Combahee Ferry: Exploring the Role of Taverns in the Colonial and Antebellum Lowcountry Eric C.

Poplin, Brockington and Associates, Inc. Sponsored by the South Carolina Department of Transportation Inaugural Southeastern Conference on Historic Sites Archaeology 24-25 August 2012
Many have argued that taverns were the birthplace of the American Revolution as well as many other social movements during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. And this may well be the case for these public meeting places in urban settings. But in rural areas, they are more focused on providing travelers the opportunity to break their journey, with either a meal or a nights rest (or both). Recent excavations at Combahee Ferry, where US Highway 17 today crosses the Combahee River, permit an examination of a rural tavern/ferry keepers residence in the greater social setting of the immediate area and the region. Comparisons to taverns in other portions of the eastern United States and in urban Charleston present differences that undoubtedly reflect less broad functions of a rural tavern compared to a similar enterprise in an urban setting.

Taverns were integral parts of the colonial and social landscape of North America, particularly as populations expanded and roads became the principal routes of travel for most people. Taverns traditionally succor travelers newly arrived in towns or at key points along roads in rural areas. They provide food, lodging, and entertainment for those visitors who lack other accommodations in urban settings or for those who wish to break their journeys for a meal or an evening. Such is the case of the tavern at Combahee Ferry. The point where US Highway 17 today crosses the Combahee River, separating Beaufort County from Colleton County, was an important node in the transportation network of South Carolina from the earliest days of the colony. Todays highway follows the most direct passable overland route along the coast between Charleston Harbor and Port Royal Island, the inland gateway to St. Helena Sound and the Broad River. Port Royal was the desired location of the initial Carolina settlement but its proximity to Spanish Florida prompted the colonists of 1670 to land farther north. Efforts to settle St. Helens continued during the early years of the colony, and proved successful by the early eighteenth century with the official establishment of Beaufort in 1711. That same year, the colonial assembly authorized the construction of a road from the south side of the Edisto River (from Pon Pon and later Jacksonboro) to Port Royal and St. Helena islands by the most direct route, with the establishment of ferries and other infrastructure necessary to support travel along this road. The road would permit the rapid deployment of military forces and the expansion of commerce within the colony. US Highway 17 today roughly follows the original Charleston to Port Royal Road. We do not know if the Combahee Ferry was first launched because of this road project or had operated earlier. But in 1715, Joseph Bryan, owner of 550 acres on the Beaufort County side

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of the Combahee since 1705, was authorized by the Assembly to raise his ferry rates over the Combahee to fund the maintenance of the causeway that crossed the river marshes and provided access to the Colleton County bank of the river. At that time, the causeway terminated approximately 0.4 miles upstream of todays US Highway 17 crossing, and
Figure 1. 1733 plat showing Joseph Bryan's 1705 grant.

became known as Jacksons Causeway, after John Jackson who acquired the uplands at the head of the causeway in 1706 (see Poplin et al. 2012 for details concerning the historic development of the Combahee Ferry). There is no record if Bryan provided any services to travelers beyond the ferry ride across the river. In 1733, the colonial Assembly authorized the relocation of the Combahee Ferry from Jacksons Bluff on the Colleton side (now owned by William Bruggins, Jacksons son-in-law) to Robert Steeles bluff on the Beaufort side of the river. Steele acquired 365 acres of uplands along the Combahee in 1706 and sold them to William Bull in 1733. Relocation of the ferry required the construction of a new causeway, completed in 1735. The previous year, William Bull and his son Stephen received a charter for the proposed town of Radnor, to be laid out on Steels Bluff, which then became known as Radnor Bluff. The Charleston to Port Royal Road now crossed the Combahee atop the new causeway. Today US Highway 17 travels over the Combahee River marshes on the same route, with the northbound lanes lying atop the 1735 causeway. Also in 1735, John Mullryne received a charter for a combination store, lodging house and public house at Radnor Bluff, housed in a two-story frame building with a covered terrace near the new ferry landing (Rowland et al. 1996:116). Mullryne had purchased 2,047 acres north of the ferry from Joseph Bryan that same
Figure 2. 1811 plat of Joseph Bryan's 1733 marsh grant.

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year, and received the rights to operate the ferry along with his land. Mullryne would sell his Combahee lands in 1746 but continued to own the store/tavern until 1764. Operation of the ferry passed to other landowners on the Combahee. Mullrynes establishment of a tavern at Combahee Ferry obviously was
Figure 3. Plan of the proposed Town of Radnor.

intended to serve travelers along the Charleston to Port Royal Road but also would have served the Town of Radnor, had that community ever developed. There was little interest in buying lots and building houses within the proposed town. The colonial Assembly did authorize a market at Radnor Common, which apparently operated throughout the colonial period. Interestingly, the tavern was called the Haymarket by one of its later proprietors, perhaps reflecting the association of the establishment with the most prominent economic activity that occurred in Radnor. A tavern or store would continue to operate at Combahee Ferry until the relocation of the Charleston to Port Royal Road to the present alignment of US Highway 17 before 1927, when the newly constructed swing bridge opened for traffic. This also marks the end of the operation of the Combahee Ferry.

Figure 4. 1795 plat of Middleton's Ferry Tract.

Figure 5. Confederate map of Combahee Ferry defenses.

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Figure 6. Cheves' 1925 sketch map.

Figure 7. 1913 postcard - view of Combahee Ferry.

Here, the Combahee Ferry and the former tavern/store would lie until the widening of US Highway 17 and the replacement of the 1956 Combahee River bridge in 2006. By this time, Beaufort County owned approximately 1.2 acres immediately upstream of the highway and operated the Steel Bridge Boat Landing from this parcel, and the surrounding lands beyond the highway right-of-way were owned by Nemours Plantation Wildlife Foundation. Intensive surveys of the Combahee River and the highway corridor (Shuler et al. 2007; Watts 2006) identified 18 archaeological sites, historic structures, historic landscape features, and natural features that became the Combahee Ferry Historic District, which was determined eligible for the National Register of Historic Places by the Keeper of the Register in January 2012.
Combahee Ferry Historic Districts Elements Ferry Site (38BU1216) Battery (38BU1217) Cemetery (38BU1218) Rifle Trench (38BU1884) Rifle Trench (38BU1885) Submerged Scatter (38BU2137)* Submerged Scatter (38BU2138) Submerged Scatter (38CN19) Sunken Vessel (38CN255)
Figure 8. The Combahee Ferry Historic District.

Submerged Scatter (38CN256) Fortification (38CN257) Cypress Rice Fields (551 0441) Causeway (551 1475) Newport Rice Fields (5012) Water control structure (5012.1) CHS to Pt Royal Rd (5011) 1956 Bridge (551 0287)* Combahee River

*non-contributing element

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The proposed replacement of the US Highway 17 bridge and later widening of the highway could not be redesigned to eliminate completely adverse effects to the District. Therefore, the SC Department of Transportation, the Federal Highway Administration, and the SC State Historic Preservation Office entered a memorandum of agreement defining six activities to mitigate the adverse effects. These included:

Archival Research Concerning the Districts Key Themes and Events Archaeological Investigation of 38BU1216 (the ferry site) Documentation of a sunken vessel in the Combahee River Investigation of Intertidal Areas of the Combahee River Mapping of the Districts Landscape Features Public Presentation of the Districts Key Historic Themes

The information discussed below is derived from the archaeological investigation of 38BU1216 (Poplin et al. 2012). These investigations began in March 2006, and were completed in June of the same year. Archaeologists recovered samples of artifacts from five areas within the site, defined on the basis of artifact and feature distributions identified during earlier test excavations. Areas A-D lay downstream of US Highway 17 and Area E lay upstream of the roadway. Areas B and E lay primarily in the expanded right-of-way of the new roadway. Areas A-C lay on lands owned by the Nemours Plantation Wildlife Foundation, who granted permission for excavations on their lands outside the new right-of-way to obtain as complete a picture of the archaeological deposits around the former ferry crossing as possible. In total, archaeologists excavated 122 square meters by hand and 562 square meters with a smooth bladed backhoe. These excavations exposed 40 cultural features (1 privy, 18 posts, 9 refuse pits and 3
Figure 9. Plan of excavation areas at 38BU1216.

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demolitions, and 9 ditches) and recovered 22,244 artifacts, 34 kg of faunal remains, and 686 kg of miscellaneous materials; 21,499 artifacts related to the eighteenth-twentieth century occupation of the site.

Figure10. Features exposed in Area E.

Most of the recovered artifacts related to the eighteenth and nineteenth century occupations of 38BU1216 appear to be related to the central building- the store/tavern at Combahee Ferry. This interpretation is based on the lack of other buildings in this part of the site (as indicated on plats and maps from 1780s through 1920s) and the absence of intact structural features that could define a building in the excavated areas. The excavations in Area E exposed large refuse pits and a privy (a large, deep pit surrounded by postholds), close to the location of the central building identified as a store on the 1920s maps. Demolition pits upstream and downstream from US Highway 17 also indicate that several episodes of construction likely occurred in this portion of the site, with at least one demolition occurring during the midnineteenth century (possibly an artifact of the June 1-2, 1863, Combahee River Raid led by Harriet Tubman that freed over 700 people in one night). The Area E refuse pits and privy all date from the late 1820s to the 1840s, and are assumed to be associated with the tavern and/or the ferry keepers house (which may be the same building). Artifacts from across the site reflect all periods of occupation from the 1730s through the 1920s, although most of the material likely was in use and discarded prior to the Civil War. Numerous historical studies of colonial taverns and public houses tout the role of these establishments in the creation of a dynamic social atmosphere during the colonial period (Conroy 1995; Salinger 2002). Many place the birth of the American Revolution within the taverns of northern cities and towns, where aggrieved North Americans first began to discuss their possible recourse to the oppression of the home government. In urban areas, people often gathered at

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Figure 11. Refuse pit in Area E.

Figure 12. Privy in Area E.

taverns and spent time discussing issues of the

day with their neighbors and out-of-town visitors who were staying at the tavern. Rural taverns offer less opportunity for daily discourse but certainly presented the opportunity for news and information to be exchanged between locals and travelers. Many taverns also served as public meeting places (some had special large rooms set aside for such events), and even served as polling stations prior to the widespread construction of public buildings. But how do taverns differ from other public or residential spaces, especially when viewed through their archaeological signatures? Based on the kinds of behaviors that we know occurred in taverns, a number of researchers developed hypotheses about how the artifact assemblage associated with a tavern might appear, and by the early 1980s, archaeological signatures derived from the artifacts found at seventeenth and eighteenth century taverns along the Eastern Seaboard were created. Namely, taverns should display (after Bragdon 1981):

large numbers of vessels large percentage of drinking vessels large percentage of ceramic types most frequently associated with drinking vessels large numbers of wine glasses specialized glassware large numbers of tobacco pipe fragments

Others (Rothman and Rothschild 1984) noted that there was a difference between the assemblages from taverns in urban settings and those from taverns in rural settings. Presumably, this reflects the increased role of urban taverns as a place of entertainment and social gatherings.

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Others (Burrow et al. 2003) noted that there appeared to be little difference between the artifacts associated with late eighteenth and early nineteenth century rural taverns and those from nearby residential sites, except for the food remains. Based on this background, we selected a series of variables drawn from the artifacts recovered from 38BU1216 to compare with similar information from known tavern sites. The comparable sites include:

Site Lovelace Jamestown Shields (early) Shields (late) McCradys Tavern McCradys Longroom Earthys Wellfleet Tweeds Combahee Ferry

Location New York City Virginia Williamsburg Williamsburg Charleston Charleston Maine Massachusetts Delaware Radnor

Setting Urban Urban Urban Urban Urban Urban Rural Rural Rural Rural

Date 1670-1706 1670s-1730s 1708-1738 1738-1751 1770s-1884 1780s-1884 1670s-1700 1670s-1730 1790s-1831 1735-1860s

Reference Rothman and Rothschild 1984 Rothman and Rothschild 1984 Brown et al. 1990 Brown et al. 1990 Zierden et al. 1982 Zierden et al. 1982 Rothman and Rothschild 1984 Rothman and Rothschild 1984 Burrow et al. 2003 Poplin et al. 2012

The variables include:

Percentage of pipe fragments Percentage of kitchen related ceramics Percentage of bottles/drinking glasses Ratio of pipe fragments to ceramic fragments (based on the above percentages) Percentages of ceramic vessel functional forms Percentages of major animal groups Percentage of wild and domesticated animals Percentages of major domesticated species

Unfortunately, not all of the site reports or articles provide all of the information for all of the variables listed above. Thus, not all of the sites are employed in all of the comparisons.

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First, we review the basic relative frequencies of pipe fragments, kitchen related ceramics, and bottle glass/ drinking glasses utilized by Bragdon (1981) and Rothman and Rothschild (1984) in their nascent characterizations of colonial taverns. The relative frequency of kitchen related Ceramic Frequencies

ceramics in an assemblage illustrates the urban-rural dichotomy first noted by Rothman and Rothschild (1984). Most of the urban sites (Lovelace, Jamestown and Shields taverns) all display ceramic frequencies less than 50 per cent; all of the rural sites (Earthys, Wellfleet, Tweeds, and Combahee Ferry) all display ceramic frequencies greater than 60 percent. Interestingly, the two Charleston urban sites (McCradys Tavern and Long Room) display frequencies more similar to the rural sites. Most researchers feel the rural-urban dichotomy expressed in the percentage of ceramics reflects the increased use of rural taverns as a source of food and lodging and the increased use of urban taverns as social gathering places, where communal consumption of alcohol and tobacco were frequent. The frequency of tobacco pipe fragments creates more ambiguous groupings. Most notable, the South Carolina sites display lower frequencies of tobacco related artifacts than all of the Mid-Atlantic and Northeastern sites (with the exception of Tweeds Tavern). If we remove the southern sites, there is a difference between the rural and urban northern sites, with tobacco pipe fragments representing 35-66 per cent of the urban assemblages and 0-37 per Tobacco Pipe Frequencies

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cent of the rural ones. Burrow et al. (2003) suggested that cigars and chewing tobacco may have replaced pipes as the primary means of consuming tobacco in the portion of Delaware where Tweeds Tavern stood. Similarly, among the southern sites, the rural Combahee Ferry tavern does display a lower frequency of pipe fragments than the two urban Charleston sites (10 per cent vs. 13 or 17 per cent). Perhaps the overall lower frequencies in the southern sites reflect the proximity of the northern sites to the primary sources of tobacco in colonial North America, and an increased use of tobacco in the northern taverns. Following Brown et al. (1990), we calculated a ratio of the tobacco artifacts to the ceramics artifacts for each of the sites. These ratios again reflect the urban-rural dichotomy among the sample, with the urban sites displaying the highest ratios (from 1:1 to 11:1) and the rural sites displaying lower ratios (1:2 to 0:84). Again, the Charleston urban sites display ratios more similar to the rural sites due to their reduced frequencies of tobacco related artifacts.

Site Lovelace Jamestown Shields (early) Shields (late) McCradys Tavern McCradys Longroom Earthys Wellfleet Tweeds Combahee Ferry

Setting Urban Urban Urban Urban Urban Urban Rural Rural Rural Rural

Pipes : Ceramics 11 : 1 3:2 3:2 1:1 1:5 1:3 1:2 1:3 0 : 84 1:6

Similarly, the relative frequencies of bottles and drinking glass fragments demonstrate the rural and urban dichotomy, although the overall frequencies vary widely. Urban sites display frequencies of 17-38 per cent while the rural sites display frequencies of 1-30 per cent. Interestingly, the Combahee Ferry tavern displays the second highest relative frequency of these artifacts. Several researchers noted that early colonial taverns likely employed ceramic and metal drinking vessels as frequently or more frequently than glass ones; thus, drinking glasses may be under-represented at seventeenth century sites. The very high frequency of glass fragments at the Combahee Ferry tavern may reflect its longer use-life (at least into the 1860s), when the

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industrialization of glass vessel manufacture blossomed and more of these artifacts were manufactured and in use.

Bottle/Drinking Vessel Frequencies

A quick review of ceramic vessel forms, among five functional categories (drinking, teawares, serving/consuming, preparation/storage, and toiletry) indicates that the urban sites display higher frequencies of drinking vessels, preparation and storage vessels, and toiletry vessels; rural sites have higher frequencies of service/consuming vessels. Teawares vary widely over the small sample. This again likely reflects the increased importance of meal service to travelers in rural taverns compared to the increased consumption of beverages during social gatherings in the urban sites. The increased frequency of toiletry vessels in urban sites may reflect a larger number of bedrooms or an increased volume of lodgers; most of the rural taverns in the sample are quite small and likely could accommodate only a few overnight guests at one time. Also, the use of privys rather than night jars may have been easier in rural settings. We now will examine the nature of the Ceramic Vessel Functions

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faunal assemblages associated with the examined taverns. All of the variables employed in these comparisons use the relative frequency of expected biomass reflected in the faunal remains from each site (see Sichler 2012). The contributions by major animal groups display little variation that can be ascribed to rural or urban differences. These variations appear to reflect dietary preferences or expanding menus more than differences related to setting in a town or in the country. This is not unexpected since tavern rates were highly regulated to ensure that travelers could plan what their expenses might be during their journey and to prevent price gouging by innkeepers. Thus, tavern fare may have been very similar in town or abroad. An example, beef is the most frequent source of meat in all of the samples. Interestingly, all of the northern sites display much higher frequencies of pork than the southern sites. We assume that this reflects the dietary preferences of the regions, at least during the time reflected in the sample of taverns.

Faunal Groups

Domestic Groups

Interestingly, the frequencies of wild species are higher in most of the urban sites. This seems contradictory since one could assume that the rural sites lie closer to home ranges of wild species than the urban sites. However, the rural tavern keeper likely could not store wild species in anticipation of a travelers wants, and could not easily rush out and bag a deer when someone ordered venison. Thus, urban tavern keepers likely had better access to wild species through the food markets that operated daily in most towns than their rural counterparts, and thus provided a greater variety of fare. Wild vs. Domestic

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Having compared the information from the Combahee Ferry tavern with that from other tavern sites, would an assemblage from a residential site in the Lowcountry appear any different? A sample of plantation sites where comparable data can be extracted is compared with the Combahee Ferry assemblage. The sample of plantation sites includes:

Site B.B. Sams (38BU581) B.B. Sams (38BU581) B.B. Sams (38BU581) Stoney Creek (38BU1289) Combahee Ferry (38BU1216)

Function planters house overseers house slave houses planters house tavern

Date
1760-1870 1826-1870 1826-1870 1770-1800 1735-1860s

Pipe : Ceramic 1 : 13 1 : 31 1 : 21 1:3 1:6

Reference Poplin and Brooker 1994 Poplin and Brooker 1994 Poplin and Brooker 1994 Kennedy and Roberts 1992 Poplin et al. 2012

The differences are readily apparent. Using the same variables we employed to compare rural and urban taverns, residential sites clearly display substantially lower frequencies of tobacco related artifacts (0.8-7.2 per cent vs. 9.7 per cent), kitchen-related ceramics (10-38 per cent vs. 61 per cent), and bottles/drinking glasses (13-26 per cent vs. 30 per cent). Thus, the materials recovered from the Combahee Ferry site reflect the tavern that operated here more than a domestic occupation. All of these analyses provide a limited view of the operation of the tavern and its role in the social landscape of the region. Given that most of the locals were enslaved African Americans, it is unlikely that the tavern witnessed regular social gatherings of large numbers of people, with the exception of market days in Radnor. Most of the planters likely visited each other at their plantation residences rather than gather at the local pub for an evening of conversation. Thus, the focus of the Combahee Ferry tavern was travel accommodations, providing meals and lodging for travelers. It appears to have offered simple fare, providing primarily beef, fish, and turtles for guests. The consumption of alcohol and Plantation vs. Tavern

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tobacco occurred in higher frequencies than in most residences in the region. The tavern did provide an opportunity for information to be exchanged between travelers and locals, with the tavern keeper or the ferryman serving as the conduit for this information. The tavern also provided an opportunity for the locals to provide information concerning their own setting to any visitors. As an example, fragments of two plates commemorating the third visit of the Marquis de LaFayette to the United States were recovered from refuse pits at the site. These

Figure 13. LaFayette commerative plate from 38BU1216.

commemorative wares were very popular following the 1828 visit. LaFayette was a hero of the American Revolution, and renowned throughout the country. Also, several skirmishes occurred near the Combahee Ferry and John Laurens, a young Patriot officer, was killed in one of these engagements on the Colleton side of the river. Were these plates keepsakes of one of the tavern/ferry keepers? Or were they expressions of the patriotism of their owner and the connection of the Combahee Ferry to events of the Revolution that were routinely displayed to demonstrate this and enhance the owners standing among the patrons of the tavern? In this

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fashion, the Combahee tavern did provide some of the services beyond food and rest evident in its counterparts in other regions during the colonial and antebellum periods. Thanks to the SCDOT, the FHWA, Nemours Plantation Wildlife Foundation for their permission to use this information, and to all those who have worked on this project since we began in 2005. Within the year, the report of the archaeological investigations will be final, and the elements of the interpretive program (an on-site information kiosk and historical marker, a traveling museum exhibit, and a dedicated website) will be in place for modern-day visitors and travelers to learn more about the Combahee Ferry.

References Cited
Bragdon, Kathleen J. 1981 Occupation Differences Reflected in Material Culture. Northeast Historical Archaeology 10:227-39. Brown, G. J., T. F. Higgins, D. F. Muraca, S. K. Pepper and R. H. Polk 1990 Archaeological Investigations of the Shields Tavern Site, Williamsburg, Virginia. Department of Archaeological Research, Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Williamsburg, Virginia. Burrow, I., W. Liebknecht, D. Tvaryanas, D. Scott, N. Sergejeff and R. White 2003 John Tweeds Log Tavern: The Archaeology, History and Architecture of the Guthrie-Giacomelli House (Tweeds Tavern), CRS-#N-1101 and Tweeds Tavern Archaeological Site, 7NC-A-18, Mill Creek Hundred, New Castle County, Delaware. Delaware Department of Transportation Archaeological Series 167. Dover. Conroy, David W. 1995 In Public Houses- Drink and the Revolution of Authority in Colonial Massachusetts. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill. Kennedy, Linda and Marian Roberts 1993 Archaeological Data Recovery at 38BU1289, Beaufort County, South Carolina. Prepared for J.F. Cleckley and Company, and the South Carolina Department of Transportation, Columbia. Poplin, E., G. Watts, E. Salo, K. Shuler, D. Baluha, E. Jateff, N. Isenbarger and C. Philips 2012 Crossing the Combahee: Mitigation of the Combahee Ferry Historic District, Beaufort and Colleton Counties, South Carolina. Prepared for TRC Solutions, Inc. and the South Carolina Department of Transportation, Columbia. Rowland, Lawrence S., Alexander Moore and George C. Rogers, Jr. 1996 The History of Beaufort County, South Carolina: Volume 1, 1514-1861. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia. Salinger, Sharon V. 2002 Taverns and Drinking in Early America. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, Maryland.

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Shuler, K., E. Poplin, E. Salo, S. Johnson, J. Ellerbee, E. Sipes and E. Jateff 2007 Intensive Cultural Resources Survey and Archaeological Testing of 38BU1216, US Highway 17 Widening Project- Gardens Corner to Jacksonboro, Beaufort and Colleton Counties, South Carolina. Prepared for Wilbur Smith Associates, Inc., TRC Solutions, Inc., and the South Carolina Department of Transportation, Columbia. Sichler, Judith A. 2012 Appendix A: Combahee Ferry (38BU1216) Faunal Analysis, Beaufort County, South Carolina. In Crossing the Combahee: Mitigation of the Combahee Ferry Historic District, Beaufort and Colleton Counties, South Carolina, by E. Poplin, G. Watts, E. Salo, K. Shuler, D. Baluha, E. Jateff, N. Isenbarger, and C. Philips. Prepared for TRC Solutions, Inc. and the SC Department of Transportation, Columbia. Watts, Gordon 2006 Underwater Archaeological Remote Sensing Survey, Proposed US 17 Bridge Widening and Replacement Corridor, Beaufort and Colleton Counties, South Carolina. Tidewater Atlantic Research, Inc., Washington, North Carolina. Zierden, Martha, Elizabeth Reitz, Michael Trinkley and Elizabeth Paysinger 1982 Archaeological Excavations at McCradys Longroom. The Charleston Museum Archaeological Contributions 3. Charleston, South Carolina.