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Trade and Globalization

Table of Contents
Trade and Globalization Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------2 The US Trade Balance --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------3 Primer 1: The Economics of International Trade International Trade in History ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------6 Why Do Nations Trade? ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------7 Why Do Nations Export? -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------7 Currencies and Exchange Rates --------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 8 Why Do Nations Import? -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------10 Trade Specialization -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------13 The Theory of Comparative Advantage ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 14 Comparative Advantage Vs Absolute Advantage--------------------------------------------------------------17 The Trade Balance -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------19 Primer 2: Government Regulation of Trade Efforts to Manipulate Trade Flaws -------------------------------------------------------------------------------23 Import Restrictions -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------23 Export Subsidies ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------26 Consequences of Trade Restrictions -----------------------------------------------------------------------------27 Tariff Debates in US History --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------27 Liberalization Liberalizations, the Deregulation of Intl Trade ---------------------------------------------------------------29 Liberalization of International Trade -------------------------------------------------------------------------------32
Multilateral Trade Liberalization: The Uruguay Round and the World Trade Organization ------------------------- -35

The Doha Development Round: The World Trade Organizations Controversial Agenda----------------36 Regional Trade Liberalization ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------36 The Changing Composition of Trade --------------------------------------------------------------------------------39 Trade Challenges for United States ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------40 Public Concerns about Trade -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------42 Trade and International Labor Standards ---------------------------------------------------------------------------43 Trade and Environmental Standards --------------------------------------------------------------------------------45 Comparative Advantage Quiz --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------46 Some Trade Stats ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------47 Glossary -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------48 Bibliography ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------50

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Trade and Globalization


Introduction The tremendous growth of international trade over the past several decades has been both a primary cause and effect of globalization. The volume of world trade since 1950 has increased by twenty-fold from $320 billion to $6.8 trillion. This increase in the trade of manufactured goods exceeds the increase in the rate of the production of these goods by three times. As a result, consumers around the world now enjoy a broader selection of products than ever before. And a whole host of U.S. government agencies and international institutions have been established to help manage the ever-growing flow of trade. Although increased international trade has spurred tremendous economic growth across the globe - raising incomes, creating jobs, reducing prices, and increasing workers earning power -trade can also bring about certain kinds of economic, political, and social disruption. The following Issue Brief is designed to help you understand some of the fundamental economic principles behind international trade, familiarize you with some of the technical terms, and offer some insights into some of the controversies surrounding international trade policy both in the United States and abroad.

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The U.S. Trade Balance In the year 2003, Americans sold $1018.6 billion in Goods and services to corporations and consumers in other countries. Goods and services sold to other countries are called exports. Americans also bought $1507.9 billion in goods and services from other countries during 2003. Purchases from other countries are called imports. The sum of U.S. exports and imports, $2.526 trillion, represents the total of U.S. international trade for 2003. That total translates into the movement of $6.9 billion in goods and services into and out of the United States every day, or roughly $288 million every hour. Each day, in fact, Americans buy and sell more foreign goods and services than are produced annually in more than 80 countries around the world. In 2003, trade accounted for 23 percent of America's $11 trillion output. Let's take a closer look at some of the data and trends that describe the recent trade performance of the United States and the rest of the world. Figure 1 and Figure 2 illustrate the value of exports and imports in the United States for different categories of goods and services, respectively. Note that the largest category of goods traded by the United States is capital goods. The contrast is especially stark for U.S. exports, where one can see that United States exports are primarily goods that will be used by foreign manufacturers, rather than consumers.

Figure 1 - U.S. Imports

Figure 2 - U.S. Exports

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Figure 3 illustrates the top trading partners of the United States and the value of U.S. trade with these countries in 2003. Note that the United States imports more than it exports from each of its top 10 trading partners.

Figure 3 - Partners

Figure 4

Figure 5

Turning to world trade, Figures 4 and 5 show which countries are the world's biggest exporters and importers of goods and services. It is clear from Figure 4 that the merchandise exports and imports of most of the world's major trading countries are roughly equal, but that the United States imports much more than it exports. We will return to this important characteristic of U.S. trade performance shortly. Note in Figure 5 that, in contrast to merchandise trade, the United States runs a trade surplus in services, that is, it exports more services than it imports. The fact that the U.S. economy is so large leads some to wonder whether the United States actually needs to trade with other countries at all. Why, indeed, do nations choose to trade with other nations? How do they decide which exports to sell and which imports to buy - and with whom? What impact does trade have on the economies of 4 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

other nations? How do governments cope with these impacts? How has trade changed over the past few decades? What concerns do Americans have about international trade? The remainder of this Issue Brief addresses these questions. The United States will be the focus of the material that follows, but many of the key points and themes apply equally well to other countries. To gain a deeper understanding of the fundamentals of international trade, a short primer on the economic theory behind imports and exports follows this section. Concepts such as comparative advantage, exchange rates, trade specialization and trade restrictions are explained in detail in this section. However, readers who feel well-grounded in these concepts may wish to skip to the section on trade liberalization, which explores efforts to promote international trade and some of the more serious recent controversies about trade policy.

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Primer I: The Economics of International Trade International Trade in History Before we begin a discussion about why nations trade, it would be helpful to take a moment to consider the character and evolution of trade. It is important to keep in mind, first, that although we frequently talk about trade "between nations," the great majority of international transactions today actually take place between private individuals and private enterprises based in different countries. Governments sometimes sell things to each other, or to individuals or corporations in other countries, but these comprise only a small percentage of world trade. A second fundamental point is that trade is not a modern invention. International trade today is not qualitatively different from the exchange of goods and services that people have been conducting for thousands of years. Before the widespread adoption of currency, people exchanged goods and some services through barteringtrading a certain quantity of one good or service for another good or service with the same estimated value. Centuries before the Industrial Revolution, which witnessed the advent of powered ships, trains, and gaspowered vehicles, merchants traveling by sailing vessels and on horseback were able to sell products in regions far away from their homes. But Industrial Era transport and communications made the exchange of large quantities of goods at great distances a routine part of economic life. With the emergence of money, the exchange of goods and services became more efficient. But for many centuries, transactions could only occur among individuals and firms in close proximity to each other. Transactions were generally confined to distances that could be covered on foot or in caravans of horses or camels. Developments in transportation and communication revolutionized economic exchange, not only increasing its volume but also widening its geographical scope. As trade expanded in geographic scope, diversity, and quantity, the channels of trade also became more complex. The earliest transactions were conducted by individuals in faceto-face encounters. Many domestic transactions, and some international ones, still follow that pattern. But over time, the producers and the buyers of goods and services became more remote from each other. A wide variety of market actors - individuals and firms - emerged to play supportive roles in commercial transactions. These "middlemen" - wholesalers, providers of transportation services, providers of market information, and others - facilitate transactions that would be too complex, distant, time-consuming, or large for individuals to conduct face-to-face in an efficient manner. The Rise of the Middleman. It would have been very difficult, for example, for an English blacksmith to sell hand-made metal tools directly to craftsmen in France. But an English or French firm that specialized in the purchase and sale of tools could serve as an intermediary between the blacksmith and the craftsman, enabling both to engage indirectly in international trade. Trade and Globalization 6 http://www.globalization101.org

International trade today differs from economic exchange conducted centuries ago in its speed, volume, geographic reach, complexity, and diversity. However, it has been going on for centuries, and its fundamental character - the exchange of goods and services for other goods and services or for money - remains unchanged. Why Nations Trade? That brings us to the question of why nations trade. Nations clearly trade a lot, but it is not quite obvious why they do so. Put differently, why do private individuals and firms take the trouble of conducting business with people who live far away, speak different languages, and operate under different legal and economic systems, when they can trade with fellow citizens without having to overcome any of those obstacles? To answer these questions, it is helpful to think about exports and imports separately.

Why Do Nations Export? Exports are easier to explain than imports. At least since the beginning of the industrial era almost three centuries ago, countries have tended to sell things to other countries either because: 1. Individuals and firms have been able to produce more of certain goods and services than can be consumed at home. This prompted a search for foreign opportunities to sell the "excess" production; or because 2. They have been able to sell goods or services to other countries at prices higher than the prices they can obtain at home. In today's global economy, exporting serves somewhat different purposes for developing and industrial countries. Although the economies of developing countries are typically not as economically productive as the economies of industrial countries, developing countries nonetheless produce some goods and services in amounts they are unable to use or consume at home, called a production surplus. For example, some developing countries produce vast quantities of agricultural products, like cocoa in Cote dIvoire and coffee in Latin America, which their own populations are not large enough to consume. Other developing countries produce quantities of industrially valuable minerals, like oil or iron ore, that their own economies are too small or insufficiently industrialized to use. But for many developing countries, exports also serve the purpose of earning foreign currency with which they can buy essential imports - foreign products that they are not able to manufacture, mine, or grow at home. Developing countries, in other words, sell exports, in part, so they can import.

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Currencies and Exchange Rates In order to understand why countries export, it is useful to discuss the notion of the exchange rate. There exists no single, global currency. Therefore, countries have different currencies or monetary units, and, accordingly, the monetary units of each country have different values. The exchange rate is equal to how much domestic currency is equal to one unit of foreign currency. In the long run, the ratio of domestic prices for a basket of goods to foreign prices serves as a good approximation for the exchange rate. For example, in 2002 the U.S. dollar had the buying power in the United States of about 30 rubles in Russia. In the United States, a can of soda in a vending machine costs about 1 U.S. dollar, but it takes 30 rubles to buy the same can of soda in Russia. Exchange converters that are available online at http://finance.yahoo.com/m3, or http://www.x-rates.com/will calculate how much a given amount of one currency is worth in another currency. That means that a single ruble is worth about $.03that is, 3 cents, or one-thirtieth of a dollar. The dollar exchange rate of rubles is therefore .03. Sometimes, however, prices can vary significantly among countries even after taking the exchange rate into consideration. For instance, a U.S. dollar is worth about the same as 45 Thai baht. Still, a Big Mac, which costs about $2.50 in the United States, can be purchased for as little as 55 baht in Thailand, which is the equivalent of about $1.22. This difference in price is due to the fact that exchange rates reflect both the local market conditions and the calculations of currency traders about the overall prospects of an economy. For example, when currency traders predict that a nation is going to undergo a bout of inflation in the near future, making their currency less valuable, they are likely to sell their holdings of that currency, just like any other commodity. Because exchange rates are comprised of these two factors, economists sometimes measure the value of a currency according to the Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) Index. Put most simply, the PPP rate of a currency can be calculated by comparing the cost of a basket of goods in one country to the cost of that same basket of goods in another country. The Economist magazine each year famously publishes what it calls the "Big Mac Index," which measure the price of a Big Mac hamburger sold at McDonald's restaurants around the world, and then compares those prices to the exchange rate of other currencies. Many observers find that their index proves to be a surprisingly accurate predictor of exchange rate changes. The Zambian Kwacha, for example, is rarely used outside of Zambia. As a result, when Zambia needs to buy goods from the United States, it cannot simply print more Kwachas to pay for those goods. Rather, Zambia has to export goods and request that it be paid in dollars, Japanese yen, Euros, or another hard currency. It can then use these hard currencies to purchase imports from other countries. 8 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

The concept of an exchange rate is especially important to understanding international trade. When a company in one country wants to import goods from a company in another country, it typically must pay the company in the second country either in that country's currency or in the currency of one of the world's major economies. These currencies, the United States Dollar, the Euro, the Pound Sterling, the Japanese Yen, and the Swiss Franc, are collectively known as hard currencies. Most of the world's countries do not have currencies that are used in world trade; other countries rarely want to receive payments in their currency. Exports are also more than just an outlet for "excess" production for industrial countries. Because their economies are more diverse, industrial countries tend to: 1. export a much wider variety of products than do developing countries, and 2. export a larger proportion of their total production of goods and services. Export sales help maintain high employment levels in the work forces of the United States and many other industrial countries.

In the United States, in fact, an estimated 12 million people currently hold jobs that are either directly or indirectly involved in the production of goods or services sold to other countries. For the United States and other countries with highly productive, diverse economies, exports have become essential to economic stability and prosperity.

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Why Do Nations Import? The reasons why countries import products and services from other countries are perhaps less obvious. As with exports, the purposes served by imports vary from country to country. It is reasonable to ask why a country such as the United States, with its massive and extraordinarily diverse economy, needs to buy anything from other countries. In fact, there is only a handful of goods or services that the United States absolutely must import from other countries. With a land area spanning several climatic zones, immense natural resources, and the world's most productive workforce, the United States is able to produce, mine, or grow almost every item its citizens need to lead reasonably prosperous lives. Yet no country today, including the United States, can be totally self-sufficient at a cost that would be tolerable to its citizens. All countries need to - or choose to - import at least some goods and services for the following reasons: 1. Goods or services that are either essential to economic well-being or that consumers desire are simply not naturally available or cannot be produced at home. 2. Goods or services that satisfy domestic needs or wants can be produced more inexpensively or efficiently by other countries, and therefore sold at lower prices. It is helpful to illustrate these points by looking at the case of the United States, precisely because it comes closer to being self-sufficient than any other country. Coal, copper, iron, silver, and nickel are just a few of the natural resources the United States possesses in large quantities, that other countries do not possess. But there are some economically essential items, such as tungsten and oil, that the United States either doesn't produce at all or doesn't produce in sufficient quantities to serve current needs at a reasonable price. The United States cannot now meet its oil consumption needs exclusively through domestically produced oil; the United States possesses only 3 percent of the world's total oil resources. As a result, the United States today imports 56 percent of the oil it consumes. Most of these imports come from Saudi Arabia, Mexico, Canada, and Venezuela. The United States could, in theory, abandon foreign oil imports, but it would constitute a very costly step, because: 1. it is not clear that domestic reserves of oil, both those that are known and those that have yet to be discovered, could satisfy current domestic demand; 2. even if U.S. oil reserves were adequate, generating the extra production necessary to fill the gap now filled by imported oil would be extremely costly. Many foreign countries are able to produce oil much more cheaply. Besides, accessing the additional U.S. reserves would require many years of research and development; 3. other energy sources for example, coal, nuclear power, or hydro-electric power could conceivably be substituted for oil imports, but complying with the associated environmental regulations, along with the cost 10 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

of producing additional energy from these sources, would be very expensive. After all, oil currently satisfies 40 percent of Americas energy needs precisely because other domestic sources of energy are either not sufficiently abundant to cover demand or are more expensive to exploit than oil. Of course, energy conservation measures could also reduce the need for oil imports by decreasing energy consumption of the average American citizen. Energy conservation would be prudent, regardless of which energy supply the United States favors in the future; however, foreign producers would still be able to produce the oil more cheaply, regardless of the level of production. In addition, the scale of energy-saving measures needed to substantially reduce U.S. imports of oil would require costly changes in economic activity and lifestyles and have thus far proven to be politically unsustainable.

Electricity produced by hydropower plants built into dams is another example of an essential resource that the United States does not produce in sufficient quantity to meet its consumption needs. The United States imports large quantities of hydropower from Canada.

In the end, it is clear that the United States will depend upon imports to meet its energy needs into the foreseeable future. This is not the same as saying that the United States has no choice but to import oil from other countries. As the preceding discussion suggests, there are alternatives. But those alternatives are less economically feasible than simply continuing to import oil from countries endowed with generous petroleum reserves. The same logic applies to a number of other resources or products whose domestic supply is limited: the United States - though not most other countries - can often find ways to increase production of a commodity, reduce consumption, or identify domestic substitutes. But these alternatives will often prove more costly than continuing to import from other countries. Moreover, the United States and other nations choose to import many other products that, unlike oil, are not economically essential, but differ in quality or features from equivalent products made at home. One prominent example is foreign-made cars, which accounted for about 40 percent of all the cars sold in the United States in 2000. Americans do not buy imported foreign cars because foreign manufacturers produce certain kinds of vehicles that American manufacturers do not; U.S. carmakers produce an extraordinary range of vehicles at a wide range of price levels. But many Americans have concluded that Asian and European car manufacturers produce vehicles with a 11 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

combination of qualities or features that satisfy their preferences more so than vehicles manufactured by U.S. carmakers. The same holds true for much simpler products like wine, or cheese, or shoes. All of these and thousands of other items that the United States imports from other countries are still made at home, but some American consumers believe imported versions of these items offer satisfactions that American varieties do not. The United States has almost entirely stopped producing other goods because of foreign competitive efficiency, in other words, firms in other countries are better able to produce these goods. This is the case with many types of clothing: because clothes can be produced at a much lower cost in countries where labor is cheap, most clothes are produced in developing countries (this practice is a source of controversy that we will discuss later). It is worth noting that the country where a good is produced need not be the same as the country where the corporation that manufactures and sells the good is established. Several American clothing companies, such as Gap, manufacture most of their clothes in developing countries. And the goods that the United States has almost ceased to produce due to foreign competitive efficiency include not only low-tech products, but also some electronic equipment. For example, the United States used to produce VCRs, but it completely abandoned their production because of the superior efficiency of foreign competitors, most notably the producers in Japan.

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Trade Specialization So far we have considered two broad categories of goods and services and identified the reasons why countries like the United States import them: 1. economically essential goods and services that are either unavailable at home or unavailable at a reasonable cost; and, 2. goods and services from abroad that may be similar in function and price to those available at home, but which differ in quality or features. A large number of other goods and services imported by the United States and many other countries would probably fit into two additional categories: 3. goods and services that home country companies, farms, and individuals can produce, but which foreigners can produce more cheaply; and 4. goods and services that can be produced more cheaply at home, but which home country companies, farms, and individuals have chosen not to produce in favor of producing more sophisticated and expensive goods and services. Many items in both of these categories -- indeed, a large share of total U.S. imports -- are parts, semi-finished products, ingredients, and other items that are assembled into finished products at home. A quick look at these two categories of imports will help introduce the important principle of international trade specialization, which is the key to understanding not just why countries trade, but how different countries end up trading the goods and services that they do. Country-by-country differences in the cost of producing goods and services have a major influence on the direction and content of trade. Production costs are, in turn, influenced by national endowments of three key production inputs: labor, capital (shorthand for equipment and technology), and land and natural resources. Goods and services that mainly require low-skilled labor can be produced at a lower cost in developing countries, because the prevailing wages for lower-skilled workers in those countries tend to be substantially less than those of their counterparts in industrial countries. Since wage levels and productivity are generally higher in the United States and other industrialized countries, it may make economic sense for certain goods and services to be made by workers in those countries and exported to the United States, as long as the cost of transporting the goods from the developing country to the United States does not exceed the difference in the production price in the two countries. In contrast, equipment and technology tend to be relatively scarce and expensive in developing countries. Goods and services whose production requires relatively large amounts of capital can be produced more cheaply in countries like the United States, where capital is more abundant and less expensive. Comparative Advantage and the Mutual Gains from Trade Countries have a mutual interest in specializing in the production of those goods and services that their particular combination of labor, capital, and land will allow them to provide most efficiently and cheaply. They can then trade 13 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

the goods and services they are relatively well-equipped to produce for items made by other countries that they cannot produce as efficiently or at all. Even if U.S. companies could, for example, make both bicycles and computers more efficiently and at a lower cost than foreign firms, the theory of comparative advantage tells us that the United States should specialize more in the production of the goodin this case, computerswhere its efficiency and cost advantage is greatest. One of the most important and somewhat unexpected features of this principle of specialization is that it applies even in cases in which a particular country has an efficiency or cost advantage over other countries in all the products they are both able to manufacture. Economists call this the theory of comparative advantage. The chief implication of the theory of comparative advantage is that all countries will gain from trade with each other regardless of how well-endowed they are in labor, capital, and land, and regardless of how efficiently they can produce any particular good. The key to securing these mutual gains from trade is for all countries to specialize as much as possible in the production of those products in which their efficiency and cost advantages relative to other countries are greatest. The idea, in essence, is that countries should devote as much of their national endowments (labor, capital, land) as they can to those things they do best. The Theory of Comparative Advantage It seems obvious that if one country is better at producing one good and another country is better at producing a different good (assuming both countries demand both goods) they should trade. But what happens if one country is better at producing both goods? Should the two countries still trade? This question brings into play the theory of comparative advantage and opportunity costs. The everyday choices that we make are, without exception, made at the expense of pursuing one or several other choices. When you decide what to wear, what to eat for dinner, or what to do on Saturday night, you are making a choice that essentially denies you the opportunity to explore any other options. The same holds true for individuals or companies producing goods and services. In economic terms, the amount of good or service that is sacrificed or given up in order to produce another good or service is known as opportunity cost. For example, suppose Switzerland can either produce one pound of cheese or two pounds of chocolate in an hour. If it chooses to produce a pound of cheese in a given hour, it forgoes the opportunity to produce two pounds of chocolate. The two pounds of chocolate, therefore, are the opportunity cost of producing the pound of cheese. A country is said to have a comparative advantage in whichever good has the lowest opportunity cost. That is, it has a comparative advantage in whichever good it sacrifices the least to produce. In the example above, Switzerland has 14 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

a comparative advantage in the production of chocolate. By spending one hour producing two pounds of chocolate, it gives up producing one pound of cheese, whereas, if it spends that hour producing cheese, it gives up two pounds of chocolate. Thus, the good in which comparative advantage is held is the good that the country produces most efficiently (chocolate). Therefore, if given a choice between producing two goods (or services), a country will make the most efficient use of its resources by producing the good with the lowest opportunity cost, the good in which it holds the comparative advantage, and by trading for the other good. To make this theory easier to understand, consider a world in which only two countries exist, Italy and China, and only two goods exist, shirts and bicycles. The Chinese are very efficient in producing both goods. They can produce a shirt in one hour and a bicycle in two hours. The Italians, on the other hand, are not very productive at manufacturing either good. It takes them three hours to produce one shirt and five hours to produce one bicycle.

SHIRTS Number of Hours to Produce One Unit Opportunity Cost (of producing one unit) 1 bicycle

BICYCLES 2 2 shirts

SHIRTS Number of Hours to Produce One Unit Opportunity Cost (of producing one unit) 3 3/5 bicycle

BICYCLES 5 5/3 shirts

The Chinese have a comparative advantage in shirt manufacturing, as they have the lowest opportunity cost (1/2 bicycle) in that good. Likewise, the Italians have a comparative advantage in bicycle manufacturing as they have the lowest opportunity cost (5/3 shirts) in that good. It follows, then, that the Chinese should specialize in the production of shirts and the Italians should specialize in the production of bicycles, as these are the goods that both 15 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

are most efficient at producing. The two countries should then trade their surplus products for goods that they cannot produce as efficiently. Comparative advantage not only affects the production decisions of trading nations, but it also affects the prices of the goods involved. After trade, the world market price (the price an international consumer must pay to purchase a good) of both goods will fall between the opportunity costs of both countries. For example, the world price of a bicycle will be between 5/3 shirt and 2 shirts, thereby decreasing the price the Italians pay for a shirt while allowing the Italians to profit. The Chinese will pay less for a bicycle and the Italians less for a shirt than they would pay if the two countries were manufacturing both goods for themselves.

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Comparative Advantage versus Absolute Advantage As you can see from the example above, a country can be said to have a comparative advantage in producing a good even if it is absolutely less efficient at producing that good. To understand this more clearly, think of an example of a doctor in private practice: A young doctor opens her own practice, working by herself, and within a few months has developed a substantial clientele. At first, she was performing all her clerical work filing, tying and answering the phone by herself. But with an ever-busier schedule, she realizes that she could spend more time seeing patients, and therefore see a greater number of patients, if she hired an assistant. As it turns out, the young professional is not only a brilliant doctor, but is also lightning-fast at typing and filing. She is, in fact, better at doing both jobs than the clerical assistant she hires. In other words, she has an absolute advantage at both tasks: medical diagnosis and clerical work. Does it therefore make sense for the doctor and her assistant to share both tasks, each spending part of the day diagnosing patients and doing clerical work? The answer is clearly no. By having the assistant perform all the clerical work, the doctor is able to maximize her specialization and see more patients. The patients are undoubtedly better off too. In other words, even though the assistant is worse at performing both tasks, an economist would say that he nonetheless has a comparative advantage at clerical work. As you can see, by working together trading their services the doctor and the assistant are able to maximize their skills, making both better off. As these examples show, trade allows countries to specialize in the production of what they do best and make the most efficient use of their resources, thereby decreasing the price of both goods. No matter how inefficiently a country produces every kind of good, it can always be said to have a comparative advantage in at least one of those goods. That's the theory of comparative and absolute advantage. It helps explain what actually happens in the real world of international trade, and it offers broad guidance to countries as they decide which goods and services to produce and subsequently export and which, in turn, to import. Trade in Theory and Practice In reality, of course, trade specialization does not work precisely the way the theory of comparative advantage might suggest, for a number of reasons

No country specializes exclusively in the production and export of just a single product or service. All countries produce at least some goods and services that other countries can produce more efficiently. 17 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

A lower income country might, in theory, be able to produce a particular product more efficiently than the United States can, but that country might not be able to identify potential American buyers or transport the item cheaply to the United States. As a result, U.S. firms may continue to manufacture the product.

Generally, countries with a relative abundance of low-skilled labor will tend to specialize in the production and export of items for which low-skilled labor is the predominant cost component. And countries with a relative abundance of capital will tend to specialize in the production, and export, of items for which capital is the predominant component of cost. Some of the assumptions underpinning the theory comparative advantage are of significant concern to many Americans. They contend that imports inevitably replace domestically produced goods and services, thereby threatening the jobs of those involved in their production. Imports can, in fact, undermine the employment of domestic workers, a subject to which we will return later. But, from what you have just read, you can see that imports generally supply products that are either unavailable in the domestic economy or that domestic enterprises and workers would be better off not making so that they can specialize in more sophisticated and lucrative forms of production, and benefit from lower prices. Finally, international trade brings several other benefits to the average consumer. Competition from imports can enhance the efficiency and quality of domestically produced goods and services. In addition, competition from imports has historically tended to restrain increases in domestic prices. Discussion Questions: Name a product/business where labor would be the comparative advantage for a poor country. Name a product/business where capital would be the comparative advantage for a rich country. Name a product/business where natural resources would be the comparative advantage.

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The Trade Balance The trade balance for each country is the difference between the amount of that nations exports and imports of goods and services in a given year. When a country's total annual exports exceed its total annual imports, it is said to have a trade surplus. If a country exports $10 billion in goods and services and imports $7 billion in the same year, it will have a trade surplus of $3 billion. If it exports $12 billion and imports $19 billion, it will have a trade deficit of $7 billion. Conversely, when imports exceed exports, a country has a trade deficit. The United States is the world's biggest trading nation, a status it has held for many decades, and it has recorded history's largest trade deficits. In 2003, the United States measured a record trade deficit of $496.5 billion. After recording relatively large trade deficits during the 1980s, U.S. trade deficits declined substantially during the first half of the 1990s, only to reach record levels again at the end of the twentieth century (as illustrated in Figure 6).

Conversely, when imports exceed exports, a country has a trade deficit. The United States is the world's biggest trading nation, a status it has held for many decades, and it has recorded history's largest trade deficits. In 2003, the United States measured a record trade deficit of $496.5 billion. After recording relatively large trade deficits during the 1980s, U.S. trade deficits declined substantially during the first half of the 1990s, only to reach record levels again at the end of the twentieth century (as illustrated in Figure 6).

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Figure 7 depicts the course of U.S. exports and imports over the past halfcentury, demonstrating quite clearly that, although exports increased from 1995-2000, imports increased substantially more, producing sizeable trade deficits by the end of the decade.

Figure 8 focuses more narrowly on changes in the U.S. trade balance during the past half-century. It illustrates the sharp increase in the U.S. trade deficit between 1980 and 2000 in contrast with the trend of the preceding three decades (1950 to 1980).

U.S. Trade Data Available Online The U.S. Census Bureau monitors trends in foreign trade, such as historical data by product category, U.S. trade balance by country, and trade of different products by country.

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Significance of the U.S. Trade Deficit. For decades, economists and citizens in the United States and other countries have debated the significance of trade balances. Many argue that it is better for countries to have trade surpluses to export more than they import than to have deficits. They believe that trade deficits are harmful for a number of reasons: 1. Trade deficits are often interpreted as a sign of a nations economic weakness. They are said to reflect an excessive reliance on products made by others, and to result from deficiencies in the home countrys economic output. In the eyes of many labor supporters, an excess of imports over exports comes at the expense of domestic production and jobs. Some people argue that the loss of millions of manufacturing jobs in the United States over the past several decades is due to the trade deficit. 2. Trade deficits represent an expenditure of future growth. This argument states that because a nation with a trade deficit is purchasing more than it produces, investment in future growth is being traded for consumption in the present. 3. Large trade deficits create more favorable conditions for a financial crisis that could in turn damage the U.S. economy. U.S. Trade Deficit Review Commission: In order to understand the nature, causes and consequences of the U.S. trade deficit, Congress set up the U.S. Trade Deficit Review Commission [http://www.ustdrc.gov/] in 1998. The commission ultimately could not reach a consensus on the significance of the U.S. trade deficit nor what to do about it. Nonetheless, the Commission's final report, "The U.S. Trade Deficit: Causes, Consequences, and Recommendations for Action," offers valuable background material on the importance of trade to the U.S. economy and on the two main opposing perspectives on the significance of the trade deficit. According to this view, when the United States runs a large trade deficit, foreign sellers of goods and services simultaneously accumulate large amounts of U.S. dollars. These cannot be spent inside their own countries, so they need to be invested somewhere. Much of this trade deficit-driven accumulation of dollars is used to purchase American stocks and bonds, pieces of American companies, and other U.S. assets. The potential for instability arises if foreign investors in U.S. assets begin to worry that a persistent trade deficit is going to make the U.S. dollar less valuable relative to currencies in other countries. If this concern prompts a lot of foreign investors to sell their U.S. assets at the same time (in the hope of reinvesting the proceeds somewhere else), then the value of the U.S. dollar could fall substantially in a short period of time. Others doubt the importance of these risks, and counter that: 1. consumers, particularly in the United States, can enjoy a higher living standard than they would if limited to domestically produced goods and services. 2. trade deficits have rarely sparked financial crises in advanced industrial countries. 21 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

3. trade deficits can be a sign of economic strength: imports tend to increase rapidly during times of economic growth, when consumers and firms have more money to spend on foreign as well as domestic goods. This argument is consistent with the experience of the United States during the second half of the 1990s, when a booming economy and rising employment were accompanied by record import levels and trade deficits. Questions for Discussion: 1. What is the current U.S. trade balance? You have just read arguments for and against sustaining a trade deficit which do you find more persuasive and why? Does your answer change depending on the country you think about (i.e. would you give one answer for the United States, another for Japan, and another for Peru?). 2. What is the relationship between trade deficits and the potential for financial crises? 3. How can trade deficits have a positive economic effect in a country? Again, does a states ability to sustain trade deficits depend on the size and/or strength of its economy?

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Primer II: Government Regulation Of Trade Efforts to Manipulate Trade Flows As we have seen, there are many good arguments for allowing free trade among states. Trade helps economies grow and helps produce the most efficient production of goods and services across the globe. One might think that governments would want to encourage this efficiency and would agree to let trade occur unregulated. In practice, however, governments often try to manipulate trade in a wide variety of ways. They do this in order to achieve a wide array of economic, political, and diplomatic objectives. Government regulation of trade - as well as efforts over the past five decades to minimize that regulation - have had a significant impact on global trade flows, economic growth, and prosperity. For this reason, it is useful to consider the main ways in which governments have tended to regulate trade and, more recently, to deregulate it. Governments have traditionally tried to manage trade flows in two basic ways: 1. by restricting imports; and 2. by encouraging exports. Import Restrictions Restrictions on imports generally take two forms: tariffs and quantitative restrictions. Tariffs are taxes that are imposed upon imported goods upon their entry into a country. Tariffs, or import taxes, are usually calculated as a percentage of the value of a given imported product. If the United States imposes a 10 percent tariff on imports of Danish ham, for example, then a merchant bringing a $100 shipment of Danish ham into the United States would be required to pay 10 percent of $100, or $10, to the U.S. government. Tariff fees are collected for most governments by what is known as a "customs" agency -- in the American case, the U.S. Customs Service, a division of the Department of the Treasury. Tariffs restrict, or discourage, imports by making imported goods relatively more expensive than domestic goods. If a company importing $100 in Danish hams into the United States must pay a $10 tariff at the U.S. border, that company will be likely to increase the price of those hams in the United States, to make up for the cost of the tariff. Consumers can be expected to consume fewer Danish hams if they cost more than domestic hams, even if the Danish hams are thought to be superior in quality to the domestic hams.

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Tariffs vary widely from country to country and from product to product within countries. Most countries impose no tariffs at all on some imports, but most imports are subject to at least minimal tariffs. Most U.S. tariffs are very low -- less than 3.5 percent, on average. Quantitative restrictions seek to limit access to imports by making them scarce, which, according to the laws of supply and demand, makes them more expensive. Most countries in the world apply quotas to the import of certain goods and services (although applying tariffs is much more common). Why would governments want to alter the natural flow of international trade by imposing tariffs and quotas? Governments restrict imports for four basic reasons: 1. For some governments, particularly in the developing world, tariffs provide a significant source of government revenues. 2. Every country in the world, including the United States, maintains high tariffs on at least a handful of products for which domestic producers are thought to be vulnerable to foreign competition. This so-called tariff protection is typically imposed early in an industry's life or at moments of weakness or decline, when the threat from more efficient foreign producers is thought to be particularly severe. Once imposed, tariff protection is very difficult to remove, because the enterprises and workers who benefit from it work very hard to keep it in place. 3. Governments use import restrictions to protect domestic health or safety. A government sometimes bans all imports of a particular good when it has reason to believe it could harm public safety or health. For example, the United States recently prohibited all European imports of livestock in order to protect U.S. livestock herds from foot and mouth disease, which has afflicted large numbers of animals in Europe. 4. Governments also restrict imports and exports for political reasons. Countries wishing to punish or influence the behavior of another country for human rights violations or for an act of aggression, for example, will sometimes restrict imports from goods producing in the misbehaving country. In times of war, adversaries will often prohibit all imports from each other, a measure known as an embargo. During and since the Cold War, the United States and its allies maintained restrictions on the export of weapons, military technology, and civilian technologies with potential military uses to Communist countries and countries suspected of developing weapons of mass destruction. Figure 9 lists the countries against which the United States currently maintains the most restrictive trade sanctions and the reasons for those sanctions. U.S. Trade Sanctions Country North Korea Year first Reason for sanctions imposed 1950 Hostile actions during the Cold War Sanctions Active Yes

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Cuba Libya Iran Iraq

1963 1986 1987 1990

Hostile actions of the Cuban government during the Cold War

Yes

Libya's repeated use of terrorism against the United States, other No. Lifted countries, and innocent persons, such as the terrorist attacks against the September 2004 Rome and Vienna airports in 1985. Iran's support for international terrorism and its aggressive actions Yes against non-belligerent shipping in the Persian Gulf Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, which provoked the Gulf War No. Lifted May 2003

For each of the countries subject to U.S. sanctions, there are a few products for which trade remains permitted. These products usually include informational material, such as publications, and goods intended to relieve human suffering, such as food and medicine. In addition, goods valued under $100 can usually be sent as a gift or brought to the United States by authorized travelers. The Office of Foreign Assets Control in the Department of the Treasury is in charge of administering and enforcing U.S. sanctions against targeted foreign countries. Questions for Discussion: 1. What are three different reasons why a government would decide to impose tariffs? 2. What are the differences among tariffs, embargoes, quotas, and sanctions? What are the different political motivations for using each? What are the economic ramifications for the home and target countries of using each? 3. Do you think sanctions are an effective foreign policy tool for the purposes of changing the target states behavior?

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Export Subsidies Governments also regulate trade by providing various kinds of support for export producers. Export subsidies come in a variety of forms, but they have in common a transfer of government funds to domestic firms, enabling them to offer their products or services to other countries at lower prices. The objective of this support is to enable domestic producers to win sales by undercutting the prices charged by producers in foreign countries.

The Case of Agricultural Subsidies For many years, for example, the governments of wealthy industrial countries, including the United States, Canada, Japan, and much of Europe, have subsidized exports of farm products. These subsidies were initially implemented to bolster domestic farmers in their competition with farmers from other wealthy countries, where agricultural production costs tend to be uniformly high. These subsidies have been a source of distress for developing countries who, although they may have a comparative advantage in agricultural production, have difficulty competing on the world market against subsidized prices. Developing countries, therefore, have also subsidized their agricultural sectors, further distorting the market and creating the protectionist stand-off that has polarized negotiations on the issue. Reasons that countries may instate export subsidies in the agriculture sector include: to make sure that enough food is produced to meet the countrys needs, to shield farmers from the effects of the weather and swings in world prices, or to preserve rural society.

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Consequences of Trade Restrictions A combination of tariffs, quotas, and subsidies can serve vital national economic, and sometimes political, objectives, but they can also impose significant costs, some of which are not always immediately apparent. Tariffs or quantitative restrictions protect domestic industries and workers from foreign competition by raising the prices domestic consumers must pay for imported goods. In this respect, some argue that import restrictions should be viewed as a tax on domestic consumers. According to some experts, the costs of protecting the jobs of workers in vulnerable industries, which are ultimately borne by taxpayers or consumers, far exceed the potential cost of retraining and finding new jobs for those workers. According to the Institute for International Economics, trade barriers cost American consumers $80 billion a year, or more than $1,200 per family, in increased prices for goods such as sugar (and foods made with it) and appliances made from steel. A similar analysis can be applied to export subsidies. Subsidizing exports can cost governments much more money than would programs designed to shift uncompetitive production into more efficient or internationally competitive sectors. Another criticism of import restrictions and export subsidies is that they discourage the firms and industries benefiting from such policies from making the changes necessary to challenge foreign competition. Once the protected companies have received government support in the form of import restrictions or export subsidies, they may have less incentive to improve their efficiency and management, eventually even becoming dependent on government support for their survival. Tariff Debates in U.S. History The controversies over "protective" tariff rates are not at all new, long preceding the debate about globalization. From almost the earliest days of American history, protective tariffs have aroused some of the fiercest debates within the U.S. political system. A brief look at how controversies over tariffs have shaped American history can help clarify some of the concerns raised in the previous sections of this issue brief. Following the war of 1812, the young United States government enacted a tariff to help protect domestic industries, which were located mostly in the New England states. Three arguments were made on behalf of the tariffs: 1. Domestic industrial production had grown considerably as a result of the British embargo during the war, and the tariffs were deemed necessary to help keep these "infant industries" alive. 2. Some of the Founders came to regard the tariffs as necessary to the defense of the nation by helping retain the factories which could produce war materiel. 3. Finally, the tariffs were to become the principal source of revenue for the United States federal government in its early days. 27 In 1841, tariffs collected from the port of New York City alone accounted for overTrade of the revenue half and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org collected by the U.S. federal government.

Over the course of the next several decades, these tariffs emerged as one of the hottest political controversies within the United States, next to the slavery issue. Northern states, which were highly industrial, wanted to keep the protections of the tariffs, shutting out cheap manufactured goods from Europe. However, Southern states complained bitterly about the tariffs. They observed that these "protective" measures caused them to pay much higher prices for manufactured goods. The resulting decrease in imports from Europe meant that European markets had fewer dollars available with which to buy the raw materials (such as tobacco and cotton) produced in the American South. Southern leaders argued that the tariffs resulted in a significant transfer of wealth from the South to the North.

South Carolina's legendary Senator John Calhoun argued vociferously against tariffs on imports of manufactured goods throughout the 1820s and 1830s. Calhoun articulated the "40 bales theory," which spelled out Southern economic concerns with the high federal tariffs. According to this theory, a 40% tariff on imported cotton fabrics led to 40% higher consumer prices which only benefited New England's comparatively less efficient textile producers. This translated into 40% fewer purchases by consumers. And a 40% reduction in cotton fabric purchases meant that manufacturers would purchase 40% less of the South's cotton. In reality the economic trade-offs and consequences were probably not this precise. But the economic premise was valid. The imposition of the tariff meant that American consumers were forced to pay higher prices for finished textiles whether produced domestically or imported. This argument formed the basis for Calhoun to subsequently call for the right of individual states to "nullify" federal acts, and was a significant precursor to the debates over state's rights and slavery, which led to the American Civil War. Another, more complex, question is the extent to which the tariffs did, in fact, support "infant industries" in the North. That is, did the tariffs provide Northern industries with protection against goods that could be produced cheaper in Europe, so that these domestic industries would have time to develop. Others may argue that tariffs shielding American industries from competition only allowed them to remain less efficient, and that the added costs to all American consumers -- for the benefit of a handful of manufacturers sapped consumer's purchasing power and outweighed any benefit to these producers. This debate from the 19th century parallels almost precisely some of the debates about tariffs that take place today within the United States and around the world. Although tariffs have come down considerably, the United States still maintains substantial tariffs on goods such as textiles and apparel, steel and agricultural products. The ultimate question remains the same: do the benefits to producers and workers in these industries outweigh the costs which are added to all consumers? If they are more costly than beneficial, do the tariff protections serve other interests that perhaps do not contribute to overall economic well-being?

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Liberalization: The "Deregulation" of International Trade Given the dislocations and controversies, some people question the importance of efforts to liberalize trade and wonder whether the economic benefits are perhaps outweighed by other, unquantifiable negative factors. It is important to remember, however, that the original impetus for the process of trade liberalization was undertaken for reasons that went far beyond economic concerns. The Origin of Recent Trade Liberalization Efforts Following World War II, the leaders of the world's largest industrial economies set about to create institutions such as the GATT, to promote trade liberalization, and the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, to better coordinate global economic policy. The world leaders who established these organizations did so out of what they believed to be a bitterly learned lesson about the costs of not coordinating economic policy and of the absence of safeguards to protect free trade. This generation had just emerged from the greatest conflict the world had ever seen, whose origins could be traced to the fascist dictatorships that sprang up as a result of the world-wide Depression. In the late 1920's economies around the world stumbled and fell, causing widespread unemployment and slashing economic production. The U.S. government, like many others, saw its revenues falling and domestic production increasingly endangered by now-cheap foreign imports. In response, the U.S. Congress passed the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, which raised tariffs on imports by nearly 60 percent. This was done as a means of both raising revenue and curbing imports. In response, 60 other countries retaliated against the United States, raising their own tariff barriers. Nations also began to devalue the exchange rate of their currencies, to make their exports cheaper to their trade partners. These mutual increases in tariffs and competitive devaluations are often referred to as "beggar-thy-neighbor" policies. As we have described earlier in this brief, the gains from trade are, on balance, beneficial to both parties. Unlike most economic policies which seek to promote mutual gains, however, these kinds of measures tend to only make matters worse for all concerned. As a result of these devaluations and newly-erected tariff barriers, the volume of world trade dropped dramatically, and served to deepen and lengthen the Great Depression. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Undersecretary of State Sumner Welles later concluded that "The high tariff [of Smoot-Hawley] rolled up unemployment in Great Britain and in Western Europe... [It] encouraged the German government to adopt its autarchic economic policy, which in turn was a contributing factor in bringing about the second World War. Indeed, the disaster created by Smoot-Hawley was so quickly and clearly evident that it led to a strong reversal by way of the Reciprocal Trade Agreement Act of 1934. For the first time, Congress gave the President the authority 29 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

albeit for three years only subject to renewal to negotiate tariff cuts on a bilateral, reciprocal basis with other countries. These cuts could be implemented by Executive Order, i.e., without further action by Congress. This authority was renewed repeatedly in ensuing years and by 1945, twenty-five reciprocal agreements had been negotiated. Most importantly, this meant that the direction of previously "domestic" trade policy was now constrained by international agreements committing the United States to lower trade tariffs. After WWII, global leaders sought to put permanent agreements and institutions in place to ensure that economic chain reactions, like the one triggered by Smoot-Hawley, never took place again. One of their goals was the creation of the International Trade Organization, with a very ambitious agenda that not only covered trade but extended to include rules on employment, commodity agreements, restrictive, business practices, international investment, and services. However, the agreement provided was more than the U.S. Congress was prepared to swallow, so the ITO was stillborn. Instead, the leading nations, including the United States, settled upon the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, which was not a permanent organization and had a narrower focus limited to the reduction of industrial tariffs (the United States insisted on the exclusion of agricultural goods). At almost any given time, no matter how prosperous the world economy may be overall, there are usually a few countries undergoing some kind of economic shocks. And every time a country suffers an economic downturn, it is always very tempting for political leaders to try to "export" their problems onto their trading partners by raising tariffs or devaluing their currencies. Many economists therefore make the analogy that the pursuit of free trade is a bit like riding a bicycle: if you don't continue to make forward progress, you are in danger of falling off. Governments around the world are under almost-constant pressure to protect domestic industries either because of an economic downturn, because of changes in technology, or any of the myriad forces behind the "creative destruction" of the free market. Trade agreements which are vigorously enforced are the most powerful ways to prevent government from succumbing to these pressures. Although many very valid criticisms can be levied against the current world trading system, critics should always try to keep in mind the precedent which led to its creation, and the global turmoil that was caused by the absence of enforceable international rules. Questions for Discussion: 1. Why do you think the U.S. Congress opposed the International Trade Organization? 2. Do you think the international regulation of trade benefits countries overall? Does it help particular countries more than others? 3. How do governments balance the need to respond to domestic demands for protection of particular Time international demands for open markets? sectors (agriculture, manufacturing, etc.) andLine of Events

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1929 1930 1934 1939-1945 1946

Great Depression begins Smoot Hawley Tariff Act: Raises tariff of imports by 60% Reciprocal Trade Agreements. President (executive) authorized to eliminate tariffs with bilateral agreements WWII GATT created to reduce industrial tariffs worldwide

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Liberalization of International Trade Since World War II, governments have cooperated on a wide variety of efforts to reduce or eliminate import restrictions and export subsidies. They have been motivated by the conviction that deregulating, or liberalizing, trade would increase the volume of trade, promote economic growth, and improve living standards worldwide. Trade liberalization initiatives have been pursued at the country-to-country level (bilateral level), among groups of neighboring countries (the regional level), and in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which was established in 1948 and included eight major, multiyear rounds of negotiations among a broad cross-section of countries (the multilateral level). Two critical principles have guided post World War II trade liberalization efforts and have contributed significantly to their success: 1. The nondiscrimination principle stipulates that both trade restrictions and proposals to reduce trade restrictions should apply to all of a country's trading partners equally, and that imported goods and services will not be treated differently than domestic ones. 2. The principle of reciprocity dictates that all participating countries offer to reduce some of their own import barriers or export subsidies in exchange for comparable steps by their negotiating partners. Agreements liberalizing trade at the bilateral, regional, and multilateral levels have been highly successful over the past five decades. The eight major rounds of multilateral trade talks since World War II have reduced average global tariffs from 40 percent to 5 percent. This reduction in tariffs has helped promote economic efficiency and saved consumers billions of dollars of income through lower prices. With average tariff levels virtually disappearing in many industries, the attention of trade negotiators subsequently turned to a range of more complicated barriers to trade. The final round of global trade talks, known as the Uruguay Round in recognition of the country in which they undertaken, were launched in 1986.

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Major Post-World War II Global Trade Rounds Round Number of Participants 23 13 37 26 26 62 102 Key achievements Tariff reduction Tariff reduction Tariff reduction Tariff reduction Tariff reduction Tariff reduction, agreement on anti-dumping practices Tariff reduction, elimination of non-tariff barriers, 'framework' agreements Tariff reduction, agreement to eliminate quotas in agriculture, agreement on intellectual property, agreement on dispute settlement, integration of textile and apparel products into the agreement, creation of the WTO Dubbed the Development Round, these negotiations focus on agriculture, trade of services, market access, intellectual property rights, investment, competition, transparency in government procurement, trade facilitation, and WTO rules, and have so far been characterized by conflict between developed and developing countries.

1947 1949 1951 1956 1960-61, "Dillon Round" 1964-67,"Kennedy Round 1973-79,"Tokyo Round" 1986-94,"Uruguay Round"

123

2001-present "Doha Round"

146

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Questions for Discussion: 1. What are the arguments given in favor of trade liberalization? What are the arguments against it? 2. How does trade liberalization affect a developing country differently from an industrialized country? 3. What changes have you noticed over the past few years with respect to the organization of trade relationships? Are they becoming more regional? Bilateral? Global? What ramifications result from this trend?

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Multilateral Trade Liberalization: The Uruguay Round and the World Trade Organization The Uruguay Round, which concluded with a series of multilateral agreements in 1994, addressed a number of issues that had never been discussed before in global trade negotiations. The first few rounds of GATT (as demonstrated in Table 2) were focused on reducing or eliminating tariffs. In the Uruguay Round, however, two key agreements established new rules liberalizing trade in services and protecting copyrights, trademarks, and other forms of intellectual property. Other agreements clarified the relationship between sanitary regulations and trade and, for the first time ever, reduced agricultural trade restrictions worldwide. The Uruguay Round also created the World Trade Organization (WTO), an international institution designed to ensure that trade between nations flows as smoothly as possible. The WTO acts a forum for multilateral trade negotiation, administers multilateral trade agreements, decides trade disputes, and reviews national trade policies. It was the belated birth of the International Trade Organization, fifty years after the first effort in 1946. Convinced of the benefits that would flow from participation in this rules-based multilateral trade system, dozens of countries, including many that only recently emerged from Communist rule, have joined or applied to join the WTO in the first six years of its existence. Seventy-six countries have been members of the WTO since its inception in January 1, 1995. Today, the WTO's membership stands at 144, with two dozen countries seeking admission. Russia is the largest country that has yet to become a WTO member. China and Taiwan entered the WTO at the end of 2001. Current membership of the WTO accounts for more than 95 percent of world trade.

The trade liberalization achieved during the Uruguay Round is expected to be beneficial both to developed and developing countries, as Figure 11 illustrates. One attempt to quantify the impact of the Round concludes that the aggregate welfare gains are in the order of $96 billion per year in the short run, but could be as high as $171 billion per year in the long run after capital stocks have optimally adjusted. Despite these global gains, the authors identify some developing countries that lose from the Round in the short run. In the long run, almost all gain, and the Round will allow developing countries to gain further through their own unilateral liberalization.

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The Doha Development Round: The World Trade Organizations Controversial Agenda The Fourth WTO Ministerial Conference was held in Doha, Qatar from 9 to 14 November 2001. While members may be moving again toward negotiations, the Round has stalled and no one anticipates the completion of its agenda before the end of 2005, as previously scheduled. Foremost among the accomplishments of the negotiations so far is the Declaration on the TRIPS agreement and public health, which gives countries affordable options for addressing public health crises, such as the HIV/AIDS epidemic in southern Africa, without violating the patents on treatment drugs. This marks a rare issue on which the developed and developing countries could reach agreement. Other issues on the agenda, especially the reduction of trade barriers in the agriculture sector, put a divisive wedge between a group of developing countries and the European Union and the Unites States. While the power dynamics in the WTO may be shifting as a result of the strong and unified position the developing world took at the talks in Cancun, the potential to complete a productive round exists as countries look toward setting a realistic agenda for future negotiations in the Round. Regional Trade Liberalization During the past two decades, nearly every country that participated in GATT or the WTO has also joined with neighboring countries in some form of regional trade arrangement. These regional trade arrangements differ in structure and in the issues they negotiate, but they have a common objective: to increase trade and prosperity through the mutual reduction of barriers to the exports of neighboring countries. A key premise of these regional trade arrangements is that neighboring countries, which sometimes share cultural and language ties, can expand trade more rapidly than can countries separated by great distances. It is also sometimes easier for small groups of countries in the same region to agree on ways to reduce trade barriers than it is for more than 140 countries across the globe to do so in a broad multilateral trade round. Regional trade agreements have proliferated in recent years. So have bilateral and regional "free-trade agreements," which seek not merely to reduce but to eliminate nearly all restrictions on trade among participating countries. Arrangements that partially or fully embrace free trade among countries within a given region have been established in North America, Europe, Southeast Asia, the southern part of South America, the Andean region of South America, Central America, and in several African sub-regions. The United States participates in several of these regional and bilateral arrangements, and is currently negotiating several more. Under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which took effect in 1994, the United States, Mexico, and Canada are phasing out barriers to each other's imports. The United States is also engaged in an ambitious set of negotiations aimed at concluding a free-trade agreement covering the entire Western Hemisphere by 2005.

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Member States of Selected Regional Trade Agreements NAFTA: Canada, United States, Mexico EU: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia ASEAN: Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Viet Nam Mercosur: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay Comesa: Angola, Burundi, Comoros, Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Namibia, Rwanda, Seychelles, Sudan, Swaziland, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe Caricom: Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago Andean Trade Preference Act: Ecuador, Peru, Colombia, Bolivia, Venezuela Central European Free Trade Association: Hungary, Poland, Czech, Slovakia, Slovenia In a process that began with the First Summit of the Americas in 1994, the 34 democratic countries of North and South America are progressively eliminating barriers to trade and investment to create a free trade area. Subsequent negotiations have led to the establishment of the Free Trade Area of the Americas. At the most recent negotiations, held in Miami in November, 2003, the countries reaffirmed their commitment to the successful conclusion of the FTAA negotiations by January 2005, with the ultimate goal of achieving an area of free trade and regional integration. The Ministers reaffirm their commitment to a comprehensive and balanced FTAA that will most effectively foster economic growth, the reduction of poverty, development, and integration through trade liberalization. Ministers also recognize the need for flexibility to take into account the needs and sensitivities of all FTAA partners. Visit the official website of the Free Trade Area of the Americas. In late April 2001, the heads of state from all of North and South America's democratic countries met in Quebec City, Canada, for the Third Summit of the Americas. The goal of a hemispheric free-trade agreement was set by leaders attending the first of these summit gatherings in 1994. On April 9, just prior to the Americas Summit, the Americas Program of CSIS sponsored a major policy conference previewing the Summit agenda and related challenges.

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The equivalent of NAFTA in East Asia is the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), which comprises nine members including Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore, but not China and Japan. The European Union (EU) differs from both NAFTA and ASEAN because it deals not only with trade preferences but also includes political arrangements, policies on immigration and a common currency, the Euro, which was introduced on January 1, 2002. Beyond the Western Hemisphere, the United States has announced or completed bilateral trade agreements with members of the Middle East Free Trade Area, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, Southern African Customs Union, and the Manufacturing Free Trade Area with Australia. Each of these groups was formed to liberalize trade between countries in the same region, with whom they do the most business. Most countries trade with their neighbors, and also with the United States and the European Union. Read about past controversies over multilateral vs. bilateral or regional agreements: Proliferation of Bilateral and Regional Free Trade Agreements May Threaten Multilateral Talks

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The Changing Composition of Trade Thanks in part to the progressive deregulation of trade achieved in multilateral trade rounds, regional trade agreements, and bilateral deals, global trade flows have grown 22 times in size since 1970, more than twice the rate of economic growth during this period. It is generally believed that the massive growth of trade has led to higher productivity, thereby improving living standards and promoting prosperity worldwide. But international flows of imports and exports have changed as dramatically in content and direction over the past five decades as they have in size. The United States began and ended this period with the world's largest and most technologically advanced economy, but other countries have experienced astonishing increases in their level of development and technological sophistication, and their trade with the United States and other countries has changed as a consequence. The prevailing pattern of international trade in the first decade following World War II looked like this:

The United States and Western European countries produced most of the world's industrial machinery, major manufactured products like vehicles or washing machines, and technologically sophisticated goods like electronics. These wealthy industrial countries exported manufactured goods (along with plenty of grains and minerals, in the case of the United States) to less-wealthy developing countries. Developing countries exported back to the industrial countries raw materials (minerals, timber), agricultural products, and "light," or simple, manufactured goods like toys or clothing. However, in just the past four decades, dozens of poor countries took major strides in developing their economies. Exports produced in developing countries are generally still dominated by raw or semi-processed materials and agricultural products, but light and heavy manufacturing has steadily growing share of these countries' economic output and exports.

In the first few decades following World War II, several developing nations became major industrial powers, producing manufactured goods equal and sometimes superior in quality and sophistication to products made in the United States. One such nation was Japan, whose per capita income at the end of World War II was less than it was in 1925, and equal to a large number of countries in Africa and Asia today. For the United States and several countries in Europe, the emergence of new manufacturing capacities has been a mixed, though mostly positive, blessing. The growth of developing economies and the post-war recoveries of Europe and Japan have helped turn poor and devastated countries into massive markets for U.S. exports and investment. American companies, farmers, and workers have benefited immensely from these new commercial opportunities. Had the rest of the world not developed and grown as much as it has since World War II, American living standards would not, on balance, have improved as much as they have.

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Trade Challenges for the United States Changes in the structure of global production and trade have been difficult for certain sectors of the U.S. economy, and especially for workers in these affected sectors. As other countries have developed new manufacturing capacities, the lower wages of workers in those countries have given them a cost advantage relative to manufacturing in the United States. This has led to a steady increase in U.S. imports of manufactured goods that are cheaper than equivalent domestic goods. It has also prompted a number of U.S. companies to close factories in the United States and build new ones in developing countries, where they can take advantage of lower wages and improved manufacturing skills. Combined with technological changes and other factors, these developments in trade have: 1. Contributed to a gradual shrinkage in the share of the U.S. workforce holding secure, manufacturing jobs with decent wages; and 2. Spurred a long-term decline in the inflation-adjusted income of workers in the manufacturing sector. (Figures 13 and 14 illustrate the changes in the structure of the U.S. economy between 1960 and 1996.)

Figure 13

Figure 14

Lower-skilled American workers have been hit hardest by foreign imports and plant closings, because they tend to work in the industries in which emerging industrial countries are most competitive. Over the past few decades, as employment and wages have declined in traditional U.S. manufacturing sectors, many more jobs have been created in higher-tech manufacturing industries and in the service sector. These jobs are often higher-paying than the manufacturing jobs that have been eliminated. But many workers with manufacturing backgrounds lack the training and education necessary to transition into and succeed in these new fields. The U.S. federal government and state governments all sponsor programs designed to help workers displaced by economic change to acquire new skills. One of the biggest of these is the Trade Adjustment Assistance program,

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run by the U.S. Department of Labor. Some analysts and labor advocates claim that government support for such has been inadequate. The changing structure of American trade over the past few decades is in many respects a reflection of a larger set of changes in the structure of the U.S. economy. The relative shares of U.S. economic output accounted for by each of the three major forms of economic activity (manufacturing, services, and agriculture) are constantly changing. At the beginning of twentieth century, the dominant trend was the decline of agricultural production and the rise of manufacturing. In recent decades, the dominant trend has been the decline of manufacturing and the rise of the high technology and service sectors. These long-term changes in the structure of an economy can be marginally shaped by policy, but to a large extent, they are the inevitable result of the routine operation of a capitalist economy. The Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter once famously characterized capitalism as a process of "creative destruction." That is, a free market economy will naturally eliminate firms and industries that are less efficient or produce inferior goods. When these companies are eliminated, their more efficient competitors are allowed to maximize the advantages they bring to the market. Efforts to keep these old industries propped up not only inhibit the operations of better firms, but they usually come at the great expense of taxpayers. Rather than trying to delay or prevent such trends, the alternative would be to offer assistance to those individuals or communities that experience difficulty. Want to learn more, visit news analyses: U.S. Congress Grants President Trade Promotion Authority and LongRunning Trade Dispute over U.S. Tax Break May Be Ending. Questions for Discussion: 1. How has the American economy changed over the past twenty years? Who benefits and who loses from this transition? 2. What role has the U.S. government played in trying to smooth this transition for American workers? What additional measures do you think the government could implement to help workers? What can be done at the federal, state, and local levels? 3. What changes have you seen in your schools and universities that reflect the changes that are taking place in about Trade Public Concerns the economy? What sorts of classes are offered today that would not have been a decade ago? What sorts of companies are hiring students today? Is this different from before?

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Public Concerns about Trade International trade has often been a target of those who have been adversely affected by economic disruption. As noted earlier, there is little doubt that increased trade, especially with developing countries, has increased the vulnerability of lower-skilled jobs in the United States. But most economists believe that technological changes which have also tended to improve overall living standards -- have played a much larger role than trade in the decline of manufacturing jobs in the United States and other countries. As an occasionally painful agent of change, however, technological progress is a much more elusive target for criticism than are trade and foreign investment, in which federal or corporate actors are more easily identified. Concern about the impact of trade on jobs and wages is but one of several major sets of public concerns about trade's impact on social welfare in the United States and other countries. These concerns have fueled complex and unresolved debates about U.S. trade policy. CSIS Meeting of Four Former United States Trade Representatives Recent public debate over trade issues has centered on outsourcing, the practice of moving some or all business operations overseas to take advantage of lower costs and lower wages. As discussed in The Changing Composition of Trade, most economists believe that outsourcing is a natural reaction that will benefit Americans in the long run, however there are costs to Americans in the short run, such as high unemployment in the sectors where outsourcing is most prevalent. On March 10, 2004, four trade experts analyzed the facts, myths and potential policy responses to global outsourcing. The remarks of the former USTRs are recorded http://csis.org/schollchair/040213ustr.pdf The concluding sections of this Issue Brief will review three of these policy debates: the debate on the relationship between trade and international labor standards, and the debate on the relationship between trade and environmentand health-related standards.

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Trade and International Labor Standards With respect to trade and labor standards, many labor unions and labor activists, such as the AFL-CIO, have argued that the United States should promote improved labor protections in any country with which it negotiates a new agreement aimed at liberalizing trade. The International Labor Organization of the United Nations upholds a series of labor recommendations and conventions that are intended to be recognized everywhere in the world. There is universal consensus that all countries must respect the following fundamental rights:

Freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining; Elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor; Effective abolition of child labor; and Elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and occupation

The International Labor Organization's Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, adopted in Geneva in 1998, stresses these principles in greater detail. According to many labor advocates, workers in many developing countries lack basic labor protectionssuch as the right to organize unions, and healthy and safe workplacesthat most American workers take for granted. Weak and poorly enforced labor standards in developing countries are said to be unjust to workers. Because weak labor standards are often accompanied by low wages, they are also said to harm workers in the United States and other industrial countries who compete with developing country workers through trade and investment. To address these problems, many labor advocates propose that new trade agreements include special provisions which permit one country to restrict the imports of another country if the country is found to be in violation of internationally accepted standards of labor protection. This threat of trade penalties, or sanctions, proponents say, will encourage developing countries to improve their labor laws and strengthen their enforcement of those laws, simultaneously helping developing and industrial country workers. Proposals to include labor provisions in new trade agreements have been opposed by developing country governments and businesses for one or more of the following reasons: Developing country governments and businesses worry that trade agreements that seek to raise labor standards will be manipulated for protectionist purposes -- that their exports will be blocked on the ground that their labor standards are not sufficiently acceptable when the true motivation is to protect uncompetitive firms in industrial countries.

Many developing country governments and economists also argue that international pressure to improve labor standards detracts from developing countries only big advantage: a cheap supply of labor. They make the case that pressure to raise labor costs takes away from their comparative advantage, and only benefits workers in rich countries. 43 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

Still others argue that trade sanctions are an imprecise and unwieldy means for improving inferior developing country labor conditions, which often have complex economic and social causes. They argue that labor conditions can best be improved over time by promoting development which improves productivity. By increasing the size of a nation's labor force, economic trends tend to pull up wages and working conditions automatically.

Efforts to introduce the issue of labor standards into the WTO, which have primarily been led by the United States and other industrialized countries, have been fiercely opposed by other member states, particularly by developing countries. These representatives invoke all of the above concerns to argue that efforts to promote labor standards tend to inhibit their economic development.

Questions for Discussion: 1. What do you think of the suggestion that the United States include labor and/or environmental provisions in its bilateral trade agreements? What are the trade-offs associated with including such provisions? 2. Why do developing countries oppose strong labor regulations? How do you evaluate their arguments?

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Trade and Environmental Standards A similar debate has surrounded the question of whether and how to link trade rules with efforts to improve environmental protection. Environmentalists and others argue that increased trade, if not properly regulated, can cause environmental damage. They believe that countries will either: 1. Reduce or fail to enforce their own environmental protections in order to attract foreign investors seeking lower-cost production sites; or 2. Invalidate existing national laws or regulations designed to protect the environment; or 3. Undermine multilateral efforts to address environmental problems when they conflict with the existing agreements and rules of the international trading system. Like the labor advocates, some environmentalists endorse new trade agreements with include provisions, backed by the threat of trade sanctions, which prohibit countries from lowering their environmental protections to attract trade or investment. The World Wildlife Fund and the National Wildlife Federation are two of the major environmental groups who back such measures. Opponents of these measures argue that increased trade and the economic growth it stimulates will have beneficial long-term consequences for the environment. They also argue that trade liberalization can simultaneously expand trade and improve environmental conditions in certain economic sectors, such as fisheries, in which many countries subsidize environmentally harmful levels of production in order to increase their international trade. To learn more about the concerns about trade and the environment, please take a look at Globalization101.org's Environment issue brief.

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Comparative Advantage Quiz With the cost of production of two goods in two different countries, it is possible to calculate how much the two countries could gain from trade. Imagine that country A can produce a unit of product A for $2 and a unit of product B for $3. Country B can produce a unit of product A for $1 and a unit of product B for $2, which means that country B is more efficient in the production of both goods. Country A has $60 available for production. Country B has $36 available for production. If the two countries do not trade and use half of their resources on the production of each good, how many units of each good would they produce? [The student can fill out the following sentence on the Web] Country A can produce 15 units of product A and ______ [10] units of product B Country B can produce _______ [18] units of product A and 9 units of product B [If the student enters the correct response, a window pops up with the second part of the exercise] Now, if the two countries concentrate on the production of what they do best, they could produce: Country A: ______ [20] units of product B Country B: ______ [36] units of product A The two countries can then trade goods so that both countries could end up with: ________ [18] units of product A, _______ [10] units of product B

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Some Trade Stats: Top U.S. exports and imports with its major trading partners.

This world map shows top U.S. imports and exports for the United States's top five trading partners (in million of dollars) in 2000

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Glossary: Developing Countries: The World Bank classifies countries according to their Gross National Income (GNI) per capita as either low income, middle income, or high income. Low income and middle income economies are referred to as developing economies. Balance of Trade: The difference between a countrys total imports and exports. When exports exceed imports, there is a trade surplus; the converse yields a trade deficit. Customs Union: Any group of nations that has agreed to eliminate tariffs on goods traded among members, while imposing common external tariffs on goods entering from outside the group. The European Union is the bestknown example. Dumping: A company is said to be dumping a product when it exports the product at a price lower than the price it charges in the home market. Dumping is problematic for businesses in the importing country because they have to cope with a foreign competitor that sells products very cheaply. Dumping is considered as an unfair business practice. With the WTO anti-dumping agreements, governments can appeal to the WTO to impose retaliation against countries where companies break dumping laws. Firm: An independent unit which utilizes the factors of production to produce goods and services. Free Trade Area (FTA): A cooperative arrangement among two or more countries to eliminate tariff barriers among themselves while not applying a uniform external tariff on imports from non-participant countries. Goods and services: A good is a tangible item that someone has made, mined, or grown. Goods include naturally occurring substances (oil, iron ore), agricultural products (grains, livestock), and manufactured or processed products (packaged foods, toys, timber, furniture, computers, machine parts). A service is a form of work, assistance, or advice that provides something of value to someone else but does not produce a tangible item. Air, rail, or sea transportation are services. Communication by telephone or Internet is a service. So is the work done by engineers, doctors, lawyers, architects, and entertainers. Tourism is a service, too: The money spent by foreign visitors at Disney World, the Grand Canyon, and other attractions inside the United States represents earnings from the export of tourism services. The distinction between goods and services can sometimes be blurry. When a musician plays a concert, for example, he or she provides entertainment services to those who attend. But if the performance is recorded and turned into a CD, the musician has also created a tangible good. Industrial Country: Those countries whose society shifted from agricultural based to modern industrial. Industrial Revolution: The Industrial Revolution refers to the social and economic changes that occurred in Great Britain from the middle of the 18th to the middle of the 19th century. British society shifted from a primarily agricultural society to a modern industrial society. Other countries quickly followed the British transition. 48 Trade and Globalization http://www.globalization101.org

Intellectual property: Intellectual property refers to the creations of the mind, such as inventions, literary or artistic works, and symbols, names, and designs used in commerce. Intellectual property is divided into two categories: industrial property, which includes inventions and trademarks, and copyrights, which include novels, plays, films, and paintings, among many other things. Intellectual property can be a cause of trade disputes when standards for protection of intellectual property differ in different countries. For instance, it is in the interest of U.S. companies to have intellectual property such as music copyrights respected in China, but the Chinese government does not regulate copyright issues as much as the US government does. Multilateral: If something is multilateral, it means that more than two countries participate in it. A multilateral agreement is an agreement that at least three countries have signed. A multilateral institution is an organization in which at least three countries participate. If just two countries reach an agreement between themselves, that agreement is said to be bilateral. The United States, for example, has a bilateral free-trade agreement with Israel. But NAFTA, a free trade agreement among three countries -- the United States, Canada, and Mexico -- is a multilateral agreement. When people use the term multilateral, however, they usually have in mind something involving more than three countries. The post-World War II multilateral trade rounds, for example, have involved dozens of countries. Non-Tariff Barriers (NTB): Import quotas, burdensome customs formalities, foreign exchange controls, or other measure or policies (other than tariffs) which restrict or prevent trade. Protectionism: The establishment of barriers to the importation of goods and services from foreign countries in order to protect domestic producers. Quotas: Quotas are quantitative restrictions on the import of certain goods and services. Rather than imposing tariffs, governments wishing to limit access to or raise the prices of certain goods or services will sometimes specify in laws or regulations that total yearly imports of a particular good or service may not exceed a certain quota, which may be expressed as a quantity of exports or as a dollar value of exports. The United States maintains import quotas on imported clothing, sugar, peanuts, and several other items. Under an international agreement governing trade in clothing and fabrics, the United States applies different import quotas to the clothing produced by different developing countries. Tariff: A list of taxes or customs duties payable on imports or exports. Wholesalers: A wholesaler is an agent that sells goods in large quantities to retailers, who then sell those goods to the general public.

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Bibliography
Digging Deeper: Further Reading Introduction Bhagwati, Jagdish. In Defense of Globalization, Oxford University Press, 2004. Graham, Edward M. Fighting the Wrong Enemy: Antiglobal Activists and Multinational Enterprises. Institute for International Economics, Washington: 2000. Greider, William. One World, Ready or Not: The Manic Logic of Global Capitalism. Simon & Schuster, New York: 1997. Krueger, Anne O. "Why Trade Liberalization is Good for Growth." The Economic Journal 108: 1513-22, 1998. Stiglitz, Joseph Globalization and Its Discontents, W.W. Norton & Company, 2002., W.W. Norton & Company, 2002. Primer I: The Economics of International Trade Burtless, Gary, Lawrence, Robert Z, Litan, Robert E. and Shapiro, Robert J. Globaphobia: Confronting Fears about Open Trade. Brookings Institution Press, New York: 1998. Friedman, Thomas. The Lexus and the Olive Tree. Farrar Straus Giroux, New York: 1999. Rodrik, Dani. Has Globalization Gone Too Far? Institute for International Economics, Washington: 1997. Primer II: Government Regulation of Trade Chossudovsky, Michel: The Globalisation of Poverty: Impacts of IMF and World Bank Reforms. Zed Books, London: 1997. Clark, Ian. Globalization and Fragmentation: International Relations in the Twentieth Century. Oxford University Press, Oxford: 1997. Sachs, Jeffrey and Andrew Warner. Economic Reform and the Process of Global Integration. Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 95, no.1: 1-188, 1995.

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Strange, Susan. The Retreat of the State: the diffusion of power in the world economy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 1996. Thomas, Caroline and Wilkin, Peter. Globalization and the South. St. Martin's Press, New York: 1997. Cultural Industries Sectoral Advisory Group on International Trade. SAGIT, New Strategies for Culture and Trade. Canada: 1999. McAnanay, G. Emile and Wilkinson, T. Kenton. Mass Media and Free Trade: NAFTA and the Cultural Industries. University of Texas Press: 1997. Liberalization: The "Deregulation" of International Trade Arizpe, Lourdes and Guiomar , Alonso. Culture, Globalization and International Trade. Background Papers Vol. I Human Development Report 1999. Bauman, Zygmunt. Globalization: The Human Consequences. Polity Press, Cambridge: 1998. Feketekuty, Geza and Stokes, Bruce, eds. Trade Strategies for a New Era: Ensuring U.S. Leadership in a Global Economy. Council on Foreign Relations, New York: 1998. Glopalasamy, N. GATT/WTO, TRIPS, TRIMs and Trade in Services. Wheeler Publishing, Madras: 1998. Hoekman, B. and Kostecki, M. The Political Economy of the World Trading System. Oxford University Press, Oxford: 1995. World Trade Organization. Trading into the Future. 1999 Schumpeter, Joseph A. 1942. Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy. New York: Harper and Brothers. (Harper Colophon edition, 1976.).

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