a veil between us.
H e r e it isn't a veil, it's a door. T h e r e are 245 tenants h e r e a n d we don't e v e n k n o w
one another. We h a r d l y say hello. E v e r y o n e goes h o m e a n d shuts the d o o r a n d that's
all y o u see of t h e m . "
washing; on the terrace, she hangs out her washing; at the T u r k i s h

bath, shared by the whole district, she meets her neighbours. T h u s
most of the activities w h i c h to her help to insert her i n t o a social
n e t w o r k outside the family proper.
By contrast, the domestic cell in a residential block has to
provide its occupants w i t h everything they need. A l l the women's
activities (washing, d r y i n g , i r o n i n g , cooking, can be carried
o u t w i t h i n i t . T h i s means that the opposition between the inside
a n d the outside now corresponds exactly to the opposition between
the family nucleus a n d the between the apartment
a n d the rest of the b u i l d i n g . Because of the complete absence of
collective facilities on the estate, the scope of the wife's activity
is n a r r o w e d , especially since a m o d e r n flat offers m o r e housework
to be done; the outside w o r l d begins at the f r o n t door. Even the
elevated passageway, w h i c h m i g h t be expected to create a l i n k
between neighbours, is f o r e i g n t e r r i t o r y : it is rare, for example,
for people to use it to take the evening air, or to leave pot plants
on i t . Since contacts w i t h neighbours now only take place w h e n
housework is b e i n g done, they become rarer a n d m o r e superficial,
a n d w h e n they do occur, they are seen as useless, as a waste of
time in gossip or chatter. Moreover, perceived as an obstacle to
the i n d i v i d u a l i s m w h i c h this e n v i r o n m e n t encourages, social life
is something one puts up w i t h rather than chooses. Contacts very
often only occur in the quarrels p r o v o k e d by noise or the c h i l d r e n .
T h e change of residence means that people are no longer l i n k e d
to t h e i r neighbours by the o l d ties, a n d the objective organization
of space does not favour the establishment of new relationships.
T h i s results in an apparently contradictory attitude towards the
new people c o m p l a i n b o t h of isolation (especially the
women) a n d of o v e r c r o w d i n g , mere p r o x i m i t y that is suffered, not
sought. Because t h e i r c u l t u r a l traditions have not prepared t h e m
for the new life-style a n d the smallness of the apartment encour-
ages t h e m to go o u t as soon as they can, the m e n continue to spend
their leisure time together. Because their l i v i n g space is greater
a n d t h e i r n a t u r a l place is outside, they suffer less t h a n the w o m e n
f r o m the isolation due to rehousing. T h e r e is n o t h i n g to com-
pensate the w o m e n for the loss of the satisfactions given by the
social e n v i r o n m e n t of the shanty t o w n . T h u s the nuclear family,
w i t h m o d e r n housing f a v o u r i n g its material and affective auto-
90 A l g e r i a 1960
by the spatial and budgetary constraints it imposes,

cannot find w i t h i n itself either the economic resources or the
c u l t u r a l traditions (leisure activities, reading, home i m p r o v e m e n t ,
c u l t u r a l images f a v o u r i n g and valorizing the privacy of the couple)
w h i c h are the p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r a f u l l achievement of that auto-
n o m y . It follows that the new social units arising f r o m rehousing
find themselves between two of economic a n d social
e q u i l i b r i u m , w i t h the sense of having lost e v e r y t h i n g o n one side
w i t h o u t g a i n i n g m u c h o n the other.
Conversely, f o r the most p r i v i l e g e d categories, whose o l d en-
v i r o n m e n t c o n d e m n e d t h e m to a d u a l existence, w i t h a clear
separation between the life they led at the office a n d the life the
shanty t o w n forced on t h e m , access to m o d e r n housing is the
o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a c u l t u r a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . A l l obstacles are re-
m o v e d . T h e focus of all t h e i r contradictions disappears. T h e i r
l i v i n g space n o w matches t h e i r possibilities. T h e i r aspirations are
r e d o u b l e d by the incitements created by t h e i r home e n v i r o n m e n t ;
o r rather, desires w h i c h h i t h e r t o were f o r m u l a t e d only i n i m -
agination a n d were concretely t h w a r t e d n o w find the material
conditions for their realization. T h e tendency towards the self-
c o m p l e t i o n of the system constituted by the new life-style gives
rise to new needs. Certain forms of e x p e n d i t u r e are greatly
increased: f u r n i t u r e , labour-saving devices, clothes ( w i t h the desire
to affirm a certain means of e n t e r t a i n m e n t etc.
It follows that the b r e a k d o w n of e x p e n d i t u r e between the various
items in the family budget is p r o f o u n d l y altered; m o r e a n d m o r e
use is made of bank credit, w h i c h brings w i t h it the need f o r
calculation. It seems that spending on f o o d is often reduced, at
least in relative terms. However, u n l i k e the other categories, w h o
spend on h o u s i n g amounts that are disproportionate to t h e i r
incomes b u t w i t h o u t managing to satisfy the demands of a m o d e r n
a p a r t m e n t a n d the new needs it stimulates, families in these
classes are generally better prepared f o r a d a p t i n g to a m o d e r n
d w e l l i n g a n d u n d e r t a k i n g the disciplines needed in o r d e r to
succeed in such an adaptation; f u r t h e r m o r e , w i t h t h e i r consider-
ably h i g h e r incomes, they are able to achieve a new economic
e q u i l i b r i u m w i t h o u t h a v i n g t o make i n o r d i n a t e sacrifices i n o t h e r
areas. Because all the economic a n d c u l t u r a l conditions f o r an
overall t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the system of economic dispositions are
u n i t e d , access to m o d e r n housing is the o p p o r t u n i t y for a

r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the system of practices w h i c h is to be seen in the
division of between the sexes, the management of the family
budget, the education of the c h i l d r e n , a n d leisure activities. T h u s
the of the family g r o u p that is favoured by the new
home e n v i r o n m e n t is generally accompanied by the discovery of
a new art of l i v i n g : what for others is isolation is here experienced
as privacy. T h e m e n spend m u c h m o r e time at home; reading,
television, a n d the c h i l d r e n increasingly take the place of time
spent w i t h friends. T h e w o m e n devote m o r e time to housework,
reading, and l o o k i n g after the c h i l d r e n w h o go to school. Intensi-
fied domestic relationships compensate for the increased r a r i t y
of outside relationships a n d the slackening of relationships w i t h
variously distant kinsmen w h i c h is b o t h the p r e c o n d i t i o n a n d the
p r o d u c t of
T h u s , t h r o u g h the conditions w h i c h give access to it a n d the
transformations of practice w h i c h it makes possible, m o d e r n
housing has made possible the development of a (petty) bour-
geoisie whose whole life-style, its values a n d its aspirations,
separates it f r o m the proletariat and sub-proletariat of the shanty
towns a n d o l d u r b a n areas. T h e conditions r e q u i r e d of those w h o
cross the of are such that it is here a
b o u n d a r y between classes.
W h e r e a s the sub-proletarians, ill-adapted to the estate, their links with their
old circles, most m e m b e r s of this new m i d d l e class break their old connections,
carefully avoiding any r e t u r n to their old n e i g h b o u r h o o d , a n d increasingly often
a b a n d o n i n g the ritual of e x c h a n g e d visits w h i c h previously m a i n t a i n e d their ties with
relatives remote in geographical a n d especially social space.
Conclusion
If the same m e a n i n g express itself as m u c h in economic

conduct, whether fatalistic or incoherent or m e t h -
odical, as in political conduct a n d opinions, whether resigned or
resolved, revolted or revolutionary, this is because the system of
dispositions is l i n k e d to the economic a n d social situation t h r o u g h
the m e d i a t i o n of the objective potentialities defined by a n d de-
fining that situation. Objective, collective probabilities (such as
the l i k e l i h o o d of access to scarce assets or the chances of u p w a r d
m o b i l i t y over one or several generations) - statistically measurable
in the of regularities independent of i n d i v i d u a l wills - are
also concrete data in i n d i v i d u a l experience. Class habitus, the
internalization of the objective situation, is the structure u n i f y i n g
the system of dispositions, w h i c h presuppose practical reference
to the objective f u t u r e , whether it be a matter of resignation to
or revolt against the present o r d e r or the capacity to subject
economic conduct to forecasting a n d calculation.
In fact, consciousness of class situation can also be, in another
respect, an unconsciousness that use of m e d i a t i n g
(or h y b r i d ) concepts, such as objective potentiality or class habitus,
enables us to get b e y o n d the abstract oppositions between the
subjective a n d the objective, the conscious a n d the unconscious.
T h e objecdve f u t u r e is that w h i c h the observer has to postulate in
o r d e r to the present behaviour of social which
does n o t mean that he places in the consciousness of the subjects
w h o m he observes the consciousness he has of their consciousness.
For the objective f u t u r e may not be a goal consciously pursued
by the subjects a n d yet can still be the objective p r i n c i p l e of all t h e i r
conduct - because it is inscribed in those subjects' present situation
a n d in t h e i r habitus, internalized objectivity, a p e r m a n e n t dis-
92
position acquired asituation, u n d e r the influence of thatsituation.

B o t h i n t h e i r conscious representations a n d i n their practices, the
sub-proletarians reproduce the situation of w h i c h they are the
p r o d u c t a n d w h i c h contains the impossibility of an adequate
cognizance of the t r u t h of the situation: they do not k n o w that
t r u t h , b u t they enact i t , or, i f y o u w i l l , they state i t only i n their
actions. T h e i r unrealistic statements only seem to contradict the
objective reality w h i c h their acts so clearly express: illusion itself
is not illusory and it w o u l d be a mistake to see an arbitrary
phantasm in what is only the objective effect of their impossible
position in the economic a n d social system.
A l t h o u g h the social agent necessarily cannot grasp as a totality
a system w h i c h only ever appears to h i m in profiles, the gap
between subjective apprehension and the objective t r u t h of the
situation varies considerably f r o m one class situation to another.
T h e pressure of economic necessity can arouse a discontent a n d
a revolt w h i c h do riot necessarily presuppose a clear, rational grasp
of the goal of the revolt (as is seen f o r example in the distance
between emotional quasi-systematization a n d genuine totalization)
a n d w h i c h may manifest themselves in resigned passivity as well
as in elementary explosions devoid of explicit The
mechanical image of compression and explosion too often ob-
scures the fact that the most intense oppression does not coincide
w i t h the most acute awareness of oppression b u t that, on the
contrary, it is precisely here that the discrepancy between the
objective situation a n d awareness of that situation is greatest. In
short, if we refuse to see class consciousness either as the mech-
anical result of the pressure of economic necessity or as the
reflexive act of a f r e e d o m d e c i d i n g itself despite and against all
It w o u l d seem that these analyses a r e as valid for the inhabitants of
and as for the inhabitants of the A l g e r i a n shanty towns, as is s h o w n by two
descriptions very close to those presented h e r e . T h e first relates to L a t i n A m e r i c a a n d
the second to A f r i c a . " T o a m o n g the striking things about these families are their
g e n e r a l malaise, the rarity a m o n g t h e m of happiness or is
characteristic of b r e a k i n g or b r o k e n cultures that they no longer give satisfaction, no
longer life w o r t h ( O l i v e r L a F a r g e , F o r e w o r d t o O s c a r L e w i s , Five
Families ( N e w Y o r k : Science E d i t i o n s , 1962), p p . i x - x ) . " T h e r e is a c o m m o n theme
a p p a r e n t in their attitudes a n d in actions, every one of them. T h e theme is a sense
of a lack of s o m e t h i n g in their lives. T h e new w o r l d they have e m b r a c e d , with various
feelings, leaves t h e m with an emptiness, a void that they all recognize a n d all want to
fill" ( C o l i n M. The Lonely African ( L o n d o n : C h a t t o a n d W i n d u s , 1963),
p. 27).
94 Algeria
objective determinisms, t h e n we must acknowledge that revolt

against the present situation cannot be o r i e n t e d towards rational,
explicit ends u n t i l the economic conditions f o r the f o r m a t i o n of
a rational consciousness of those ends are f u l f i l l e d , in other words,
u n t i l the p r e v a i l i n g o r d e r contains the potentiality of its o w n
disappearance a n d so produces agents capable of m a k i n g its dis-
appearance their project.
The sense of
W h e n w e discuss the levels o f descriptive a n d e x p l a n a t o r y a d e q u a c y , questions

i m m e d i a t e l y arise c o n c e r n i n g the firmness of the d a t a in terms of w h i c h success
is to be For o n e m i g h t ask h o w we c a n establish that the
two are sentences of different types, or that "John's eagerness to is
w e l l - f o r m e d , while "John's easiness to is not, a n d so o n . T h e r e is no
v e r y satisfying a n s w e r t o this q u e s t i o n ; d a t a o f this sort a r e s i m p l y w h a t constitute
the subject m a t t e r f o r linguistic t h e o r y . W e neglect s u c h d a t a a t the cost o f
d e s t r o y i n g the subject.
Noam Chomsky, Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
N. h a d always been comfortably He used to make others w o r k

f o r h i m , t a k i n g the best f r o m their fields a n d houses as if by
seignorial r i g h t . A l t h o u g h he h a d gone d o w n a good deal in the
w o r l d , he still t h o u g h t he could do whatever he liked. He felt he
h a d a r i g h t to d e m a n d everything, speak while others r e m a i n e d
silent, insult a n d even physically assault those w h o stood up to h i m .
No d o u b t this is w h y he was regarded as an An amahbul
is the shameless, brazen i n d i v i d u a l w h o oversteps the bounds of
acceptable behaviour, w h o assumes an arbitrary power a n d
commits acts that are c o n t r a r y to what is counselled by the art of
l i v i n g . M e n endeavour to avoid (plural of
because nobody wants a c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h t h e m ; they are i m m u n e
t o shame, a n d anyone w h o got i n t o a n a r g u m e n t w i t h t h e m w o u l d
always e n d up the v i c t i m , even if he happened to be in the r i g h t .
N. h a d a garden w a l l that needed r e b u i l d i n g . H i s n e i g h b o u r h a d
a retaining wall. N. knocked this wall d o w n a n d carried the stones
i n t o his o w n garden. For once, the v i c t i m of N.'s a r b i t r a r y act
was not someone weaker himself b u t h a d ample means of
self-defence. He was y o u n g a n d strong, h a d many brothers a n d
kinsmen, a n d belonged to a large and p o w e r f u l family. Clearly,
1. An e a r l i e r E n g l i s h version of this text was published u n d e r the title " T h e S e n t i m e n t
of H o n o u r in K a b y l e Society", in Honour and Shame, e d . J. Peristiany ( L o n d o n :
a n d Nicolson, 1966), p p . 1 9 1 - 2 4 1 . I t was first published i n F r e n c h a s " L e
sens de l ' h o n n e u r " , in Esquisse d'une de la pratique (Paris a n d G e n e v a : L i b r a i r i e
D r o z , 1972), p p . 13-43.
95
96 A l g e r i a 1960
if he d i d not take up the challenge, it was n o t out of fear. A n d

so public o p i n i o n c o u l d not see this offensive act as a genuine
challenge, casting a slur on his h o n o u r . On the contrary, b o t h
public o p i n i o n a n d the v i c t i m affected to i g n o r e i t : f o r it is absurd
to get i n t o a q u a r r e l w i t h an amahbul. Keep clear of the
isn't that how the saying goes?
However, the v i c t i m went to see the culprit's brother. T h e latter
sided w i t h the complainant b u t was at a loss how to make the
amahbul see reason. He made it clear he t h o u g h t the v i c t i m h a d
made a mistake in not reacting immediately w i t h violence,
a n d he added: " W h o does that wretch t h i n k he Thereupon
his visitor a b r u p t l y changed his tone a n d said i n d i g n a n t l y ,
do y o u take me for, Si Do y o u t h i n k I ' m p r e p a r e d to have an
a r g u m e n t w i t h Si over a few stones? I came to see y o u because
I k n o w y o u are sensible a n d will understand what I say. I d i d n ' t
come to ask f o r payment f o r the stones." A n d here he swore by
all the saints that he w o u l d never accept compensation. do
what Si N. d i d , a m a n must be an amahbul, a n d I ' m not g o i n g to
cast myself i n t o shame [adhbahadlagh w i t h an amahbul. I
just w a n t to p o i n t out that that's no way to b u i l d a just house
A n d at the very e n d of the conversation, he added,
w h o have an amahbul in the f a m i l y o u g h t to deal w i t h h i m
before others do." I n other words: w r o n g not t o side w i t h
y o u r b r o t h e r i n f r o n t o f me, even i f y o u give h i m a in
my absence, w h i c h is moreover just w h a t I ' m asking y o u to
2. F o r the K a b y l e vocabulary of h o n o u r , see p. Bahdel verb) m e a n s to cast someone
into shame, d i s h o n o u r h i m , completely d o m i n a t e h i m , beat h i m hollow, m a k e a
laughing-stock of h i m , in short, to p u s h one's victory b e y o n d reasonable limits. Bahdel
is m o r e or less r e p r e h e n s i b l e a c c o r d i n g to one's o p p o n e n t a n d above all a c c o r d i n g to
what he is r e p r o a c h e d with. W h e r e an c o n c e r n e d , a m a n does not say " I ' m
a f r a i d he will r i d i c u l e me but " I ' m not going to r i d i c u l e [adhbahadlagh -
reflexive] myself [ruhiw - my spirit] with h i m . " has m u c h the same
m e a n i n g a n d is u s e d in the same ways imanis, he d i s h o n o u r s himself).
3. " H e w h o strips his b r o t h e r strips says the p r o v e r b . " H e insults himself [that
is to say, his b r o t h e r or his the donkey is worth m o r e t h a n he is imanis,
akhiris). (verb) means to point at, to to account, reveal, d e n u d e
someone's vulnerability, weak point, that w h i c h gives cause for d i s h o n o u r ) , to
insult. It denotes the symbolic or ritual insults that w o m e n h u r l at one a n o t h e r
E x a m p l e s of lam'ayrath: father is a c h i c k e n thief", " Y o u r m o t h e r
goes begging in the mills." As an u n f o u n d e d accusation, lam'ayrath is p e r m i t t e d to
w o m e n , a n d is of no consequence: not so for m e n . W h e r e a s d e m a n d s a r e p l y , at
least on the same level - insult r e s p o n d i n g to insult - to p a r r y it a n d leave the other
without a n y r e p l y , is i r r e p a r a b l e . is to cause loss of face, especially
a m o n g one's o w n g r o u p , by a clumsy, involuntary action; for instance, r e v e a l i n g a
The sense of honour 97
T o understand the f u l l subtlety o f this debate, one

needs to k n o w that it b r o u g h t face to face a m a n perfectly versed
in the dialectic of challenge and riposte a n d a m a n w h o had lived
outside for so l o n g that he had f o r g o t t e n the spirit of the
t r a d i t i o n . T h e latter saw the incident as a petty theft by a brother
w h o m he c o u l d disown in the name of justice a n d good sense,
w i t h o u t any i n f r i n g e m e n t of family solidarity, a n d so he reasoned
p u r e l y in terms of material interest: the wall is w o r t h so m u c h a n d
this person must be compensated. His i n t e r l o c u t o r remained
astonished that such an educated m a n c o u l d have so misunder-
stood his t r u e intentions.
One year, in another village, a peasant was robbed by his

T h e thief was an o l d h a n d at that t r i c k b u t this
t i m e he had gone too far. A f t e r complaints a n d threats h a d failed,
the matter was b r o u g h t before the assembly T h e facts
were k n o w n to all, a n d it was superfluous to prove the charge.
T h e khammes, seeing he hadn't a leg to stand r a p i d l y set about
p l e a d i n g f o r forgiveness in accordance w i t h t r a d i t i o n , a l t h o u g h
he also p u t f o r w a r d several arguments in his o w n defence: that
he h a d been cultivating this l a n d f o r a very l o n g time; that he
l o o k e d u p o n it as his o w n p r o p e r t y ; that the l a n d l o r d , an
absentee, h a d no need of the crop; that, in o r d e r to please h i m ,
he gave h i m his o w n figs, w h i c h were of better quality, on the
that he w o u l d recoup later on the quantity; that
he was poor, a n d the owner r i c h - so as to give to the
- a n d so o n , a whole string of excuses i n t e n d e d to flatter the
l a n d l o r d . H e u t t e r e d the f o r m u l a G o d forgive m e " , w h i c h ,
according to custom, o u g h t to b r i n g discussion to an end. B u t
he
I f I h a v e a c t e d w e l l , p r a i s e b e t o G o d (so m u c h t h e b e t t e r ) ,
If I have e r r e d , G o d forgive me.
T h e l a n d l o r d was i n f u r i a t e d by this f o r m u l a , t h o u g h it was a

perfectly legitimate a n d appropriate one, since it reaffirms that
s h a m e f u l secret in the presence of m e m b e r s of a n o t h e r g r o u p , or t h r o w i n g m e m b e r s
of one's o w n g r o u p into confusion. is m o r e permissible in a m a n than in a
w o m a n (unlike A p e r s o n w h o suffers will confess to it m o r e readily than
someone w h o suffers
4. T h e names in brackets signify the places of origin of informants.
98 Algeria
even w h e n he makes honourable amends a m a n cannot be entirely

w r o n g or at least cannot p u t himself entirely in the w r o n g , so that
he is always a little bit r i g h t , just as the other is always a little b i t
w r o n g . T h e l a n d l o r d wanted a simple G o d forgive an
unqualified admission of guilt. W h e r e u p o n the khammes called the
assembly to witness: creatures, friends of the saints! Do
y o u see this? I praise G o d a n d that m a n there attacks me f o r
A n d he repeated the same f o r m u l a t w o or three times, each time
h u m b l i n g a n d abasing himself m o r e . T h i s made the landowner
more and more so that in the end, despite the respect they
felt f o r an educated m a n , a stranger to that region, the whole
village they h a d to reprove h i m f o r his conduct. W h e n tempers
h a d d i e d d o w n , the l a n d l o r d regretted his intransigence. On the
advice of his wife, w h o was m o r e familiar w i t h local customs, he
sought o u t the village imam a n d some older kinsmen to apologize
f o r his behaviour. He p o i n t e d o u t that he h a d been a v i c t i m of
(the action of bahdel), as everyone h a d realized.
In a t h i r d village, a certain incident h a d aggravated the tension

between the two factions One of the factions, weary of this
situation, sent a whole delegation to see an i m p o r t a n t member of
the opposing T h e delegation was made of marabouts
the d o u a r a n d f r o m n e i g h b o u r i n g douars, the village imam, all the
( p l u r a l of from a neighbouring (religious
school), m o r e t h a n f o r t y people i n all, w h o were p r o v i d e d w i t h
transport, food, a n d l o d g i n g . To everyone in the r e g i o n - except
the person w h o was the object of the operation, an u p r o o t e d
Kabyle w h o was out of touch w i t h the customs - it was clear that
this was a r i t u a l . Custom demanded that after kissing the
negotiators on the one should accept their proposals a n d
call f o r peace. T h i s d i d not r u l e o u t the possibility of r e o p e n i n g
hostilities later, on any pretext, w i t h o u t anyone finding cause f o r
complaint. T h e dignitaries announce the purpose of their visit:
"The come to seek p a r d o n . " C u s t o m requires that they
should initially dissociate themselves f r o m the faction on whose
behalf they have come to intercede. T h e next to speak, w i t h
d i g n i t y , are those w h o ask f o r p a r d o n the interest of all, a n d
especially in the interest of the poorest in the village. For it is they
w h o suffer f r o m o u r they are quite lost, as y o u can see,
one cannot b u t pity (They continue in this vein w i t h

similar face-saving reasons.) us make peace a n d forget the
past." T h e recipient of this entreaty is expected to manifest a
certain reluctance a n d express a few reservations; alternatively,
w i t h tacit complicity, part of his should stiffen its attitude,
w h i l e the other, in o r d e r to keep negotiations g o i n g , should be
m o r e conciliatory. I n the midst o f the discussion, the mediators
intervene; t h e i r task is to accuse a n d f i n d fault w i t h the solicited
party, so as to restore the balance a n d save the supplicator f r o m
total h u m i l i a t i o n For the mere fact that one has ap-
pealed to the g o o d offices of the marabouts, fed t h e m , a n d come
w i t h t h e m is in itself a sufficient concession; abasement cannot be
taken any f u r t h e r . Moreover, the mediators, being above all
rivalries a n d e n j o y i n g a prestige w h i c h enables t h e m to impose a
settlement, can afford to adopt a slight tone of rebuke towards
someone w h o refuses to give way to be sure, there
may be m a n y wrongs on t h e i r side, b u t y o u , Si X, have been g u i l t y
in y o u o u g h t n o t to a n d today y o u must forgive
t h e m . Each side forgives the other a n d we undertake to sanction
the peace y o u are n o w m a k i n g , T h e w i s d o m of the dignitaries
endtles t h e m to a p p o r t i o n rights a n d wrongs in this way.
B u t in this particular case, the solicited party, i g n o r a n t of the
rules the game, was unable to accept these diplomatic subtleties.
He wanted to have e v e r y t h i n g o u t , he reasoned in terms of
or: If you've come to entreat me, it's because the others
are in the w r o n g . T h e y ' r e the ones y o u must blame, instead of
c o m i n g a n d r e b u k i n g me. Or are y o u t a k i n g their side because
they've f e d y o u a n d given y o u N o stronger insult c o u l d
have been t h r o w n at the assembly of notables. As far back as any
Kabyle c o u l d remember, it was the first t i m e a delegation of such
venerable personalities h a d failed to obtain the agreement of the
two parties, and the worst misfortunes were predicted f o r the
offender.
T h e dialectic of challenge a n d riposte

A host of similar episodes c o u l d be related. B u t f r o m an analysis
of three stories alone we are able to extract the rules of the
game of challenge a n d riposte. In o r d e r for there to be a challenge,
100 A l g e r i a 1960
the challenger must consider whoever he challenges to be w o r t h y

of b e i n g challenged, in other words, capable of r e p l y i n g to the
challenge. In short, he must recognize his o p p o n e n t as his equal
in h o n o u r . To challenge someone is to acknowledge that he is a
m a n , an acknowledgement w h i c h is the prerequisite for any
exchange a n d f o r the challenge of h o n o u r insofar as it is the first
step in an exchange. It is also to acknowledge h i m as a m a n of
h o n o u r , since the challenge, as such, requires a riposte a n d is
addressed to a m a n deemed capable of p l a y i n g the game
of h o n o u r a n d of p l a y i n g it well, w h i c h presupposes, first, that he
knows the rules and, secondly, that he possesses the virtues needed
to comply w i t h t h e m . T h e sense of equality i n h o n o u r , w h i c h can
coexist w i t h actual inequalities, inspires a great n u m b e r of practices
a n d customs a n d is manifested particularly in the resistance offered
to any pretension to superiority. got a moustache is a
phrase often used. A braggart is immediately called to order.
" O n l y d u n g swells", they say. " H i s head touches his Chechia."
is black; now it's been tattooed as He wants to walk
like a p a r t r i d g e w h e n he's f o r g o t t e n h o w a h e n In the
village of in Great rich b u i l t a European-
style family t o m b , w i t h a w r o u g h t - i r o n gate, a tombstone, a n d an
i n s c r i p t i o n , thereby transgressing the convention that tombs
s h o u l d be anonymous a n d u n i f o r m . T h e day after its c o m p l e t i o n ,
the i r o n w o r k a n d headstones h a d disappeared.
F r o m the p r i n c i p l e o f m u t u a l r e c o g n i t i o n o f equality i n h o n o u r ,
there follows a first corollary: the challenge bestows h o n o u r .
m a n w h o has no enemies is a say the Kabyles, empha-
sizing not the animal's stupidity b u t its passivity. T h e r e is n o t h i n g
worse t h a n being thus, not to salute someone is to treat
h i m like a t h i n g , an animal, or a w o m e n . A challenge, by contrast,
is h i g h p o i n t in the life of the m a n w h o receives
It is an o p p o r t u n i t y for a m a n to feel he f u l l y exists as a man, to
prove his manliness to himself a n d others. T h e
plete m a n (argaz must be constantly on the alert, ready
to r e s p o n d to the slightest challenge. He is the g u a r d i a n of h o n o u r
5. T h e moustache, used as a descriptive t e r m to identify age beard is growing",
" H i s moustache is growing"), is a symbol of virility; so is the b e a r d (more so in the
past). To express a sense of deep insult, a m a n w o u l d say: a n d so has shaved off
my (or
(amhajar), one w h o watches over his o w n h o n o u r a n d that of his

group.
T h e second corollary is that he w h o challenges a m a n incapable
of r e p l y i n g to the challenge, that is, incapable of p u r s u i n g the
exchange that has been opened, dishonours himself. T h i s w h y
extreme h u m i l i a t i o n inflicted publicly, in f r o n t of
is always liable to r e b o u n d on to the person w h o provokes it, the
amahbul w h o cannot comply w i t h the rules of the game of h o n o u r .
Even a m a n w h o deserves elbahadla has an h o n o u r (nif a n d
that is w h y , beyond a certain threshold, elbahadla recoils on to the
m a n w h o inflicts i t . So a m a n w i l l generally take care n o t to cast
elbahadla o n his opponent, b u t w i l l let h i m cover himself i n shame
by his o w n conduct. In this case, the d i s h o n o u r is irreparable. T h e
phrase used is: ibahdal imanis or itsbahdil — has
dishonoured (Aghbala). Consequently, a m a n w h o finds
himself in a favourable position should r e f r a i n f r o m p u s h i n g
his advantage too far, a n d should temper his accusations w i t h
moderation: that he strip himself t h a n that I should
unclothe h i m " runs the p r o v e r b H i s opponent,
on the other hand, can always t r y to reverse the situation by
driving t o overstep the p e r m i t t e d limits, w h i l e m a k i n g h o n o u r -
able amends. As we saw in the second story, this is done to w i n
over public o p i n i o n , w h i c h is b o u n d to disapprove of the accuser's
T h e t h i r d corollary, the counterpart of the second, is this: only

a challenge (or insult) issued by one's equal in h o n o u r is w o r t h y
of b e i n g taken u p . In other words, for there to be a challenge, the
m a n w h o receives it has to consider the m a n w h o makes it w o r t h y
of m a k i n g i t . An affront f r o m a person of lesser h o n o u r rebounds
on to its presumptuous author. "A p r u d e n t m a n [amahdhuq]
doesn't c o m m i t himself w i t h an Kabyle w i s d o m
f r o m amahdhuq a n d give to amahbul" (Azerou
Elbahadla w o u l d r e d o u n d u p o n the wise m a n w h o was reckless
e n o u g h to respond to the senseless challenge of an
whereas, by r e f r a i n i n g f r o m any riposte, he leaves h i m to bear the
f u l l weight of his arbitrary conduct. Similarly, dishonour w o u l d
recoil o n t o the m a n w h o d i r t i e d his hands i n a n u n w o r t h y revenge.
T h i s is w h y the Kabyles sometimes h a d recourse to h i r e d killers
plural literally, one whose services are So
102 A l g e r i a 1960
it is the nature of the riposte that gives the challenge (or insult)
its m e a n i n g a n d even its status as a challenge or insult, as opposed
to mere aggression.
T h e Kabyles h a d an attitude towards the black peoples w h i c h
illustrates these analyses perfectly. A n y o n e w h o responded to
abuse f r o m a N e g r o , a m a n of lower status a n d bereft of h o n o u r ,
or w h o fought w i t h h i m , w o u l d have dishonoured A folk
tale of the D j u r d j u r a r e g i o n tells how, in the course of a war
between two tribes, one side set Negroes u p o n its opponents, w h o
immediately l a i d d o w n their weapons. B u t the defeated tribe
preserved its h o n o u r whereas the victors were d i s h o n o u r e d in their
victory. It is sometimes also said that, to escape b l o o d vengeance
plural one only h a d to j o i n up w i t h a black
B u t this was such dishonourable conduct that one w o u l d
do so even to save his life. A local t r a d i t i o n nonetheless has it that
an ancestor of the N e g r o butchers of ou Mechedal, the A t h
Chabane, was a Kabyle w h o t u r n e d butcher in o r d e r to escape
b l o o d vengeance a n d whose descendants c o u l d therefore only
m a r r y blacks
T h e rules of h o n o u r also used to govern fighting. Solidarity
r e q u i r e d every m a n to protect a k i n s m a n against a non-kinsman,
an against a m a n f r o m another faction fellow villager,
albeit f r o m a rival faction, against an outsider, a n d a fellow tribes-
m a n against a member of another tribe. B u t h o n o u r forbade
several m e n to fight against a single m a n ; a n d so countless devices
a n d pretexts had to be used in o r d e r to renew the q u a r r e l on one's
o w n behalf. T h u s the slightest q u a r r e l always threatened to w i d e n
in scope. T h e wars between the factions - political a n d m a r t i a l
leagues w h i c h were mobilized as soon as an incident arose or the
h o n o u r of the g r o u p was attacked in the h o n o u r of one of its
members - took the f o r m of a strictly regulated game, an o r d e r e d
c o m p e t i t i o n , w h i c h , far f r o m threatening social order, tended to
safeguard it by allowing the spirit of emulation, the p o i n t of
6. Of a m a n who takes thought for his h o n o u r , the Kabyles say: " H e is a Negro."
N e g r o e s do not have a n d do not n e e d any h o n o u r . T h e y w e r e kept out of public
though they m i g h t take part in some collective w o r k , they were not entitled to speak
in the assembly in some places they were not even allowed to attend. A tribe
w h i c h listened to the opinions of a N e g r o w o u l d have c o v e r e d itself with s h a m e in the
eyes of other tribes. K e p t outside the c o m m u n i t y or m a i n t a i n e d as clients of great
families, they c a r r i e d on occupations which were c o n s i d e r e d to be d e g r a d i n g , s u c h as
butcher, skin m e r c h a n t , or travelling musician Hichem).
The sense of honour
honour, to express itself — in prescribed a n d institutionalized

forms. It was the same w i t h wars between tribes. T h e f i g h t i n g
sometimes took the f o r m of a t h o r o u g h g o i n g insults were
exchanged, t h e n blows, a n d the fighting w o u l d cease w i t h the
arrival of the mediators. D u r i n g the fighting, the w o m e n encour-
aged their m e n w i t h shouts a n d chants exalting the h o n o u r a n d
strength of the family. N o attempt was made to kill or crush the
opponent. T h e a i m was to show that one h a d the u p p e r hand,
usually by a symbolic act: in Great Kabylia, it is said, the fighting
came to an e n d w h e n one side had taken possession of the m a i n
beam (thigejdith) a n d a flagstone f r o m the enemy's
Sometimes the encounter w o u l d t u r n sour: an i l l - j u d g e d blow
m i g h t k i l l one o f the participants o r the stronger faction m i g h t
threaten to break i n t o the living-quarters of the rival faction, the
last refuge of their h o n o u r . O n l y t h e n w o u l d the besieged b r i n g
o u t their firearms, a n d this was generally e n o u g h to b r i n g the
fighting to an end. T h e mediators, the marabouts a n d wise m e n
of the tribe, w o u l d ask the aggressors to w i t h d r a w a n d the latter
w o u l d depart u n d e r the p r o t e c t i o n of the pledged w o r d ,
N o one w o u l d have t h o u g h t o f molesting t h e m ; that w o u l d have
been a breach of a supremely d i s h o n o u r i n g offence.
A c c o r d i n g to an o l d m a n of the A t h Mangellat (Great Kabylia),
in the t r i b a l wars pitched battles were rare occurrences, and o n l y
took place after the elders h a d h e l d a council to fix the day f o r
the encounter a n d assign its objectives to each village. Each m a n
f o u g h t f o r himself b u t shouts of advice a n d encouragement were
People all the s u r r o u n d i n g villages looked on a n d
c o m m e n t e d on the courage a n d skill of the combatants. W h e n the
stronger side occupied positions f r o m w h i c h it could crush its
opponents, or h a d seized possession of a manifest symbol of
the fighting stopped a n d each tribe went home. Sometimes
prisoners were taken; they were placed u n d e r the protection
7. Nif is, literally, the nose, a n d t h e n the point of h o n o u r , self-esteem; thinzarin (or
d e p e n d i n g on the region), the p l u r a l of the nostril, the nose, is also
u s e d in the same sense (see also n. below).
8. T h e social function of the marabouts is evident. T h e y supply the way out, the "door"
as the Kabyles p u t it, m a k i n g it possible to e n d the fighting without d i s h o n o u r
a n d s h a m e falling on either side. By a sort of bad faith that is indispensable in e n s u r i n g
its very existence, K a b y l e society provides both the imperatives of h o n o u r a n d the
detours w h i c h enable m e n to get r o u n d them without transgressing t h e m , at least in
appearance.
104 Algeria
of their captors a n d were generally well treated. W h e n

the fighting was over, they were sent home, clad in a new
signifying that they were dead m e n r e t u r n i n g to their villages in
t h e i r shrouds. T h e state of war m i g h t last f o r years. In
a sense, the hostilities were permanent. T h e beaten tribe w o u l d
be w a i t i n g f o r its revenge and, at the first o p p o r t u n i t y , w o u l d seize
the flocks a n d shepherds of its enemy. At the slightest incident,
at the weekly m a r k e t f o r example, the f i g h t i n g w o u l d flare up
In short, in such a universe n o t h i n g was harder to tell apart
than the state of peace a n d the state of war. Sealed a n d guaranteed
by h o n o u r , the truces between villages a n d tribes, like the p r o -
tection pacts between families, w o u l d b r i n g only a t e m p o r a r y cess-
ation of war, the most serious game w h i c h h o n o u r has invented.
T h o u g h economic interest m i g h t sometimes p r o v i d e a pretext a n d
also derive p r o f i t f r o m i t , the f i g h t i n g had m o r e i n c o m m o n w i t h
an institutionalized, regulated c o m p e t i t i o n t h a n w i t h a war in
w h i c h all available means are b r o u g h t i n t o play in o r d e r to secure
a total victory. T h i s is clear f r o m the f o l l o w i n g dialogue, related
by an o l d day someone asked M o h a n d Ouqasi:
y o u c o m i n g to the
do y o u do in a
as soon as you see a y o u fire a bullet at
like
W h a t do y o u expect us to
I t h o u g h t y o u were supposed to argue, t h e n exchange insults,
a n d finally fight each
at all; he shoots at us a n d we shoot at h i m . That's all. A r e
you coming,
W h e n I ' m not angry I can't shoot at
B u t the p o i n t of h o n o u r h a d other opportunities, besides war,
to manifest itself. It inspired, f o r instance, the rivalries between
the villages, w h i c h vied to have the tallest a n d most beautiful
mosque; the most elaborate fountains, best protected f r o m the
public gaze; the most sumptuous feasts; the cleanest streets; a n d
s o o n . A l l kinds o f institutionalized, r i t u a l competitions p r o v i d e d
f u r t h e r pretexts f o r contests of h o n o u r , such as the target-shooting
9. I n the s u m m e r o f a n old m a n i n the village o f A m A g h b e l , i n the region,
gave me a description similar in all respects.
d'un K a b y l e : lorsqu'on se battait en Bulletin de V
des Indigenes de 1934, p p . 12-13.
w h i c h t o o k place on the occasion of every j o y f u l event - the b i r t h

of a a circumcision, or a w e d d i n g . At w e d d i n g times, the escort
of m e n a n d w o m e n entrusted w i t h fetching the bride f r o m a
n e i g h b o u r i n g village or tribe h a d to succeed in two successive
contests, the first f o r the w o m e n , two to six emissaries r e n o w n e d
f o r t h e i r talent, a n d the second f o r the m e n , eight to twenty good
marksmen. T h e emissaries took part in a poetry contest w i t h the
w o m e n of the bride's family or village, a n d were expected to have
the last w o r d ; it was up to the bride's family to choose the nature
and f o r m the test, w h i c h consisted either of riddles or a verse
competition. T h e m e n vied a t target-shooting. O n the m o r n i n g o f
the escort's d e p a r t u r e f o r home, while the w o m e n were p r e p a r i n g
the b r i d e a n d the father was being c o m p l i m e n t e d , the men a m o n g
the r e t i n u e endeavoured to shatter w i t h their bullets fresh eggs
(sometimes stones) embedded in a slope or a tree t r u n k at a
great distance. If they failed, the bridegroom's g u a r d of h o n o u r
set off again, covered w i t h shame, after passing u n d e r the saddle
of a donkey a n d paying a fine. These games also h a d a r i t u a l
f u n c t i o n , as is attested b o t h by the rigorous f o r m a l i s m w i t h w h i c h
they proceeded a n d by the magical practices w h i c h they
T h o u g h every is a challenge, every challenge, as we shall

see, is not an outrage a n d an offence. For the competition of
h o n o u r can be situated in a logic very close to that of the game
or wager, a ritualized, institutionalized logic. W h a t is t h e n at stake
is the p o i n t of h o n o u r , the nif, the will to overcome one's rival
in a struggle. A c c o r d i n g to game theory, the good
player is one w h o always assumes that his o p p o n e n t will be able
to f i n d the best strategy a n d w h o adjusts his o w n play appro-
priately; similarly, in the game of h o n o u r , b o t h challenge a n d
riposte i m p l y that each participant chooses to play the game a n d
to c o m p l y w i t h the rules while assuming that his o p p o n e n t is
capable of m a k i n g the same choice.
T h e challenge, p r o p e r l y so-called, a n d also the offence, presup-
T h e old witches used various devices to c h a r m the eggs so that they w o u l d r e m a i n
" v i r g i n " . To break the spell, the eggs h a d to be pierced with a needle (see S l i m a n e
" L e tir la et le nif en Revue Africaine, no. 93 (1949), 126-32).
In the logic of the ritual system, the rifle and the rifle shot (like the needle) are
associated with male sexuality. T h e r e is every reason to think that, as in a n u m b e r of
other societies (see for e x a m p l e G. (Stanford, Stanford Univer-
sity Press, 1936), p. 163), the nose (nif), the symbol of virility, is also a phallic symbol.
106 A l g e r i a 1960
pose, like the gift, the choice of p l a y i n g a particular game in

accordance w i t h certain rules. T h e gift is a challenge w h i c h h o n -
ours the person to w h o m it is addressed, at the same time p u t t i n g
his p o i n t of h o n o u r to the test. In consequence, just as the
m a n w h o insults someone incapable of r i p o s t i n g dishonours
so too does the m a n w h o makes an excessive gift, r u l i n g
out the possibility of a r e t u r n gift. Compliance w i t h the r u l e
demands, in each case, that the recipient should be left the chance
to respond; in short, that the challenge should be a reasonable one.
B u t , by the same token, a gift or challenge constitutes a
provocation, a provocation to reply: has p u t h i m to
the M o r o c c a n Berbers used to say, according to Marcy, apropos
of the challenge-gift w h i c h m a r k e d the great occasions. T h e
m a n w h o has received the gift or suffered the offence is caught
in the toils of must adopt a line of conduct w h i c h ,
whatever he does, w i l l be a response (even by default) to the
p r o v o c a t i o n constituted by the i n i t i a l He can choose to
p r o l o n g the exchange or to break it off (see obedient
to the p o i n t of h o n o u r , he opts exchange, his choice is identical
w i t h his opponent's i n i t i a l choice; he agrees to play the game, w h i c h
can continue ad f o r the riposte is per se a new challenge.
It is said that in the past no sooner h a d vengeance been ac-
complished t h a n the whole rejoiced at the e n d i n g of
dishonour, thuqdha an-tsasa, that is to say, b o t h relief f r o m the pain
the offence h a d caused t h e m in their a n d the satisfaction
of the desire to be avenged. T h e m e n fired rifle shots a n d the
w o m e n u t t e r e d cries of p r o c l a i m i n g that vengeance
h a d been achieved, so that all m i g h t see h o w a family of h o n o u r
can p r o m p t l y restore its prestige a n d also so that the opposing
family should be in no d o u b t as to the source of its m i s f o r t u n e .
What's the use of revenge if it remains anonymous?
G. M a r c y , L e s vestiges de la en droit et le
des successions Revue no. 85 (1941), O n e of the
p a r a d o x e s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n is that one still has to c o m m u n i c a t e in o r d e r to
indicate the r e f u s a l to c o m m u n i c a t e ; a n d every civilization has a symbolism of n o n -
c o m m u n i c a t i o n . F o r the K a b y l e s , it is essentially the fact of t u r n i n g one's back on
s o m e o n e - as o p p o s e d to facing h i m the stance befitting the m a n of h o n o u r -
a n d of r e f u s i n g to speak don't speak to e a c h other; it's like cat a n d rat between
them To express symbolic aggression or provocation, a m a n will say I piss on y o u
piss in y o u r path." T h e m a n w h o does not care about the h o n o u r of
his family is said to "piss on the tail of his g a r m e n t " . A stronger expression is to
soil (literally, to s p r e a d c o w d u n g on seedlings so as to keep animals away). A w o m a n
challenges or insults other w o m e n by up h e r s k i r t "
Group's awareness Group Symbolic sanction
a n d monitoring pressure
Choice 1 Choice 2
L a c k of riposte:
Attack on dishonour
self-esteem: Exchange
Challenge Riposte as challenge
potential
phase)
dishonour
(passive phase)
Refusal to riposte:
snub
Choice 1 Choice 2
Lack of counter-gift:
Self-esteem
dishonour
called into
Exchange
Gift question: Counter-gift continues
potential (active phase)
dishonour
phase) Refusal of gift or
refusal to make
counter-gift:
snub
At t h e y still r e m e m b e r a that lasted f r o m a r o u n d

to 1945, in the A t h tribe ( A t h Zellal). b e g a n l i k e this: two b r o t h e r s
killed two b r o t h e r s f r o m a n o t h e r family. T o m a k e i t look a s i f they h a d b e e n
attacked, one of t h e m w o u n d e d the other. T h e y were sentenced to prison, one
f o r e i g h t y e a r s , t h e o t h e r f o r a little l e s s . W h e n t h e s e c o n d b r o t h e r ( t h e m o s t
influential in the family) was released, he was always g l a n c i n g b e h i n d h i m , always
on his g u a r d . He was slain by a h i r e d killer. A t h i r d b r o t h e r , w h o was a soldier,
s m a s h e d the h e a d of a m e m b e r of the o t h e r family w i t h a stone. T h e two families
threatened to exterminate each other. T h e r e h a d already been eight victims
(including the four already mentioned). T h e marabouts were commissioned to
try a n d settle t h e d i s p u t e . A l l t h e i r p e a c e - m a k i n g efforts c a m e t o n o t h i n g , a n d
t h e t h i r d b r o t h e r , t h e s o l d i e r , w a s still d e t e r m i n e d t o c a r r y o n the s t r u g g l e . T h e
m e d i a t i o n of a notable f r o m a n e i g h b o u r i n g tribe, w h o h a d b e e n a c a i d a n d was
u n i v e r s a l l y r e s p e c t e d , w a s c a l l e d for. H e w e n t t o see t h e obstinate s o l d i e r a n d
gave h i m a stern w a r n i n g . h e a d is in the [the f u n n e l w h i c h feeds the
grain into the next time, it will go u n d e r the grindstone." T h e y o u n g m a n
b r o k e d o w n a n d o f f e r e d h i s h e a d . H e w a s a s k e d t o say s o l e m n l y that h e a g r e e d
that the k i l l i n g s h o u l d stop. T h e was p r o n o u n c e d . In the presence of the
assembled village, an ox was T h e y o u n g m a n gave m o n e y to the
m a r a b o u t s . A n d e v e r y o n e ate c o u s c o u s together." ( T h e story was told b y o n e o f
the protagonists.)
It is clear that the g r o u p is obliged to intervene w h e n the s u b - g r o u p s are
threatened with extinction. B e c a u s e the logic of challenge a n d riposte w o u l d
e x t e n d t h e c o n f l i c t a d infinitum, i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o f i n d a n h o n o u r a b l e l o o p h o l e
w h i c h casts n e i t h e r side into d i s h o n o u r a n d w h i c h allows the imperatives of
honour to be suspended in the p a r t i c u l a r case without being b r o u g h t into
q u e s t i o n . T h e task o f c o n c i l i a t i o n a l w a y s fell t o the g r o u p e n c o m p a s s i n g t h e t w o
sides or to " n e u t r a l " g r o u p s , outsiders or m a r a b o u t families. T h u s , so long as
A l g e r i a 1960
the dispute is c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n the b o u n d s of the great family, the wise m e n

dictate the line of c o n d u c t a n d c a l m the conflict. S o m e t i m e s they m a k e a r e f r a c t o r y
i n d i v i d u a l pay a fine. W h e n conflict arises between two great families, the o t h e r
families in the s a m e ( c l a n ) e n d e a v o u r t o s e t t l e it. I n s h o r t , t h e l o g i c o f
conciliation is the same as the logic of conflict between sections of the lineage,
w h o s e first p r i n c i p l e is c o n t a i n e d in t h e p r o v e r b I hate my b r o t h e r , but I hate
the m a n w h o hates h i m . " W h e n o n e o f the two sides was o f m a r a b o u t o r i g i n ,
other marabouts f r o m outside w e r e b r o u g h t in to invite t h e m to m a k e peace.
T h e w a r s b e t w e e n the two factions o b e y e d the s a m e logic a s that o f r e v e n g e . T h i s
is u n d e r s t a n d a b l e w h e n it is r e a l i z e d that r e v e n g e is n e v e r , strictly s p e a k i n g ,
i n d i v i d u a l ; the a v e n g e r is always m a n d a t e d by the s u b - g r o u p to w h i c h he belongs.
T h e conflict w o u l d sometimes g o o n for decades.
" M y grandmother related to me", recounts an informant from
S a h a r i d j , a g e d about sixty, "that the (the faction] spent twenty
years away f r o m h o m e , i n the H a m r a w a valley. F o r i t sometimes h a p p e n e d that
t h e d e f e a t e d suf h a d t o t a k e f l i g h t w i t h its w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n . I n g e n e r a l , t h e
antagonism between the factions was so severe and uncompromising that
m a r r i a g e s w e r e i m p o s s i b l e . B u t o c c a s i o n a l l y , t o set t h e s e a l o n p e a c e b e t w e e n t w o
families or two factions, a m a r r i a g e was a r r a n g e d between two influential families.
T h e m a r r i a g e g u a r a n t e e d the e n d o f the struggle. I n this case t h e r e w a s n o
d i s h o n o u r . T o seal the peace after a conflict, the two factions m e t together. T h e
l e a d e r s o f t h e t w o s i d e s b r o u g h t w i t h t h e m a little g u n p o w d e r . T h i s w a s p u t i n t o
reeds that were t h e n e x c h a n g e d . T h i s was peace."
Choosing the other alternative may take on different a n d even

opposite meanings. T h e offender may, by v i r t u e of his physical
strength, his prestige, or the size a n d a u t h o r i t y of the g r o u p he
belongs to, be superior, equal to, or i n f e r i o r to the offended party.
T h o u g h the logic of h o n o u r implies recognition of an ideal equality
in h o n o u r , the p o p u l a r consciousness is no less aware of real
inequalities. T h e m a n w h o declares " I ' v e got a moustache t o o "
is answered w i t h the p r o v e r b moustache of the hare is
that o f the T h u s one sees the development of a whole
spontaneous casuistry, infinitely subtle, w h i c h we must now
analyse.
Let us take the case where the offended party has, at least
ideally, the means of riposting. If he shows himself incapable of
t a k i n g up the challenge (whether a gift or an offence), if, o u t of
cowardice or weakness, he backs away a n d declines the possibility
of r e p l y i n g , in a sense he chooses to b r i n g d i s h o n o u r u p o n
a n d it is t h e n irreparable imanis or He declares
himself defeated in a game w h i c h he o u g h t to have played despite
e v e r y t h i n g . B u t non-response can also express the refusal to
riposte: the recipient of the offence refuses to see it as an offence
a n d by his disdain, w h i c h he may manifest by e m p l o y i n g a h i r e d

killer, he causes it to r e b o u n d on its author, w h o is thereby
Similarly, i n the case o f the gift, the recipient can
indicate that he chooses to refuse the exchange either by rejecting
the or by immediately or subsequently presenting a
exactly identical to the o r i g i n a l gift. H e r e too the exchange is at
an end. In short, w i t h i n this logic, only escalation, challenge
r e s p o n d i n g to challenge, can signify the choice of p l a y i n g the
game, by the r u l e of ever renewed challenge a n d riposte.
L e t us n o w consider the case where the offender is indisputably
stronger t h a n the offended. T h e code of h o n o u r a n d the public
o p i n i o n responsible f o r seeing that it is c o m p l i e d w i t h merely
require the offended party to be w i l l i n g to play the game. Evasion
of the challenge is the only b l a m e w o r t h y attitude. In fact it is not
necessary f o r the offended party to t r i u m p h over his assailant in
o r d e r to be rehabilitated in the eyes of o p i n i o n . No blame is
attached to a loser w h o has done his d u t y . I n d e e d , if he is beaten
by the law of combat, he is the victor by the law of h o n o u r .
Moreover, recoils on to an aggressor w h o has also
emerged victorious f r o m the confrontation, thereby doubly abus-
i n g his superiority. T h e v i c t i m can also cast elbahadla back on to
his o p p o n e n t w i t h o u t resorting to a riposte. He only has to adopt
an attitude of h u m i l i t y w h i c h , by emphasizing his weakness, brings
o u t the arbitrary a n d i m m o d e r a t e character of the offence. He
thus invokes, unconsciously rather than consciously, the second
corollary of the p r i n c i p l e of equality in h o n o u r , whereby he w h o
offends against an i n d i v i d u a l incapable of t a k i n g up the challenge
dishonours T h i s strategy is clearly only acceptable on
c o n d i t i o n that there is no d o u b t in the eyes of the g r o u p as to
the disparity between the antagonists. It is appropriate for
individuals w h o are socially recognized as weak, clients (yadh
those w h o lean u p o n ) , or the members of a small family
the t h i n , the weak) (Aghbala).
Finally there is the case in w h i c h the offender is i n f e r i o r to the
person offended. T h e latter may riposte, thereby transgressing the
13. C f . the first story, p p . 9 5 - 7 . "A family is helpless", say the Kabyles, "if it doesn't
include at least o n e thug." Since the m a n of h o n o u r cannot to take up the
insults an u n w o r t h y i n d i v i d u a l a n d yet is not i m m u n e f r o m such abuse, especially
in cities, he needs to be able to s e n d one lout to deal with another.
14. C f . the second story, p p . 9 7 - 8 .
A l g e r i a 1960
t h i r d corollary o f the principle o f equality i n h o n o u r ; b u t i f h e

abuses his advantage, he exposes himself to the dishonour w h i c h
w o u l d n o r m a l l y have r e d o u n d e d u p o n the thoughtless offender,
a despised a n d presumptuous i n d i v i d u a l . W i s d o m ad-
vises h i m rather to abstain f r o m any riposte a n d to play what we
m i g h t call the " s n u b " H e should "let bark u n t i l h e
is weary of i t " , a n d "refuse to vie w i t h h i m " . Since failure to
riposte cannot be attributed to cowardice weakness, the dis-
h o n o u r redounds u p o n the presumptuous offender.
A l t h o u g h each of the cases w h i c h have been examined c o u l d be
illustrated w i t h a host of observations or stories, usually the
differences are never so clear-cut, so that everyone, w i t h g r o u p
o p i n i o n at once his j u d g e and accomplice, can play on the ambi-
guities a n d equivocations of conduct. T h u s , because the gap be-
tween non-response inspired by fear a n d the refusal to respond
as a sign of contempt is often infinitesimal, disdain can always
serve as a mask f o r pusillanimity. B u t every Kabyle is a master of
casuistry, a n d the c o u r t of o p i n i o n is always there to j u d g e .
T h e d r i v i n g force of the dialectic of h o n o u r is therefore nif,
w h i c h inclines m e n to choose to riposte. B u t in fact, not only does
the c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n offer no possibility of escaping the code of
h o n o u r , b u t the m o m e n t of choice is precisely the time
w h e n the pressure of the g r o u p makes itself felt most strongly.
First, there is pressure f r o m the members of the family, w h o are
ready to step i n t o the place of any defaulter, because their h o n o u r ,
like t h e i r land, is u n d i v i d e d , so that the infamy of one taints
all the others. T h e n there is pressure f r o m the clan or village
c o m m u n i t y , always quick to c o n d e m n cowardice or complacency.
W h e n a m a n finds himself obliged to avenge an offence, those
about h i m take care not to r e m i n d h i m of i t . B u t everyone observes
his slightest gesture, t r y i n g to guess his intentions. A l l his kinsmen
are uneasy u n t i l the day he outlines his plans before a family
council, assembled at his request or that of the eldest member.
Generally they offer to help h i m , either by g i v i n g money to pay
f o r a h i r e d killer, or by accompanying h i m if he insists on avenging
T h o u g h all the analyses presented in this chapter constantly refer the W e s t e r n r e a d e r
to his own c u l t u r a l tradition, the should not be m i n i m i z e d . T h i s is why,
except in cases w h e r e they seemed irresistible, I h a v e m a d e it a r u l e not to suggest
comparisons, for fear of e n c o u r a g i n g ethnocentric identifications based on superficial
analogies.
The sense of honour
himself by his o w n hand. Custom requires h i m to reject this

assistance a n d simply ask that, in case of failure, someone else
should complete his task. H o n o u r demands that, u n i t e d like the
fingers of the h a n d , all members of the family should, if necessary,
one by one, in o r d e r of kinship, undertake the task of vengeance.
W h e n the offended person shows less d e t e r m i n a t i o n and, w i t h o u t
publicly r e n o u n c i n g revenge, constantly postpones p e r f o r m i n g i t ,
the members of the family begin to g r o w anxious. T h e wisest
a m o n g t h e m consult together a n d one of t h e m is asked to r e m i n d
their d e f a u l t i n g kinsman of his duty, insisting that he must act.
Should this call to o r d e r have no effect, threats are resorted to.
H e is w a r n e d that someone else w i l l carry o u t the revenge i n place
of the person actually offended; the latter w i l l be d i s h o n o u r e d
i n everyone's eyes, b u t w i l l nonetheless be held responsible by the
opposing a n d so threatened in his t u r n w i t h (blood
vengeance). Realizing that he is laying himself open to the
combined consequences of cowardice a n d revenge, he is obliged
to go o u t a n d do his duty, "backwards", as the saying goes, or
to opt f o r exile ( A i t
T h e sense of h o n o u r is enacted in f r o n t of other people. Nif
is above all that w h i c h leads a m a n to defend, at all a certain
self-image i n t e n d e d f o r others. T h e of (argaz
must constandy be on his g u a r d ; he must watch his words, w h i c h ,
bullets f i r e d f r o m the rifle, don't come back"; the m o r e so
because his every act a n d his every w o r d c o m m i t the whole g r o u p .
A n i m a l s are by their legs, m e n b i n d themselves by t h e i r
tongues." By contrast, the m a n of little w o r t h is one of w h o m
people say has a habit of f o r g e t t i n g " . He forgets his
word that is, his pledges, his debts of h o n o u r , his duties.
A m a n of the I l m a y e n once said he wished he h a d a neck as l o n g
16. T h e cousin of a complaisant h u s b a n d (called the consenter, or he w h o
k n o w s ) , said to somebody one day: " W h a t do you expect? W h e n you have a b r o t h e r
w h o has no nif, you can't stick a nif earth on A n d he w e n t on: If my cousin
was an invalid, it w o u l d be right for me to avenge h i m . If he h a d no money, it w o u l d
be r i g h t for me to pay for h i m . B u t he just sits back a n d takes it, a n d doesn't care.
I ' m not going to r u i n myself or get sent to Devil's I s l a n d for The
fear of F r e n c h justice, the w e a k e n i n g of the sense of family solidarity, a n d the
contagion of another value system have led the Kabyles to d e p a r t frequently f r o m the
old code of h o n o u r . In the old peasant society, h o n o u r was u n d i v i d e d , like the family
l a n d . Alongside the tendency to b r e a k up the joint o w n e r s h i p of the family p r o p e r t y
w h i c h has manifested itself m o r e a n d m o r e strongly in the last twenty years, the feeling
has developed that the defence of h o n o u r is a matter of p u r e l y personal c o n c e r n .
A l g e r i a 1960
as the camel's, so that when his words left his heart they w o u l d
have a l o n g way to go before they reached his tongue, and he w o u l d
have time to reflect." Such was the importance attached to the
promise a n d the pledge. m a n of says a
proverb, "is no man." He forgets, and he forgets himself
another saying is: eats his moustache." He forgets his
ancestors a n d the respect he owes t h e m a n d the respect he owes
himself in order to be w o r t h y of t h e m (the Issers).
A m a n w i t h o u t self-respect
is a m a n w h o exposes his i n n e r self, w i t h all its
passions a n d weaknesses. T h e wise man, by contrast, is one w h o
can keep his secret, w h o shows prudence a n d discretion at all times
(amresrur, amahruz w h o jealously keeps the Constant
watchfulness over oneself is necessary if one is to obey the
fundamental precept of the social code w h i c h forbids m a k i n g an
e x h i b i t i o n of oneself, and demands that, as far as possible, the
innermost personality, w i t h its uniqueness a n d i n d i v i d u a l i t y ,
should be kept u n d e r a veil of modesty a n d discretion. the
Devil says T Only the Devil begins w i t h The
assembly is the assembly; only the Jew is alone." A l l
these sayings express the same imperative: one w h i c h demands
the sacrifice a n d negation of the i n n e r self a n d is enacted b o t h
in the self-effacement r e q u i r e d by solidarity a n d m u t u a l help a n d
in the discretion a n d modesty of seemliness. T h e m a n incapable
of self-mastery, w h o shows impatience or anger, speaks recklessly
or laughs w i t h o u t reason, is precipitate or u n c o n t r o l l e d , acts
w i t h o u t t h i n k i n g , throws his weight about, shouts, vociferates
(elhamaq), in short, gives way to his first impulse, is a m a n
u n f a i t h f u l to himself, f a l l i n g short of the ideals of d i g n i t y ,
distinction, a n d modesty, virtues w h i c h are all summed up in one
w o r d , elhachma. By contrast, the m a n of h o n o u r is essentially loyal
to himself, concerned to live up to a certain ideal self-image.
Prudent, level-headed, restrained in his language, he always j
weighs the pros a n d cons as opposed to he w h o
flits, the m a n or achettah, he w h o dances); he pledges his
w o r d f r a n k l y and does not evade his responsibilities w i t h a
"perhaps", " w h o a reply that is fitting only for w o m e n .
He is the m a n w h o keeps his w o r d , to others a n d to himself, of
w h o m others say "he is a m a n a n d a w o r d " (argaz
T h e p o i n t of h o n o u r is the basis of the ethic appropriate to an

i n d i v i d u a l w h o always sees himself t h r o u g h the eyes of others, w h o
has need of others in o r d e r to exist, because his self-image is
inseparable f r o m the image of himself that he receives back f r o m
others. [is man] t h r o u g h men; G o d says the
proverb, [is G o d ] t h r o u g h himself (Argaz Rabbi
T h e m a n of h o n o u r (a'ardhi) is at once the virtuous man and the
m a n of g o o d repute. the obverse of shame, is
essentially defined by its social dimension, a n d so it must be w o n
a n d defended in the face of everyone. Boldness a n d generosity
are the supreme values, whereas evil lies in weakness
a n d pusillanimity, in suffering the offence w i t h o u t d e m a n d i n g
amends.
So the dynamics of the exchanges of h o n o u r are essentially based
on the pressure of o p i n i o n . He renounces vengeance ceases
to exist f o r other people. T h i s is w h y even the m a n most lacking
in always has e n o u g h hachrna (shame, modesty) to take
revenge. T h e formulae used to express d i s h o n o u r are significant:
can I present myself before other "I won't
be able to open my m o u t h in f r o n t of other people." the
earth swallow me clothes have slipped f r o m my body."
T h e fear of collective r e p r o b a t i o n a n d shame
medden), the negative of the p o i n t of is such
as to compel even the m a n most lacking in p o i n t of h o n o u r to
comply, reluctantly but of necessity, w i t h the dictates of
In groups whose members are well k n o w n to one another, such as
the Kabyle village, the pressure of public o p i n i o n is exerted at all
He w h o says the fields are e m p t y (deserted) is himself e m p t y
of g o o d sense." Penned w i t h i n this enclosed microcosm in w h i c h
everybody knows everybody, condemned w i t h o u t possibility of
escape or release to live w i t h other people, u n d e r the scrutiny of
other people, each i n d i v i d u a l feels a deep anxiety about
words" medden), "heavy, cruel, a n d i n e x o r a b l e " (the Issers).
A l l - p o w e r f u l o p i n i o n is w h a t decides the reality and gravity of an
offence; o p i n i o n imperiously demands reparation. For example,
a t h i e f w h o enters an inhabited house, as opposed to a thief w h o
steals cereals or animals left outside, lays himself o p e n to b l o o d
17. In people say of a m a n w h o delays in d o i n g his duty: he will have to do it "out
of s h a m e or out of honour". In other words, the fear of shame will force on h i m what
the sense of h o n o u r cannot inspire in h i m .
A l g e r i a 1960
vengeance; this is because people will be quick to insinuate that

the h o n o u r of the w o m e n f o l k has not been respected. T h u s the
fascinated attention p a i d to the conduct of together w i t h
the obsessive fear of their j u d g e m e n t , render u n t h i n k a b l e or
despicable any attempt to free oneself f r o m the dictates of h o n o u r .
Because every exchange contains a m o r e or less concealed chal-
lenge, the logic of challenge a n d riposte is only the l i m i t towards
w h i c h every act of and exchange in particular,
B u t the temptation to challenge a n d have the last w o r d
is counterbalanced by the need to communicate. A m a n w h o puts
his o p p o n e n t to too severe a test r u n s the risk of h a v i n g the
exchange i n t e r r u p t e d . So c o m m u n i c a t i o n takes place in the com-
promise between contract a n d conflict. Generous exchange tends
towards assault by generosity; the greatest gift is, at the same time,
the one most likely to t h r o w its recipient i n t o d i s h o n o u r by
f o r b i d d i n g any counter-gift. T h u s the a gift presented by
the guests on the occasion of the great family feasts a n d publicly
proclaimed, gives rise to competitions of h o n o u r a n d ruinous
o u t b i d d i n g s . To avoid this, an agreement may be made as to the
m a x i m u m value of the gifts. Similarly, at the time of marriages
a n d circumcisions, the families make it a p o i n t of h o n o u r to give
as sumptuous feasts as possible, at the risk of r u i n i n g themselves.
T h i s is particularly the case w h e n a daughter is m a r r y i n g outside
her T h e r e is e m u l a t i o n even between members of the same
f o r instance a m o n g the w o m e n (sisters-in-law, the m o t h e r )
w h e n a g i r l marries. I was t o l d that in in the
tribe a m a n spent m o r e than 3,000 francs w h e n his daughter's first
c h i l d was b o r n , b u y i n g 1,400 eggs, f o w l , 300 francs' w o r t h of
m u t t o n , 20 kilos of salt meat, 20 kilos of fat, o i l , coffee, semolina,
25 garments, etc. A n o t h e r m a n in the same tribe, to h o n o u r his
d a u g h t e r on a similar occasion, sold his one r e m a i n i n g field.
there is general agreement in d e n o u n c i n g "the Devil's p o i n t of
h o n o u r " , nif nechitan, or the foolish p o i n t of h o n o u r (thihuzzith)
w h i c h leads a m a n to bristle a n d take offence at trifles, to involve
his p o i n t of h o n o u r in futilities and let himself be carried away
R e d u c i n g p h e n o m e n a such as the challenge-riposte dialectic a n d . m o r e generally, the
e x c h a n g e of gifts, w o r d s , or w o m e n , to their c o m m u n i c a t i o n function if only by
t r a n s f e r r i n g schemes a n d concepts f r o m linguistics or c o m m u n i c a t i o n theory - means
i g n o r i n g the structural ambivalence w h i c h predisposes t h e m to fulfil a political function
of d o m i n a t i o n in a n d t h r o u g h p e r f o r m a n c e of their c o m m u n i c a t i o n function.
into ruinous o u t b i d d i n g of his rivals. one incurs shame if he

must lose by if he has to r u i n himself f o r the sake of glory
B u t although, because it engages the
p o i n t of h o n o u r , exchange always bears w i t h i n it a latent conflict,
the conflict of h o n o u r still remains an exchange, as is attested by
the clear distinction d r a w n between the stranger and the enemy.
Because it leads the will t o communicate w i t h others to be
sacrificed to the w i l l to dominate t h e m , the p o i n t of h o n o u r always
contains the risk of r u p t u r e ; b u t at the same time, the p o i n t of
h o n o u r is what commits a m a n to p u r s u i n g the exchange w i t h
the a i m of having the word.
the offence does not necessarily bear d i s h o n o u r w i t h i n it, this
is because it leaves o p e n the possibility of riposting, w h i c h is
affirmed a n d recognized in the very act of g i v i n g offence. B u t the
d i s h o n o u r w h i c h remains potential so l o n g as there is still the
possibility of a riposte becomes m o r e a n d m o r e real the longer
vengeance is delayed. So h o n o u r requires the time-lag between the
offence and the r e p a r a t i o n to be as short as possible. A great family
has indeed e n o u g h m e n a n d e n o u g h courage not to have to b r o o k
a l o n g delay; k n o w n f o r its nif, its sensitivity and d e t e r m i n a t i o n ,
it is shielded f r o m offences, since, by v i r t u e of the threat w h i c h
it always holds o u t for potential aggressors, it is seen as capable
of r i p o s t i n g in the very instant that it is offended. T h e respect a
good family inspires is expressed in the phrase that it can sleep
a n d leave the d o o r or that w o m e n c o u l d walk alone
w i t h golden crowns on their heads w i t h o u t anyone t h i n k i n g of
attacking t h e m " . T h e m a n of h o n o u r , of w h o m people say that
he fulfils "his role as a m a n " is always on his g u a r d ; a n d
so he is i m m u n e f r o m even the most unpredictable attack, a n d
"even w h e n he's away, there's someone in his house"
B u t things are not so simple. It is said that Djeha, a legendary
figure, asked w h e n he had avenged his father, r e p l i e d : " W h e n a
h u n d r e d years h a d elapsed." A n d the tale is also t o l d of the l i o n
w h o walks w i t h measured stride: " I d o n ' t k n o w where m y prey
he said. If it's in f r o n t of me, one day I ' l l reach i t ; if it's b e h i n d
me, it'll catch u p w i t h me."
A l t h o u g h every transaction of h o n o u r , considered externally
a n d as a fait accompli, that is, f r o m the p o i n t of view of the outside
observer, presents itself as a regulated a n d rigorously necessary
A l g e r i a 1960
sequence of obligatory acts a n d can thus be described as a ritual,

the fact remains that each of its moments, whose necessity is
revealed post is, objectively, the result of a choice a n d the
expression of a strategy. W h a t is called the sense of h o n o u r is
n o t h i n g other than the cultivated disposition, the habitus, w h i c h
enables each agent to generate, f r o m a small n u m b e r of i m p l i c i t
principles, all the lines of conduct consistent w i t h the rules of the
logic of challenge a n d riposte (and no other conduct) by means
of u n l i m i t e d inventions w h i c h the stereotyped a ritual
w o u l d in no way d e m a n d . In other words, t h o u g h there is no choice
that cannot be accounted for, at least retrospectively, this is not
to say that every act is perfectly predictable, like the gestures
inserted in the rigorously stereotyped sequences of a rite. T h i s is
true not only for the observer b u t also f o r the agents, w h o f i n d
in the relative unpredictability of the possible ripostes scope f o r
i m p l e m e n t i n g their strategies. B u t in fact even the most ritualized
exchanges, in w h i c h all moments of the action a n d their u n f o l d i n g
are rigorously prescribed, allows a confrontation of strategies,
inasmuch as the agents r e m a i n the masters of the time-lag between
the obligatory moments a n d consequently are able to act u p o n their
opponents by playing w i t h the tempo of the exchange. We have
seen that r e t u r n i n g a gift at once, in o t h e r words abolishing the
time-lag, amounts to b r e a k i n g off the exchange. Likewise we must
take seriously the lesson contained the parables of Djeha and
the l i o n : the perfect mastery of the models of the of complying
with the models w h i c h is the d e f i n i t i o n of excellence is expressed in
the play w i t h time w h i c h transforms ritualized exchange i n t o a
struggle of strategies. T h u s , w h e n a marriage is proposed, the head
of the family whose daughter is asked f o r must r e p l y immediately
if he refuses, b u t he almost always delays r e p l y i n g if he intends
to accept. By this means he is able to d r a w o u t as l o n g as possible
the c o n j u n c t u r a l advantage (related to his position as the person
solicited) which may coexist w i t h a structural i n f e r i o r i t y (the
solicited b e i n g of lower r a n k t h a n the family m a k i n g
the request) a n d w h i c h is concretely expressed in the i n i t i a l
imbalance, progressively reversed, in the gifts exchanged between
the two families. In the same way, a s k i l f u l strategist can t u r n a
capital of provocations received or conflicts suspended, and the
potentiality f o r revenge, ripostes, or conflicts w h i c h it contains,
i n t o an i n s t r u m e n t of power, by keeping h o l d of the initiative f o r

r e o p e n i n g or even ceasing hostilities.
T h e point of honour and honour: nif and

If certain families a n d certain individuals are beyond the reach of
the offence w h i c h takes the f o r m of an i n t e n t i o n a l attack u p o n
h o n o u r , no one is i m m u n e to outrage, the i n v o l u n t a r y violation
of h o n o u r . B u t the simple challenge to the p o i n t of h o n o u r (thirzi
nennif, the act of challenging; sennif, by nif, I dare y o u ! I challenge
is distinct f r o m the offence w h i c h assails h o n o u r
thuksa or thirzi the act of t a k i n g away or b r e a k i n g
respect, thirzi elhurma, the act of casting i n t o d i s h o n o u r ) . T h e
Kabyles deride the attitude of the nouveau i g n o r a n t of the
rules of h o n o u r , w h o , t r y i n g to redress a slur on his hurma, riposted
by challenging his adversary to beat h i m in a race or spread o u t
more notes on the g r o u n d . He was confusing two
totally unrelated the o r d e r of the challenge, and the o r d e r
of the offence in w h i c h the most sacred values are involved a n d
w h i c h is organized in accordance w i t h the most fundamental
categories of the culture, those w h i c h structure the m y t h i c o - r i t u a l
system.
Group's awareness Group Symbolic

and pressure sanction
Outrage, slur on Riposte of nif H o n o u r restored

or
(esteem)
L a c k of riposte Dishonour
(failure of (social death)
Exile
H o n o u r , that w h i c h makes the g r o u p a target f o r outrage, is

opposed to the p o i n t of h o n o u r , that by w h i c h it can respond to
A clear-cut distinction is made between nif, the p o i n t of
h o n o u r , and hurma, h o n o u r , the sum of all that is i.e.
f o r b i d d e n , in short, the sacred. Hence w h a t makes the g r o u p
vulnerable is its most sacred possession. Whereas the challenge
touches only the p o i n t of h o n o u r , outrage is a violation of taboos
- sacrilege. An assault on hurma therefore leaves no r o o m for
Algeria 1960
compromises or evasions. Generally the Kabyles fiercely rejected

diya, the compensation by the murderer's to the victim's
family. A m a n w h o accepts it is said to be m a n w h o has agreed
to eat the b l o o d of his h i m , only the belly counts
A g h b e l ) . Diya is accepted only in matters external to hurma.
Consequently it is the r i g o u r w i t h w h i c h it is imposed that dis-
tinguishes the i n t e r l o c k i n g of outrage a n d revenge f r o m the
dialectic of challenge a n d riposte. Public o p i n i o n , the witness a n d
j u d g e , is the sovereign arbiter of both the gravity of the offence
and the appropriate revenge. In the case of a slur on hurma, albeit
c o m m i t t e d inadvertently or the pressure of o p i n i o n
is such as to r u l e o u t any outcome other t h a n if vengeance
is not f o r t h c o m i n g , the coward devoid of can only choose
between dishonour a n d exile. If hurma is defined as liable to be
lost or b r o k e n elhurma, elhurma, the taking away or
breaking of in short, as potential dishonour, t h e n nif,
w i t h o u t p u t t i n g hurma o u t of reach of any slur, enables its integrity
to be restored. T h u s the integrity hurma is a function of the
integrity of nif. O n l y the punctilious, active vigilance of the point
of honour is capable of guaranteeing the integrity of honour
(hurma) — w h i c h , being the sacred, is, by nature, exposed to
sacrilegious outrage - a n d of w i n n i n g the esteem and respectability
w h i c h society confers on the m a n w h o has e n o u g h p o i n t of h o n o u r
to keep his h o n o u r safe f r o m offence.
H o n o u r in the sense of esteem is t e r m e d Essar is the secret,
prestige, radiance, It is said of a m a n that
follows h i m a n d shines about h i m " , or that he is protected
by fence of essar" (zarb Essar shields its bearer against
challenges a n d paralyses would-be aggressors by its mysterious
influence, by the fear (alhiba) which it inspires. To shame someone
is take away his essar" (another phrase is take away
respect"). Essar, that indefinable t h i n g w h i c h makes a m a n of
h o n o u r , is as fragile a n d vulnerable as it is imponderable.
19. Since hurma is, in a certain respect, identifiable with that w h i c h is objectively
sacred, it can be violated inadvertently. F o r instance, we have seen that theft f r o m an
inhabited house was particularly heinous a n d d e m a n d e d revenge because it constituted
an attack on theft or fraud in the market only constitutes a challenge a n d an
assault on the victim's self-esteem. T h e village too has its hurma. w h i c h can be violated,
w h e n , for e x a m p l e , a stranger comes a n d causes a scandal.
burnous of say the Kabyles, "is not tied o n ; it lies lightly

on a man's (Azerou
Hurma in the sense of the sacred (haram), nif, a n d hurma in the
sense of respectability, are inseparable. T h u s the more vulnerable
a family is, the m o r e nif it needs to have in o r d e r to defend its
sacred values, and the greater are the m e r i t a n d esteem that
o p i n i o n accords it. This explains why, far f r o m contradicting or
f o r b i d d i n g respectability, poverty only increases the m e r i t of
someone who, t h o u g h particularly exposed to outrage, nonethe-
less manages to secure respect.
T h e f o l l o w i n g tale, told t o by an aged K a b y l e of the who had

h e a r d it f r o m his father, gives the p o r t r a i t of the m a n of h o n o u r , a portrait
identical in every respect with the one d r a w n for me by a m e m b e r of the Issers
tribe, w h i c h suggests that it c o n c e r n s a m y t h i c a l a n d e x e m p l a r y figure whose story
i s a l w a y s set i n a f a m i l i a r c o n t e x t : " T h e r e w a s o n c e a m a n n a m e d u
Ai'ssa w h o , d e s p i t e h i s p o v e r t y , w a s r e s p e c t e d f o r h i s w i s d o m a n d v i r t u e . H i s
influence e x t e n d e d over several tribes. W h e n e v e r there was a dispute or a fight,
he s e r v e d as a m e d i a t o r a n d settled the conflict. T h e B e n a great family
o f the r e g i o n , w e r e j e a l o u s o f his i n f l u e n c e a n d prestige, especially since h e
r e f u s e d t o p a y t h e m h o m a g e . O n e d a y , the p e o p l e o f his tribe d e c i d e d t o try a n d
reconcile t h e m . T h e y invited the oldest m e m b e r o f the B e n A l i C h e r i f family,
a s w e l l a s B e l k a c e m u Ai'ssa. W h e n t h e l a t t e r e n t e r e d , t h e o l d m a n , w h o w a s
already seated, said ironically, fine [ p l u r a l of the rustic
footwear of a p l o u g h m a n ] you Belkacem replied, requires m e n
t o l o o k o t h e r s i n t h e f a c e , n o t l o o k a t t h e i r f e e t . It's a m a n ' s f a c e , h i s h o n o u r ,
that W h e n s t r a n g e r s a s k e d h i m h o w h e h a d w o n his i n f l u e n c e o v e r the
region, B e l k a c e m a n s w e r e d , T first w o n the respect of my wife, then of my
c h i l d r e n , t h e n m y b r o t h e r s , t h e n m y n e i g h b o u r h o o d , t h e n m y village; the rest
simply
Conversely, the p o i n t of h o n o u r only has m e a n i n g a n d a func-

t i o n in a m a n for w h o m sacred things exist, things w o r t h defend-
i n g . A being devoid of the sacred could dispense w i t h the p o i n t
of h o n o u r because he w o u l d in a sense be In short,
if the sacred exists only by v i r t u e of the p o i n t of
20. A n d again: "Essar is a t u r n i p seed." T h e t u r n i p seed is minute a n d r o u n d a n d
extremely slippery. Essar also denotes the grace of a w o m a n or girl.
T h e d i s a p p r o v a l of celibacy can be u n d e r s t o o d in terms of this logic. Equality in h o n o u r
is a c c o m p a n i e d by a sort of equality in vulnerability w h i c h is expressed, for example,
in the p h r a s e often used to r e b u k e " Y o u r m o t h e r is no better than
mine." ( T h i s ironic f o r m u l a s h o u l d not be confused with the insult "My m o t h e r is better
than surpass you in everything, since I surpass you even here, w h e n in fact
every w o m e n is as good as another.)
120 A l g e r i a 1960
h o n o u r (nif) w h i c h defends i t , the sentiment of h o n o u r finds its

in the sense of the sacred.
H o w is the sacred w h i c h h o n o u r must protect a n d
d e f e n d to be defined? Kabyle w i s d o m replies to this question:
house, one's wife, one's rifles." T h e polarity of the sexes,
so strongly m a r k e d in this patrilinear society, is expressed in the
division of the system of representations a n d values i n t o two
complementary, antagonistic T h a t w h i c h is haram
literally, taboo) is essentially the sacred of the left hand, that is,
the inside, a n d m o r e precisely, the female universe, the w o r l d of
secrecy, the closed space of the house, as opposed to the outside,
the o p e n w o r l d of the public meeting-place (thajm'ath), the w o r l d
reserved f o r m e n . T h e sacred of the r i g h t h a n d is essentially
rifles", in other words the g r o u p of agnates, the "sons of the
paternal all those whose death must be avenged by b l o o d
a n d all those w h o are b o u n d to p e r f o r m b l o o d vengeance. T h e
rifle is the symbolic e m b o d i m e n t of the nif of the agnatic g r o u p ,
nif in the sense of that w h i c h can be challenged a n d that w h i c h
enables the challenge to be taken T h u s the passivity of hurma,
female in nature, is counterposed to the active i r r i t a b i l i t y of nif,
male in nature. If hurma is identified w i t h the sacred of the left
h a n d , that is, essentially w i t h what is female, the manly v i r t u e
par excellence.
T h e opposition between the sacred of the left h a n d a n d the
sacred o f the r i g h t h a n d , i n the f o r m o f the opposition between
haram a n d nif, does not, however, exclude complementarity. It is
respect for the sacred of the r i g h t hand, f o r the and renown
of the agnatic family, that inspires the riposte made to offence
against the sacred of the left hand. Hurma is not only that w h i c h
has value, that w h i c h is precious, that w h i c h is cherished (el'azz),
it is what is m o r e precious t h a n that w h i c h is most cherished; f o r
sacred value is not the same t h i n g as affective value. T h e d u t y to
22. T h i s division, w h i c h is in fact one of the f u n d a m e n t a l of K a b y l e thought,
particularly of the mythico-ritual system, supplies the f u n d a m e n t a l postulates (e.g. the
i m p u r i t y of w o m e n ) f r o m w h i c h the value system builds up its o w n H e r e it m u s t
suffice to restate those meanings w h i c h one needs to k n o w in o r d e r to u n d e r s t a n d the
value system w h i c h they u n d e r p i n .
23. F o r m e r l y , in certain regions in G r e a t K a b y l i a , the (assembly) r e q u i r e d each
m a n of the tribe, u n d e r threat of p a y i n g a fine, to buy a rifle so as to be able to d e f e n d
his o w n a n d the group's h o n o u r . A m a n who failed to do so, despite the fine, was
ostracized, universally despised, a n d looked u p o n as "a w o m a n " .
defend the sacred imposes itself w i t h the force of a categorical

imperative, whether it be the sacred of the r i g h t hand, such as a
male m e m b e r of the g r o u p , or the sacred of the left hand, such
as a w o m a n , a weak, i m p u r e , a n d malignant being. T h e m a n of
h o n o u r carries o u t revenge a n d washes away the affront
regardless of e m o t i o n , and in d o i n g so is entirely approved by the
g r o u p . T h e Kabyles praise a n d cite as an example the attitude of
Sidi the head of a great marabout family of the
w h o slew his o w n g u i l t y daughter, and one still hears the saying:
has the nif of Sidi Cherif." Respect f o r the sacred of the r i g h t
hand, for the family h o n o u r , is what motivates the t a k i n g of
revenge f o r h a r m done to the sacred of the left hand, the weak
side w h i c h exposes the g r o u p to offence.
Nif is thus loyalty to the family h o n o u r , to hurma in the sense
of respectability a n d esteem, to the name of one's ancestors a n d
the r e n o w n attached to that name, to the lineage w h i c h must
r e m a i n unsullied a n d be protected against offence as against mis-
alliance. T h e cardinal v i r t u e , the f o u n d a t i o n of the whole p a t r i -
linear system, nif is indeed essentially respect f o r the lineage of
w h i c h a m a n aims to be w o r t h y . T h e more valorous or virtuous
one's ancestors, the m o r e one is entitled to be p r o u d a n d the more,
therefore, one must be punctilious about h o n o u r in order to live
u p t o t h e i r valour a n d virtue. T h e honorability and p u r i t y o f the
lineage impose duties rather t h a n bestow privileges. Those w h o
have a name, people of good stock (ath have no excuses.
T h e opposition between haram a n d nif, between the sacred of
the r i g h t h a n d a n d the sacred of the left hand, is expressed in
various homologous between w o m a n , the bearer of
maleficent, i m p u r e , destructive, f e a r f u l powers, and m a n , i n -
vested w i t h beneficent, f e r t i l i z i n g , protective potency; between
magic, exclusively the business of w o m e n a n d concealed
and r e l i g i o n , w h i c h is essentially masculine; between female
sexuality, guilty a n d shameful, a n d v i r i l i t y , the symbol of strength
and T h e opposition between the inside a n d the outside,
a f o r m of the opposition between the sacred of the left h a n d and
the sacred of the r i g h t hand, is expressed concretely in the sharp
24. T h e between nif a n d virility is particularly clear in ritual games, such as the
target-shooting w h i c h takes place on the occason of the birth of a boy, circumcision,
and marriage.
122 A l g e r i a 1960
division between the women's space - the house a n d its garden,

the site par excellence of a closed, secret, space,
away f r o m intrusions a n d the public gaze - a n d the men's space
- the (place of assembly), the mosque, the cafe, the fields
a n d the On the one side is the secrecy of i n t i m a t e l i f e ,
entirely veiled in modesty, on the other the o p e n space of social
relations, of political and religious life; on one side the life of the
senses a n d the emotions, o n the other the life o f man-to-man
relationships, of dialogue a n d exchange. Whereas in the u r b a n
w o r l d , where the men's space a n d the women's space overlap,
intimacy is safeguarded by confinement a n d the w e a r i n g of the
veil, in the Kabyle village, where the use of the veil is traditionally
the two spaces are clearly separated. T h e women's
path to the f o u n t a i n avoids the d o m a i n of the m e n ; usually, each
clan or has its o w n fountain, in its o w n
n e i g h b o u r h o o d or close by, so that the w o m e n can go there
w i t h o u t the risk of b e i n g seen by any m a n outside the g r o u p
W h e n this is not the case, the f u n c t i o n elsewhere
25. T h e t h r e s h o l d , the meeting point between two antagonistic worlds, is the site of host
of rites, a n d s u r r o u n d e d with taboos. In some parts of K a b y l i a , only k i n s m e n may cross
it. In a n y case no one crosses it unless invited to do so. T h e visitor a n n o u n c e s his
presence with a shout (as in s o u t h e r n F r a n c e ) or by c o u g h i n g or shuffling his feet. In
some regions Kseur, Sidi custom r e q u i r e s a distant k i n s m a n , or a k i n s m a n
related t h r o u g h w o m e n (e.g. the wife's b r o t h e r ) , to present a symbolic gift, called the
"sight" on e n t e r i n g the house for the first time. T h e village is a n o t h e r s a c r e d
space; it may only be e n t e r e d on foot.
26. It is said that f o r m e r l y the w o m e n went to the m a r k e t alone; but they were so talkative
that the went on u n t i l the m a r k e t day of the following week. T h e n the m e n
c a m e a l o n g one day a r m e d with sticks a n d put an e n d of the idle chattering of t h e i r
wives. can be seen that the " m y t h " " e x p l a i n s " the present division of space a n d
tasks by i n v o k i n g the of w o m e n . W h e n someone wants to indicate
that the w o r l d is topsy-turvy, he says, w o m e n are going to market."
27. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , confinement a n d the w e a r i n g of the veil w e r e only r e q u i r e d
in the case of the s h e i k h of the village m o s q u e (to w h o m the villagers p r o v i d e d , a m o n g
other services, a supply of wood a n d the keep of to fetch water), a few
m a r a b o u t families not living on an azib (a sort of isolated hamlet), a n d the heads of
certain i m p o r t a n t families w h o set a p a r t one of the w o m e n of the house (usually the
youngest wife) by m a k i n g h e r (confined).
28. E a c h lineage, e v e n at the lowest level, constitutes a potential social g r o u p . At m o m e n t s
of conflict, political organization redefines itself in a c c o r d a n c e with the relative positions
of the parties within the genealogy. C o n s e q u e n t l y the same logic may assemble very
e x t e n d e d g r o u p s , that is, all the descendants of an ancestor f o u r or five generations
back or even those of a mythical ancestor, that of the tribe for e x a m p l e , a n d also very
n a r r o w g r o u p s , such as the e x t e n d e d family or even the restricted family. T h e
or adhrum can be defined as the totality of the persons who owe one
a n o t h e r blood vengeance a n d between w h o m there is no blood vengeance, or who a r e
on the same side w h e n conflict arises.
p e r f o r m e d by a spatial opposition is entrusted to a t e m p o r a l

r h y t h m , a n d the w o m e n go to the at certain times of the
day, n i g h t f a l l f o r a p o o r view w o u l d be taken of the m a n
w h o went to spy on t h e m . T h e f o u n t a i n is f o r the w o m e n what
the is f o r the m e n . T h e r e they exchange news a n d carry
on the gossip w h i c h centres essentially on all the intimate matters
w h i c h the m e n c o u l d not talk about amongst themselves w i t h o u t
d i s h o n o u r a n d w h i c h they only learn about t h r o u g h t h e i r wives.
T h e man's place is outside, in the fields or at the assembly, amongst
other m e n ; this is something the y o u n g boy is taught very early.
A m a n w h o stays at h o m e all day is suspect. A respectable m a n
must show himself, constantly place himself u n d e r the gaze of
others, face up to t h e m Whence this f o r m u l a , often re-
peated by the w o m e n , in w h i c h they h i n t that m e n r e m a i n i g n o r a n t
of m u c h of goes on in the house: m a n , y o u p o o r wretch,
spending all day in the fields like a at (Ait
T h e essential imperative is to veil the whole d o m a i n of intimacy.

I n t e r n a l dissensions, failures, a n d shortcomings must on no
account be displayed before a stranger to the g r o u p . To the set of
i n t e r l o c k i n g social units corresponds a set of concentric zones of
secrecy. T h e house is the first island of secrecy w i t h i n the clan or
sub-clan; the latter keeps its secret f r o m the village, w h i c h is itself
closed off secrecy f r o m the other villages. W i t h i n this logic, it
is natural that the ethic of w o m a n , situated at the heart of the closed
w o r l d , should be made up of negative imperatives.
"Your is y o u r house", a m a x i m says. "A w o m a n owes her
husband fidelity; her h o m e must be well kept; must see that
her c h i l d r e n are b r o u g h t up aright. B u t above all, she must
preserve the secret of f a m i l y intimacy; she must never belitde her
husband or p u t h i m to shame (even if she has every reason to do
so a n d all t h e necessary evidence), either at home or before
strangers. If she d i d so he w o u l d have to repudiate She must
show contentment even f o r example, her is too p o o r
to b r i n g a n y t h i n g back f r o m the market. She must n o t fere
in the men's She must have confidence in her husband,
a n d r e f r a i n f r o m d o u b t i n g h i m o r seeking proofs against
In short, since a w o m a n is always a n d so's d a u g h t e r "
or a n d so's her h o n o u r amounts to the h o n o u r of the
124 A l g e r i a 1960
NIF
Sacred of the left h a n d Sacred of the r i g h t h a n d
Female, femininity Male, virility
Woman, bearer of maleficent and M a n , b e a r e r of beneficent a n d
impure powers protective potency
L e f t , twisted Right, straight
Vulnerability Protection
Nakedness Enclosure, clothing
Inside Outside
T h e preserve of women: house, garden T h e preserve of assembly,
Closed, secret w o r l d o f i n t i m a t e life: mosque, fields, market
food, sexuality O p e n w o r l d o f p u b l i c life, o f social
a n d political exchanges
Nature Culture
W e t , w a t e r , etc. D r y , fire, etc.
agnatic g r o u p to w h i c h she is attached. So she must take care that

her conduct does not d i m i n i s h the prestige a n d repute of the g r o u p
in any She is the g u a r d i a n of essar.
T h e m a n , for his part, must above all protect a n d veil the
secrecy of his house a n d his intimate life. One's " i n t i m a t e l i f e "
means first of all one's wife, w h o is never r e f e r r e d to as such, still
less by her first name, b u t always by periphrases such as
daughter of so a n d so", "the m o t h e r of my c h i l d r e n " , or " m y
At home, the husband never speaks to her in the presence
of others; he calls her by a gesture, or by a g r u n t , or by the name
of her eldest daughter, a n d shows h e r no sign of affection,
especially in the presence of his o w n father or elder brother. To
utter one's wife's name in public w o u l d be a dishonour: it is
said that m e n w h o went to register a b i r t h stubbornly refused to
give the wife's name. Similarly, schoolboys w h o w i l l i n g l y gave their
father's name were reluctant to give t h e i r mother's name, probably
f o r fear of exposing themselves to insults (to call someone by his
mother's name is to accuse h i m of bastardy) or even witchcraft (in
magic, it always the mother's name that is used). A m a n should
never be asked about his wife or sister: this is because w o m a n is
one of those shameful things (the Arabs say " w o m a n is
shame that one never mentions w i t h o u t apologizing a n d a d d i n g
29. E v e r y t h i n g takes place as if a w o m a n was incapable of really increasing the h o n o u r
of the agnates but could only keep it intact by h e r good b e h a v i o u r a n d respectability,
or destroy it to take away repute) by h e r behaviour. W h a t can increase
the group's h o n o u r is alliance, by m a r r i a g e , with the woman's male relatives.
hachak, y o u r respect". A n d also because w o m a n is f o r

m a n the sacred t h i n g above all others, as is shown by the phrases
customarily used in p l e d g i n g an oath: my wife be taboo to
or my house be
( " i f I fail to do
I n t i m a t e life includes e v e r y t h i n g that belongs to nature - the
body a n d all organic functions, the self w i t h its feelings a n d
passions: all these are things w h i c h h o n o u r requires to be veiled.
A n y allusion to these subjects, particularly to one's o w n sexual life,
is n o t only f o r b i d d e n b u t v i r t u a l l y inconceivable. For several days
before a n d after his w e d d i n g , the y o u n g m a n withdraws i n t o a sort
of retreat to avoid m e e t i n g his father, w h i c h w o u l d cause b o t h
of t h e m unbearable Similarly, a g i r l w h o has
reached the age of puberty ties up her breasts in a sort of corset
that is b u t t o n e d up a n d l i n e d ; and, in the presence of h e r father
or her elder brothers, she stands w i t h her arms folded over her
chest (Azerou A m a n will not speak to his father o r
elder b r o t h e r about a g i r l or w o m a n outside the family. It follows
that w h e n the father wants to consult his son about his marriage,
he uses a kinsman o r f r i e n d as a go-between. A m a n w i l l avoid
e n t e r i n g a cafe if his father or elder b r o t h e r is already in there
(and vice versa), a n d especially w i l l not stand w i t h t h e m to listen
to one of the w a n d e r i n g singers w h o recite bawdy poems.
Food, too, must not be spoken of. Guests are never wished a good
appetite, b u t only satiety. Politeness requires the host constantly
to invite the guest to help himself to m o r e , while the latter should
eat as discreedy as possible. E a t i n g in the street is indecorous a n d
immodest. To eat his l u n c h in the market, a m a n retires to a
corner. W h e n b r i n g i n g home meat, a m a n carries it
h i d d e n in a bag or u n d e r his burnous. In the meal itself, the
emphasis is n o t on feeding one's body, b u t on eating together,
sharing the bread a n d the salt, as a symbol of alliance.
E x t r e m e modesty is also the r u l e in the expression of the feel-
ings, w h i c h is always extremely reserved even w i t h i n the family,
between husband a n d wife a n d between parents a n d c h i l d r e n .
(or the modesty w h i c h dominates all relationships,
30. T h e taboo on nakedness is absolute, even in sexual relations. We have seen, too, that
d i s h o n o u r is described as a s t r i p p i n g n a k e d has u n d r e s s e d m e , he has taken away
my garments, he has s t r i p p e d me").
126 A l g e r i a 1960
even a m o n g the family, is essentially a protection f o r haram, f o r

the sacred a n d the secret A m a n w h o talks about himself
is absurd or boastful; he is unable to submit to the anonymity of
the g r o u p , the essential precept of the seemliness w h i c h requires
the use of the polite " w e " or of the personal f o r m , only the
context i n d i c a t i n g that it is oneself one is t a l k i n g about.
O t h e r principles s t e m m i n g f r o m the fundamental oppositions
are those g o v e r n i n g the division of labour between the sexes and,
m o r e precisely, the d i s t r i b u t i o n , between the m e n a n d the w o m e n ,
of those activities regarded as honourable or degrading. In gen-
eral, most of the tasks p e r f o r m e d by a w o m a n are considered
dishonourable f o r a man, by v i r t u e of the division
of beings, things, and actions. T h e Chenoua Berbers may not touch
eggs or chickens in the presence of outsiders to the family. T h e y
are f o r b i d d e n to carry t h e m to market to sell t h e m ; that is a j o b
f o r w o m e n or c h i l d r e n . It is an insult to an A c h e n w i to ask h i m
if he has eggs f o r sale. T h e m e n can slaughter chickens a n d eat
eggs b u t only a m o n g their T h e same customs, m o r e or
less m o d i f i e d , are f o u n d in Kabylia. Similarly, a w o m a n may r i d e
on m u l e , w i t h her husband leading it by the r e i n ; by contrast,
r i d i n g on a donkey is shameful. Girls w h o d i s h o n o u r e d t h e i r
were sometimes paraded on the of a Another
it is d e g r a d i n g f o r a m a n to carry d u n g ; this is a woman's
j o b . Similarly, c a r r y i n g water in earthenware jars and c a r r y i n g
w o o d f o r heating are tasks f o r the w o m e n . A l l these dictates of
the code of h o n o u r w h i c h , taken separately, seem arbitrary, appear
on the contrary as necessary w h e n reinserted i n t o the whole
m y t h i c o - r i t u a l system, based on the opposition between the male
a n d the female, of w h i c h the oppositions between the sacred of
the r i g h t h a n d a n d the sacred of the left h a n d , the outside a n d
the inside, fire a n d water, the d r y a n d the wet, are particular
modes.
T h e same system of values dominates all early education. As
soon as the boy has a name, he is looked u p o n a n d must look u p o n
himself as a responsible of the g r o u p . I was t o l d that
in a village in Great Kabylia, a boy about ten years o l d , the last
male of his family, went to funerals even in distant villages a n d
See E. L a o u s t , Etude sur le du Chenoua compare avec des Menacer
et des Beni (Paris: L e r o u x , p. 15.
attended ceremonies w i t h adults ( T i z i E v e r y t h i n g i n the

adults' behaviour, all the ceremonies a n d rites of passage, t e n d to
emphasize to boy his status as a m a n a n d also the c o r r e s p o n d i n g
responsibilities a n d duties. T h e deeds of c h i l d h o o d are very soon
assessed in terms of the ideals of h o n o u r . T h e education given by
the father or paternal uncle tends to develop nif in the c h i l d , a n d
all the m a n l y virtues b o u n d up w i t h it - f i g h t i n g spirit, valour,
strength, a n d endurance. T h i s education, given by men a n d de-
signed to make m e n stresses the paternal lineage, the values w h i c h
have been bequeathed by the male ancestors a n d w h i c h every male
member of the g r o u p must preserve a n d defend.
T h e same m y t h i c o - r i t u a l categories w o u l d doubtless be f o u n d
to be the basis, if not of the logic of m a t r i m o n i a l exchanges, then
at least of the ideal representation w h i c h the agents conceive of
t h e m . T h e earliness of marriage makes sense w h e n it is r e m e m -
bered that a w o m a n , evil by nature, must be placed as soon as
possible u n d e r the beneficent protection of a m a n . Shame is the
maiden a n d the b r i d e g r o o m is called
veil cast over shames". T h e A l g e r i a n Arabs sometimes call
w o m e n Satan's cows or the Devil's m e a n i n g that they are
the initiators of evil. Even the straightest of t h e m says a p r o v e r b ,
twisted as a sickle." L i k e a plant w h i c h tends to the left, w o m a n
can never be straight, only straightened by the beneficent
protection of W i t h o u t here u n d e r t a k i n g to reconstruct the
logic of m a t r i m o n i a l it may least be
p o i n t e d out that the norms w h i c h govern t h e m a n d the rationaliz-
ations most used to their f o r m , parallel-cousin
marriage, are f o r m u l a t e d in a discourse structured in accordance
w i t h the m y t h i c o - r i t u a l categories. T h e need to safeguard b l o o d
p u r i t y a n d keep the family h o n o u r intact is the reason most
frequently given to justify marriage w i t h the parallel cousin. A
y o u n g m a n w h o has m a r r i e d his parallel cousin is said to have
her; he has acted in such away that the secret of f a m i l y
intimacy is kept safe. A m a n w h o m a r r i e d i n t o his o w n family, it
is often said, can be sure that his wife will strive to safeguard her
husband's h o n o u r , that she w i l l keep family conflicts secret a n d
32. daughter's says an A r a b p r o v e r b , exists w h e n she is with h e r father."
33. See B o u r d i e u , " L a representation et in d'une
de la pratique, pp. 7 1 - 1 5 1 , in shortened f o r m in Outline of a Theory of
Practice ( C a m b r i d g e : U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977), pp. (translator's note).
128 A l g e r i a 1960
n o t r u n c o m p l a i n i n g to her kinsmen. A w o m a n w h o is a stranger

to y o u r family w i l l despise y o u . She w i l l t h i n k herself o f a nobler
f a m i l y t h a n y o u r o w n . B u t y o u r cousin, w h o has the same paternal
grandfather as y o u , w i l l not be able to curse y o u r (A'in
A g h b e l ) . M a r r i a g e w i t h an outsider is feared as an i n t r u s i o n ; it
makes a breach in the protective fence s u r r o u n d i n g family i n t i -
macy: It is better to protect y o u r nif t h a n to entrust it to others."
T h e ethos of honour
T h e system of h o n o u r values is enacted rather t h a n t h o u g h t , a n d
the g r a m m a r of h o n o u r can i n f o r m actions w i t h o u t having to be
f o r m u l a t e d . T h u s , w h e n they spontaneously a p p r e h e n d a par-
ticular l i n e of conduct as d e g r a d i n g or ridiculous, the Kabyles are
in the same position as someone w h o notices a language mistake
w i t h o u t b e i n g able to state the syntactic system that has been
violated. Because the norms are r o o t e d in the category system of
the m y t h i c world-view, n o t h i n g is h a r d e r or, perhaps, m o r e
irrelevant t h a n the attempt to distinguish between the area directly
a n d clearly grasped by consciousness the area b u r i e d in the
unconscious. A single example will make the p o i n t . T h e m a n of
h o n o u r is the m a n w h o faces up w h o confronts others by
l o o k i n g t h e m in the face; qabel also means to receive someone as
a guest a n d to receive h i m w e l l , to do h i m h o n o u r . A p o p u l a r
etymology w h i c h , t r u e or not, is certainly significant finds the same
r o o t in the w o r d (masculine w h i c h designates the
the f e m i n i n e of the n o u n aqbayli, a Kabyle,
designates the Kabyle w o m a n , the Kabyle language, a n d also, so
to speak, the essence of the Kabyle, in other words Kabyle h o n o u r
a n d p r i d e . B u t qabel is also to face the east (elqibla) a n d the f u t u r e
(qabel). In the Kabyle m y t h i c o - r i t u a l system, the east stands in a
r e l a t i o n of h o m o l o g y w i t h the h i g h , the f u t u r e , day, the male, good,
the r i g h t - h a n d , the d r y , etc., a n d is opposed to the west a n d so
to the l o w , the past, n i g h t , the female, evil, the left-hand, the wet,
etc. A l l i n f o r m a n t s spontaneously give as the essential character-
istic of the m a n of h o n o u r the fact that he faces others, qabel; it
34. See A. Textes dans Algeria, accepts
this etymology.
can be seen that the explicit norms of behaviour connect w i t h a n d

reflect the deep principles of the m y t h i c o - r i t u a l system.
T h e ethos of h o n o u r is opposed, in its very principle, to a
universal, f o r m a l code a f f i r m i n g the equal d i g n i t y of all m e n a n d
therefore the i d e n t i t y of t h e i r rights a n d duties. N o t only do the
rules imposed on m e n differ f r o m those imposed on w o m e n , a n d
duties towards m e n f r o m duties towards w o m e n , b u t also the
commands of h o n o u r , directly applied to particular cases a n d
v a r y i n g according to the situation, are in no way capable of b e i n g
universalized. T h e same code will dictate contrary conduct de-
p e n d i n g on the social field. On the one h a n d there are the rules
g o v e r n i n g relations between kinsmen and, m o r e generally, all
social relationships that are experienced a l o n g the lines of k i n s h i p
relations ( " H e l p y o u r o w n people, r i g h t o r w r o n g " ) , and o n the
other h a n d there are rules a p p l y i n g in relations w i t h strangers.
T h i s duality in attitudes stems directly f r o m the basic p r i n c i p l e ,
established previously, whereby the various conducts of h o n o u r
are o n l y r e q u i r e d towards those w h o are w o r t h y of t h e m . Rather
t h a n a court, in the sense of a specialized body responsible f o r
p r o n o u n c i n g decisions in accordance w i t h a system of rational,
explicit legal norms, the clan or village assembly is in fact an
a r b i t r a t i n g council or even a family council. Collective o p i n i o n is
the law, the court, and the agent executing the sanction. T h e
where all the families are represented, embodies the
public o p i n i o n whose feelings a n d values it expresses a n d whence
it draws all its m o r a l force. T h e p u n i s h m e n t that is most feared
is ostracism or banishment: those w h o suffer it are excluded f r o m
the collective sharing of meat, f r o m the assembly, a n d f r o m all
collective activities, in short, c o n d e m n e d to a sort of symbolic
death. T h u s , the qanun of a village of the A t h
tribe, includes, in a total of 249 articles, "repressive"
laws ( i n D u r k h e i m ' s sense), i.e. 88 per cent, as against 25
t u t o r y " laws, i.e. 10 per cent, a n d only 5 articles concerning the
basis of the political system. T h e customary r u l e , the p r o d u c t of
a j u r i s p r u d e n c e directly applied to the particular a n d not of the
application to the particular of a universal r u l e , pre-exists its o w n
f o r m u l a t i o n ; f o r the basis of justice is not a rational and explicit
f o r m a l code b u t the "sense" of h o n o u r a n d equity. W h a t is
130 A l g e r i a 1960
f u n d a m e n t a l remains i m p l i c i t , because unquestioned a n d u n -

questionable - what is fundamental, that is to say, the totality of
the values a n d principles w h i c h the c o m m u n i t y by its very
existence a n d w h i c h u n d e r l i e the acts of jurisprudence. " T h a t
which honour said Montesquieu, f o r b i d d e n still m o r e
w h e n the laws do not f o r b i d i t ; a n d that w h i c h h o n o u r prescribes
is d e m a n d e d still m o r e w h e n the laws do n o t d e m a n d i t . "
Postscriptum. A l t h o u g h the ultimate basis of the whole economic

a n d symbolic system clearly lies in a m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n in w h i c h
the m o r e or less equal d i s t r i b u t i o n of l a n d (in the f o r m of
f r a g m e n t e d smallholdings) a n d of the instruments of p r o d u c t i o n
(which are, moreover, inefficient a n d stable) necessarily precludes
the development of the productive forces a n d the concentration
of capital, the fact remains that the ideological transfiguration of
the economic structures in the representations a n d strategies of
h o n o u r contributes to the r e p r o d u c t i o n of the structures thereby
consecrated a n d sanctified. Similarly, t h o u g h the way in w h i c h the
(material a n d symbolic) heritage is h a n d e d on is the cause of
c o m p e t i t i o n a n d sometimes conflict between brothers and, m o r e
generally, between agnates, there is no d o u b t that the economic
a n d symbolic pressures w o r k i n g in favour of the non-division of
the family p a t r i m o n y contribute to the perpetuation of the
economic order, a n d hence also of the political o r d e r f o u n d e d on
it, w h i c h f i n d s its o w n f o r m o f e q u i l i b r i u m i n the tension
observable at every level of the social structure, f r o m the lineage
to the tribe, between the tendency to associate a n d the tendency
to dissociate. W h e n one tries to account f o r the fact that a social
f o r m a t i o n remains enclosed w i t h i n the perfect cycle of simple
r e p r o d u c t i o n , by merely i n v o k i n g the negative explanations of an
i m p o v e r i s h e d materialism, such as the unreliability a n d stability
of the techniques of p r o d u c t i o n , one is prevented f r o m under-
standing the decisive c o n t r i b u t i o n w h i c h ethical a n d mythical
representations can make to the r e p r o d u c t i o n of the economic
o r d e r of w h i c h they are the product, by facilitating
of the real basis of social existence, that is to say, in very concrete
terms, by m a k i n g it impossible f o r the interests w h i c h objectively
always guide economic a n d symbolic exchanges, even between
131
Algeria
brothers, ever to be openly avowed as such and thus to become

the explicit p r i n c i p l e of economic transactions, a n d ultimately of
all exchanges betwen
35. A l t h o u g h , in o r d e r to do justice to the complex d y n a m i c s of practice, this text m a y
at times a p p e a r to autonomize the agents' strategies in relation to the objective struc-
tures, the fact r e m a i n s that the p r i n c i p l e u n d e r l y i n g the p r o d u c t i o n of strategies (the
habitus) is itself the p r o d u c t of the objective structures; a n d to succeed in a n d with
their strategies the agents m u s t constandy adjust t h e m to the objective structures. T h e
foregoing analyses of the strategies with w h i c h the K a b y l e peasants strive to m a i n t a i n
a n d increase their capital of h o n o u r a r e an inseparable part of a reconstruction of the
system of the objective regularities a n d the material a n d symbolic stakes of the political
a n d e c o n o m i c game: reinserted in this context, or, m o r e precisely, in the context of
the system of r e p r o d u c t i o n strategies, the practices of h o n o u r reveal their as
strategies i n t e n d e d to r e p r o d u c e symbolic capital, w h i c h they fulfil in the r e p r o d u c t i o n
of an e c o n o m i c a n d political o r d e r of w h i c h the ethos of h o n o u r , the p r i n c i p l e
g e n e r a t i n g s u c h strategies, is itself the p r o d u c t .
The Kabyle house or the world
is the l a m p of the outside, w o m a n the l a m p of the inside."
T h e i n t e r i o r of the Kabyle house is rectangular in shape a n d

d i v i d e d i n t o two parts, at a p o i n t o n e - t h i r d of the way along its
length, by a small o p e n w o r k wall half as h i g h as the house. T h e
larger of the two parts, approximately fifty centimetres higher
a n d covered w i t h a layer of black clay and c o w d u n g w h i c h the
w o m e n polish w i t h a stone, is reserved f o r h u m a n use. T h e
smaller part, paved w i t h flagstones, is occupied by the animals. A
door w i t h two wings provides access to b o t h rooms. On top of the
d i v i d i n g wall are kept, at one end, the small earthenware jars or
esparto-grass baskets used to store the provisions kept for i m -
mediate consumption, such as figs, flour, and leguminous plants,
a n d at the other end, near the door, the water jars. Above the
stable is a loft where, next to all kinds of tools a n d implements,
quantities of hay a n d straw to be used as animal fodder are p i l e d
it is here that the w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n usually sleep, especially
in Against the gable wall, k n o w n as the wall (or, m o r e
precisely, the of the u p p e r part or of the kanun, stands
a b r i c k w o r k construction in the recesses a n d holes of w h i c h the
k i t c h e n utensils (the ladle, the cooking-pot, the dish used to cook
wheatcake - aghrum - a n d other earthenware objects blackened by
the fire) are kept a n d at each e n d of w h i c h are placed large jars
T h i s text was first p u b l i s h e d in et communications: melanges a
a de son 60e anniversaire, e d . J. Pouillon a n d P. M a r a n d e (Paris a n d
the H a g u e : M o u t o n , 1970), pp. 7 3 9 - 5 8 , a n d r e p r i n t e d in P. B o u r d i e u , Esquisse d'une
de la pratique (Paris a n d G e n e v a : Droz,
T h e place for sleep a n d sexual relations seems to vary, but only within the
of the house. T h e whole family m a y sleep in the loft, particularly in winter, or only
w o m e n without husbands (widows, divorced w o m e n , etc.) a n d the c h i l d r e n ; or the
family may sleep next to the wall of or the m a n may sleep on the u p p e r part
of the d i v i d i n g wall, the w o m a n going to bed on the lower part, near the door, but
j o i n i n g h e r h u s b a n d i n the d a r k n e s s .
133
A l g e r i a 1960
Back door
Rifle
Wood
Jars of dried Weaving loom Jars of

vegetables
and © Hand-mill grain
Lamp
Stable dishes
Kanun o
Net of green
Water
fodder Jars of grain
pitchers
Chests
(bench)
Threshold
T r o u g h for the Farming Large j a r the

beasts of implements water supply
burden
Fig. P l a n of the house
filled w i t h grain. In f r o n t of this construction is the fireplace, a

circular h o l l o w three or f o u r centimetres deep at its centre, a r o u n d
w h i c h , a r r a n g e d in a triangle, are three large stones to h o l d the
cooking
3. A l l previous descriptions of the B e r b e r house, e v e n the most precise a n d m e t h o d i c a l
ones (such a s R . "Le domestique e n a n d " L e s rites d e l a
construction en K a b y l i e " , in Melanges de (Paris: 1930),
pp. or those richest in detail c o n c e r n i n g the i n t e r n a l organization of space
(such as those by E. L a o u s t , Mots el choses (Paris: 1920), p p . 5 0 - 3 ,
a n d Etude sur le dialecte berbere du Chenoua compare avec des Beni des
Beni (Paris: L e r o u x , 1912), p p . 1 2 - 1 5 , a n d H. G e n e v o i x , kabyle
( F i c h i e r de d o c u m e n t a t i o n berbere, no. 46, F o r t National, for all their
meticulousness, contain systematic lacunae, particularly as r e g a r d s the location a n d
orientation of things a n d activities, because they never look u p o n the objects a n d
actions as parts of a symbolic system. It is necessary to postulate that e a c h of the
p h e n o m e n a observed derives its necessity a n d its m e a n i n g f r o m its relationship with
all the others. T h i s alone enables one to c a r r y out the sorts of observation a n d
questioning that a r e capable of b r i n g i n g out the facts w h i c h escape a n y unsystematic
observation a n d w h i c h the i n f o r m a n t s a r e unable to p r o v i d e spontaneously because
they take them for g r a n t e d . T h i s postulate is validated by the very findings of the
r e s e a r c h w h i c h it m a k e s possible: the special position of the house w i t h i n the system
of magical representations a n d ritual practices justifies the initial abstraction by w h i c h
it is taken out of the larger system so as to be treated as a system in its o w n right.
The Kabyle house 135
In f r o n t of the wall facing the door, generally referred to by the

same name as the outside w a l l that is seen f r o m the rear c o u r t y a r d
or else called the weaving-loom wall or the facing wall (one
faces it on g o i n g in) stands the weaving l o o m . T h e opposite w a l l ,
where the d o o r is, is called the wall of darkness, or the wall of sleep,
the m a i d e n , or the a bench wide e n o u g h f o r a mat to be
spread o u t on it is set against this wall. T h i s is the place set aside
f o r the festal sheep or small sometimes f o r the w o o d or the
water pitcher. Clothes, mats, a n d blankets are h u n g , in the
daytime, on a peg or a w o o d e n crossbar n e x t to the wall of
darkness, or else they are p u t u n d e r the d i v i d i n g bench. T h u s , the
wall is opposed to the stable as the h i g h to the l o w (adaynin,
stable, comes f r o m the r o o t ada, the b o t t o m ) , a n d the weaving-loom
wall is opposed to the d o o r wall as the l i g h t to the dark. One m i g h t
be t e m p t e d to give a p u r e l y technical explanation of these
oppositions, since the weaving-loom wall, facing the door, w h i c h
itself faces eastward, is the most b r i g h t l y l i t a n d the stable is indeed
at a lower level t h a n the rest (the house usually being b u i l t at a
r i g h t angle to the c o n t o u r to facilitate the drainage of animal
waste a n d d i r t y However, a n u m b e r of indices suggest that
these oppositions are the centre of a cluster of parallel oppositions
the necessity of w h i c h never stems entirely technical i m p e r a -
tives a n d functional
T h e d a r k , n o c t u r n a l , lower p a r t of the house, the place f o r things
that are d a m p , green, or r a w - jars of water placed on the benches
on either side of the stable entrance or next to the wall of darkness,
w o o d , green f o d d e r — a n d also the place f o r n a t u r a l beings — oxen
4. W i t h this one exception, the walls a r e designated by two different n a m e s , a c c o r d i n g
to w h e t h e r they a r e c o n s i d e r e d f r o m the outside or the inside. T h e outside is plastered
over with a trowel by the m e n , w h e r e a s the inside is whitewashed a n d h a n d - d e c o r a t e d
by the w o m e n . T h i s opposition between the two points of view is, as we shall see, a
f u n d a m e n t a l one.
5. It is said of a father with m a n y daughters: has evil days in store for h i m . " O t h e r
sayings: " T h e m a i d e n is the d u s k " , " T h e m a i d e n is the wall of darkness."
6. T h e setting of the house in geographical space a n d social space, a n d also its i n t e r n a l
organization, are one of the loci w h e r e symbolic or social necessity is articulated with
technical necessity. T h i s is a case w h e r e the principles of the symbolic organization of
the w o r l d c a n n o t be i m p l e m e n t e d but have, as it were, to come to an a r r a n g e m e n t
with e x t e r n a l constraints, those of technique, for e x a m p l e , w h i c h r e q u i r e the house
to be built p e r p e n d i c u l a r to the contours a n d facing the r i s i n g s u n (or, in other cases,
those of the social structure, w h i c h r e q u i r e every new house to be built in a p a r t i c u l a r
locality, defined by genealogy). It is, p e r h a p s , in s u c h cases that the symbolic system
reveals its full capacity to reinterpret, in terms of its o w n logic, the data s u p p l i e d to
it by other systems.
136 A l g e r i a 1960
a n d cows, donkeys a n d mules - n a t u r a l activities - sleep, sexual

intercourse, c h i l d b i r t h , a n d also death - is opposed, as nature to
culture, to the l i g h t - f i l l e d , noble, u p p e r part: this is the place f o r
h u m a n beings a n d especially the guest, f o r fire a n d objects made
w i t h fire, such as the lamp, kitchen utensils, the rifle - a symbol
of the male p o i n t of h o n o u r (nif) w h i c h protects female h o n o u r
- a n d the l o o m , the symbol of all protection; and it is also
the site of the two specifically c u l t u r a l activities p e r f o r m e d w i t h i n
the house, weaving a n d cooking. These relations of opposition are
expressed t h r o u g h a whole set of convergent indices w h i c h b o t h
establish t h e m a n d receive their m e a n i n g f r o m t h e m . A guest w h o
is to be h o n o u r e d is i n v i t e d to sit in f r o n t of the weaving l o o m (the
verb qabel, to h o n o u r , also means, as we have seen, to face up to
a person and to face the W h e n a m a n has been badly
received, he will say: H e made me sit beside his wall of darkness,
as in a grave." T h e wall of darkness is also called the invalid's wall,
a n d the phrase " t o keep to the w a l l " means to be i l l and, by
extension, idle: a sick person's bed is in fact placed next to this
w a l l , especially i n w i n t e r . T h e connection between the d a r k p a r t
of the house a n d death is also shown in the fact that the washing
of the dead takes place at the entrance to the It is
traditionally said that the loft, which is made entirely of w o o d ,
is s u p p o r t e d by the stable as the corpse is carried by the bearers;
tha'richth designates b o t h the l o f t a n d the stretcher w h i c h is used
7. T h e opposition between the p a r t r e s e r v e d for r e c e i v i n g guests a n d the m o r e intimate
part (an opposition also f o u n d in the nomad's tent, w h i c h is d i v i d e d by a c u r t a i n into
two parts, one o p e n to guests a n d the other r e s e r v e d for the w o m e n ) is e x p r e s s e d in
r i t u a l forecasts such as the following: w h e n a cat, a beneficent a n i m a l , enters the house
with a feather in its fur, or a t h r e a d of white wool, it goes towards the h e a r t h , this
p o r t e n d s the a r r i v a l of guests, w h o be given a m e a l with meat; if it goes towards
the stable, this m e a n s that cow will be bought, if the season is s p r i n g , or an ox if
is p l o u g h i n g time.
8. T h e homology between sleep a n d d e a t h is explicitly stated in the precept that on going
to bed one s h o u l d first lie for a m o m e n t on one's right side a n d then on one's left,
because the first position is that of the d e a d in the tomb. T h e f u n e r a l chants
the grave, "the h o u s e u n d e r g r o u n d " , as an i n v e r t e d house (white/dark, high/low,
a d o r n e d with paintings/crudely d u g out). I n d o i n g s o they m a k e use o f
s u c h as the following, associated with a similarity in shape: f o u n d people digging
a their pickaxes they carved out the w a l l s , / T h e y were m a k i n g benches
m o r t a r below the r u n s a c h a n t s u n g at wakes (see
Genevoix, kabyle, p. 27). (plural designates the
b e n c h set against the d i v i d i n g wall, opposite the o n e against the gable wall (addukan),
a n d also the b a n k of e a r t h on w h i c h a d e a d man's h e a d rests in the grave (the slight
hollow in w h i c h a d e a d woman's h e a d is laid is called as a r e the small recesses
in the walls of the house, in w h i c h small are kept).
to carry the dead. It is clear w h y a guest cannot, w i t h o u t offence,

be i n v i t e d to sleep in the w h i c h is opposed to the weaving-loom
wall in the same way as is the wall of the tomb.
It is also in f r o n t of the l o o m wall, facing the door, in f u l l
daylight, that the y o u n g b r i d e is made to sit, as if to be shown
like the decorated plates that h a n g there. W h e n one knows that
a baby girl's u m b i l i c a l c o r d is b u r i e d b e h i n d the l o o m , a n d that,
to protect a maiden's v i r g i n i t y , she is made to step t h r o u g h the
w a r p , f r o m the side facing the d o o r to the side next to the l o o m
wall, t h e n the f u n c t i o n of magical protection a t t r i b u t e d to the l o o m
becomes I n d e e d , f r o m the standpoint of her male k i n ,
the girl's whole life is i n a sense s u m m e d u p i n the successive
positions she symbolically occupies the weaving l o o m , the
symbol of male Before marriage she is placed b e h i n d
the l o o m , in its shadow, u n d e r its p r o t e c t i o n , just as she is kept
u n d e r the protection of her father a n d brothers; on her w e d d i n g
day she is seated in f r o n t of the l o o m , w i t h her back to i t , w i t h the
l i g h t u p o n her, a n d thereafter she w i l l sit weaving, w i t h her back
to the wall of l i g h t , b e h i n d the l o o m . T h e b r i d e g r o o m is called the
veil cast over the male p o i n t of h o n o u r b e i n g the sole
protection h o n o u r or, m o r e the only
the shame the threat of w h i c h is contained in every w o m a n
("Shame is the
T h e low, d a r k part of the house is also opposed to the u p p e r
part as the female to the male. N o t only does the division of labour
between the sexes (based on the same p r i n c i p l e of division as the
organization of space) give the w o m a n responsibility f o r most of
the objects b e l o n g i n g to the d a r k part of the house, the c a r r y i n g
o f water, w o o d , a n d manure, f o r b u t the o p p o s i t i o n
9. A m o n g s t the A r a b s , to p e r f o r m the magic rite supposed to r e n d e r w o m e n unfit for
sexual relations, the betrothed girl is m a d e to step t h r o u g h the slackened w a r p on the
loom, f r o m the outside towards the inside, that is, f r o m the centre of the r o o m towards
the wall next to w h i c h the weavers sit a n d work. T h e s a m e operation, in the opposite
direction, undoes the c h a r m (see W. a n d A. G u i g a , de
(Paris: p. 395).
10. derives f r o m the root (to weave) the w o r d w h i c h , a m o n g the B e r b e r s
of Morocco, designates the protection given to every p e r s o n travelling in foreign
territory or the p a y m e n t the protector receives in r e t u r n for his protection et
p. 126).
See above, pp. 9 5 - 1 3 2 .
12. W h e n a new p a i r of o x e n are first taken into the stable, they are received a n d led in
by the mistress of the house.
A l g e r i a 1960
between the u p p e r part and the lower part reproduces, w i t h i n the

i n t e r n a l space of the house, the opposition between the inside a n d
the outside, between female space - the house and its garden, the
place par excellence of i.e. the sacred a n d f o r b i d d e n - a n d
male space. T h e lower part of the house is the place of the most
intimate secret w i t h i n the w o r l d of intimacy, that is, the place of
all that pertains to sexuality a n d procreation. M o r e or less e m p t y
d u r i n g the daytime, w h e n all the (exclusively feminine) activity in
the house is centred o n the fireplace, the d a r k part is full at night,
f u l l of h u m a n beings and also f u l l of animals, since the oxen a n d
cows, u n l i k e the mules and donkeys, never spend the n i g h t
outdoors; a n d it is never so to speak, t h a n in the wet season,
w h e n the m e n sleep indoors a n d the o x e n and cows are fed in the
stable.
T h e r e is a m o r e direct way of establishing the relationship which
links the fertility of humans a n d of the fields w i t h the d a r k part
of the house, a privileged instance of the relation of equivalence
between fertility a n d the dark, the (or the process o f swelling)
a n d the d a m p , which recurs t h r o u g h o u t the mythico-ritual system.
Whereas the g r a i n intended f o r consumption is, as we have seen,
kept in large earthenware jars next to the wall of the u p p e r part,
on either side of the fireplace, the g r a i n kept f o r sowing is stored
in the d a r k part of the house, either in sheepskins or wooden chests
placed at the foot of the wall of darkness, sometimes u n d e r the
conjugal bed; or else in chests placed u n d e r the bench against the
d i v i d i n g wall, where the w o m a n , w h o n o r m a l l y sleeps at a lower
level, by the stable entrance, comes to j o i n her husband. W h e n one
knows that b i r t h is always the r e b i r t h of an ancestor, since the life
circle (which should be called the cycle of generation) is completed
every three generations (a proposition w h i c h cannot be d e m o n -
strated it can be understood how the d a r k part of the house
can simultaneously a n d w i t h o u t contradiction be the place of death
a n d of procreation, or b i r t h as
13. See B o u r d i e u , of a Theory of Practice ( C a m b r i d g e : University Press, 1977), p.
155.
14. H o u s e w h i c h always takes place w h e n a son is m a r r i e d a n d which symbolizes
the birth of a new is f o r b i d d e n in May, as is m a r r i a g e . T h e t r a n s p o r t i n g of the
beams, w h i c h , as we shall see. are identified with the master of the house, is called
tha'richth, like the loft a n d like the stretcher u s e d to c a r r y a corpse or a w o u n d e d a n i m a l
that has to be slain far from the house. It occasions a social c e r e m o n y exactly similar
in its m e a n i n g to that of burial. By virtue of its imperative character, the c e r e m o n i a l
The Kabyle house
B u t this is n o t all: at the centre of the d i v i d i n g wall, between

house of the h u m a n and house of the
stands the m a i n pillar, s u p p o r t i n g the "master b e a m " and the
whole f r a m e w o r k of the house. N o w , the master beam (asalas
alemmas, a masculine w h i c h connects the gables a n d extends
the p r o t e c t i o n of the male part of the house to the female part,
is explicitly identified w i t h the master of the house, whereas the
m a i n pillar, a f o r k e d tree t r u n k (thigedjith, a feminine term) u p o n
w h i c h it rests, is identified w i t h the wife (the call it
a f e m i n i n e first name w h i c h means happy and
their i n t e r l o c k i n g symbolizes sexual u n i o n (represented in the wall
paintings, in the f o r m of the u n i o n of the beam a n d the pillar,
by two superimposed f o r k e d T h e m a i n beam, s u p p o r t i n g
the roof, is identified w i t h the protector of the family honour;
offerings are often made to it a n d it is a r o u n d this beam that,
above the fireplace, the snake, the of the house, is
Symbolizing the f e r t i l i z i n g potency of m a n a n d also death
followed by resurrection, the snake is sometimes represented (in
the region, f o r example) on the earthenware jars made by
the w o m e n a n d containing the T h e snake is also said
to descend sometimes i n t o the house, i n t o the lap of a sterile
w o m a n , calling her or to coil itself a r o u n d the central
pillar, g r o w i n g longer by the l e n g t h of a coil each t i m e it takes
In according to Rene M a u n i e r , a sterile w o m a n ties
her girdle to the central beam; the foreskin a n d the reed that
has been used for circumcision are h u n g f r o m the same beam;
if the beam is h e a r d to crack those present hasten to say " M a y
it be f o r the because this portends the death of the head
of the family. W h e n a son is b o r n , the wish is made that may
form it assumes a n d the extent of the g r o u p it mobilizes, this collective task
has no equivalent other than b u r i a l . As m u c h (merit) accrues f r o m t a k i n g
in the c a r r y i n g the beams, a pious act always p e r f o r m e d without r e m u n e r a t i o n , as
f r o m taking part in the collective activities connected with funerals (digging the grave,
extracting the stone slabs or t r a n s p o r t i n g t h e m , h e l p i n g to c a r r y the coffin or attending
the burial).
See "Peintures murales et pratiques magiques d a n s la tribu des
O u a d h i a s " , Revue 1954, pp. 14-15.
16. On the day of (8 A p r i l in the Julian c a l e n d a r ) , a decisive t u r n i n g point
in the f a r m i n g year between the wet season a n d the d r y season, the s h e p h e r d goes out
very early in the m o r n i n g a n d d r a w s water w h i c h he sprinkles on the central b e a m .
At harvest time, the last sheaf, cut in accordance with a special ritual (or a double e a r
of c o r n ) , is h u n g f r o m the central b e a m , w h e r e it r e m a i n s all year.
140 A l g e r i a 1960
be the master beam of the house", a n d w h e n he has completed

the r i t u a l fast f o r the first time, he takes his first meal on the
that is, on the central beam (in order, so it is said, that he may
be able to carry
A n u m b e r of riddles a n d sayings explicitly identify w o m a n w i t h
the central pillar. A y o u n g b r i d e is t o l d : G o d make y o u the
p i l l a r f i r m l y planted i n the m i d d l e o f the house." A n o t h e r r i d d l e
says: "She stands u p r i g h t b u t has no feet." T h i s f o r k open
upwards a n d not set on its feet is female nature, fertile, or rather,
capable of being Against the central pillar the leather
bottles f u l l o f c o r n , hiji, are piled u p a n d here the marriage is
T h u s this symbolic s u m m a r y of the house, the
u n i o n of asalas a n d w h i c h extends its f e r t i l i z i n g p r o -
tection over all h u m a n marriage, is, in a sense, the p r i m o r d i a l
marriage, the marriage of the ancestors, w h i c h , like p l o u g h i n g , is
also the marriage of the sky a n d the earth. " W o m a n is the
foundations, m a n the master says another proverb. Asalas,
defined in a r i d d l e as " b o r n in the earth a n d b u r i e d in the sky",
fertilizes w h i c h is rooted in the soil, the place of the
ancestors, the masters of all f e r t i l i t y , a n d o p e n towards the
T h u s the house is organized in accordance w i t h a set of h o m o -
logous oppositions - fire:
nif: able to be
B u t the same oppositions also exist
between the house as a whole a n d the rest of the universe. Con-
sidered in relation to the external w o r l d - the male w o r l d of public
life a n d f a r m i n g w o r k - the house, the universe of the w o m e n , the
17. A y o u n g b r i d e w h o adapts well to h e r new house is p r a i s e d with the expression
m e a n i n g ( a m o n g other things - see n. 30 below) is and fills".
18. A m o n g the B e r b e r s of the the c o n s u m m a t i o n of m a r r i a g e takes place on a
M o n d a y , a T h u r s d a y , or a S a t u r d a y , w h i c h are dies fasti. T h e day before, the m a i d e n s
of the bridegroom's family pile up hiji against the central p i l l a r - six leather bottles d y e d
r e d , g r e e n , yellow, a n d violet (representing the bride) a n d a seventh, white one (the
all of w h i c h a r e filled with c o r n . At the base of hiji, an old w o m a n throws
salt to d r i v e away evil spirits, plants a needle in the g r o u n d to increase the bridegroom's
virility a n d lays d o w n a mat, t u r n e d towards the east, w h i c h will be the couple's bed
for a week. T h e w o m e n of the bride's family p e r f u m e hiji, while h e r m o t h e r (just as
is d o n e at the start of ploughing) throws a s h o w e r of dates into the air, w h i c h the
c h i l d r e n scramble for. T h e next day, the bride is c a r r i e d to the foot of hiji by a close
k i n s m a n of the g r o o m , a n d h e r m o t h e r again throws flour, dates, swollen wheat, sugar,
a n d honey.
19. In certain regions the p l o u g h s h a r e is placed in the fork of the central pillar with its
point t u r n e d towards the door.
w o r l d of intimacy a n d secrecy, is haram, that is to say, b o t h sacred

a n d i l l i c i t f o r any m a n w h o is not a part of it (hence the expression
used in swearing an oath: my wife [or, my house] become
illicit [haram] f o r me As the place of the sacred of the left
h a n d , hurma, w i t h w h i c h all the properties associated w i t h the dark
part of the house are b o u n d u p , it is placed in the safekeeping of
the male p o i n t of h o n o u r (nif) just as the d a r k part of the house
is placed u n d e r the protection of the master beam. Every violation
of the sacred space therefore takes on the social m e a n i n g of
sacrilege. T h u s , theft f r o m an inhabited house is treated in cus-
tomary law as a heinous act - an offence against the the head
of the family a n d an outrage u p o n the hurma of the house a n d
consequently the hurma of the whole
T h e w o m a n can only be said to be shut up in the house if it is
also p o i n t e d o u t that the m a n is kept out of i t , at least in the
As soon as the sun has risen, in summer he must be out
in the fields or at the assembly house; in winter, if he is n o t in the
fields, he must be in the assembly place or on the benches set in
the shelter of the pent-roof over the d o o r to the Even
at n i g h t , at least in the d r y season, the m e n and the boys, as soon
as they have been circumcised, sleep outside the house, either near
the haystacks, on the t h r e s h i n g floor, beside the shackled m u l e a n d
donkey, o r o n the f i g - d r y i n g floor, o r i n the f i e l d s , o r m o r e rarely
in the A m a n w h o spends too m u c h time at home in the
daytime is suspect or ridiculous: he is who
at home like a h e n at roost". A self-respecting m a n must offer
himself to be seen, constantly p u t himself in the gaze of others,
c o n f r o n t t h e m , face up to t h e m He is a m a n a m o n g m e n
(argaz yer Hence the importance attached to the games
of h o n o u r , a sort of theatrical performance, played o u t in f r o n t
of others - spectators w h o k n o w the text and all the stage
20. A guest gives the mistress of the house a s u m of m o n e y called "the sight". T h i s
h a p p e n s not only w h e n a guest is invited into the house for the first time but w h e n ,
on the t h i r d day of a m a r r i a g e , a visit is paid to the bride's family.
T h e duality of r h y t h m related to the division between the dry season a n d the wet season
manifests itself, inter alia, in the domestic o r d e r . T h u s in s u m m e r the opposition
between the lower part a n d the h i g h e r part of the house takes the Form the
opposition between the h o u s e p r o p e r , w h e r e the w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n retire to b e d
a n d w h e r e the stores a r e kept, a n d the c o u r t y a r d w h e r e h e a r t h a n d h a n d - m i l l are
set u p , meals are eaten, a n d feasts a n d ceremonies take place.
22. Relations between m e n m u s t be established outdoors: are outdoor friends,
not kanun friends."
142 A l g e r i a 1960
business and are able to appreciate the slightest variations. It is

understandable that all biological activities, sleeping, eating,
creating, should be banished the specifically c u l t u r a l universe
a n d relegated to the house, the sanctuary of intimacy a n d the
secrets of nature, the w o r l d of w o m a n , w h o is consigned to the
management o f nature and excluded f r o m public In
contrast to man's w o r k , w h i c h is p e r f o r m e d outdoors, woman's
w o r k is essentially obscure a n d h i d d e n conceals
the house, w o m a n is always on the move, she bustles like a fly
in outside the house, n o t h i n g of h e r w o r k is seen." T w o very
similar sayings define woman's estate as that of one w h o can know
no other abode t h a n the house, a t o m b above the g r o u n d , a n d
the t o m b , a house u n d e r g r o u n d . " Y o u r house is y o u r t o m b " ,
has b u t two dwellings, the house a n d the t o m b . "
T h u s , the opposition between the house a n d the men's assembly,
between private life a n d public life, or, i f y o u w i l l , between the f u l l
l i g h t of day a n d the secrecy of night, corresponds exactly to the
opposition between the dark, n o c t u r n a l , lower p a r t of the house
a n d the noble, b r i g h t l y l i t , u p p e r T h e opposition between
the external w o r l d a n d the house only takes o n its full significance
w h e n it is seen that one of the terms of this relation, i.e. the house,
is itself d i v i d e d in accordance w i t h the same principles that oppose
it to the other t e r m . So it is b o t h t r u e a n d false to say that the
external w o r l d is opposed to the house as the male to the female,
day to n i g h t , fire to water, since the second t e r m in each of
these oppositions divides each time i n t o itself a n d its
In short, the most apparent opposition - male (or day, fire,
- is liable to mask the opposition male/(male-
and, consequently, the h o m o l o g y
male-female/female-female. It can be seen f r o m this that
the first opposition is only a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the second, pre-
23. " T h e h e n does not lay eggs in the m a r k e t " , as a saying puts it.
24. T h e opposition between the house a n d the is seen clearly in different designs
of the two buildings. W h e r e a s the house is e n t e r e d by the d o o r in the front wall, the
assembly b u i l d i n g takes the f o r m of a long c o v e r e d passage, completely o p e n at the
two gables, a n d w h i c h is crossed f r o m one side to the other.
25. T h i s structure is also f o u n d in other areas of the mythico-ritual system. T h e day is
d i v i d e d into night a n d day, but the day is itself divided into a d i u r n a l - d i u r n a l part
( m o r n i n g ) a n d a n o c t u r n a l - d i u r n a l part (evening). T h e y e a r is divided into a dry season
a n d a wet season, but the d r y season is m a d e up of a d r y - d r y part a n d a wet-dry part.
A s i m i l a r structure is observed in the political o r d e r , e x p r e s s e d in the saying:
b r o t h e r is my e n e m y , my brother's e n e m y is my enemy."
supposing a change in the system of reference, whereby the

female-female ceases to be opposed to the male-female and,
instead, the whole w h i c h they make up is opposed to a t h i r d t e r m :
male-female/female-female
female)/male.
T h e house, a microcosm organized by the same oppositions and
the same homologies w h i c h o r d e r the whole universe, stands in
a relation of h o m o l o g y w i t h the rest of the universe. B u t , f r o m
another p o i n t of view, the w o r l d of the house taken as a whole
stands in a relation of opposition to the rest of the w o r l d , an
opposition whose principles are none other t h a n those w h i c h
organize b o t h the i n t e r n a l space of the house a n d the rest of the
w o r l d and, m o r e generally, all areas of existence. T h u s , the
opposition between the w o r l d of female life and the w o r l d of the
city of m e n is based on the same principles as the two systems of
oppositions w h i c h it opposes to one another. It follows f r o m this
that the application to opposed areas of the same
w h i c h establishes their opposition ensures economy a n d
a surplus of consistency, w i t h o u t i n v o l v i n g confusion between
those areas. T h e structure is doubtless one of the sim-
plest a n d most p o w e r f u l that a m y t h i c o - r i t u a l system c o u l d use,
since it cannot counterpose w i t h o u t simultaneously u n i t i n g , a n d
is capable of i n t e g r a t i n g an infinite n u m b e r of data i n t o a single
o r d e r by the endlessly repeated application of the same p r i n c i p l e
of division. It also follows that each of the two parts of the house
(and, by the same token, each of the objects that are p u t there a n d
each of the activities carried on there) is, in a sense, qualified at
two degrees, that is, first as female (nocturnal, dark) insofar as it
belongs to the universe of the house, a n d secondly as male or
female insofar as it belongs to one or the other of the divisions
of that universe. T h u s , f o r example, w h e n a proverb says M a n
is the l a m p of the outside, w o m a n the l a m p of the inside", this
must be taken to mean that m a n is the true l i g h t , the l i g h t of day,
a n d w o m a n the l i g h t of darkness, a d a r k a n d we k n o w f r o m
other sources that w o m a n is to the m o o n as m a n is to the sun.
Similarly, by her w o r k on w o o l , w o m a n produces the beneficent
protection of weaving, whose whiteness symbolizes
26. d a y s " a r e h a p p y days. O n e function of the m a r r i a g e rites is to m a k e the w o m a n
"white" ( s p r i n k l i n g of milk, etc.).
144 Algeria
the weaving l o o m , the i n s t r u m e n t par excellence of female activity,

w h i c h stands facing the east like the p l o u g h , its male homologue,
is at the same time the east of the i n t e r n a l space so that, w i t h i n
the system of the house, it has a male value as a symbol of
protection. A g a i n , the hearth, the navel of the house (which is itself
identified w i t h the belly of a where the embers smoulder
w i t h a secret, h i d d e n , female fire, is the d o m a i n of the w o m a n of
the house, w h o is invested w i t h total a u t h o r i t y in all matters
concerning c o o k i n g a n d the management of the f o o d she
takes her meals by the fireside, whereas the m a n , t u r n e d towards
the outside, eats in the m i d d l e of the r o o m or in the c o u r t y a r d .
However, in all the rites in w h i c h they play a part, the fireplace
a n d the stones s u r r o u n d i n g it derive their magical power, whether
to give protection f r o m the evil eye or illness or to b r i n g fine
weather, f r o m the fact that they belong to the o r d e r of fire, the
d r y , a n d the heat of the T h e house itself is endowed w i t h
t w o - f o l d significance: t h o u g h opposed to the public w o r l d as
nature to culture, it is also, f r o m another standpoint, culture; it
is said of the jackal, the e m b o d i m e n t of w i l d nature, that he builds
no home.
T h e house and, by extension, the the f u l l c o u n t r y
or the precinct peopled w i t h m e n ,
are opposed in one respect to the fields empty of m e n w h i c h are
called lakhla: empty, sterile space. T h u s , according to Maunder, the
inhabitants of T a d d e r t e l - D j e d d i d believed that those w h o b u i l d
their houses outside the village precincts r u n the risk of their
d y i n g out; the same belief is f o u n d elsewhere a n d the only
exceptions are made f o r the garden, even w h e n remote f r o m the
27. T h e blacksmith the m a n who, like w o m a n , spends his day indoors, beside the fire.
28. T h e h e a r t h is the site of a n u m b e r of rites a n d the object of taboos w h i c h m a k e it the
opposite of the d a r k part of the house. F o r e x a m p l e , it is f o r b i d d e n to touch the ashes
d u r i n g the night, to spit into the fireplace, to spill water or to weep tears there
Likewise, those rites w h i c h a i m to b r i n g about a change in the weather a n d
a r e based on an inversion m a k e use of the opposition between the wet part a n d the
d r y part of the house. F o r example, wool-packing
comb (an object made with fire a n d associated with weaving) a n d a glowing e m b e r are
left on the threshold overnight; conversely, to c h a n g e f r o m d r y to wet weather, the
w o o l - p a c k i n g a n d c a r d i n g combs a r e s p r i n k l e d with water o n the t h r e s h o l d d u r i n g
the night.
29. T h e village also has its hurma, w h i c h all visitors must respect. Just as one must take
one's shoes off before going into a house or a m o s q u e or on to a t h r e s h i n g floor, so
one must d i s m o u n t a n d set one's feet on the g r o u n d w h e n e n t e r i n g a village.
The Kabyle house
house (thabhirth), the o r c h a r d or the fig-dryer (tarha),

all of w h i c h are places w h i c h are in some way l i n k e d w i t h the
village and its f e r t i l i t y . B u t the opposition does not exclude the
homology between the f e r t i l i t y of humans a n d the f e r t i l i t y of the
field, each of w h i c h is the p r o d u c t of the u n i o n of the male
p r i n c i p l e a n d the female p r i n c i p l e , solar fire a n d the wetness of
the earth. T h i s homology in fact underlies most of the rites
i n t e n d e d to ensure the f e r t i l i t y of h u m a n beings and of the earth,
whether the rites of cooking, w h i c h are closely dependent on
oppositions w h i c h structure the f a r m i n g year, are therefore tied
to the r h y t h m s of the f a r m i n g calendar; the rites of r e n e w i n g the
fireplace a n d stones w h i c h m a r k the passage f r o m the wet
season to the d r y season, or the b e g i n n i n g of the calendar year;
and, m o r e generally, all the rites p e r f o r m e d w i t h i n the microcosm
of the house. Whenever the w o m e n play a part in the specifically
agrarian rites, it is again the homology between agricultural
fertility and h u m a n fertility, the f o r m par excellence of all fertility,
w h i c h underlies t h e i r r i t u a l actions a n d endows t h e m w i t h t h e i r
magical potency. A considerable n u m b e r of rites that take place
w i t h i n the house only seem to be domestic rites, since they a i m
simultaneously to ensure the f e r t i l i t y of the fields and the f e r t i l i t y
of the house, w h i c h are inextricably l i n k e d . For, in order f o r the
field to be full, the house must be full, a n d w o m a n contributes
to the prosperity of the field by dedicating inter alia, to
accumulating, economizing, a n d conserving the goods w h i c h m a n
has p r o d u c e d a n d to fixing, as it were, w i t h i n the house all the
good that can enter i t . M a n is like the channel, w o m a n like the
one supplies, the other holds and keeps. M a n is hook
on w h i c h the baskets are h u n g " ; like the beetle and the bee, he
is the provider. W h a t m a n brings to the house, w o m a n puts away,
protects, a n d saves. It is w o m e n w h o say: " H a n d l e y o u r riches
like a log on the fire. T h e r e is today, there is t o m o r r o w , there
is the G o d forgives those w h o have not those w h o
have eaten." A n d again: " A t h r i f t y w o m a n i s w o r t h m o r e t h a n
a yoke o f oxen p l o u g h i n g . " Just as full is opposed
to so fullness of the
that is to say, usually the old w h o saves a n d
accumulates, is opposed to "the emptiness of the house"
146 Algeria
usually the In summer, the door of the

house must r e m a i n open all day l o n g so that the f e r t i l i z i n g l i g h t
of the sun can enter, a n d w i t h it prosperity. A closed d o o r means
d e a r t h and sterility: sitting on the t h r e s h o l d - a n d so b l o c k i n g it
- means closing the passage to happiness a n d prosperity. To wish
someone prosperity, the Kabyles say " M a y y o u r d o o r r e m a i n
o p e n " or y o u r house be open like a mosque." A r i c h a n d
generous m a n is one of w h o m it is said: house is a mosque,
it is o p e n to all, r i c h a n d p o o r alike, it is made of wheatcake a n d
couscous, i t is f u l l " generosity is a sign of prosperity
w h i c h guarantees
Most of the technical a n d r i t u a l actions w h i c h fall to w o m e n are
oriented by the objective i n t e n t i o n of m a k i n g the house, like
thigedjith o p e n i n g its f o r k to asalas the receptacle of the
prosperity w h i c h comes t o i t f r o m w i t h o u t , the w o m b w h i c h , like
the earth, receives the seed the male has p u t i n t o i t ; and,
conversely, the i n t e n t i o n of t h w a r t i n g all the centrifugal forces
w h i c h threaten to dispossess the house of the goods entrusted
to i t . T h u s , for example, it is f o r b i d d e n to give anyone a l i g h t
the fire on the day a c h i l d or a calf is b o r n , and also on the day
when ploughing w h e n the threshing has been done,
n o t h i n g must leave the house a n d the w o m a n retrieves all the
objects that she has lent; the m i l k p r o d u c e d in the three days
f o l l o w i n g calving must not leave the the bride must not cross
the threshold before the seventh day after her w e d d i n g ; a w o m a n
w h o has given b i r t h must not leave the house before the f o r t i e t h
day; the baby must not go o u t before the A i d Seghir; the h a n d - m i l l
must never be loaned a n d must not be left empty for fear of
b r i n g i n g famine u p o n the house; woven cloth not be taken
o u t before it is finished; like g i v i n g embers to l i g h t a fire, sweeping,
an act of expulsion, is f o r b i d d e n d u r i n g the first f o u r days of
30. A p p l i e d to a w o m a n , m e a n s to be thrifty a n d a good housewife; it also m e a n s
to establish a h o m e a n d to be full. T h e opposite of is the sort of m a n w h o is
called extravagant but also sterile a n d isolated, or u n m a r r i e d a n d sterile,
that is to say, in a sense, wild - incapable, like the of f o u n d i n g a h o m e .
H e r e too the system of m o r a l values can be seen to derive its f u n d a m e n t a l principles
f r o m the
32. C o n v e r s e l y , the b r i n g i n g of new fireplace stones into the house, on i n a u g u r a l dates,
is a an i n p u t of goodness a n d prosperity. T h e forecasts m a d e on these
occasions are therefore c o n c e r n e d with prosperity a n d fertility. If a cockchafer g r u b
is f o u n d u n d e r one of the stones, there will be a birth in the course of the year; a
g r e e n plant means a good harvest; ants, a bigger flock; a woodlouse, m o r e cattle.
p l o u g h i n g ; w h e n someone dies, the removal of the corpse is

so that prosperity is not taken away w i t h the first
the cow's, f o r example, f o u r days after calving, or
the n e w b o r n calf's, are m a r k e d by "Emptiness" may
result f r o m an act of expulsion; it can also f i n d its way in w i t h
certain objects, such as the p l o u g h , w h i c h must n o t enter the house
between two days' p l o u g h i n g , or the ploughman's shoes (arkasen),
w h i c h are associated w i t h lakhla, empty space; or certain people
may b r i n g it i n , such as o l d w o m e n , because they are bearers of
sterility (lakhla) a n d have caused many houses to be sold or be
visited by thieves.
On the other hand, a n u m b e r of r i t u a l acts a i m to ensure the
of the house, such as those w h i c h consist of casting the
remains of a marriage l a m p (whose shape represents sexual u n i o n
a n d w h i c h plays a part in most f e r t i l i t y rites) i n t o the
after first sacrificing an animal; or of m a k i n g the bride sit on a
leather bag full of grain, o n first e n t e r i n g the house. Every first
entry i n t o the house is a threat to the fullness of the w o r l d inside,
a threat w h i c h the threshold rites, at once p r o p i t i a t o r y and
prophylactic, must w a r d off: a new yoke of oxen is met by the
mistress of the house, that is, as we have seen,
fullness of the la'mmara ukham, w h o places on the
threshold the sheepskin on w h i c h the h a n d - m i l l stands at other
times a n d w h i c h receives the f l o u r (alamsir, also called the d o o r
of provisions", errazq). Most of the rites i n t e n d e d to b r i n g
f e r t i l i t y to the stable and, therefore, to the house house w i t h o u t
a cow is an empty house"), t e n d to give magical reinforcement to
the structural relationship between m i l k , the green-blue
w h i c h is also the raw, grass, springtime - the
h o o d of the n a t u r a l w o r l d - a n d h u m a n c h i l d h o o d . the s p r i n g
equinox, on the " r e t u r n of the y o u n g shepherd, w h o has
t w o f o l d affinities w i t h the g r o w t h of the fields and the cattle on
33. To console the b e r e a v e d , they a r e told: will leave you the if an adult has
d i e d , or " T h e baraka has noc gone out the house", in the case of a baby. T h e corpse
is placed n e a r the d o o r with (he head towards the threshold. W a t e r is heated on the
stable side a n d the w a s h i n g is d o n e n e a r the stable; the e m b e r s and ashes of this fire
are scattered outside the house; the b o a r d used in w a s h i n g the corpse is left in front
of the d o o r for three days; after the b u r i a l , three nails are fixed in the door f r o m the
F r i d a y to the following Saturday.
34. T h e cow must step over a knife a n d some broad beans placed on the
of milk are p o u r e d on the h e a r t h a n d t h r e s h o l d .
148 A l g e r i a 1960
account of his age a n d his task, gathers a bouquet to be h u n g f r o m

the l i n t e l of the d o o r and made up of that the w i n d shakes
in the (except for oleander, w h i c h is generally used
f o r prophylactic purposes a n d in the expulsion rites, and scilla,
w h i c h marks the division between fields). A little bag of herbs,
c o n t a i n i n g c u m i n , benjamin, a n d i n d i g o , is b u r i e d at the threshold
of the stable, w i t h the words: "O green-blue keep the
butter f r o m Freshly picked plants are h u n g on the
b u t t e r - c h u r n , a n d the receptacles used f o r the m i l k are r u b b e d
with A b o v e all, the new bride's entry is f r a u g h t w i t h
consequences f o r the f e r t i l i t y and plenitude of the house: w h i l e
she is still seated on the m u l e which has carried her f r o m her
father's house, she is presented w i t h water, grains of wheat, figs,
nuts, cooked eggs, or fritters, all of w h i c h (whatever the local
variants) are things associated w i t h the f e r t i l i t y of w o m a n a n d of
the l a n d ; she throws t h e m towards the house, thus e n s u r i n g that
she is preceded by the fertility and plenitude she must b r i n g to
the She crosses the threshold carried on the back of one
of her husband's kinsmen or sometimes, according to on
the back of a N e g r o , b u t never, in any case, on her husband's back;
the person w h o carries her interposes intercepting the
m a l i g n a n t forces w h i c h m i g h t otherwise her fertility a n d of
w h i c h the threshold, the meeting p o i n t between two opposed
worlds, is the site. A w o m a n must never sit near the threshold
h o l d i n g her c h i l d ; a n d a y o u n g c h i l d a n d a bride should not tread
it too often. T h u s , w o m a n , t h r o u g h w h o m f e r t i l i t y comes to the
house, makes her o w n c o n t r i b u t i o n to the fertility of the fields:
consigned to the w o r l d of the inside, she also acts on the outside
by e n s u r i n g plenitude f o r the inside and, in her role as g u a r d i a n
of the threshold, by supervising those u n r e q u i t e d exchanges w h i c h
only the logic of magic can conceive, t h r o u g h w h i c h each part of
the universe expects to receive f r o m the other n o t h i n g but fullness
while g i v i n g it only
35. In s o m e places w h e n a y o u n g s h e p h e r d hears the c u c k o o he picks up a stone a n d
puts it on his h e a d ; this stone is then put into the vessel used to receive the m i l k .
E l s e w h e r e the milk may be d r a w n t h r o u g h the h a n d l e - r i n g of a pickaxe or a p i n c h
of e a r t h may be into the container.
36. S h e may also be s p r i n k l e d with water or given water a n d milk to
37. V a r i o u s objects are h u n g in the d o o r w a y ; they have in the fact that they
manifest the d u a l function of the t h r e s h o l d , a selective b a r r i e r whose p u r p o s e is to keep
B u t one or the other of the two systems of oppositions w h i c h

define the house, either in its i n t e r n a l organization or in its re-
lationship w i t h the external w o r l d , is b r o u g h t to the f o r e f r o n t
d e p e n d i n g on whether the house is considered f r o m the male or
the female p o i n t of view. Whereas for the m a n the house is not
so m u c h a place he goes i n t o as a place he comes the w o m a n
is b o u n d to give the opposite importance a n d m e a n i n g to these
t w o movements a n d to the different definitions of the house w h i c h
they i m p l y , since, f o r her, movement outwards consists above all
in acts of expulsion, a n d movement inwards, that is, f r o m the
threshold towards the hearth, is her p r o p e r concern. T h e signifi-
cance of m o v e m e n t outwards is never m o r e clearly seen t h a n in
the rite p e r f o r m e d by a mother, seven days after g i v i n g b i r t h ,
o r d e r that h e r son may be s t r i d i n g across the threshold,
she sets her r i g h t foot the c a r d i n g comb a n d simulates a fight
w i t h the first boy she meets. G o i n g out is the essentially male
movement, w h i c h leads towards other m e n a n d also towards the
dangers a n d trials w h i c h must be confronted w i t h the d e t e r m i n a t i o n
of a m a n as p r i c k l y , in matters of h o n o u r , as the spikes of the
carding G o i n g out or, m o r e exactly, o p e n i n g (fatah) is the
equivalent of in the A self-respecting m a n
must leave the house at daybreak; m o r n i n g is the day of the
daytime a n d leaving the house in the m o r n i n g is a b i r t h . Hence
the importance of the things encountered, w h i c h are a p o r t e n t for
the whole day, so that in the event of an undesirable encounter
(a smith, a w o m a n c a r r y i n g an e m p t y leather bag, shouts or a
q u a r r e l , a d e f o r m e d being), it is better to go back a n d "remake
one's m o r n i n g " or one's out".
It is now clear w h y it is so i m p o r t a n t w h i c h way the house faces.
T h e f r o n t of the m a i n house, the one w h i c h shelters the head of
the family a n d w h i c h contains a stable, almost always faces east,
a n d the m a i n d o o r - as opposed to the low, n a r r o w door, reserved
f o r the w o m e n , w h i c h leads to the garden - is c o m m o n l y called the
east d o o r (thabburth or else the street door, the u p p e r
out emptiness a n d evil while letting in fullness a n d goodness a n d p r e d i s p o s i n g towards
fertility a n d prosperity e v e r y t h i n g w h i c h crosses the threshold towards outside
38. A n e w b o r n girl is w r a p p e d in the softness of a silk scarf; a boy is swathed in the d r y ,

r o u g h bindings that a r e used to tie sheaves.
150 A l g e r i a 1960
door, or the great Given the siting of the villages a n d the

lower position of the stable, the u p p e r part of the house, w i t h the
fireplace, is in the n o r t h , the stable in the south, a n d the weaving-
l o o m wall in the west. It follows f r o m this that the movement by
w h i c h one approaches the house to enter it is oriented f r o m east
to west, in opposition to the m o v e m e n t made w h e n c o m i n g out,
in accordance w i t h the orientation par excellence, towards the east,
that is, towards the the b r i g h t , the good, a n d the
the p l o u g h m a n turns his oxen to face the east w h e n he harnesses
a n d unharnesses t h e m a n d he starts p l o u g h i n g f r o m west to east;
likewise, the harvesters w o r k facing elqibla and the sacrificial ox
is slain eastward. Countless actions are p e r f o r m e d in accord-
ance w i t h the cardinal o r i e n t a t i o n ; they i n c l u d e all the actions
of importance, that is, all those i n v o l v i n g the fertility and pros-
p e r i t y of the It is sufficient to recall that the verb
means not only to face up to, to c o n f r o n t w i t h h o n o u r a n d receive
w o r t h i l y , but also to face the east a n d the f u t u r e (qabel).
If we n o w go back to the i n t e r n a l organization the house, we
can see that its o r i e n t a t i o n is exactly the reverse of that of external
space, as if it h a d been obtained by a semi-rotation a r o u n d the axis
of the f r o n t wall or the threshold. T h e weaving-loom wall, w h i c h
a person e n t e r i n g immediately faces on crossing the threshold, a n d
w h i c h is l i t directly by the m o r n i n g sun, is the l i g h t of the inside
(just as w o m a n is the l a m p of the inside), that is, the east of the
inside, symmetrical to the external east, f r o m w h i c h it draws its
borrowed T h e dark, inside face of the f r o n t wall represents
39. It goes without saying that opposite a r r a n g e m e n t (as in a m i r r o r image of the
d i a g r a m on p. 152) is possible, t h o u g h r a r e . It is explicitly said that all that comes f r o m
the west brings misfortune, a n d a d o o r l a c i n g that direction can only receive d a r k n e s s
a n d sterility. In fact, if the inversion of the g r o u n d - p l a n is r a r e , this is m a i n l y
because w h e n secondary houses a r e set at right angles a r o u n d the c o u r t y a r d , they are
often simply lodging rooms, without kitchen or table, a n d because the c o u r t y a r d is often
closed off, on the side opposite the front of the m a i n house, by of the
n e i g h b o u r i n g house, which itself faces east.
40. T h e two sufs, political a n d martial factions which are mobilized as soon as any incident
o c c u r r e d (and w h i c h m a i n t a i n e d variable relations with the kinship-based social units,
r a n g i n g f r o m s u p e r i m p o s i t i o n to complete separation) w e r e n a m e d suf of the u p p e r
part a n d suf of the lower or s u / o f the right a n d s u / o f the left
or s u / o f the east and west (aghurbi). T h e last p a i r of terms
was less c o m m o n but was kept to designate the two sides in the ritual games (from w h i c h
the traditional battles between the sufs derived their logic); it still survives nowadays
in the language of children's games.
As we have seen, the master of the house receives (qabel) his guests on the weaving-loom
side, the noble part of the house.
the west of the house, the place of sleep, w h i c h one leaves b e h i n d

one as one moves towards the the d o o r corresponds
symbolically to the " d o o r of the year", the o p e n i n g of the wet
season and the f a r m i n g year. Likewise, the t w o gable walls, the
stable wall a n d the fireplace wall, receive two opposing meanings
d e p e n d i n g on w h i c h of their sides is being considered: to the
external n o r t h corresponds the south (and summer) of the inside,
that is, the p a r t of the house w h i c h is in f r o n t of a n d to the r i g h t
of a person w h o enters facing the l o o m ; to the external south
corresponds the i n t e r n a l n o r t h (and w i n t e r ) , that is, the stable,
w h i c h is b e h i n d a n d to the left of someone g o i n g f r o m the d o o r
towards the T h e division of the house i n t o a d a r k p a r t (the
west a n d n o r t h sides) a n d a b r i g h t part (the east a n d south sides)
corresponds to the division of the year i n t o a wet season a n d a d r y
season. In short, to each external face of the wall corre-
sponds a r e g i o n of the i n t e r n a l space (which the Kabyles refer to
as tharkunt, w h i c h means, r o u g h l y , a side) w h i c h possesses a
symmetrical b u t opposite m e a n i n g in the system of i n t e r n a l o p p o -
sitions. Each of the two spaces can thus be defined as the class of
movements u n d e r g o i n g same displacement, i.e. asemi-rotation,
w i t h respect to the other, w i t h the threshold constituting the axis
of T h e i m p o r t a n c e a n d symbolic value given t o the
threshold w i t h i n the system cannot be f u l l y u n d e r s t o o d unless it
is seen that it owes its f u n c t i o n as a magical b o u n d a r y to the fact
that it is the site of a logical inversion a n d that, as the necessary
meeting p o i n t a n d the locus of passages between the two spaces
that are defined in terms of body movements a n d socially qualified
it is logically the place where the w o r l d is
T h u s , each of the t w o universes has its o w n east, a n d the two
4 2 . T h e f o u r c a r d i n a l points a n d the f o u r seasons must therefore be a d d e d to the
of oppositions a n d homologies set out above ( a n d it c a n be d e m o n s t r a t e d that these
significations belong to a n d a r e adequate to the mythico-ritual system as a whole):
43. F o r an analysis of the theoretical implications of the fact that the transformational rules
w h i c h p e r m i t the passage f r o m one space to the other c a n be related back to movements
of the body, see B o u r d i e u , Outline of a of Practice, pp.
44. In certain regions of the y o u n g bride, a n d a boy c i r c u m c i s e d at the time of
the same celebration, must cross paths on the threshold.
45. explains why the threshold is direcdy or associated with the rites
i n t e n d e d to b r i n g about a reversal of the course of events by c a r r y i n g out a reversal
of the basic oppositions: the rites to obtain r a i n or fine weather, for instance, or those
p e r f o r m e d on the threshold at the t u r n i n g points of the year (e.g. the night before
the first day of the solar year, w h e n c h a r m s a r e b u r i e d at the threshold).
152 A l g e r i a 1960
WEST
east,
spring
SOUTH north, low, high, south, NORTH

winter summer
left autumn,
right
EAST
F i g . 2 . T h e d u a l space orientation o f the house
movements most fraught w i t h magical significance a n d conse-

quences - displacement f r o m the threshold to the hearth, w h i c h
should b r i n g fullness a n d is p e r f o r m e d or r i t u a l l y c o n t r o l l e d by
w o m a n , a n d displacement the threshold to the outside w o r l d ,
w h i c h , by v i r t u e of its i n a u g u r a l value, contains all that the f u t u r e
will b r i n g , especially the f u t u r e of the f a r m i n g w o r k - can each be
carried o u t in accordance the beneficent orientation, that is,
f r o m west to T h e dual space o r i e n t a t i o n of the house means
that one is able b o t h to go in and go o u t on the r i g h t foot, literally
a n d figuratively, w i t h the magical advantage attached to this
observance, w i t h o u t there ever being a break in the relation l i n k i n g
the r i g h t to the h i g h , the b r i g h t , a n d the good. T h e semi-rotation
of space a r o u n d the threshold thus ensures, as it were, the m a x i -
m i z i n g of magical p r o f i t , since b o t h centripetal m o v e m e n t a n d
centrifugal m o v e m e n t are p e r f o r m e d in a space so organized that
one enters it facing the l i g h t a n d also comes out of it facing the
46. T h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e between the four c o r n e r s o f the house a n d the f o u r c a r d i n a l points

is e x p r e s s e d clearly in certain propitiatory rites observed in the w h e n the
fireplace is r e n e w e d , on the new year's day, the w o m a n cooks some fritters,
divides the first one cooked into four pieces, a n d throws t h e m in the direction of the
f o u r c o r n e r s of the house. S h e does the same thing with the ritual dish on the first
day of s p r i n g (see M. de (Paris: Librairie
Orientaliste, pp. 58-9).
47. I shall e n d e a v o u r to show elsewhere that the same structure is to be the
t e m p o r a l o r d e r . B u t to indicate that this is doubdess an instance of a very g e n e r a l f o r m
of magical thought, one f u r t h e r , very similar, e x a m p l e suffice: the A r a b s of the
T h e two symmetrical a n d opposite spaces are not interchange-

able b u t hierarchized; the i n n e r space is b u t the inverted image
or m i r r o r reflection of male It is no accident that only the
d i r e c t i o n the d o o r faces is explicitly prescribed, the i n t e r n a l
organization of space never being consciously perceived as such
- still less deliberately planned - by those w h o inhabit The
o r i e n t a t i o n of the house is fundamentally defined f r o m outside,
f r o m the standpoint of m e n , and, so to speak, by m e n a n d f o r
m e n , as the place m e n come o u t of. "A house prospers t h r o u g h
w o m a n ; its outside is beautiful t h r o u g h m a n . " T h e house is an
e m p i r e w i t h i n an e m p i r e , b u t one w h i c h always remains subordi-
nate because, even w h e n it exhibits all the properties a n d all the
relations w h i c h define the archetypal it remains an i n v e r t e d
reflection, a w o r l d in M a n is the l a m p of the outside,
w o m a n the l a m p of the inside." O n e must not be misled by the
appearance of symmetry: the l a m p of day is only apparently
defined i n relation t o the l a m p o f n i g h t . I n fact the n o c t u r n a l
l i g h t , the female male, remains subordinate to the d i u r n a l light,
the l a m p of day, that is, to the day of the daytime. trusts
in G o d , w o m a n looks to m a n for everything." it is also
said, twisted like a a n d so even the straightest of these
w a r p e d natures is only ever straightened u p . Once m a r r i e d ,
w o m a n also finds her east, w i t h i n the house of m a n , her east
is only the inversion of a west; f o r m a i d e n is the west". T h e
supremacy given to m o v e m e n t outwards, in w h i c h m a n affirms
his manliness by t u r n i n g his back on the house in o r d e r to face
o t h e r m e n , choosing the way of the east of the w o r l d , is only one
f o r m of the categorical refusal of nature, the inevitable o r i g i n of
the movement away f r o m i t .
M a g h r e b c o n s i d e r e d it a good sign, B e n C h e n e b relates, for a house to have its r i g h t
front foot a n d its left r e a r foot white in colour; the master of such a horse cannot fail
to be h a p p y , since he mounts towards white a n d also dismounts towards white ( A r a b
h o r s e m e n m o u n t on the right a n d d i s m o u n t on the left) (see B e n C h e n e b ,
et Maghreb (Paris: L e r o u x , 1 9 0 5 - 7 ) , vol. 3, p.
48. M i r r o r s play an i m p o r t a n t part in inversion rites, particularly those to obtain
weather.
49. T h i s explains why it has escaped the notice of even the most attentive observers.
50. the internal space too, the two opposed parts a r e h i e r a r c h i z e d . T h e following saying
is yet a n o t h e r i n d e x of this: A house full of m e n is better than a house full of chattels
[el i.e. cattle.
Index
accountancy, 3, 17, 4 3 , 4 6 , 55 city, see towns

1, 30 civil servants, 35, 4 0 , 4 5 n , 71, 7 5 n , 76; see
accumulation, 19 also petty bourgeois
aid, mutual 13, 14, 20, 36, 37, 78 class, 2, 4 9 , 5 2 - 3 , 64, 9 0 - 3
alienation, 61 clerical w o r k e r s , 4, 34, 35, 3 6 , 6 6 , 71, 7 5 n ;
amahbul, 9 5 - 6 , 101 see also civil servants, petty bourgeois
anthropologist, 2, 16, 30, 1 1 5 - 1 6 cohabitation (of u n d i v i d e d family),
anthropology: c u l t u r a l , economics a n d , 6; 77, 7 8 - 9 ; see also housing, r e n t
s t r u c t u r a l , 22 colonial system, 3, 30, 58, 62, 65
arbitrariness, 3 - 4 , 29, 35, 62 colonization, 3, 13, 14, 62, 65, 7 3 n
aspirations, 28, 61, 6 2 , 67, 7 0 - 2 conduct, 43, 56,
assembly, 120n, 129, 141, 142 disorganization economic,
awareness, see consciousness 1, 4, 7, 4 3 - 4 , 4 6 , 50, 65, 9 2 ; of foresight,
9; h a r m o n i z a t i o n of, of h o n o u r , 9 5 -
barter, new, objective f u t u r e as basis of,
b e a m , m a i n , 103, 92; ostentatious, 19; rationalization of, 46,
b e h a v i o u r , see c o n d u c t 54, 74; r e s t r u c t u r i n g of, 72, 7 4 - 5 ; r e s u r g -
Bernard, ence of traditional, 68
Berque, class, 2, 56, 61, 70, 9 2 - 4 ;
38, economic, 6; political, 39; r e v o l u t i o n a r y ,
body, 125, 151-2 50, 62, 72; t e m p o r a l , 7, 16, and see time;
b o r r o w i n g , 14, 18, 21, 66; c u l t u r a l , 30; see of u n e m p l o y m e n t , 50, 62; see
also a i d , credit, l o a n also discourse, p l a n
budget, 4 5 , 4 7 , 5 5 , 80, 82, 8 5 , 88; see also contract, 3, 1 3 - 1 4 , 18, 2 1 - 2
family, rent counting forbidden, see also account-
ancy, calculation
calculability, 6 - 7 , 21, 4 3 - 4 , 4 8 , 6 8 , 73; crafts, 33, 36, 47,
t h r e s h o l d of, 54 c r a f t s m e n , 36, 38, 47, 48, 5 1 n , 71, 76,
calculation, 3 - 4 , 8 - 1 2 , 1 5 - 2 2 , 4 2 - 8 , 50, 52, 84
5 5 , 66, 68, 78, 8 2 , 8 8 n , 9 0 ; see also credit, bank, 8 8 n , based
future on confidence, 69, 71, 78; see also bor-
c a l e n d a r , a g r a r i a n , 2 7 - 8 , 145; see also cycle, rowing, deadline, usury
time c u l t u r e , see n a t u r e , tradition
capital, 2 1 - 2 , 55; symbolic, 2 2 - 3 , 116ff, customary law, 13, 129-30
see also a c c u m u l a t i o n , e c o n o m y a g r a r i a n , 10, 29, 33; cosmic, 23;
capitalism, 3 - 4 , 2 5 - 6 , 6 8 life-cycle, 29, 138; of p r o d u c t i o n a n d
8 r e p r o d u c t i o n , 10; of w o r k , 24; see also
challenge, 96, 9 9 - 1 0 2 , 1 0 6 - 7 c a l e n d a r , future, r e p r o d u c t i o n , time
change: culture, 2n, exogenous,
3; social, 30, 6 1 , 6 4 - 5 deadline (for p a y m e n t ) : fixed, 8 0 - 1 , 88; not
Chomsky, 95 fixed, 14, see also credit, l o a n
155
Index
Desparmet, 5 4 - 5 , 5 6 n , 67, 69, 7 5 - 9 , 82, 8 4 - 5 , 8 7 - 8 ,

dialectic of challenge a n d riposte, 8 9 - 9 0 ; see also a i d , solidarity
see also challenge, e x c h a n g e 62
discourse, 5 6 - 8 , 69; see also bilingualism, fatalism, 60, 6 2 , 67, 92
language female/male,
d i s c r e p a n c y : between dispositions a n d struc- 145; f e m a l e - f e m a l e a n d m a l e - f e m a l e ,
tures, 6; between habitus a n d structures, 1 4 2 - 3 ; see also oppositions
4; between subjective certainty a n d fertility, 9, 17, 7 2 - 3 , 74, 76n,
objective t r u t h , 21, 2 2 n forecasting, 8, 1 1 - 1 2 ,
dispositions: adaptation of, 5; customary, 4; 82; see also foresight, predictability
e c o n o m i c , vii, 2 - 5 , f o r e m a n , 3 5 , 39, 58
75, 85, 90, 92; logic of a c q u i r e d , 32; foresight, 8, 10, 49, 68, 69
to revolt, viii; system of, 2, 5, 6, 16, 30, f u t u r e , 8 , 1 4 - 1 6 , 2 6 - 7 , 28, 5 0 - 3 , 6 2 , 6 8 - 7 0 ,
5 0 n , 54, 58, 64, 7 2 , 9 0 - 2 ; see also habitus, 7 2 - 3 , 74, 85, 128; abstract, 10, 13; cal-
time culated, 29, 68; children's, class, 64;
door, 146, 1 4 9 - 5 0 ; see also t h r e s h o l d collective, viii, 2, 64; dispositions towards,
129 7; as field of possibles, 8, 15, 28, 50; a n d
money, 1 1 - 1 2 ; objective, 2, 6 4 ,
economics a n d anthropology, 6 92; see also calculation, hopes, needs,
e c o n o m y : a g r a r i a n , 10; capitalist, vii, 6 - 7 , possibles, probabilities, time
10, 16, 65; cash, 9,
colonial, 6 5 ; domestic, 6, 4 7 , 54, 7 5 n , 81, generosity, 19, 97, 114, 146
8 5 ; i n itself, 23; m o d e r n , 9 n , 72-3; Genevoix, 134n, 136n
of poverty, 6 8 - 9 , 79; pre-capitalist, vii, gift, see e x c h a n g e
6 - 8 , 13, 1 6 - 1 7 , 25, 4 5 , 65; rational, 2, 65 guarantee, 10, 14, 71
e d u c a t i o n , 4, 7, 30, 48, 5 2 , 74, 85, 9 1 , 123,
126-7 Habakkuk, H.
elbahadla, 9 8 - 9 , 101, 109 habitus, vii, 2, 4, 32, 54, 6 5 , 9 2 , 116, 1 3 2 n ;
emancipation, 47-8 see also dispositions
37, 6 3 , 91 Hanoteau,
e m i g r a t i o n , see towns h e a r t h , 82, 84, 134, 144, 145, 146
employment, 47, 52, 54, 57, 61, h o a r d i n g , see reserves
6 2 , 6 6 - 9 , 7 0 - 1 , 8 8 n ; full, 57; see also homo 2, 6
i n c o m e , labour, u n e m p l o y m e n t , wages, 74; (hurma),
101, 102, 1 1 7 - 2 0 , 1 3 6 - 4 2 , 144n; m a n of,
ethic(s), 9, 14, 2 6 - 8 ; female, (nif),
Protestant, 2 5 - 6 ; see also h o n o u r 136, 140; (sar),
e t h n o c e n t r i s m , 5, 16, 17n, On hopes, 16, 5 2 - 3 , 62, 69, 72
ethos, 7, 9, 1 6 - 1 8 , 24, 6 5 ; of h o n o u r , house, K a b y l e , 1 2 2 - 5 , a n d as-
pre-capitalist, 28, 41 sembly, 141, 142; bipartite,
Europeans, 59, 72, 79, 8 4 n , 8 6 - 7 ; as 1 5 0 - 1 , 153n; b u i l d i n g of, a n d rites, 19,
colonists, 10, 60 138; a n d m a r r i a g e , orientation,
e x c h a n g e : a n d challenge, 1 0 5 - 1 0 , 1 1 3 - 1 7 ; 1 4 9 - 5 3 ; a n d tomb, 136n, 138n; f o r
of gifts, 19, 2 1 - 3 , 1 0 6 - 9 ; in k i n d , a n d w o m a n , 1 3 6 n , 1 4 0 - 1 , 149; a n d w o r l d ,
commercial, m e a l as, 20; monetary, 140-3
r i t u a l , 18, 9 1 n ; of services, 25; of housing, modern, shortage, 4 6 , 4 9
women, see also l o a n , m o n e y Hume, 1
expectations, 27, 28, 52 hurma, see under h o n o u r
e x p e n d i t u r e , 4 6 , 9 0 ; o n h o u s i n g , 7 6 - 8 5 , 88,
90; j o i n t , a n d s e v e r a l wages, 69, 7 6 - 7 ; see illiteracy, 3 4 - 5 , 5 5 ; see also e d u c a t i o n ,
also h o u s i n g , income, r e n t , wages sub-proletarians
i m a g i n a r y , the, 7, 10, 53
f a c i n g up to 106n, 123, 128, i n c o m e , 9 , 13, 4 1 - 3 , 4 4 - 7 , 57, 6 1 - 2 ,
136, 141, 1 4 9 - 5 0 68, 69, 7 2 - 3 , 74, 7 5 - 9 , 88, 90; esti-
faction (suf), 21, 102, 150n mated and 51; m a x i m i z i n g ,
family, 22, 2 4 - 5 , 3 5 - 6 , 4 4 - 9 , 52, m o n e t a r y , 33, 38, 47, 48; several, see
Index 157
wages; see also e x p e n d i t u r e , family, needs, M o n t e s q u i e u , 130

rent, wages
i n n o v a t i o n , 19, 27 m y t h , 2 6 - 7 ; see also oppositions, rites
inside/outside, see oppositions
nakedness, 9 6 n ,
j o b , see e m p l o y m e n t , l a b o u r , n a t u r e : a n d c u l t u r e , 136, and
ment h u m a n w o r k , 23, 26; struggle against, 29;
Jourdan, see also peasants
needs, 44, 5 0 - 1 , 52, 67, 68, 75,
K a b y l e s , 12, 15, 21, 27, 33, 4 9 , 57 87, 90; see also aspirations
K a b y l i a , 19, 4 5 , 57; villages, 19, 87, 122; N e g r o , 102, 148
see also house Nietzsche, 32-3
see h e a r t h nif, see under h o n o u r
khammes, 9, 25, 3 6 n , 65, 9 7 - 8 objectivism, vii, 92
k i n d : c o m p e n s a t i o n i n , 18, 20; exchanges observer, see anthropologist
in, product in, 42 oppositions, mythico-ritual, 27, 120-9,
labour, 10, 17, 2 3 - 7 , 33, 51-7, 70-1,

79; collective, 1 9 - 2 0 ; division between peasants, 8 - 1 0 , 13, 14, 16, 21, 2 3 - 8 , 33, 36,
sexes, 89, 91, 126, 1 3 7 - 8 ; a n d k e e p i n g 4 1 , 44, 49, 55, 62, 68, 6 9 - 7 0 , 7 3 n
busy, 25, 3 3 , 40, 4 1 - 3 , 71; a n d pains, 2 3 , petty bourgeois, 40, 59, 91; see also clerical
4 1 - 2 ; productive a n d unproductive, 2 5 - workers
6; as social function, 25, 4 0 - 3 , 57; a n d piston, see
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of w o r l d , 29; see also e m - p l a n , 8 - 1 0 , 49, 5 0 - 1 , 59, 62, 6 8 - 9
ployment, i n c o m e , u n e m p l o y m e n t possibles, 8, 1 4 - 1 5 , 16, 29, 44, 5 0 - 1 ; seealso
labourers, unskilled, 34-6, 37-9, 53, 64, calculation, f u t u r e , p l a n
66, 70, 7 5 n , 76, 78, 81, 8 5 n ; see also potentialities, objective, 14, 64, 92; see also
sub-proletarians probabilities
Lacroix, pre-capitalist, see economy, ethos
2 1 - 2 , 2 3 - 4 ; dispossession of, 13, 14; predictability, 7, 27, 6 8 - 9 , 74; see also
o w n e r s h i p of, calculability
language, 38, 66, see also discourse probabilities, objective, vii, 92
Laoust, 126n, 134n, 137n profitability, 9, see also calculation,
Lerner, labour
Levi-Strauss, 22n project, viii, 10, 29, 5 0 - 1 , 5 3 , 62, 94
loan, 11, 13, see also a i d , b o r r o w i n g , proletariat, viii, 62, 6 9 - 7 0 , 7 1 - 2 , 91
credit, deadline
loom, qabel, see facing up to
23 ben 15
quasi-systematization, affective, 5 8 - 6 0 , 93
magic, 121, 124, 148, 152
m a r a b o u t s , 98, 103, 107 rationalization, 1, 4 - 7 , 46, 54, 55, 6 4 - 6 , 68;
106 see also calculation, c o n d u c t
m a r g i n a l utility, theory of, 5 realism, 72, 7 3 - 4
marginalism, vii religion, 60, 62, 6 9 - 7 0
Marx, rent, 83-6, 88n
Maunier, 2 0 n , 134n, 139, 144, 148 r e p r o d u c t i o n , 10, 17, 130, 132n
misrecognition, 23, 46, 130 reserve a r m y , i n d u s t r i a l ,
mobility, social, see future, p l a n reserves, 8 - 9 , 12, 33
m o d e l , 2, 22, revolutionary action, 72
modernity, t h r e s h o l d of, 91 revolutionary cogito,
theory, revolutionary 50, 62, 72
modesty, 1 1 2 - 1 3 , 122-6; see also n a k e d - revolutionary force, 62
ness revolutionary m i l l e n a r i a n i s m , 70
m o n e y , 1 0 - 1 3 , 17, 2 0 - 1 , 4 3 , 4 6 , 9 6 - 7 ; see revolutionary war, 5 6 n
also credit, e x c h a n g e , i n c o m e , loan rifle, 105, 120, 136
158 Index
rites, 9, 19-20, 2 3 - 4 , time, 2, 10, 11, 13, 1 4 - 1 5 , 16, 17, 18,

136-8, a n d strategy, 22, 2 6 - 9 , 55, 66, 67,
time-lag, 22,
towns, 3 3 , 3 6 n , 4 2 , 44, 4 5 , 47,
sacred 66, 6 9 - 7 0 , 7 7 n , 78, 81, 87; e m i g r a t i o n to,
sar, see under h o n o u r 13, 17n, 3 6 n , 5 1 n , 57, 70; size of, 7 7 n
saving, vii, 68, 74 t r a d e r s , 36, 44, 46, 5 2 n , 5 5 - 6 , 64, 66, 7 1 n ,
Sayad, 2n, 33n 7 5 n , 76, 78, 8 4 n ; itinerant, 87
secret, 1 1 9 - 2 8 , 138, 142 tradition, 4, 9, 19, 2 3 n , 49, 57,
security, 8, 35, 4 9 , 54, 6 2 , 65, 66, 74 6 5 - 6 , 68, 6 9 - 7 0 , 74, 8 2 , 8 9 - 9 0
sexual relations, 125, 136, 1 3 8 - 9 traditionalism, 2 6 - 7 , 2 8 - 9 , 4 1 - 2 , 49, 68, 73,
96, 137 87
shanty town, 49, 6 8 - 9 , 7 5 n , 7 6 - 9 . 86,
91, 9 3 n u n d i v i d e d l a n d o w n e r s h i p , 17, 45, 49, 130;
"shanty 87 b r e a k u p of, 13, 46, 49; a n d u n d i v i d e d
s h o p k e e p e r s , see t r a d e r s honour,
11-12 u n e m p l o y m e n t , 3 3 - 5 , 3 8 - 4 2 , 50, 59,
sociology, 12, 6 5 - 7 0 , 71; a n d
solidarity, 20, 3 3 , 4 5 , 63, 78, 8 6 n , see also under consciousness
88 u r b a n w o r l d , see towns
u s u r y , 13, 55
s p e n d i n g , see e x p e n d i t u r e
status, 4 2 , 51, 90 vengeance 102, 1 0 7 - 8 ,
stereotype, 58 a n d cash compensation,
stereotyping, 26, 49, villages, 11, 19-20, 28, 8 2 , 87, 144
strategy, 105, 116, 132n; economic, 65; Violette, 13
r e p r o d u c t i o n , 132n
"string-pulling", 5 9 - 6 1 wages, 13, 20, 3 7 - 8 , 4 4 - 5 , 4 7 , 67, 7 1 - 2 ,
s t r u c t u r e , vii, 4 - 5 , 132n 7 7 - 8 2 ; several, 69, 7 7 - 9 , 80, 88; see also
subjectivism, 5 expenditure, income
sub-proletarians, viii, 35, 48-9, 50-3, Weber, 3, 5, 25-6
6 0 - 3 , 6 5 - 7 0 , 72, 91, 93 w o r k , see e m p l o y m e n t , income, l a b o u r ,
target-shooting, wages, w o m e n
technical, the, a n d the ritual, 23, 135 w o m e n , 9, 12, 47; living space, 8 8 - 9 , 1 2 2 - 3 ,
see aid 138, 1 4 0 - 2 ; w o r k , 38, 47, 54, 67, 79; see
t h r e s h o l d , 122n, 1 4 8 - 5 3 ; see also calculabi- also female/male; labour, division of
modernity
STUDIES IN MODERN CAPITALISM/ETUDES SUR LE CAPITALISME
Editorial Board: Maurice Jacques Revel,
This series is devoted to an attempt to comprehend capitalism as a w o r l d -

system. I t w i l l include monographs, collections o f essays and colloquia
around specific themes, written by historians and social scientists united by
a common concern for the study of large-scale, long-term social structure
and social change.
The series is a j o i n t enterprise of the des de l ' H o m m e
Paris and the Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical
Systems, and Civilizations at the State University of New Y o r k at
Binghamton.
Other books in the series
Immanuel The Capitalist World-Economy

In this collection of his essays, written between and Immanuel
Wallerstein elaborates on many of the theoretical and political implications
of his world-system perspective. He focuses on the two central conflicts of
capitalism, bourgeois versus proletarian and core versus periphery, in an
attempt to describe both the cyclical rhythms and the secular transformations
of capitalism, conceived as a singular world-system. His writings are informed
by a strong commitment to the unidisciplinarity of the historical social
sciences, to a dialectical methodology, and to a belief that social analysis
is never value-free.
Andre Gunder Mexican Agriculture 1521-1630: transformation of the

mode of production
Professor Gunder Frank analyses the transformation of Mexican agriculture
and society after the Spanish conquest, in terms of the development of the
w o r l d capitalist system. He discusses the continual transformation of
economic, social and political institutions through various forms - f r o m
slavery to hacienda - in response to w o r l d and local economic needs, and
shows how the local economic, social and political process is determined by
a combination of local conditions and the imperatives of w o r l d capitalist
development.
Also published jointly by Cambridge University Press and the Editions de la

Maison des Sciences de
Pastoral Production and Society

The essays in this written by specialists in different aspects of the
study of pastoralism, and covering all major groups of nomadic pastoralists,
show how the study of nomadic pastoralism can contribute to the under-
standing of the forms of human existence. The essays examine the relation-
ships between the economic and social organisation of pastoral societies and
the ecological constraints to which they are subjected, discuss the factors
which contribute to the emergence of social and economic inequalities w i t h i n
nomadic societies, and analyse whether the evolution of pastoral society is
a function of the contact which nomadic groups have w i t h settled agricultural
and urban societies or of the contradictions internal to pastoral societies
themselves.
0 521 22090 4

Bourdieu, Pierre Algeria 1960. The Disenchantment of The World, The Sense of Honour, The Kabyle House or The World Reversed

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Bourdieu, Pierre Algeria 1960. The Disenchantment of The World, The Sense of Honour, The Kabyle House or The World Reversed

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

ALGERIA 1960

Pierre is one of the leading anthro-

Editorial board de redaction

Maurice M a i s o n des Sciences d e l ' H o m m e , Paris

This series is devoted to an attempt to comprehend capitalism as a

O t h e r books in the series

T h i s book is published as part of the joint publishing agreement established

8c Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l ' H o m m e

E n g l i s h translation © Maison des Sciences de l ' H o m m e a n d

E n g l i s h translation first published 1979

Library of Congress in Publication Data

T h e present text of my first essay, w r i t t e n in f o r a foreign-

and credit - and also political representations, whether resigned

3. See P. B o u r d i e u , Esquisse de la pratique ( G e n e v a a n d Paris: 1972)

Those w h o pose the r i t u a l question of the cultural obstacles to

statistical analysis reveals differences in economic dispositions

T h e economic system i m p o r t e d by colonization - the objectified

b u t to adapt to the i m p o r t e d system. In reality, agents b r o u g h t up

For the m a n of pre-capitalist societies, these presuppositions are

as the economic structures, dispositions a n d ideologies corre-

economy w h i c h is to be observed there r e m i n d s us of what we are

A d a p t a t i o n to an economic a n d social order, of whatever sort,

It is t r u e that n o t h i n g is m o r e to the pre-capitalist economy

T h u s , in general, the peasant spends in relation to the income

In agrarian economy in w h i c h the p r o d u c t i o n cycle can be

Similarly, the deep distrust w h i c h the A l g e r i a n peasants l o n g

The disenchantment of the world

the t e m p o r a l structures w h i c h it demands, monetary exchange is

Whereas the object exchanged offers directly to i n t u i t i o n the

I shall be able to feed a n d clothe a n d t u r n my g o l d to g o o d

convert all t h e i r wages, as soon as they get t h e m , i n t o real goods,

Of a l l the economic institutions a n d techniques i n t r o d u c e d by

U s u r y , with average interest rates of 50 to 60 per cent before a n d 25

4. M. Violette, Notes (Paris:

Whereas credit takes care to guarantee its security by m a k i n g

that are l i n k e d to it in the immediate u n i t y of a practice or a

P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d see h e r e o n e o f the roots o f the taboo o n all f o r m s o f

d azqa, is the the f u t u r e is a v o i d w h i c h

T h e story of Djeha is sufficient to w a r n us against the ethno-

If the economic practices of the A l g e r i a n peasant can only be

M a r x t e r m e d simple r e p r o d u c t i o n , i n other words the p r o d u c t i o n

i n t o ethics. T h e precepts of the mode of h o n o u r w h i c h denounce

sense of equity w h i c h has its roots in the punctilious egalitarianism

" A g e n e r o u s m a n " , the K a b y l e s say, G o d ' s f r i e n d . " G o d gives w e a l t h t o

T h o u g h never absent, calculation is never avowed. Certain tasks,

W h e n the meal was over the w o m e n sang in alternating choirs

r e p r o v a l : his conduct merely enacted in complete logic the

t a k i n g possession the land.) saved me f r o m h a v i n g to

exchange f o r m par excellence in a society w h i c h , in phrase,

is said that t h e l a n d w i l l its scores" a n d get its o w n back

albeit a p u r e l y symbolic one. T h e f a r m e r w h o provides a n

to O c c i d e n t a l standards, has r e m a i n e d b a c k w a r d . As every employer knows, the

However it may be, the peasant's action transforms

acting subject lives in the very r h y t h m (dure de la of the

r h y t h m , a tempo. C o n f o r m i n g to the social o r d e r is p r i m a r i l y a

to engage openly in the struggle against nature and leads to the

A l t h o u g h the immense a n d extremely varied literature w h i c h

by dissociating differences in attitudes to " m o d e r n i s m " a n d

decisive factors in attitude T h e r e is no d o u b t that

in Parliament), is at the same t i m e the t r u e p a t h of v i r t u e ; in fact,

In peasant society, the l e n g t h of the f a r m i n g cycles, w h i c h allowed

T h e p r e s s u r e o f t h e " i n d u s t r i a l r e s e r v e a r m y " , a l w a y s s t r o n g l y felt, i s s o m e -