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Chicago teachers rally at Labor Day Sept. 3. Sign reads: Parents and teachers united for our children.
Photo taken by Leslie Feinberg during a recent visit with CeCe MacDonald.
By Dante Strobino Charlotte, N.C. Over 300 Southern workers, trade unionists and community allies gathered for the Southern Workers Assembly on Sept. 3, Labor Day, the opening day of the Democratic National Convention. The Wedgewood Baptist Church was packed and supporters had to stand beside the pews. There was a feeling in the air that Southern labor was uniting to forge a his-
toric new direction, towards rank-andfile-led social justice trade unionism, particularly to challenge right-to-work (for less) laws and combat racism. Southern workers cannot wait for the Democratic Party and certainly not the Republican Party, to enact some progressive labor laws before we can begin a serious effort to organize ourselves into a labor movement, stated Saladin Muhammad, director of the United Electrical Workers Unions Southern International
Worker Justice Campaign, in his opening remarks. Unfortunately, this has been a serious error on the part of the U.S. labor movement for too many years. Donna Dewitt, retired former president of the South Carolina AFL-CIO, also helped co-host the meeting and added some remarks. The Democratic National Convention was being held in North Carolina, the least unionized state in the country, Continued on page 6
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WORKERS WORLD
In the U.S.
Chicago teachers on strike . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Southern labor hosts assembly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Demonstrate against racism in Wyandotte schools . . . . . . . 2 Fred Hampton Srs life commemorated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Mumia ghts life imprisonment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Leslie Feinberg: Free CeCe McDonald. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Atlanta remembers Troy Davis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 DNC protests demand freedom for Cuban Five. . . . . . . . . . . 4 West Virginia rally backs steelworkers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 U.S. tops worlds arms sales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Obama, Democratic Party and working class . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Muhammad: What is our charge as Southern workers? . . 7 Capitalist electoral politics and class struggle . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
CHICAGO
Editorial
Football & gay rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
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Nuevo edicto racista en Arizona . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Ecuador y WikiLeaks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Workers World 55 West 17 Street New York, N.Y. 10011 Phone: 212.627.2994 E-mail: ww@workers.org Web: www.workers.org Vol. 54, No. 37 Sept. 20, 2012 Closing date: Sept. 11, 2012 Editor: Deirdre Griswold Technical Editor: Lal Roohk Managing Editors: John Catalinotto, LeiLani Dowell, Leslie Feinberg, Kris Hamel, Monica Moorehead, Gary Wilson West Coast Editor: John Parker Contributing Editors: Abayomi Azikiwe, Greg Butterfield, Jaimeson Champion, G. Dunkel, Fred Goldstein, Teresa Gutierrez, Larry Hales, Berta Joubert-Ceci, Cheryl LaBash, Milt Neidenberg, Bryan G. Pfeifer, Betsey Piette, Minnie Bruce Pratt, Gloria Rubac Technical Staff: Sue Davis, Shelley Ettinger, Bob McCubbin, Maggie Vascassenno Mundo Obrero: Carl Glenn, Teresa Gutierrez, Berta Joubert-Ceci, Donna Lazarus, Michael Martnez, Carlos Vargas Supporter Program: Sue Davis, coordinator Copyright 2011 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of articles is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved. Workers World (ISSN-1070-4205) is published weekly except the first week of January by WW Publishers, 55 W. 17 St., N.Y., N.Y. 10011. Phone: 212.627.2994. Subscriptions: One year: $30; institutions: $35. Letters to the editor may be condensed and edited. Articles can be freely reprinted, with credit to Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., New York, NY 10011. Back issues and individual articles are available on microfilm and/or photocopy from University Microfilms International, 300 Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Mich. 48106. A searchable archive is available on the Web at www.workers.org. A headline digest is available via e-mail subscription. Subscription information is at workers.org/email.php. Periodicals postage paid at New York, N.Y. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to
National O ce 55 W. 17 St., 5th Fl. New York, NY 10011 212.627.2994 wwp@workers.org Atlanta P.O. Box 5565 Atlanta, GA 30307 404.627.0185 atlanta@workers.org Baltimore c/o Solidarity Center 2011 N. Charles St. Baltimore, MD 21218 443.909.8964 baltimore@workers.org Boston If you would like to 284 Amory St. know more about WWP, Boston, MA 02130 or to join us in these 617.522.6626 Fax 617.983.3836 struggles, contact the boston@workers.org branch nearest you. Workers World Party (WWP) ghts for socialism and engages in struggles on all the issues that face the working class & oppressed peoples Black & white, Latino/a, Asian, Arab and Native peoples, women & men, young & old, lesbian, gay, bi, straight, trans, disabled, working, unemployed, undocumented & students.
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and CeCes arrest, almost to the hour was not furtive. The prosecution is aggressively defending the value, the personhood of the jailhouse wall property! My action demonstrates my solidarity with the lives of oppressed people struggling behind the walls of the jails, prisons and detention centers in mass, racist concentration camps known as the PrisonIndustrial Complex. The charge of Gross Misdemeanor, like the felony charge, is meant to intimidate to discourage actions of solidarity
in struggle. I am not intimidated. As an anti-racist, I stand my ground alongside warriors who are rolling forward towards liberation, and who are double-clicking forward to freedom while confined to bed. To those who ask how they can help me: Please help keep the focus of my courtordered appearances on these struggles against oppressions and injustice! FREE CECE NOW!! Visit supportcece.wordpress.com for more information on the struggle to free CeCe McDonald.
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DNC street protests hit corporate polluter, demand freedom for Cuban Five
By Workers World Charlotte, N.C., bureau Downtown Charlotte, N.C., home to the national headquarters of Bank of America and regional headquarters of Wells Fargo, was buzzing with delegates and supporters of the Democratic National Convention and Democratic Party, one of the two big capitalist electoral parties in the United States. This show did not go uninterrupted. A protest called by Rainforest Action Network and Greenpeace crashed the party on Sept. 5. Hundreds of protesters rallied at the offices of Duke Energy, one of the biggest polluters in the country, according to many environmentalists. Duke Energy CEO Jim Rogers co-chaired the Charlotte in 2012 convention host committee. DNC delegates looked on as Occupy Wall Street activists, radical environmentalists, anarchists, socialists and communists chanted into bullhorns. The march was led by a piece of Astroturf shaped like a dollar bill with Rogers picture in the center, symbolizing that corporate money, not human needs, defines the politicians agenda. As the rally ended, protesters took to the streets in defiance of police orders to remain on the sidewalk. The march continued through the streets, escorted by scores of police on bicycles. An announcement during the march called on people to assemble at 5th Street and College Street at 5 p.m. in defense of streets! the crowd soon descended a steep hill leading to the heart of Wall Street South, where thousands of DNC delegates crowded the sidewalks. Next: Free the Cuban Five! Traffic stopped at the 5th Street and College Street intersection. Surprised delegates heard calls for President Barack Obama to free the five Cuban heroes held unjustly in U.S. jails. A mic check educational on the facts of their case was broadcast to the public from the middle of WW PHOTO: SARA FLOUNDERS the street, where protesters Protest in Charlotte, N.C., Sept. 6 builds campaign to were surrounded by police. Free the Five. Occupy Charlotte activpolitical prisoners held in U.S. jails. These ists and organizers who mobilized for include the Cuban Five, five Cuban men the March on Wall Street South on Sept. who infiltrated Miami-based paramilitary 2 used social media to organize the 5 groups that have carried out terrorist at- oclock gathering highlighting the case of the Cuban Five. The event was part of the tacks on Cuban civilians. The police told demonstrators they international call to action on the fifth day would be required to walk on the side- of every month until all Five are released walk. However, when protesters arrived and allowed to return to their homeland. Dante Strobino, a North Carolinaat 5th Street, the rules were ignored as the marchers stayed in the street. Sheriffs based union organizer, began the rally by deputies and police officers tried unsuc- explaining who the Cuban Five are and cessfully to shove the crowd of nearly 300 how they came to be in prison for opposing terrorism. Caleb Maupin, a youth oronto the sidewalks. With chants of Whose streets? Our ganizer of Workers World Party, spoke in defense of socialist Cuba and why socialism is needed in the U.S. A banner with the faces of the Cuban Five was unfurled, and placards with the slogan Obama: Give Me Five were distributed. Though the police pushed for the demonstrators to move, they remained in the intersection. During this time, Yen Ancala of Occupy Charlotte fired everyone up when he pointed to the Bank of America headquarters and expressed the crowds anger at this symbol of the global 1%. When the rally finished, everyone marched down the center of the street chanting Free the Cuban Five!behind a banner with pictures of Gerardo Hernandez, Ramon Labanino, Antonio Guererro, Fernando Gonzalez and Rene Gonzalez. Other chants were in support of political prisoners Mumia Abu-Jamal and Leonard Peltier and others trapped within the U.S. prison system. The march ended at Marshall Park, where Occupy Wall Street activists had renewed the Charlotte encampment days earlier. No one was arrested. The 14th anniversary of the Cuban Fives arrest in Miami is Sept. 12. A concert featuring Vicente Feliu, who sings in the nueva trova style made famous by Silvio Rodriguez, will be held Sept. 12. A public meeting on Sept. 14 will emphasize the international campaign for justice for the Five. Both events are in Washington, D.C. Caleb Maupin and Cheryl LaBash contributed to this article.
WEST VIRGINIA
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Steel workers
Continued from page 4 a convicted criminal who later received a presidential pardon from Bill Clinton. Now, just as during that strike 20 years ago, the strikers have had to physically defend themselves against attacks from company goons and provocative scabs. Talks between the company and the union are scheduled to occur this week. The strikers have made it clear they are determined to fight until they win a contract. The union has held various rallies and other solidarity events at Fort Unity, the latest one being a benefit concert on Sept. 8. Bryan G. Pfeifer, an organizer of the Wisconsin Bail Out The People Movement, stopped by the Local 5668 union hall called Fort Unity and the picket lines on Sept. 4 on his way home from Charlotte, N.C. He had spent the summer as a volunteer organizer with the March on Wall Street South and the Southern Workers Assembly. Pfeifer dropped off donations and United Electrical Workers union signs and buttons gathered in Charlotte. He told WW, It is inspiring to see the Steel Worker sisters and brothers and their families standing up to corporate greed and the bankers. They are standing firm but still need lots of support to win their justified demands. For more information and how to support Local 5668: fort-unity.sctp.us/ or call 304-273-9319.
WW PHOTO: G. DUNKEL .
Labor Day Parade, NYC, Sept. 8. CUNY unionists show solidarity with Chicago teachers.
ditions and excellent benefits. Instead, teachers and all workers and their families are suffering amidst the most severe capitalist economic crisis since the Great Depression. Though it may be a defensive one, the Chicago teachers strike involves a strong union that has taken a heroic stance against decades-long givebacks, wage cuts and intolerable working conditions. Workers World pledges its wholeheart-
ed solidarity with the CTU and encourages the entire U.S. labor movement, along with community groups and progressive organizations, to do the same in every way possible. The CTU struggle exemplifies the powerful saying: An injury to one is an injury to all! Their struggle is all of ours. Moorehead is a former kindergarten teacher and past member of the Virginia Education Association.
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Continued from page 1 and one of only two states that outright denies public workers the right to collectively bargain. Many in the union movement, particularly those from northern and more unionized states, have been saying that the convention should have never been held in a right-to-work state. In return, labor did not invest the millions of dollars of funds that they typically make available for the DNC. The International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers and the AFL-CIO organized a major counter rally in Philadelphia in August, yet there was little to no discussion about a strategy to unionize the vastly unorganized Southern region. Ashaki Binta, who organizes public workers with the United Electrical Workers union in North Carolina, and Justin Flores, organizer with the Farm Labor Organizing Committee, gave opening presentations. They focused on four main obstacles that work to impede the struggle against racism, sexism and working-class exploitation in the South and that also severely inhibit the growth of unions: 1) the Taft-Hartley Act, which directly undermines the growth and consolidation of unions, 2) the fact of the U.S. South being the number one region in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), 3) the prohibition of collective bargaining rights for public sector workers and 4) the unjust Immigration policies targeting undocumented workers. They pointed out that 32 million workers in the U.S. do not have collective bargaining rights. Additionally, they noted that the Southern states incentive packages offer companies, domestic and foreign, a nonunion environment. The Southeast has received the highest dollar amount of foreign investment of any region. The Southern states tax policies have changed within recent years to impact FDI decisions. A clarion call for solidarity The powerful lineup of speakers included three panels. The panel of workers who represent labor forma-
Ashaki Binta
Jaribu Hill
tions excluded by the National Labor Relations Act included Baldemar Velazquez, president of FLOC; Victor Alvarez, with the National Day Labor Organizing Network currently on a cross-country tour with the Undocubus; and a formerly incarcerated man from All of Us or None, speaking on ex-felons having the right to a job. The panel addressing private sector workers included Lisa Cline, a food service worker and president of UNITE-HERE Local 23 at the Charlotte airport; Jim Wrenn, an autoworker and president of Carolina Auto and Aerospace Workers Union, UE Local 150, from Rocky Mount, N.C.; Leonard Riley, a longshore worker and member of the International Longshoremens Association Local 1422, Charleston, S.C.; Harry Whitaker Sr., a meatpacking worker at a Smithfield plant and shop steward, United Food and Commercial Workers Union Local 1208, Tar Heel, N.C. During the open discussion following this panel, Clarence Thomas, an executive board member of the International Longshore and Warehouse Workers Union Local 10 from Oakland, Calif., made very stirring comments referencing Harry Bridges, an Australian-born leader of the ILWU and notable as a leader in the fight against racism on the docks. Thomas also asked panel member Riley about the ILAs East Coastwide contract negotiations, which are currently taking place. It appears that the negotiations may be reaching a standstill around the technology questions relating to automation that could eliminate thousands of jobs on the ports. Thomas called for support for the ILA brothers and sisters. Saladin Muhammad then stood up and addressed the crowd, calling for a resolution to be passed to support the ILA. The assembly adopted the proposal unanimously. The final panel, which addressed conditions faced by public sector workers, included Angaza Laughinghouse, a state government worker and president of UE Local 150, N.C. Public Service Workers Union; Tom Anderson, a university worker and president of Campus Workers United Communication Workers of America, from Tennessee; Nathanette Mayo, a city waste water treatment worker and recording secretary of the Durham City Workers Union, UE150; Donna Morgan, UE Local 170, West Virginia Public Service Workers Union; and Eleanor Bailey, retired American Postal Workers Union member and a leader of the 1970s postal workers strike that resulted in collective bargaining for postal workers. During the intermission and during dinner, cultural performances by Jaribu Hill from the Mississippi Workers Center; the Fruit of Labor Singing Ensemble; the band from the Undocubus; and Sergio Sanchez, son of a farmworker, helped keep energy high. The UFCW brought a powerful delegation of between 20 and 30 workers from the Smithfield plant, who brightened the room with their yellow shirts. UE also
brought about 20 workers from North Carolina, Virginia, West Virginia, Pennsylvania and Maryland. Earlier in the day before the assembly, a few dozen FLOC supporters went as a delegation to a Kangaroo gas station that sells RJ Reynolds-produced cigarettes. This action was to continue to keep public pressure on the company. FLOC is currently engaged in organizing a major campaign to win collective bargaining for migrant farmworkers who pick tobacco for the RJ Reynolds Tobacco Company across North Carolina. After the panels, workers convened breakout sessions to discuss how to concretely build towards a Southern Labor Alliance. One of the tactics discussed was using a Rank-and-File Workers Bill of Rights to help unite certain sectors and win better working conditions. UE150 has done this in North Carolina and was able to unite state mental health workers into a major campaign that drew in many allies over the last three years and got a bill introduced to the state Legislature. The Mental Health Workers Bill of Rights gives a core of standards to provide us a safe working condition, benefits and all things that impact us as workers, stated Larsene Taylor, a healthcare technician at Cherry Hospital in Goldsboro, N.C. and Vice President of UE local 150. It is like a binding contract without collective bargaining. UE150 is also fighting for the passage of a Municipal Workers Bill of Rights for city workers across the state. This most recently has helped tie together Charlotte city workers that have struggled for union recognition for the past six years and have been leading a weekly picket, the last four weeks, in the buildup to the DNC. The United Campus Workers-CWA have also recently followed suit and created a Campus Workers Bill of Rights that has helped them to establish a political fightback program for their members, even without a union contract. Workers vowed to meet again at the Southern Human Rights Organizing Conference at the ILA union hall in Charleston, S.C. on Dec. 7-9 to continue to develop the Southern Labor Alliance. Additionally, workers have vowed to publish a quarterly newsletter to help report on campaigns and struggles of Southern workers to help develop consciousness and tie struggles together. To learn more, visit http://southernworker.org These states were represented at the Assembly: Tennessee, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi and West Virginia. The writer is a UE150 organizer and facilitator of the Southern Workers in the Private Sector panel.
What the new globalized high-tech imperialism means for the class struggle in the U.S. By Fred Goldstein An easy-to-read analysis of the roots of the current global economic crisis, its implications for workers and oppressed peoples, and the strategy needed for future struggle. The author is available for lectures & interviews.
LOW-WAGE CAPITALISM
HIGH TECH, LOW PAY A Marxist analysis of the changing character of the working class by Sam Marcy, with introduction by Fred Goldstein workers.org/Marcy/HighTech/ www.LowWageCapitalism.com Books available at Amazon & bookstores around the country
Anthology of writings from Workers World newspaper. Edited by Monica Moorehea Racism, National Oppression & Self-Determination Larry Holmes Black Labor from Chattel Slavery to Wage Slavery Sam Marcy Black Youth: Repression & Resistance LeiLani Dowell The Struggle for Socialism Is Key Monica Moorehead Domestic Workers United Demand Passage of a Bill of Rights Imani Henry Black & Brown Unity: A Pillar of Struggle for Human Rights and Global Justice! Saladin Muhammad Alabamas Black Belt: Legacy of Slavery, a Sharecropping & Segregation Consuela Lee
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The U.S. labor movement must not see the independent, worker-led organizations and initiatives of the oppressed peoples as something that divides the working class.
Saladin Muhammad
The U.S. prison-industrial complex, in addition to jailing mainly the unemployed from the Black and Latina/ Latino working-class communities, provides a superexploited labor for major corporations. The so-called legal status and stigma permanently branding the formerly incarcerated, forces many to have to work for little or nothing if they can get hired at all. This is a major reason forcing many back into crime, and the high rates of recidivism. Dividing the working class and the oppressed peoples in every way possible is the main strategy of corporate power. The U.S. labor movement must not see the independent, worker-led organizations and initiatives of the oppressed peoples as something that divides the working class. They exist to take up the struggles against the special forms of oppression and exploitation that impact our lives, and that have not been taken up effectively within and by many of the trade unions. The struggle to respect the right of these organizations to exist as part of the labor movement while they are also leading the fight for self-determination as oppressed peoples, must be a main aspect of the struggle against racism to be waged within the U.S. labor movement and
the working class, if we are to build a powerful and transformative labor movement inside of the U.S. Of the 100 million people living in the South, the largest region of the U.S., African American and Latina/Latino together make up close to 40 percent of the South. Fifty-seven percent or more than 20 million Black people, and 40 percent or more than 18 million Latinas and Latinos live in the South. Black and Brown unity is therefore critical to forging and anchoring the unity of a strong Southern labor and working-class movement. The crisis impacting labor over the past 30 years from the restructuring and globalization of the economy and the attacks on unions resulting in a loss of membership by many unions, has led to an unhealthy competition between unions, which have divided the working class by fights over union jurisdictions, raiding and splits in federations and national unions. A Southern labor movement must build structures that unite workers within the same sectors regardless of the national unions or organizations they are affiliated with to democratically work out an independent plan for concentration and organizing within those sectors. It is from this base of organizing that we must win the support from national and international unions for organizing labor in the South. Organizing in the South greatly needs the support of a strong rank-and-file movement within the national unions that works to build support from their local and national unions for the development and sustaining of a Southern Labor Alliance, including actions of national labor solidarity as we saw with the Charleston, South Carolina, dock workers struggle, and the Wisconsin public-sector struggle that closed down the state Capitol. Organizing the South must become a clarion call for the U.S. labor movement to go on the offensive. Lets get to work here today in our brief period at the Southern Workers Assembly. Onward toward a Southern Labor Alliance!
Freedom Struggle
Harriet Tubman, Woman Warrior Mumia Abu-Jamal Are Conditions Ripe Again Today? Anniversary of the Watts Rebellion John Parker Racism & Poverty in the Delta Larry Hales Haiti Needs Reparations, Not Sanctions Pat Chin
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mainly single mothers, disproportionately African-Americans and Latinas, off the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program welfare and forced them to compete for scarce low-paid jobs to earn benefits, even as they struggled to raise children. This is the Clinton who initiated the Effective Death Penalty Act, which drastically cut down the appeals process for deathrow prisoners. To make the point that he was in favor of the death penalty, Clinton even left the campaign trail in 1992 to travel to Arkansas to witness the execution of a mentally disabled Black prisoner. Clinton also initiated anti-terrorist laws that were later used by the Bush administration. He teamed up with Newt Gingrich to pass the North American Free Trade Agreement, which caused a full-scale agricultural depression in Mexico, forcing millions to leave their land as the country was flooded with cheap corn and other products from U.S. agribusiness. Finally, Clinton had the hypocrisy to accuse Romney of wanting to deregulate financial firms and give tax breaks to millionaires and billionaires. But it was Clinton and his two Treasury secretaries, Robert Rubin and Larry Summers, who did away with the Depression-era GlassSteagall Act, which had been enacted to limit financial speculation. The Clinton speech, perhaps more than anything else, highlighted the deception behind capitalist electoral politics. The openly reactionary proclamations and threats by the Republicans have set up a stampede to the camp of the Democratic Party. But this party is no less controlled by Wall Street, the giant monopolies and financiers than the Republican Party. The difference between the two parties is that the Republican base is made up of actual business owners and bosses, while the Democrats have the progressive masses and middle-class liberals as their base. In the end, however, both parties will do the bidding of the bosses. As an example, Ronald Reagan is often denounced as the initiator of the sharp shift to the right in capitalist politics. But it must not be forgotten that it was Jimmy Carter who began the deregulation process in transportation and other spheres that was used to break unions. And it was Carter who planned the operation, carried out by Reagan, that broke the Professional Air Traffic Control-
lers Organization. That was the beginning of the anti-labor campaign. It was also Carter who callously declared that Life isnt fair as he signed the Hyde Amendment, denying poor women the right to federal funds for abortion. And it was Carter who began a massive military build-up that was continued by Reagan. Carter did not do all these things because he suddenly got the ideas, but because they expressed the right turn in the ruling class, in the same way that the austerity programs of both Romney and Obama express the consensus on Wall Street today. The bankers and bosses are feeling the stress of the world economic crisis, and they want to take it out of the hides of the masses. Shift to the right: Its not money alone The current wisdom is that the Republicans and the right wing are gaining ground because of the 2010 Supreme Court decision in Citizens United that corporations are people and can contribute unlimited amounts of money to political campaigns. This argument defies historical analysis. The bosses in the U.S. have dominated the political parties and legislatures as far back as the founding of the republic. George Washington was the richest man and the largest slave owner in the U.S. at that time. In the 19th century, legislatures, presidents and judges were bought and sold by the giant railroad barons, the cattle barons and the mining companies, who were granted millions of acres of land stolen from the Native people. It was all done through corruption and bribery. Any study of the relationship among money, politics and capitalist interests, from the booming 1920s on, shows the further fusion at the top between the political machine and big business. If there was a modification of this at all, it was during the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration, when sections of the ruling class had to be pushed back by Roosevelt so he could avoid a brewing revolutionary upsurge during the Great Depression in the mid-1930s. To be sure, the Citizens United ruling further widened the gap between the labor movement, womens and civil rights groups, and LGBTQ organizations, on the one hand, and the corporations on the other. But the strength of the mass movement has never been lodged in financial resources that could influence the politi-
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cal establishment, but in mobilization and militant struggle. The shift to the right in U.S. politics began in the late 1970s. It was accelerated a decade later by the collapse of the USSR and has been deepened with the retreat of the top leaders of the labor movement from the arena of class struggle. It is the present and temporary relationship of class forces that is responsible for the sharp shift to the right by the ruling class, not corporate money in politics which has always been there. Rely on resistance & struggle The way this situation will be reversed is to reverse the relationship of forces in favor of the workers and the oppressed. Social democrats and liberals like to bait the revolutionary forces and the left, who refuse to be dragged into the elections behind an imperialist party. They are accused of sitting on the sidelines and abstaining from the inevitable and inescapable game of capitalist politics. But this is a false accusation. In the first place, the game of capitalist politics played by the Democratic Party and the Republicans too is a shell game. The workers are shown a very small prize at election time but can never lay their hands on it. The promises are accompanied by a torrent of imperialist national chauvinism and social patriotism. But the social democrats tell us there is no real struggle, so therefore we are whistling in the dark and nothing can happen outside the framework of capitalist electoral politics. Revolutionaries, particularly Marxists, are not unconscious of the fact that the vast majority of the workers right now see the electoral arena as the primary, perhaps the only, arena in which they have any hope of getting their grievances redressed. But revolutionaries have answers to the social democrats and the liberals. First of all, we definitely are in the game. But it is a different game the game of resistance, the game of struggle, the game of fighting for our rights on the ground. Second, the task of the liberation of the multinational working class belongs to the class itself. No section of the bourgeoisie will ever do that for us. The bosses always try to take away the democratic rights of the masses when the opportunity arises. Our answer when they make the attempt through voter I.D. laws or anything else is to fight to defend those rights at all costs. But we do not hand over the keys to the political process to the very class enemy that wants to take away our rights in the first place. And finally, we know that the present acceptance of the capitalist electoral framework cannot forever contain the workers and the oppressed, who are being ground down on a daily basis under the class dictatorship of capital. The fraud of capitalist democracy will not be able to contain the people who are now suffering. Between 25 million and 30 million underemployed and unemployed are losing ground every day to debt collectors, landlords, greedy health care and insurance companies, and a thousand other capitalist bloodsuckers. The teachers, students and community activists on the picket line in Chicago are an early testament to this. The heroic workers, students and community activists who seized the Capitol in Wisconsin showed it even earlier. Capitalism is at a dead end, and sooner or later the masses will grasp this. In the meantime, the real game is to build a workers party of resistance and class struggle. Goldstein is the author of Low-Wage Capitalism and Capitalism at a Dead End. More information is available at www.lowwagecapitalism.com. The author can be reached at fgoldstein@ workers.org.
SOUTH AFRICA
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ports training focuses on working together as a highly calibrated unit. If factors having nothing to do with ability damage that unity, the team suffers. Racism is such a factor. While it has not been eradicated in sports, theres no doubt U.S. teams have been enormously strengthened by diversity won through decades of struggle. Gay baiting has also been a fixture in many sports nowhere more than in football. But two leading players have stepped up and called it out. Baltimore Ravens linebacker Brendon Ayanbadejo, who is African-American, went public on YouTube in support of same-sex marriage. This infuriated Maryland State Assembly Delegate Emmett Burns, who demanded the Ravens owner
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COLOMBIA
Left, Jorge Parra of GM hunger strikers in Colombia with Martha Grevatt at Sept. 10 Detroit meeting.
WW PHOTO: ABAYOMI AZIKIWE
abuses by way of its ownership of GM. MG: How important is international solidarity? JP: The international support has been an enormous aid to us in making our struggle visible. GM is a multinational [corporation] and a large part of it belongs to the U.S. public. The support we have found in unions and organizations and from people has been invaluable. By making public statements and taking stances, they are increasing our profile. Im proud to be able to be here in the U.S. Im here because our situation has become so public. Im glad I can count on this continued support, as we keep demanding justice and our rights. MG: Can you comment on the Free Trade Agreement? JP: It is unjust to us that the U.S. ratified the FTA with Colombia. There is a
very difficult situation for unions and workers in Colombia. Colombia is not complying with the Labor Action Plan prerequisites of the FTA. When [President] Obama came to Cartagena and approved the FTA, it was like a slap in the face to me. MG: Is there anything else you would like to add? JP: We continue to ask for the enormous help of U.S. people and unions. We ask that they send letters and emails; that they engage in acts of protest and marches; and that they talk to their politicians, so that together we can demand that GM do the right thing and reach a prompt solution. Were coming to the end of our rope in Colombia. We urgently need the collaboration of the people of the U.S. Our lives and our families depend on it.
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cacin y sus agentes polticos como Brewer. Lideresa de derechos inmigrantes habla con WW/MO Isabel Garca, una abogada de Tucson, activista de derechos de los/as inmigrantes, y co-presidenta de la organizacin comunitaria, la Coalicin de Derechos Humanos, dijo a WW/Mundo Obrero, Las comunidades en Arizona y alrededor de la nacin estn indignadas por la decisin insensible, ignorante e irresponsable de la gobernadora Jan Brewer de emitir una orden ejecutiva para castigar a nuestros/as jvenes y futuros/as lderes en un da que debera haber sido celebrado por todos/as. Garca elogi a los/as Soadores/as: Llevados/as por la creencia de que la propuesta de ley DREAM iba a ser aprobada por ms de una dcada, despus de 2006, los/as jvenes indocumentados/as decidieron expresarse con su propia voz poltica y mostraron sus habilidades organizativas, demostrando valientemente su integridad, inteligencia, madurez y compromiso con una agenda completa de derechos humanos para todos/as. Ahora, luego de recibir una pequea concesin a sus justas demandas, los/ as jvenes de Arizona tienen que continuar enfrentndose a una gobernadora que est decidida a impulsar su carrera poltica demonizando y atacando a la generacin ms prometedora de la historia reciente. Desde la era de los Derechos Civiles y Vietnam, ninguna generacin de jvenes ha desatado la emocin de un movimiento por la justicia social, actuando como precursores del Movimiento Ocupar [Wall Street] en todo el pas.