It appeared to me as if here we should live secure

A Familys Precarious Refuge in Paramus, 1776 to 1780

John U. Rees
(Published in Barbara Z. Marchant, ed., Revolutionary Bergen County, The Road to Independence
(Charleston, S.C. and London: The History Press, 2009), 31-42.)
___________________
My version of Mrs. Brashers story is dedicated to my mother, Virginia L. Dolli
Rees. Her penchant for books, and abiding interest in the lives of both loved ones
and strangers, has surely influenced my desire to tell stories of ordinary soldiers and
civilians in wartime, and my love of small things forgotten.
___________________

Portrait of a Woman
Charles Willson Peale, 1775

Accounts of military actions and soldiers experiences during our founding conflict are
numerous; less often do we hear from the civilians who stood in the way of war. Helen
Kortright Brasher was the wife of Col. Abraham Brasher, an officer in the New York
militia, early-war Congressman, and member of the State Assembly from September
1777 till his death in 1783. Mrs. Brasher recorded her Revolutionary narrative in 1802
when she was 63; her recollections are vivid, engaging, and, where they can be verified,
reliable.1
The Brasher family, including Helens mother, sixty-eight year old Hester Cannon
Kortright, and children, Judith, age fifteen, Elizabeth, age nine, and Gasherie, almost two
years old, plus several servants, resided in New York City when the war began. The
Colonel first served in the Continental Congress for three years, starting in 1775.2 From
the beginning he was involved in local politics, Mrs. Brasher writing of the time,
At this time the unhappy dispute between Great Britain and the Colonys began. My
husband being a warm American openly espoused her cause the storm thickened
and all our domestick happiness appeared at an end. The zeal of my husband was so
great, that his family which before had been his sole care and pleasure now became
only secondary He would often say, my country first and then my family. In this
we differed. I thought a mans family should and ought to be his first object 3

Eventually, admitting my politicks were the same as his, she relented in her
objections, telling her husband, Go my dear, and serve your country I will find the
means to provide for the family.4
Following the British evacuation of Boston in March 1776, Continental forces moved
south to New York. Helen Brasher noted,
our peaceful city became a garrisoned town, General [George] Washington arrived
and nothing was seen or heard but preparations for war, the pavements of our streets were
taken up, fortifications erected, at last, by order of Genl. Washington all the women and
children were ordered to leave it, my husband procured part of a house for us at
Hackensack in Jersey, to it we retired with my aged mother three children and three
servants, my husband still in the city and its environs. My anxiety on his account was
great. The British got possession of the City, my husband got over to us, and I felt once
more happy. My husband was chosen a member of the Assembly. They sat at Esopus
[modernday Kingston, New York] a great distance from us.5

With the tide turning against the Whig cause, and Crown forces crossing into New
Jersey, the Colonels wife recalled,
Our situation became very public by the troops from Long Island and York Island all
crossing over to the Jerseys. My husband proposed moving us farther back in the country,
he got rooms for us at Paramus [now Ho-Ho-Kus, Bergen County, New Jersey], a village
about twelve miles back. To this retired place he removed us at a Mr. John [J.] Hoppers,
it appeared to me as if here we should live secure from wars alarms. 6

The Brasher familys move to Paramus soon placed them in the midst of occupying
troops and military movements; luckily for them, they largely involved forces on the side
of independence. December 1776 brought the first substantial military presence at
Paramus, when troops under Maj. Gen. William Heath took post there on the 16th.
2

Jonathan Heart, doing duty as Barack Master recorded The Troops under Command
of Majr Genl Heath assigned to Quarters :7
Maj Genl Heath to Garret Hopper.s House
BD [Brigadier] Genl Parsons to a House near the Church
Colo Prescotts Regiment with Capt Lt. Treadwell.s Compy of
the [artillery] Train in the Houses next adjacent to the Church
Colo Huntingtons & Tylers Regiments in the Houses next
south of Genl Parsons Quarters
Colo Ward.s Regt. in Houses on the Road North of the Church
Colo Wyllyss Regt with Capt Lt. Bryons Compy of the [artillery] Train
in the Houses next south of Head Quarters
The Light Horse in the House next North of Head Quarters

A 21 December return of Heaths two brigades, commanded by Generals Samuel

Parsons and George Clinton, shows a total strength of 2,479 troops; of that number only
966 were actually present at Paramus, the remainder being on command (on detached
duty), sick absent, or on furlough. That same day General Heath informed General
Washington he was moving his Continental regiments to Peekskill, New York, leaving
General Clinton with about 1000 of the Militia of Orange & Ulster Counties ordered out
by the Convention of the State of New York to guard for the present, this post, & the
passes of the Highlands on this side of Hudsons River. After Clintons forces left, the
New Jersey militia kept a contingent at Paramus when Continental troops were not in
garrison.8
The following year proved relatively uneventful, save for an unsuccessful May 1777
attempt to surprise a force of militia by the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers, and British
foraging operations in and around nearby Hackensack that September.9 Even the presence
of substantial numbers of pro-British residents in the area did not prevent Mrs. Brasher,
her children and retinue, from making themselves relatively comfortable in their new
residence.
Our landlord [John J. Hopper] was a miller, our bread and water was sure, and more than
this we was not entitled to expect [When Colonel Brasher left for Esopus, New York]
I went to the apartment of my landlord and told him I put my mother selfe and children
under his protection and flattered myselfe he would be a father and friend to us, he said
he would. I found him as good as his word His wife [Lena Van Voorhees Hopper] was
a fine humane woman whom I really loved We passed our time as agreeable and
happy as we could wish. We got acquainted with the neighbors, found them very good
kind hospitable farmers. We had likewise in the vicinity of our habitation three or four
families from New York who had daughters about the age of [Judith] my eldest, they
became intimately acquainted. Her young companions often visited her and she them.
My second daughter [Elizabeth] soon found playmates of her own and all promised fair
to make our exile comfortable. My good mother soon got acquainted with the farmers
wives as she spoke the Dutch language perfectly. She became a great favorite with all the
neighboring men women and children. Everything that was offered for sale was first
brought to our house so they could converse with her and she had the preference. We
spent a very happy year in this village in peace and harmony.10

Perhaps not quite twelve months of peace. Writing of the year 1777 Mrs. Brasher told
of several enemy incursions (likely including the New Jersey Volunteers raid), that
probably led to the eventual decision for a Continental Army post at Paramus and
Hopperstown. Of that autumn she noted,
our situation became very alarming, we had two or three of those nocturnal visits from
the British. I wrote to my husband requesting him to come and remove us, as I found
myself in a situation not to bear those frequent alarms at a time I should require entire
composure and his company. He requested me to come to Esopus [where he served in the
New York Assembly] as it was impossible for him to leave it 11

Leaving her mother and the rest of her family at the Hopper home, Helen Brasher,
seven months pregnant, traveled with her eldest daughter to join her husband at Esopus
[present-day Kingston], on the Hudson River. Soon after their arrival they witnessed the
burning of the town by Crown forces on 16 October 1777. Following that harrowing
experience, they returned to New Jersey in company with the Colonel, and concluded to
remain at Paramus till we could procure more secure accommodations.12 After
accompanying his wife back to Paramus, Colonel Brasher returned to his duties in the
State Assembly, promising to return as soon as possible, bringing with him Sarah, a
woman who had often nursed me on my laying in in N[ew]: York.13 After he left,
I then began to prepare for my approaching confinement and here let me confess my
unhappy discontent with my situation. The difficulty of procuring the many little
comfortable articles I thought necessary and the exposed situation of our residence,
together with the separation from my husband operated so forcibly on my mind as to
cause [a] great dejection of spirits All my former confidence and relyance forsook me
Exertion was necessary, or what would become of me and my family. The Winter was
approaching, preparations were to be made for its advance, fuel and provisions got in for
the family. To sit still and murmur would not contribute to its or my comfort.14

Map of New Jersey and New York showing the environs of Paramus/Hopperstown. The
distance to Kingston from the Brashers temporary home was approximately 70 miles. Detail
from map of the Middle Colonies and Quebec, Lester J. Cappon, ed., Atlas of Early American
History - The Revolutionary Era 1760-1790 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), 4

Mrs. Brasher was not without some hope and help, and valued, reliable assistance at
that:
The army were all ordered to winter quarters. This gave us again a peaceable quiet
neighborhood and dispelled our fears as to the British coming out, as there was now no
object for them. We had a very valuable black man who was our faithful servant and
provider. On him in the absence of his master we relyed. He was greatly attached to his
master and his family and was greatly beloved by all who knew him for his faithfulness
to his masters interest. This valuable Slave had with his usual attention got in all our
winter provisions, wood, and went cheerfully to rest without complaint and was found
dead in the morning with all the placid serenity on his countenance of a composed sleep.
The loss of this valuable man was a great grief to all the family, and an irreparable loss to
us. Thus in a moment suddenly and unexpected was we deprived of the only male servant
we had. Almighty God why, o why, take from a poor distressed dispersed family at a
time they wanted his assistance most, their only faithful cheerful, happy slave --- Slave he
was not, for he might have taken his liberty if he chose it as others had done, but he chose
to remain with his mistress and children whome he truly loved and faithfully served. The
children grieved for their beloved Thomas as if they had lost a father.15

Given this great loss, it was fortunate her husband came home in December and with
him came my good Sarah to attend me. I was nigh my confinement [and] no midwife in
the village Helen Kortright Brasher gave birth to twins Abraham and Helen on 19
December 1777, increasing their surviving offspring to five.16
In early summer 1778 the Brasher familys comparative peace was again disturbed by
elements of Washingtons army as it moved north after the Battle of Monmouth, and
again that autumn when Continental forces under Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord
Stirling, gathered at Paramus to counter another enemy expedition to gather forage and
food in Bergen County. In December 1778 Col. Thomas Clarks 650 man North Carolina
Brigade was ordered to Paramus. Their occupation was the beginning of a rotating
garrison of Continental troops that would last until spring of 1780. (Among the forces at
Paramus during the summer, autumn, and winter of 1779 were Maj. Henry Lees Legion,
Col. William Washingtons 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, elements of Lord Stirlings
Division, the Light Infantry (comprising some 700 men) under Brig. Gen. Anthony
Wayne, and, that December, a mixed detachment under Lt. Col. William DeHart, 2nd
New Jersey Regiment.)17 Mrs. Brasher noted the hustle and bustle of military traffic,
At last [Paramus] became the route of our army. This totally changed the scene, from the
simple whistle of the village lad and the cheerful song of the simple pleasant country
girls, we had the fife the drum and al the accompaniments of noisy Mars. Our army
frequently passed and repassed, at last it became the outpost of our army, a detachment
always quartered there, our house constantly filled with officers amongst them many of
our citizens. We could not refuse them quarters and it was my wish to make them as
comfortable as I could. One party no sooner gone than another came. At last it became a
perfect encampment, we had not a moment we could call our own, nor did I complain, so
great was my zeal to promote all in my power the comfort or pleasure of my contrymen
that were exposing their lives for their countrys safety 18

Map of Hopperstown/Paramus showing the 18th century property owners and buildings, in
relation to the modern road net and landmarks. (Note: The John A. and Mary Hopper
house was on or near the site of the present-day Ho-Ho-Kus Post Office. The Brasher family
made their home here for almost three and a half years at the John J. Hopper house next
door, the site of todays Ho-Ho-Kus Inn. (Map courtesy of John C. Becica.)

____________________________

Following her account of the twins birth, Helen Brashers chronology of events is
confused, but her memory coalesced when she turned to writing about the early months
of 1780.
the Spring advanced and with it all our military noise and parade, and with them all
our fears of the British. Our situation became truly alarming, continual skirmishes with
the British and our troops nigh us ... I wrote to my husband to come and remove us He
came and we were to look out for more secure quarters. He wrote to his friends at
Morristown to procure a place for us. They said in a few weeks there would be
apartments ready. This unfortunately detained us. I felt very uneasy about my husbands
being at this time at home fearing if the enemy should come they would undoubtedly take
him prisoner, and perhaps murder him. I frequently begged him not to sleep at home as
they always surprised us at the dead of the night.19

While her recollections were written some twenty years after the event, Mrs. Brasher
claims to have had forebodings regarding the danger at Paramus cum Hopperstown that
winter. In any case, an unsuccessful 23 March British attack on the post would have done
nothing to ease any fears she had. Here she recounts her misgivings in more detail:
At this period [April 1780] we had in the house a Major Boiles [Thomas Lambert Byles,
3rd Pennsylvania Regiment], who commanded a detachment that quartered in the
neighborhood, and his guard lay in our kitchen. This my good husband thought a security
to us but to me it appeared a sure omen of distress and frequently declared my fears to
him and the Major by saying that I was sure his being in the house with his men would
bring destruction on me and my family. The Major promised to remove himself and his
men the next day, and said, Madam I will ensure your safety this night. I could not
prevail upon my husband to leave the house that night as the Major had assured us of
safety, but my fears was not to be so easyly lulled. My husband went to bed and I went to
secure all the valuable articles in the house, my husband and my mother frequently
calling to me and requesting me to go to bed, but I could not. I had got my trunks that had
been removed back, in expectation of leaving this place, those greatly perplexed me
knowing if they were taken from us we could not replace them. I went into the apartment
of my landlord [John J. Hopper] and begged him to get up and take his waggon and
horses and my trunks and remove them a few miles up the country with some of his
family apparel, that I felt confident that the enemy would be up that night and we would
be plundered of all our clothing and it would be the means of securing his horses and
himself. He laughed at my fears, said, in the morning he would, but this night there was
no fear. Not being able to get assistance I went to bed but could not sleep from
apprehension.20

Map of attack on Hopperstown, New Jersey, 16 April 1780.

Road across top of map: Hopperstown from Weehawken
Top right: Two buildings across ravine marked Head Q[uarte]rs and a Small House
Top left: Lefthand road fork marked a Road up which some of the cavalry went
through mistake
Middle portion of map, with rows of houses on each side of road, marked: Houses in
which the Troops were quartered One Mile and a half from the Bridge to Head quarters
Bottom of map shows the river with position of the bridge and picket post.
Map enclosed in letter, George Spencer to John G. Simcoe, undated, Simcoe Papers 1774
1824, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan (Courtesy of Clements
Library).

The detailed description of the ensuing attack by a noncombatant is quite remarkable

when laid alongside narratives of soldiers who were at the scene. Added to that, given the
treatment she and her family endured, Mrs. Brashers recounting is surprisingly
restrained and evenhanded.
About two in the morning [of 16 April 1780] I was alarmed by the sound of many horses
over a small bridge within ten or twelve yards of our house. I awoke my husband, saying
arise my dear, I hear the British horse crossing the bridge, he arose, but before he could

get on his clothing we heard a tremendous firing of small arms, and a call to surrender or
we will put you all to the bayonet. My husband left my room with his apparel in his
hands and I knew not where he had gone. Our Major not knowing the number of the
British ordered his men to fire out of the garret windows. Immediately the house was
surrounded and the [musket] balls flew in every direction. I could not leave my room it
being on the ground floor nor could I get to my aged mother and children [twenty-year
old Judith, Elizabeth, fourteen, Gasherie then six years and nine months, and twins

Abraham and Helen, two years and four months. Abraham was forty-five years
old at the time of the attack, his wife was forty-one], who slept in a room opposite to
mine separated by a small entry with a back door. I was so palsied by fright and
consternation that I knew not what to do, at last the firing ceased and I ventured out to
seek my husband mother and children. As I opened the door the first thing that presented
itself to my sight was Major Boiles laying on the floor weltering in his blood. Humanity
led me to him, the house was full of men plundering everything they saw. I went to
raise the Major but had not strength. Oh madam, he said, they have cruelly wounded me
after I surrendered, and I have surely brought destruction on you and your amiable
family. If I survive I will endeavor to compensate you. Pray Major do not mention this.
Pray soldiers assist me to lift this gentleman on his bed, they refused. An officer
stepped up and assisted me to get him on the bed. They were writing his parole as he was
too badly wounded to take with them. I was so totally occupied as almost to forget myself
and family. At last [I] asked Major Boiles what had become of my husband. He replied
he had not seen him that morning. Good God! what had become of him, I went up to the
commanding officer of the party and on my knees entreated him to let me know where
my husband was, whether he was taken or whether slain. He sternly drove me from him
saying he knew him not. I flew to the apartment of my mother and children found their
room so crowded with soldiers plundering drawers trunks etc. that it was impossible to
get to the bed of my mother who lay quiet as a lamb. My two girls were contending with
the soldiers to save a few things, my son [Gasherie] sat up in bed his little countenance
distorted with surprise and resentment. I saw nothing of my husband. Almost distracted, I
screamed out to my eldest daughter, my dear Judy what is become of your father. She
silently gave me a signal for caution, and silence on that subject. I guessed he must be
concealed in that room, I went back to the Majors apartment and to my utter horror and
astonishment found the apartment all in flames, he still laying in his bed [the wooden roof
of the stone house having been set alight by the attackers to force Major Byles
surrender]. I enquired of the British officer whether I had not permission to leave the
house with my children and infirm mother, he said no, there were some of the dmd rebels
concealed in the house, [and] if they did not make their appearance we should all be
consumed in the flames. I asked is this wounded officer to be likewise left to be
consumed, they said they intended taking him to the next house. I endeavored once more
to get into the apartment of my mother and children to do [so] I had to encounter the
flames, had my handkerchief burned on my neck, my clothes scorched and my hands
burned in several places. When I reached my mothers apartment I found it likewise in
flames the curtains around her bed on fire and the room in so thick a smoke I could
hardly perceive my children found my husband up and dressed / the [Crown forces] had
left the inside of the house [and] had drawn [up in] a rank in front and rear with their
bayonets fixed to prevent anyone going out. My husband desired me to call the
commanding officer and he would surrender. I begged him not, he said we must or we
should all be consumed. My eldest daughter was so faint with the smoke as almost to be
suffocated. I led her to the back door for air. One of the subaltern officers came up to me
and offered his canteen with water / saying this is too much to see beauty in distress [he]

10

ordered his men to draw back and let the lady and her daughter out, he took her by the
hand and supported her. I slipped back to beg my husband be of good cheer they are
going to leave us [out] I thought. I got my mother up and begged the wench to assist me
in getting her bed out to secure it from the flames. As the wench had hold of it by the two
corners and I by the other two my husband proposed crouching under it. I was
apprehensive, but he persisted and we dragged it out he remaining on hands and knees
creeping under; we got it and him safe a few yards from the house; the wench returned
with my mother. I ran for the children and by this strategem my husband got safe out
unperceived in the presence of two hundred British troops with their bayonets fixed. We
had scarcely left the house before the roof fell in and all was in a light flame. The British
gave three cheers and left us. All lay on my poor husband, [who] we soon released and
congratulated him on his miraculous escape.21

The Colonel and his family were left with their lives and little else, and grateful
enough for that. His wife related the denouement:
We found our good landlord a little way from his house laying for dead with many
bayonet wounds, but he recovered, not so poor Major Boiles, his wounds proved fatal, he
died the next day. Our little army rallied and with the militia pursued the British killed
and wounded many, retook many of our men and two waggons of plunder. Now was my
distressed family left as it appeared, with nothing but the earth for their bed and the
canopy of heaven for their covering, the hospitable mansion that sheltered them from
many storms reduced to ashes, its worthy owner laying not far from it to all appearance
dead. Great God, what a sight! There was my husband, my children, my mother and
my domesticks all alive around me petrifyed with fright and astonishment. This was
surely a matter of joy and gratitude the neighbors flocked around us all kindly offering
to take us to their homes, we accepted the offer of our nighest as my mother could not
walk far. We had not been above three or four houres at our neighbors, when our worthy
friend, Mr. Fell who lived two miles from us came with his wagon and took us all to his
house. There we remained till our friends at a distance heard of our situation.22

Several accounts mentioned the Brasher familys presence during the attack. Dr.
Ebenezer Elmer, 2nd New Jersey Regiment, noted from Paramus on 20 April, Mr. [John
J.] Hopper wounded in several places, but not bad. His grand house with his own & Colo:
Brashiers furniture all consumed, and an account in the May 1780 New Jersey Journal

provided more details of the action and aftermath, with perhaps a bit of hyperbole,
The enemy plundered and burnt the house and mill of Mr. John [J.]Hopper, and that
of his brothers. In the former the family of Mr. Abraham Brasher lived, who, with the
rest, were left almost destitute of a second change of clothes. The commanding officer
being requested by Mrs. Brasher on her knees to spare the house, he damnd her, and bid
her begone, declaring they all deserved to be bayoneted. They made their boast, that as
Major Byles did not present the hilt of his sword in front, when surrendering, they shot
him. Thus died this brave and gallant officer a victim to their savage cruelty ...23

In 1838 Mary Cooper Hopper, wife of Capt. John A. Hopper (nephew of the Brashers
landlord, and his next-door neighbor), related her memories of the day and what it meant
to her family,
on the 16th day of April 1780 a troop of Dragoons of British Light Horse surprised the
American garison of soldiers stationed at Hoppertown, Killed the Maj[or] in Command
took a few prisoners and burned and destroyed two Dwelling Houses one store House, &

11

one Grist Mill with two [ton?] of stores one of the Dwelling houses and Store House
was the property of her late Husband [John A. Hopper] that in Consequence of the
Destruction of the buildings, her late husband lost all his private property Contained in
the buildings, Consisting of Household furniture, a Large quantity of Linnen and various
other goods, And also the sum of seven thousand Dollars in Money, Not a Dollar of
Which Money was saved The Money was put in a safe place in the house some time
previous to its destruction by fire on the Morning of the 16 April 1780 at Dawn of Day
the Buildings Destroyed were wood and occupied by the American Troops, and Arms,
Amunition, & provisions Kept and stored in the Buildings for the use of the American
garison of Officers & soldiers quartered and stationed at Hoppertown. her late
Husband Escaped at the time with the loss of his hat 24

The Hopper clan suffered greatly in this attack. In addition to the destruction of the
homes and outbuildings of John J. and John A., Albert J. Hoppers house burned and his
son Henry was killed. At least four family members served with the militia during the
action.25
Following their stay at Mr. Fells house (either Judge John Fell or Col. Peter Fell), the
Brasher family was split. Helen Brashers mother, daughter Elizabeth, and eldest son
Gasherie lived for a short while with Mr. Garret Abeel of Little Falls, New Jersey (on the
Passaic River, three miles south of the Great Falls at modern-day Paterson). They were
then sheltered for several years by Mrs. Brashers brother-in-law Richard Willing, at his
home near Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Mrs. Brasher, her husband, eldest daughter Judith,
and the twins moved to Morristown, New Jersey, into the upper part of a large house of
Mr. Jacob Arnold; this was Arnolds Tavern, on the Morristown Green, where General
Washington had stayed during the winter of 1777. Abraham Brasher died in Morristown
in 1782.26 Afterwards Helen sent for her mother and
we removed from Morristown to Newark to be nearer New York. My mother arrived, and
in her good company I found great relief. The November following we removed to New
York, but Oh! changed did everything appear ... We got possession of our houses, but
they were racked, abused and filthy. My widowed situation made everything appear
gloomy Every returning exile appeared rejoiced. I could not join them, my happiness
was at an end. The Lord in mercy to my children, enabled me to struggle through.27

In order to support her family after returning to the city, Mrs. Brasher operated a dry
goods store on 88 William Street, near Maiden Lane, continuing in that business into
the early 1790s. She outlived both sons and her eldest daughter, but saw her middle and
youngest daughters marry and prosper. Helen Kortright Brasher died in the city of New
York in November 1819, seventeen years after writing her memoir of the war.28
Special thanks to Todd W. Braisted, a fine gentleman and good friend,
and to John C. Becica for sharing his wealth of information on the Hopper families
and the area they lived in.
____________________
For details of the April 1780 attack on Hopperstown see, `Had all the Cavalry been in
the front not one man could have escaped : Hopperstown, New Jersey, 16 April
1780, Barbara Z. Marchant, ed., Revolutionary Bergen County, The Road to
Independence (Charleston, S.C. and London: The History Press, 2009), 123-135.
12

Endnotes
1. Helen Kortright Brashers complete recounting may be read in The Narrative of Mrs.
Abraham Brasher (Helen Kortright), Giving an Account of her Experiences During the
Revolutionary War (1802), typed manuscript in the collections of the NewYork
Historical Society, 170 Central Park West, New York, N.Y., 10024
(www.nyhistory.org/web/ )
2. Walter Barrett (pen name for Joseph A. Scoville), The Old Merchants of New York
City, vol. 3 (New York: Carleton, Publisher, 1885), 19 (birth date of Hester Cannon), 29
(marriage date of Abraham and Helen), 31 (death of Colonel Brasher; aftermath of his
death and Helen Brashers dry goods store), 31 (birth, life and death of Gasherie), 32-33
(birth, life, and death of the twins Abraham K. and Helen; Barrett/Scoville gives the
wrong birth date for the twins, the actual year was 1777), 32 (birth, life, and death of
Judith), 32-33 (birth, life, and death of Elizabeth), Google Books (World Wide Web),
http://tinyurl.com/7hzxwhl . See also, Frederic Gregory Mather, The Refugees of 1776 from
Long Island to Connecicut (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, Printers, 1913), 663. Abraham Brasher,
b. 2 Dec. 1734; Helen Kortright Brasher, b. 11 April 1739. Children: Judith, May 1759;
Elizabeth, b. 2 Sept. 1765; Gasherie, b. 3 July 1773; Abraham and Helen, b. 19 Dec. 1777. The

Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher , N-YHS, foreward, ii.

3. Ibid., 23-24.
4. Ibid., N-YHS, 24, 26.
5. Ibid., 25.
6. Ibid.
7. Jonathan Heart, December 1776, reel 2, item 336, William Heath Papers, 1774-1872,
26 volumes (Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston: microfilm edition, 1974)
8. A Return of two Brigades of troops under the Command of Maj Genl Heath
Paramus 21 Decr 1776, reel 3, item 80, and William Heath to George Washington, 21
December 1776, ibid.
9. Head Quarters, Morris Town, May 16, 1777 ... By a Letter from General Heard, who
is at Pompton, I am informed that Cols. [Joseph] Barton and [Abraham Van] Buskirk [of
the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers] with 300 Tory Levies from Bergen, on the Morning
of the 13th, attempted to Surprize and cut off, about 70 of his Militia, Stationed at
Paramus. The Officer happily had Notice of their design and eluded it, by moving his
Post. It happened that the Morning was foggy and the Enemy entering at different places,
their parties engaged. Genl. Heard says their loss could not be ascertained, but from the
Reports of some of the Inhabitants, Ten of their Men were killed and carried away at one
time and several wounded. George Washington to Continental Congress, May 16, 1777
John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original
Manuscript Sources 17451799, vol. 8 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,
1933), 71-72. Adrian C. Leiby, The Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley: The
Jersey Dutch and the Neutral Ground (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press,
1962), 134-143.
10. The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher , N-YHS, 26-27.
11. Ibid., 29-30.
12. Ibid., 30-32. Birthdates provided for twins Abraham Kortright Brasher (1777-1814),
and his sister Helen Kortright (Brasher) Craig (1777-1853), in Guide to the Colgate
Family Papers, MS 144, compiled by Susan Grigg (New Haven: Yale University
13

Library, Manuscripts and Archives, August 1979, revised: May 1998), 4 (World Wide
Web), http://drs.library.yale.edu:8083/fedora/get/mssa:ms.0144/PDF. Walter Barrett, The
Old Merchants of New York City, vol. 3, 32-33 (birth, life, and death of the twins
Abraham K. and Helen; Barrett/Scoville gives the wrong birth date (1778) for the twins,
the actual year was 1777), Google Books (World Wide Web),
http://tinyurl.com/7hzxwhl .
13. The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher , N-YHS, 32-33.
14. Ibid., 33-34.
15. Ibid., 34-35.
16. Ibid., 35.
17. Memorandum Book of the British Army, 1778, Library of Congress, Manuscript
Division, MSS82750 (courtesy of Todd W. Braisted):
July 28 [1778] John Mason who left New York the 24 of June with John Romer who was
sent by G. Tryon to distribute The Hand Bills through the Country of Albany &c. That they were
at Paramus about the 12 or 13 they see Washingtons whole army which amounted to 16000
including every Thing 30 field pieces & two 8 Inch Mortars.
They had about 700 waggons, loaded with Provisions.
The language amongst them, that they intended taking Kings Bridge & afterwards N York, that
the French Fleet were to attack on their side.
They have got at Sidmon Clove a small magazine of amunition of all kinds also a large Store of
Provisions of all kinds.
and at Slots about a mile to the Northward a Quantity of Flower & Grain about 4 miles to the
Southward at one Sufferance & Greens mill formerly Buskirks a Quantity of Grain & Hay and
at Paramus at Gerrord Hoppers they have some other magazines.

John U. Rees, The Enemy will have no Mercey upon our loaded barns.: British
Foraging at Hackensack, September and October 1778, Carol Karels, ed., The
Revolutionary War in Bergen County (Charleston, S.C. and London: The History Press,
2007), 112-117.
North Carolina Brigade at Paramus, December 1778 to May 1779
George Washington to Thomas Clarke (North Carolina Brigade commander), 7
December 1778 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, vol. 13 (1936), 376377):
Elizabeth Town, December 4[--7], 1778. Sir: As the Convention Troops will have passed above
you by the time this reaches you, the object of your Station at the Clove will have been effected.
You will therefore be pleased to move down to Paramus with the Carolina Brigade and quarter
your Men in as compact a manner as the situation of the Buildings will permit. You shall, upon
my arrival at Middle Brook receive more particular instructions. I would recommend it to you, as
soon as you have taken post, to make yourself acquainted with the Roads leading to the North
River and have pickets established upon them at proper distances from you. You are in no danger
from any other quarter. Should the Enemy move up the River in any considerable force, you are
immediately to fall back to your former position at Sufferan's and send your Baggage to
Pompton. Colo. Morgan furnished Mr. Erskine at Ringwood Iron Works with a guard of a
serjeant and 12. be pleased to send the like number to releive them. They are to remain there
during the Winter, as Mr. Erskine will be compleating some valuable surveys for the public.
Be pleased to make use of all means to cut off the intercourse between the Country and New
York. You are upon no account to permit any inhabitant of the States of New York or New Jersey
to pass to New York without permissions under the hands of their respective Governors. Upon
your arrival at Paramus you are to send the inclosed to Colo. Febiger at Hackinsack. It directs
him to join his Brigade, as soon as you have taken post. I am &ca.

14

GW to Thomas Clarke, 21 December 1778 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 13 (1936), 445-446):
Middle Brooke, December 21, 1778. You are, agreeable to my orders of the 4th. instant, to
take post this Winter with the Brigade under you command at Paramus. You are to quarter the
Men in as compact a manner as possible both for the preservation of discipline and the
conveniency of drawing your force speedily together in case of an Alarm. Your position is
intended to effect three purposes: to cover the communication to Kings Ferry, to afford
countenance and protection to the well affected inhabitants of Bergen County and to be within
supporting distance of the Posts in the Highlands. The more effectually to secure the
communication to Kings Ferry, you are constantly to keep a Captain and fifty Men at Kakiate
which is the junction of several Roads leading to the North River and a place much infested by
the Banditti of the Country. The Officer is therefore to see that his Men are in their quarters at
Night and their Arms always within their reach.
A succession of small scouting parties down towards Bergen and along the North River will be
preferable in my opinion to stationary pickets, as they will not be liable to surprise and will be
more likely to fall in with marauders from the enemy and with those of the inhabitants who make
a practice of supplying the enemy with provision. They will moreover, if they do their duty,
prevent you from any danger by surprise. But this I leave to your own Judgment.
You are to pay particular attention to that part of my instructions of the 4th. in which you are
directed not to permit any inhabitant of the States of Jersey or New York to go within the
Enemy's lines without they obtain a licence specified under the hand of their respective
Governors.
The third object, that of supporting the posts in the Highlands is the most material and what
you are, next to your own preservation principally to attend to. Should you receive information
that the Enemy are moving up the North River in force, you are instantly to send advice to
General McDougal, and fall back with the Troops to Sufferans at the entrance of the Clove,
giving him information of your removal and acting afterwards agreeable to his directions. You
will in such case send your Baggage to Pompton for its security.... And you are above all things to
attend to the Behaviour of the Troops and punish severely marauding or any kind of insult or
damage to the persons or properties of the Inhabitants.

See also Thomas Clarke to GW, headed Paramus May 31st 1779 7 oClock P.M.,
George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799, Presidential Papers
Microfilm (Washington: Library of Congress, 1961), series 4, General Correspondence;
This letter is quoted in GW to Timothy Matlack, 2 June 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings
of George Washington, vol. 15 (1936), 94, 208-209):
"His Excellency the Commander in Chief having received intelligence, that the Enemy had
moved out in full force from New York to Kings bridge and towards the White plains, and,
during our deliberations on the points submitted by the foregoing state, a Letter from Colo.
Thomas Clark dated at Paramus the 31st Ulto at 7 OClock P M, advising that the Enemy were at
Tallars point with Forty two sail, Six of which were very large, and a number of flat bottomed
Boats, and that they had landed a party of men on the other side of the North River and a party on
this at the Slote.

Miscellaneous Continental Army Units at Paramus, September 1778 to January 1779

GW to Henry Lee, 2 August 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, vol.
16 (1937), 40):
Head Quarters, West Point, August 2, 1779. Dear Sir: This morning your letter dated at
Paramus, came to hand. I thank you for the intelligence it contained. I have received similar
accounts from the other side of the river transmitted by different persons.
In the present situation of affairs it is important to discover if possible the views as well as
movements of the enemy; for this purpose I should think you might fix on some inhabitant of

15

Hackensack or Bergen whose duplicity of conduct would with proper instructions from you
enable him to obtain very satisfactory information by getting into the enemys Camp or perhaps
New York. If such an one is to be met with the sooner he is sent on the business the better. Yours,
&c.
P.S. It is reported that a number of transports are getting in readiness and some Regiments
ordered for embarkation. This should be particularly inquired into, and their probable
destination. (The letter from Lee dated at Paramus has not been found in the George

Washington Papers or Fitzpatricks Writings of George Washington.)

GW to Henry Lee, Jr., 13 September 1779 (at this time Lees Legion was still stationed at
Paramus) (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, vol. 16 (1937), 278-279):
Head Quarters, West Point, September 13, 1779. Dear Sir: From several circumstances there is
reason to believe that a French Squadron may be expected upon this coast. As it is of the utmost
consequence that Count D'Estaing or the Officer commanding this Squadron (should such an one
arrive) should as soon as possible receive some necessary information from me, I desire that you
will immediately move with the remainder of your Corps to the County of Monmouth and take a
position as near the coast as you can, without making yourself liable to a surprise. You are to
keep up a constant communication with the shore, and should the squadron have arrived, or
should it hereafter arrive, you are immediately, after being assured that it is a french fleet, to
proceed yourself with the inclosed letter and deliver it to the Admiral Count D'Estaing or the
commanding Officer. You will endeavour to inform yourself as well as possible of the Enemy's
naval strength in the Harbour of New York and what defences they have made at the entrance of
it; whether any ships arrive, and what number and of what force go out. These particulars you
will communicate verbally to the Admiral or commanding Officer, with any others that may
come under your observation. You are to keep this a profound secret even from your own
Officers, making your move under the colour of going to a better forage Country, and your look
Outs upon the Coast may be said to be for your security from a surprise. I would advise you to
keep up a communication, across south River, with Lt. Colo. Taylor at Elizabeth town,
forwarding your dispatches to him and desiring him to send them by Express to me. Desire him
also to give you any information which he may obtain from Staten Island. The detachment from
your Corps under Capt. Eggleston will have orders to join you when they have performed the
duty upon which they at present are.

GW to William Alexander, Lord Stirling, 13 September 1779 (George Washington

Papers, Presidential Papers Microfilm, series 4, General Correspondence):
"Some circumstances having made it necessary to station Major Lee's corps at Monmouth, your
Lordship will have his post at Paramus occupied by Lieut. Colo. Washington; inclosed is a letter
directing him to take your orders on this occasion."

GW to Anthony Wayne, 29 September 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 16 (1937), 359):
Head Quarters, West-point, September 29, 1779. Dr. Sir: It is agreeable to me that you should
move with the light corps to the vicinity of Stoney-point on the principles proposed in your letter
of yesterday. But as I should not be entirely without apprehensions for your security, the enemy
having it in their power secretly to reinforce their garrison, and make an attempt upon you, I shall
write to Lord Stirling, directing him in some measure to co-operate with you, by advancing some
troops towards your right flank; and as there is a regiment of cavalry about Paramus, it may be
employed wholly, or in part, with you (if forage can be procured) as may be agreed between his
Lordship and yourself.

16

GW to Anthony Wayne, 29 October 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 40):
Head Quarters, West point, October 29, 1779. Dear Sir: I recd. your favr. of the 27th. in due
time. Before this reaches you, you will undoubtedly have heard that the enemy have returned to
Staten Island. I think you may as well take post with the Infantry, for the present, in the
neighbourhood of Paramus [incling towds. Kakeat], and draw your forage age as much as
possible from the lower part of Bergen. You will be in a good situation to gain intelligence from
New York. Should any thing of consequence come to your knowledge, I shall be obliged to you
for communicating it.

Gens. Anthony Wayne and John Sullivan at Paramus, November 1779, Leiby, The
Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley: The Jersey Dutch and the Neutral Ground,
223-224 (see also page 224, footnote 14).
GW to William de Hart, 22 December 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George
Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 301):
Head Quarters, December 22, 1779. Sir: You will proceed with the detachment under your
command to Paramus. The objects of it are to cover the communication between this and Kings
Ferry; to give protection to the well affected Inhabitants and restrain the others by preventing all
kind of intercourse with the Enemy and to obtain the best intelligence of their movements and
designs. The many disaffected people in that neighbourhood renders your caution against
surprises peculiarly necessary, to prevent which you will constantly advance proper Guards and
Patroles. You are not to permit the passing of Flags or private persons on their own business on
any pretence whatever.
The detestable and pernicious traffic carried on with the Enemy will demand your greatest
vigilance and attention. I intreat you to pursue the most decisive measures to put a stop to it.

William de Hart to GW, 13 January 1780 (George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers
Microfilm, series 4, reel 63, General Correspondence):
Paramus Jany. 13. 1780 Sir Upon the Rect. of your Excellys. Instructions Respecting
Provisions I Immediately Called in the Justices of the County Who Met this Afternoon Who I
find Heartily Dispos,d to Comply with your Requisitions Very fortunately I find A late Law that
Will Answer Our Purposes And I flatter I shall Collect the Supplys in A few Days Under the
Authority of it. I shall have the Most Difficulty in Collecting the Cattle / As fast As the Supplys
Come in I shall send them forward. the Justices have Requested Partys With [?] to go to several
Disaffected Neiborhoods Which I shall Grant them from a Misapprehension in My Detachment.
Many Almost Naked Men & some Whose times Are Expir,d were sent With Me.

GW to William de Hart, 22 December 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 393):
Head Quarters, Morristown, January 14, 1780. Sir: I desire that you will immediately on the
receipt of this, collect your detachment and march to New-Ark. If you can move your men in
sleds, it will be much more expeditious, and I would wish you, if possible, to be there early tomorrow morning. An attempt is to be made by a detachment of the army under the command of
Lord Stirling against the enemy upon Staten Island. The object of your taking post at NewArk is
to observe the motions of the enemy upon the North-River and at Powles Hook. If the river
should be, by any means passable, they will certainly endeavour to send a relief that way, as I
believe the navigation between New-York and Staten Island is totally interrupted by the ice. You
will keep parties of observation over towards Bergen, and should they discover any motion in that
quarter, you will instantly communicate it by way of Elizabeth Town to Lord Stirling. You will
obey any commands which you may receive from his Lordship.

17

GW to William Alexander, Lord Stirling, 14 January 1780 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of

George Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 389-390):
Head Quarters, Morris Town, January 14, 1780. My Lord: I have directed Lt. Colo. [William]
De Haart [2nd New Jersey Regiment] with a detachment of 250 Men to move from paramus to
Newark and send parties of observation from thence to Bergen to watch the motions of the enemy
upon the North River to Paulus Hook. He will communicate with your Lordship by way of
Elizabeth town and is directed to receive any commands from you. The detachment will move
from hence as soon as the sleds, which are coming in, are collected.
I have reason to believe that many of the inhabitants, suspecting that something is in agitation,
are preparing to go upon the Island with intent to plunder. Every thing of this kind should be
prohibited as far as possible. If any of the Militia will embody themselves regularly and put
themselves under your Lordships command, [and share the fatiegues of the Soldrs] I think they
should be encouraged in such Case and admitted to an equal share with the Continental Troops of
whatever shall be brought off by authority. I have furnished the party that marches this morning
with woolen Caps and Mitts and shall send down a parcel for those below.
I think it will be advisable when you get upon the Island to let the Inhabitants know that such
as are found in Arms must expect to be treated as Enemies, and their Effects given up as plunder.
I would be understood to hold out this by way of Threat, rather than put it in execution, as to
taking their Effects, such as are found in Arms they must be brought off as prisoners of War.
A Central position to the three posts on the Island will no doubt be thought most eligible. That
the Garrisons may afford no relief to each other, or have any communication.

William de Hart to GW, 17 January 1780 (George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers
Microfilm, series 4, reel 63, General Correspondence):
Newark Jany. 17 1780 Sir Agreeable to your Excellencys Orders I Brought the Detachment
to this place Which I Perform,d in Nine Hours from the Receiving My Ordder / I Requested Col.
Hamilton last Evening to Mention to your Excellency the Reasons of my not Returning to
Paramus Untill I Heard further from your Excellency.
the Naked situation of One half of My Men the Uncertainty I was in with Respect to My being
Relief,d & the Distance I should be glad to Have from Your Excellency As soon as] Possible
my Orders. P:S: the Provision in Bergen County is Collecting fast W DHart

GW to William de Hart, 18 January 1780, (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 405-406):
Head Quarters, Morris Town, January 18, 1780. Sir: I was last evening favd. with yours of
yesterday. A party will be immediately sent to Paramus to occupy your former Ground, but you
need not march your detachment back to that place. All that want Cloathing, or that are otherwise
out of order, may be sent to Camp upon Sleds under a proper number of Officers. The remainder
may stay at Newark until Thursday Evening. The Officer commanding should have directions to
keep a good look out on that quarter and to communicate any intelligence to Colo. Hazen, who
has relieved Genl. Irvine. I do not think it improbable that the enemy may return our Visit if the
Frost continues. It will I suppose be necessary for you to return to Bergen County to finish the
business of collecting provision. Should you have occasion for a party, you may either retain one
from your own detachment, or call upon the Officer who relieves you, for what Men are
requisite.

William DeHart to GW, 24 January 1780, (George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers
Microfilm, series 4, reel 63, General Correspondence):
Paramus Jany: 24 1780 Sir Mr. Herring Purchaser of Provisions for this County
Informs Me he has Deliver,d A sufficient Quantity of flour for the Present to the Issuing
Commissary at this Post for the Detachment, & will Continue to do so. he likewise Informs Me
that it Will be Impossible to Collect the Number of Cattle Wanted from here Which is 200, but
thinks he Can supply this Post with Meat. this I believe is True for the Difficulty I have had in

18

Collecting Salt for this Detachment Convinces Me of it. A Very Considerable Number of Cattle
Already has been Taken from this County & few left.

GW to Moses Hazen, 25 January 1780, (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington,

vol. 17 (1937), 440-441):
Head Quarters, Morristown, January 25, 1780. Dr Sir: The doubling of the garrison on
Staten-Island, besides the giving a greater security to the place may have something further in
view. I am informed by Major [Simeon] Thayer [2nd Rhode Island Regiment] (who commands a
detachment at Paramus) that the enemy have also doubled their number at Pawlus Hook. These
circumstances would point to some offensive operation on their part; and I would imagine the
forage in the neighbourhood of the Scotch plains to be a principal object. You will necessarily
turn your attention not only to Staten Island but to Powles Hook, and obtain certain intelligence
of the situation of things in this quarter. Should the enemy make any attempt they may operate
from both places. And should the ice be strong enough to cross troops from N. York to Paulus
Hook (and it is said to be in this condition) they will be able to augment their force at pleasure
and with the greatest facility. This circumstance is well worth attending to, and will no doubt
claim your enquiry and precautions.
The relief marches to day yet will however remain with yours for some days after it joins you,
or 'till my further orders on the subject.
I find by Major Thayer's report that a communication between New York and Hoebuck has
been opened by the enemy and that many sleds are daily employed in the transporting of wood.
Perhaps this may afford an opportunity to strike some of their covering parties.

Spy reports of American troops at Paramus, February 1780, Leiby, The Revolutionary
War in the Hackensack Valley: The Jersey Dutch and the Neutral Ground, 237.
18. The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher , N-YHS, 27-28.
19. Ibid., 37.
20. Ibid., 37-38.
21. Ibid., 38-42.
22. Ibid., 42-43.
23. Ebenezer Elmer to Israel Shreve, 20 April 1780, Israel Shreve Papers, New Jersey
Room Special Collections, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N.J. The New Jersey
Journal, vol. II, no. LXVI, 17 May 1780, William Nelson, ed., "Extracts from American
Newspapers Relating to New Jersey," vol. IV, 1 November 177930 September 1780,
Documents Relating to the Revolutionary History of the State of New Jersey, Second Series,
(Trenton, N.J., 1914), 378380.
24. Mary Hopper deposition, 15 January 1838, John A. Hopper pension file (W5220)
(National Archives Microfilm Publication M804, 2,670 rolls, roll 1326) Revolutionary
War Pension and Bounty Land Warrant Application Files, 18001900, Record Group 15;
National Archives Building, Washington, DC.
24. John C. Becica, The Hoppers of Hoppertown: The `First Family of Ho-Ho-Kus,
New Jersey and their role in the American Revolution (unpublished monograph), based
on information in Maria Jean Pratt Hopper, The Hopper Family Genealogy: The First
Six Generations of Descendants of Andries Willemszen Hoppe (Hoppen) of New
Amsterdam, 1651 (World Wide Web)
http://homepages.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~reetrees/hop.htm

19

Hoppers Most Likely Present at the Siege of Hoppertown, April 16, 1780
(By Family)
Son #2
ALBERTS FAMILY
Albert J. Hopper (66)
Age 62
Rachel Vreelant
(2nd wife)
Aided Patriots
House burned
Capt. John A. Hopper
(259) Age 35
Maryte Cooper
Age 19, Pregnant
Led Militia at the Siege
House & storehouse burned

Son #3
GERRITS FAMILY
Gerrit J. Hopper (69)
Age 57
Elsie Earl Age 51
Mary Hopper (276)
Age 28 widow of
Joost Zabriskie
Casparus Z. Age 8
Antje Z. Age 5

Peter A. Hopper (261)

Age 32 Away at war

Rachel Hopper (277)

Saved their home from
burning by the British
Age 27 widow of
William Swan
Francis S. Age 6

Henry Hopper (261a)

About age 30
On Furlough from Army
Killed at Siege

Ann Hopper (278)

Age 23 wife of Jacob
Bamper Away in Navy
Margrieta B. Age 1

Gerrit A. Hopper (264)

Age 25, Bachelor
Militiaman at Siege

John G. Hopper (279)

Age 18, Bachelor
Later entered Service July,
1781. Served at
Yorktown.
Became a member of the
Society of the
Cincinnati

Abraham A. Hopper
(265) Age 21 Bachelor
Militiaman at Siege
Rachel (266) Age 19,
Single
Isaac (267) Age 14
Andrew (268) Age 13
MaryPolly (269) Age11
Elisabeth (270) Age 9
Tryntje Vreelant
Age 18 (stepdaughter)

____________________
Note: Captain Jonathan
Hopper (262) son of Albert
J. (66) had been killed by
Tories at Wagaraw, almost
exactly a year earlier.

20

Son #5
JOHNS FAMILY
John J. Hopper (72)
Age-early 40s
Lena Van Voorhees
(3rd wife) Age 44
Headquarters House
burned, Mill burned.
Wounded multiple times.
Received a desperate cut
on the head
John J. Hopper (284)
Age 18, Bachelor
Militiaman at Siege
Lived entire life in
Hoppertown.
Gerrit J. (285)
Age 12
Andrew J. (286)
Age 10
Charity (287)
Age 5
Mr & Mrs Abraham
Brasher & family, guests of
the John J. Hoppers

25. The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher , N-YHS, 43-46. For identification of
Mr. Fell see, Leiby, The Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley: The Jersey
Dutch and the Neutral Ground, 29, 243 (Peter Fell), 251 (pagenote 60) (John Fell). Henry
Whittemore, The Abeel and Allied Families (18 Rose St., New York, N.Y., 1899), 15-19;
excerpt, He [Evert Byvanck]arrived at the house of his son-in-law, Garret Abeel, at
Little Falls, N. J.
26. The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher , N-YHS, 47.
27. Walter Barrett, The Old Merchants of New York City, vol. 3, 31 (death of Colonel
Brasher; aftermath of his death and Helen Brashers dry goods store), Google Books
(World Wide Web), http://tinyurl.com/7hzxwhl .
Note: A portrait by Jos Francisco Xavier de Salazar y Mendoza of Abraham Kortright
Brasher, one of the twins, two years and four months at the time of the April 1780, was
sold by Bonhams in June 2007. The image, Portrait of Abraham Kortright Brasher,
New Orleans, circa 1800, may be viewed at http://tinyurl.com/73d3orr
Miscellaneous works quoting Helen Brashers memoir:
Louise Pearsons Dolliver, Lineage Book National Society of the Daughters of the
American Revolution, vol. XX, 19001-20000, 1897 (Harrisburg, Pa.: Harrisburg
Publishing Co.,1905), 53.
Jean Bethke Elshtain and Sheila Tobias, eds., Women, Militarism, and War: Essays in
History, Politics, and Social Theory (Rowman and Littlefield, 1990), 94, 102 (endnote
no. 12).
Rosemarie Zagarri, Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American
Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 23.
_________________________________
John Reess work, focusing primarily on the common soldiers' experience during the War for
Independence, and North American soldiers food, 1755 to the present, has appeared in the
ALHFAM Bulletin (Association of Living History, Farm, and Agricultural Museums), The
Brigade Dispatch (Journal of the Brigade of the American Revolution), The Continental Soldier
(Journal of the Continental Line), Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture, Journal of
the Johannes Schwalm Historical Association, Military Collector & Historian, Minerva:
Quarterly Report on Women and the Military, Muzzleloader Magazine, On Point: The Newsletter
of the Army Historical Foundation, and Percussive Notes (Journal of the Percussive Arts
Society). He is a regular columnist for the quarterly newsletter Food History News, wrote four
entries for the Oxford Encyclopedia of American Food and Drink, thirteen entries for the revised
Thomson Gale edition of Boatners Encyclopedia of the American Revolution, and contributed a
chapter to Carol Karels The Revolutionary War in Bergen County (2007). A partial article list
plus many complete works are available online at www.revwar75.com/library/rees .
Mr. Rees was elected Fellow in the Company of Military Historians in April 2009.