Professional Documents
Culture Documents
INTELLIGENCE DIVISION
INTELLIGENCE COLLECTION COORDINATOR
Deputy Commissioner's Briefing
Some of these groups include: United States Marxist-Lenin Party, Mexican
Action Network and Critical Resistance New Orleans Chapter.
Activists from the Jena Coalition and Critical Resistance were in attendance and
presented several documentaries based on the alleged racial profiling and the
alleged injustices that people of color faced across the country by their respective
police departments. The New York Chapter of the Critical Resistance is located
at 976 Longwood Ave Bronx, NY.
Critical Resistance was formerly located on Atlantic Ave near Clinton Ave
(confines of the 77 Pet) and at the time was being lead by Ashanti Alston (former
Black Panther and Animal Rights Activist). The group hosted events prior to the
2004 Republican National Convention and was raided by the NYPD for selling
alcohol to minors.
Members from the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement NYC Chapter along with
Critical Resistance and members of the Sean Bell family will attend the outcome
of the Sean Bell case as well as a demonstration scheduled for Friday April 25,
2008. The demonstration will be held at the Queens DA's office located at 125-01
Queens Boulevard to await the judge's verdict.
May Day (May 1, 2008) rallies will be held in some of the following cities across
the United States: San Francisco, Los Angeles, Chicago, Miami, Boston and New
York City. The rally in New York City will take place from 1200 to 1600 hours
at Union Square. The rally will focus on an end to the ICE deportations of
immigrant families, workplace raids taking place across the United States and the
Anti-war movement.
Marisa Franco, a former member of the Ruckus Society based out of Oakland, CA
was present at the conference. Ms. Franco has moved to New York City and she
will be organizing the May Day demonstrations along with the International
Action Center and her not-for-profit organization, Domestic Worker United based
in New York City.
One workshop was led by Jordan Flaherty, former member of the International
Solidarity Movement Chapter in New York City. Mr. Flaherty is an editor and
journalist of the Left Turn Magazine and was one of the main organizers of the
conference. Mr. Flaherty held a discussion calling for the increase of the
divestment campaign of Israel and mentioned two events related to Palestine.
There may be a counter demonstration by a Palestinian organization held near
Washington Square Park on May 8, 2008 against the 60 year independence of
Israel.
LAW ENFORCEMENT SENSITIVE
The Associated Press has redacted information that could identify undercover officers, informants and criminaltargets
INTELLIGENCE DIVISION
INTELLIGENCE COLLECTION COORDINATOR
Deputy Commissioner's Briefing
The second counter demonstration pertains to the celebration of the Nakba
(destruction) being held at the Civic Center of San Francisco. The Palestine Right
to Return Coalition (AL-AWDA) is sponsoring the event to be held on May 10,
2008.
SSU / OP# 197 Update (Sgt | |, Thurs 24 Apr 08,1429 Hours):
OP# 197 will be participating in the "Times Up" Critical Mass Bike Ride on
Friday, April 25, 2008 at 1900 hours starting at Union Square (13 Pet.). OP# 197
was invited to attend the Bike Ride, as well as attend the after party at the "Times
Up" headquarters. The event has been known to produce approximately 150 - 250
riders depending on weather conditions.
SSU/OP# 218 Update (Lt J Thurs 24 Apr 08,2208 Hours):
OP# 218 will be attending a weekend seminar 04/25/2008 - 04/27/2008 entitled
"Al Wala Wa'l Bara, which side are you on" taught by Shadeed Muhammad
(Graduate of the Islamic University of Medina); to be held at Montclair State
University. OP# 218 will be attending with
and ^HHHHI|^|. The event schedule is asfollows:
Friday 04/25/2008 1930 hrs to 2200 hrs
Saturday 04/26/2008 0900 hrs to 1630 hrs
Sunday 04/27/2008 0900 hrs to 1530 hrs
SSU / OP# 237 Update (Det |, Thurs 24 Apr 08,1615 Hours):
OP# 237 did leave on a Whitewater Rafting trip Monday, April 21, 2008 and
returned Wednesday night April 23, 2008.
The trip was hosted by the EXTREMEGOERS -CCNY SPORTS GROUP; which
is essentially run by the MSO.
On Monday April 21, 2008, OP# 237 was met by |
|, and was driven in|
to meet the rest of the group in front of the Masjid Nur Al-Islam, 21 Church Ave,
Brooklyn, N.Y.
There were 19 participants in attendance and they utilized their own private
vehicles for transportation. Their original destination was Moose River located in
Old Forge, N.Y. and was later changed North Creek, located in North River N.Y.
Participants camped at this location.
LAW ENFORCEMENT SENSITIVE
The Associated Press has redacted informationthat could identifyundercover officers, informants and criminal targets
INTELLIGENCE DIVISION
INTELLIGENCE COLLECTION COORDINATOR
Deputy Commissioner's Briefing
OP# 237 noted the following individuals (KTD) did attend:
Jawad Rasol Quereshi (ALM)
- Ahmed Gamea (CCNY-MSO Pres.)
- Majed Alkady (CCNY-MSO Treasurer)
- Taha Abdulla (CCNY-MSO Vice Pres.)
- Ali Ahmed(CCNY-MSO Pres. Extremegoers)
OP# 237 stated that tliere were additional participants that attended who were
present and former members of the CCNY-MSO.
OP# 237 stated that it appeared that Ali Ahmed was in charge and did orchestrate
the events.
In addition to the regularly scheduled events (Rafting), the group prayed at least
four times a day, and much of the conversation was spent discussing Islam and
was religious in nature.
LAW ENFORCEMENT SENSITIVE
The Associated Press has redacted informationthat could identifyundercover officers, informants and criminal targets
IriJP< m$?
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1/16/13 Mayar Bloomberg Defends NYPD Intelligence-Gathering On Muslim Communities Across Northeast
UlTTOS'TLIVE
[WATCHNOV/]
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January 16, 20:1.3
KS? NEW YORK
Mayor Bloomberg Defends NYPD Intelligence-Gathering On
Muslim Communities Across Northeast
BvDAVID B.CARUSO 02/24/12 06:20PMETAssociated Press
NEWYORK- New York's mayor served notice Friday that his police department will do everything in its power to root out terrorists in the
U.S., even ifit means sending officers outside the citylimitsor placing law-abiding Muslims under scrutiny.
"We just cannot let our guard down again," Mayor Michael Bloomberg warned.
The mayor laid out his doctrine for keeping the city safe during his weekly radio show following a week of criticism of a secret police
department effort to monitor mosques in several cities and keep files on Muslim student groups at colleges in Connecticut, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania and upstate NewYork.
Several college administrators and politicians have complained that the intelligence-gathering - exposed in a series of stories by The
Associated Press - pried too deeply into the lives of innocent people.
Withabout 1,000 officers dedicated to intelligence and counterterrorism, the NewYorkPolice Department has one of the most aggressive
domestic intelligence operations inthe U.S. Its methods have stirred debate in legal circles over whether it has crossed the line and violated
the civil liberties of Muslims.
In perhaps his most vigorous defense yet of some of the NYPD's anti-terrorism efforts, Bloomberg said it is "legal," "appropriate" and
"constitutional" for police to keep a close eye on Muslim communities that terrorists might use as a base to strike the city. And he said
investigators must pursue "leads and threats wherever they come from," even across state lines.
"Itwouldjust be naive to thinkwe should stop following threats when theyget to the border," Bloomberg said.
Inthe past few days, the department has come under fire fromuniversityofficialsand others, includingthe president of Yale University, after
the AP revealed that police agents had monitored Muslim student groups around the Northeast and had sent an undercover agent on a
Whitewater rafting trip with some college students.
More criticismcame from publicofficials in NewJersey after another AP report detailed a secret effort by the NYPD to photograph every
mosque in Newark and catalog Muslim businesses.
That operation was an extension of a similar tracking effort within New York's city limits. Plainclothes officers swept through Muslim
neighborhoods, photographing mosques and eavesdropping on businesses. Informants reported on what they heard inside mosques,
including the sermons. Police monitored and kept files on Muslims who Americanized their names. They also infiltrated Muslim student
groups.
Critics have said it isn't appropriate for the police to spy on citizens withoutreason to believe they committed a crime.
The American CivilLiberties Union issued a statement Friday accusing the NYPD of turningthe city into a "surveillance state."
Faiza Patel, co-director of a civil rights program at the Brennan Center for Justice at NewYork University's law school, said guidelines in
federal court rulings do not allow the department to hold on to files detailing the conversations of mosque worshippers "unless the
information relates to potential terrorist or criminal activity."
Rep. Rush Holt, a New Jersey Democrat, questioned why the NYPD was assembling volumes of information on people who weren't
suspected of breaking any laws.
"It's bad policing. It's profiling, fishing expeditions. They'relooking around saying, 'Surely in this communitythere must be bad people. If we
look long enough, we'll find them,'" Holt said.
Columbia University's president, Lee Bollinger, wrote an open letter Fridaysaying the NYPD shouldn't have been monitoringthe websites of
Muslim student groups at the school unless one of them had been suspected of a crime. Bollingersaid the government's tactics could have
a "chilling effect' on free speech and association.
"Such an intrusionintothe normal,dailyactivities of our students raises deeply troubling questions that should concern us all," said Bollinger,
a First Amendment scholar and former lawschool dean.
wwv.huffingtonpostcom/2012/G2/2&^ 1/2
1/16/13 Mayor Bloomberg Defends NYPD Intelligence-Gathering On Muslim Communities Across Northeast
AnumAhmed, an undergraduate student at New YorkUniversity, said at a roundtable discussion Friday that she feels nervous nowwhen
doing simple things, like online research for her Arabic class.
"Even looking up words on Google Translate,'*she said. 'Tmthinking, like, the NYPDis surveillingwhat I'msearching on the Internet."
Ahmed said she even feels frightened talking on the phone to her mother. "Sometimes I'm like, 'Should Ibe saying this out loud?" she said.
"Idon't feel like Cm protected. Tmbeing watched. And there's a big difference between the two."
Bloomberg said the NYPD would continue to do "everything that the law permits us to do" to detect terrorists operating in the U.S. before
they have a chance to act.
He warned of dire consequences if the city fails to detect plots, citing the 9/11 attacks and the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center,
which was carried out by followers of Omar Abdel-Rahman, a radical sheik who recruited jihadists from Brooklyn mosques.
"We are not going to repeat the mistakes that we made after the 1993 bombing," the mayor said. "We cannot slack in our vigilance. The
threat was real. The threat is real. The threat is not going away."
Newark Mayor Corey Booker was among several New Jersey officials who said they were surprised and concerned to learn that the NYPD
had broadly monitored Muslims and mosques in that state.
Bloomberg acknowledged that Booker himself hadn't been briefed by the NYPD, but said the Newark police department had been informed.
Inany case, he said, it is "100 percent legal" for city police officers to operate in other states.
"You have to also remember an awful lot of the 9/11 hijackers stayed in New Jersey for extended periods of time, training, planning their
attacks," Bloomberg said.
Online:
Copyright 2013 The Local Paper. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
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Jethro Eisenstein
Profeta & Eisenstein
45 Broadway, Suite 2200
NewYork, NY 10006
Dear Mr. Eisenstein:
December 12, 2012
Rosemarie Maldotwdo
Assistant Vice President and Counsel
899 Tenth Avenue
New York, NY 10019
T. 212.237.8911
F. 212.237-8607
rinaldonado@jjay.cuny.edu
Setforth belowis the College's response toyour December 5, 2012 request underthe NewYork
FreedomofInformation Lawfor acopy ofstatements made by the College concerning media
reports that an NYPD informant conducted surveillance of the MuslimStudent Associationat
John Jay. The following documents are attached:
October 23, 2012 Statement issued byPresident JeremyTravis
October 25, 2012 StatementissuedbyPresident JeremyTravis
Pleasecontact me if you have any questions.
Sincerely,
^^^(7/^
Rosemarie Maldonado
The City
University
of
New York
Statement of Jeremy Travis, President of John Jay College of Criminal Justice
John Jay College recently became aware of allegations that John Jay's Muslim studentsand public events
sponsoredby the College's Muslim Student Association have been the subjects of surveillance activities.
We have not beeninformed bylaw enforcement of any such surveillance activities onourcampus. Asan
academic institution, we are committed to the free expression of ideas and to creating asafe learning
environment for all of our students. We are working closely with our Muslimstudents to affirmtheir
rights and to reassure them that we support their organization and freedom to assemble.
10/23/12
Jeremy Travis
President
899 TeathAvemts
xewmtrk, XY 20019
r. 313~33rS600
To the John Jay College Community:
Youmayhaveread the recent Associated Press story and subsequent media reports regarding
allegations of surveillance onourcampus. I write to share my thoughts onthis important matter.
John Jayis firmly committed to fostering anacademic environment that vigorously promotes freedom
of expression and protects the free exchange of ideas. As an educational institution dedicated to the
ideal of justice, John Jay is particularly committed tocreating acommunity of mutual respect where our
memberscanvoice adiversity of opinions without fear. Any surveillance practices that interfere with
constitutionally protected activities such as free speech, freedomof association and the freeexerciseof
religion must be considered inconsistent withthe mission and values of ourCollege.
Earlier thismonth, representatives oftheJohn Jay Muslim Student Association (MSA) came tomy
office to report aFacebook posting by astudent from another college claiming that he hadbeen, but
nolonger was, a police informant assigned to monitor JohnJay's MSA studentsandspeakers at MSA
events. The College had not been informedby lawenforcement of anysuchsurveillance activities
and I was very concerned tohear ofthese claims. Weimmediately assured MSA thattheCollege
supportedtheir rightto assembly andfree speech, andwiththe club's consent, provided additional
security for an MSAevent the next evening. Following this incident, Student Affairs and Public
Safety have continued towork closely with MSA torespond totheir concerns and support their
activities.
I wasdeeply troubledto read arecent press report in which anNYPD spokesperson confirmed that
thestudent involved intheFacebook assertions had infact been an informant. I trustthatyou would
agree that, incertain limited circumstances it isappropriate for law enforcement agencies to use
informantsto uncover criminal activity. There is no evidence, however, that this is the caseat John
Jay and wehave not beenadvised otherwise. We have faith inourstudents andit is particularly
important that John Jay's students, the brightleaders of our future, canengage in freedom of
expression. We will continueto promotethese valuesandto protectthe centralroleof academic
institutions in our society. In the near future, I will conveythese concernsto the NYPD on behalf of
our community.
Jeremy Travis
President
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK
- X
BARBARA HANDSCHU, RALPH DIGIA,
ALEX McKEIVER, SHABA OM, CURTIS : 71 Civ. 2203 (CSH)
M. POWELL, ABBIE HOFFMAN, MARK
A. SEGAL, MICHAEL ZUMOFF, :
KENNETH THOMAS, ROBERT RUSCH,
ANETTE T. RUBENSTEIN, MICHEY
SHERIDAN, JOE SUCHER, STEVEN
FISCHLER, HOWARD BLATT and :
ELLIE BENZONE, on behalf ofthemselves
and all others similarly situated, :
Plaintiffs,
-against-
SPECIAL SERVICES DIVISION, a/k/a
BUREAU OF SPECIAL SERVICES,
WILLIAM H.T. SMITH, ARTHUR
GRUBERT, MICHAEL WILLIS,
WILLIAM KNAPP, PATRICK
MURPHY, POLICE DEPARTMENT
OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK,
JOHN V. LINDSAY and various unknown
employees of the Police Department acting
as under-cover operators and informers,
Defendants. :
- X
LINDA SARSOUR, for her declaration pursuant to 28 U.S.C. sec. 1746, states as
follows:
1.1 am the executive director of the Arab American Association of New York,
located at 7111 Fifth Avenue in Brooklyn. The Arab American Association of New York
is a non-profit social service and advocacy organization serving the Arab immigrant and
Arab-American community in New York City. I make this statement to explain some of
the effects that the awareness of systematic police surveillance has had on me and on
members of the Muslim community with whom my organization works.
2.1 am constantly aware that my organization and Muslim institutions are subject
to infiltration by informers. In January of 2011, a man came to my office who claimed to
be a Palestinian; he was vague about his immigration status. He asked about the
political orientation of the organization. He asked about our youth program, and in
connection with that he asked if the program was a "deradicalization" program. I
decided that he was probably a police informant and declined to discuss these things
with him.
3. As a result of this and similar experiences, and reports of police infiltration in
the community, I am suspicious of persons who volunteer to work for my organization. I
feel that we cannot just accept persons who volunteer at face value, but we must
investigate to be sure that they are in good faith. My organization has an associate
director who speaks Arabic but is not Muslim. Two months ago he interviewed a man in
his twenties who said he was Egyptian; he was well-dressed and spoke Arabic. He said
that he was willing to work with us as a volunteer, and said he could work at any time
and had plenty of time available. I had to caution the associate director that we needed
to get a written application from this man and inquire into his background before we
could accept his help. I am informed that other organizations that work with Muslims are
similarly suspicious of volunteers.
4. People in the community experience a generalized suspicion of persons they
do not know, that they might turn out to be informants. At a recent celebration of the end
of Ramadan, held at the Dyker Beach Golf Course in Brooklyn, uniformed police were
present, representatives of the office of community affairs. A man from the community
asked me why they were there, and I explained that relations with the local police are
cooperative and friendly. The man said that when he is at the Mosque, he does not
know who is praying there. He said, "I don't know whether the guy praying next to me is
an informer or not." I told him I could not reassure him that people in the Mosque might
not be informers.
5. Recently my organization held a community conversation, hosted jointly with
the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), concerning problems of police
surveillance and law enforcement. One question that was raised was "What do you
think of when you think of the police?" One young woman drew a picture of a large eye
and explained it by saying, "When I think of the New York police, I think of a person
watching every move I make." A girl student said she was confused, because she no
longer knew whether the police were there to protect her or not. There was discussion
of Shamiur Rahman, who had just recently been revealed as a police informer.. One
young man said that he had spent time hanging out with Rahman, and he felt betrayed
by him.
6. There is suspicion in Muslim Student Associations (MSA's) as well. At Hunter
College, outside the door to the office of the MSA, there is a sign that says, "Please
refrain from political convos in the MSA. Read this to see why." The sign had arrows
that pointed to an article about NYPD surveillance by Len Levitt.
7. In short, the awareness of police surveillance has produced suspicion as
between people in the community, has produced caution and suspicion in organization,
and a sense of being watched constantly by the authorities.
I declare under the penalty of perjury that the foregoing is true and correct.
Executed on
](m^\ 1^ 2013
Linda Sarsour
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK
- X
BARBARA HANDSCHU, RALPH DIGIA,
ALEX McKEIVER, SHABA OM, CURTIS : 71 Civ. 2203 (CSH)
M. POWELL, ABBIE HOFFMAN, MARK
A. SEGAL, MICHAEL ZUMOFF, :
KENNETH THOMAS, ROBERT RUSCH,
ANETTE T. RUBENSTEIN, MICHEY :
SHERIDAN, JOE SUCHER, STEVEN
FISCHLER, HOWARD BLATT and :
ELLIE BENZONE, on behalf of themselves
and all others similarly situated, :
Plaintiffs, :
-against-
SPECIAL SERVICES DIVISION, a/k/a :
BUREAU OF SPECIAL SERVICES,
WILLIAM H.T. SMITH, ARTHUR :
GRUBERT, MICHAEL WILLIS,
WILLIAM KNAPP, PATRICK :
MURPHY, POLICE DEPARTMENT
OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, :
JOHN V. LINDSAY and various unknown
employees ofthe Police Department acting :
as under-cover operators and informers,
Defendants.
x
FAIZA ALI, for her declaration pursuant to 28 U.S.C. sec. 1746, states as follows:
1.1 am the advocacy and civic engagement coordinator for the Arab American
Association of New York, located at 7111 Fifth Avenue in Brooklyn. I have been employed there
since October, 2012, and I was formerly employed at Brooklyn Congregations United. I was
employed at the New York chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) from
2005 to 2011.1 make this statement to explain some ofthe effects that awareness of systematic
1
police surveillance has had on me and on members of the Muslim community with whom I work.
2. Linda Sarsour explains in her statement in paragraph 3 that our organization is very
cautious in using volunteers. I think this is true of other organizations that work with Muslims.
When I worked at CAIR, the organization was very careful in using volunteers for fear of
informers.
3. It has been my experience that students and other young people, and their parents, are
intimidated by the awareness of police surveillance, and frightened of its effects. In February of
2012,1 went to a meeting of the Muslim Student Association (MSA) at NYU, with a speaker
from CAIR and another from the National Lawyers Guild. The students were asked to group
themselves, to go to one side of the room or the other, to show whether they were comfortable
with questions that were raised. One of the questions was, "Do you feel comfortable going to the
MSA after you know about the police surveillance?" A large number of students went to the side
of the room that expressed their apprehension. Several students at the meeting also said that their
parents were very concerned, that their parents did not want their children to participate in any
public political activities.
4. In November, 2012, the Jamaica Muslim Center held a town hall meeting with the New
York City Police. The idea was to express support of the police in connection with the Muslim
community. One speaker said that people had nothing to fear from the police if they were not
doing anything wrong, and he criticized those Muslims who object to the police tactics. I went
there to hand out leaflets and to carry a small sign that said "Walking While Black and Praying
While Muslim is Not a Crime." There was a young woman who was helping me prepare before
the town hall meeting, making leaflets and signs. She said to me that her mother had forbidden
her to go to the meeting because she was frightened of the police. The young woman said she
could help behind the scenes, in making the signs, but that it was impossible for her to go to the
meeting because of the prohibition.
5. In short, my experience is that young people and their parents are very apprehensive
about police surveillance, and they are afraid to take action against it or to protest publicly
because oftheir fear of the possible consequences.
I declare under the penalty of perjury that the foregoing is true and correct, Executed on
MUA^/'V013
Faiza AH
1
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK
------------------------------------------
BARBARA HANDSCHU, RALPH DiGIA, ALEX
McKEIVER, SHABA OM, CURTIS M. POWELL,
ABBIE HOFFMAN, MARK A. SEGAL, MICHAEL
ZUMOFF, KENNETH THOMAS, ROBERT RUSCH, 71 Civ. 2203 (CSH)
ANNETTE T. RUBENSTEIN, MICKEY SHERIDAN,
JOE SUCHER, STEVEN FISCHLER, HOWARD
BLATT, ELLIE BENZONI, on behalf of DECLARATION OF
themselves and all others similarly PAUL G. CHEVIGNY
situated,
Plaintiffs,
-against-
SPECIAL SERVICES DIVISION, a/k/a
Bureau of Special Services; WILLIAM
H.T. SMITH; ARTHUR GRUBERT; MICHAEL
WILLIS; WILLIAM KNAPP; PATRICK
MURPHY; POLICE DEPARTMENT OF THE
CITY OF NEW YORK; JOHN V. LINDSAY;
and various unknown employees of the
Police Department acting as
undercover operators and informers,
Defendants.
------------------------------------------
PAUL G. CHEVIGNY, for his declaration pursuant to 28
U.S.C. 1746, states as follows:
1. I am one of the attorneys for the plaintiff class in
this action, hereinafter referred to as Class Counsel. I
make this declaration in support of the motion of the
plaintiff class for the relief described below in paragraph 8.
2
Introduction
2. The prior decisions of the Court in this case,
summarized in Handschu X, 679 F.Supp.2d 488 (2010), resolved
a core question in the case,
determin[ing] a crucial relationship
between Class Counsel and the NYPD
under the Guidelines, namely, Class
Counsel's ability to inquire into
and challenge NYPD policies and the
NYPD's obligation to respond to such
inquiries and challenges, rather
than simply ignoring them.
3. The Guidelines empower[] Class Counsel to challenge
NYPD policies resulting in non-constitutional violations of
the Guidelines, and subject[] the NYPD to Class Counsel's
inquiries into police surveillance policies and potential
injunctive relief for the class and against the NYPD where
NYPD policies or practices violates the Guidelines. 679
F.Supp.2d at 496-7.
4. Class counsel have reason to believe that in its
surveillance and investigations of the Muslim communities that
form a part of the plaintiff class, the NYPD is violating the
Guidelines systematically and has been doing so at least since
2006. The violations fall broadly into two categories:
a. As a matter of policy, the NYPD visits and has
been visiting public places associated with Muslims, recording
information about political and religious activities, and
keeping records of such visits even though the records do not
3
relate to potential unlawful or terrorist activity. This
policy violates Sec.VIII(A)(2) of the Guidelines.
b. As a matter of policy, the NYPD infiltrates,
conducts undercover activities and secretly investigates
institutions and individuals associated with the Muslim
community, in the absence of reasonable indications of
unlawful or terrorist activity. This policy violates Sec. V(D)
of the Guidelines, which permits an investigation where there
is a reasonable indication of terrorism, and it violates
Sec. V(C), which permits a criminal investigation where there
is a reasonable indication of unlawful activity, as well as
Sec. V(B) concerning preliminary inquiries.
5. Beginning in the summer of 2011, a series of
articles by investigative journalists described pervasive
violations of the Handschu Guidelines, targeting the Muslim
communities in the New York Metropolitan Area. One of the
first of the stories
1
summarized the NYPD activities that
violated the Guidelines. According to this account, the
Intelligence Division of the NYPD assigned undercover officers
in a unit variously called the Demographics or Zone Assessment
Unit, to blend into ethnic neighborhoods and report on local
meeting places (Exhibit 1, pp.3-5). David Cohen, chief of the
Intelligence Division, is said to have wanted the squad to
1 With CIA help, NYPD built secret effort to monitor mosques, daily
life of Muslim neighborhoods, Associated Press, August 24, 2011(Ex.1).
4
rake the coals, looking for hot spots(Id. p.3); the officers
assigned to the unit became known as rakers. Records were
maintained based on the work of these officers. Furthermore,
the story reports that the NYPD organized a Terrorism
Interdiction Unit which recruited informers from mosques and
other institutions (Id. pp.5-6). Reports from informants and
officers were sent to a team of analysts in the Intelligence
Division.
6. Although the documents upon which the journalists
drew in Ex. 1 and other stories relate to conduct by the NYPD
in the past, the evidence described below in this declaration
will show that these practices continue. The breadth of the
operations described makes it apparent that these operations
have been undertaken as a matter of NYPD policy, and are not
isolated instances of abuse.
7. Invoking the authority established in Handschu X,
counsel for the plaintiff class sought discovery concerning
NYPD practices under the Guidelines. The NYPD agreed to
provide limited discovery on a voluntary basis, consisting of
a sampling of documents and a deposition of Assistant Chief
Inspector Thomas Galati, the head of the Intelligence
Division. This discovery was completed in the fall of 2012.
5
Relief Sought
8. The voluntary discovery provided by the NYPD, the
revelations made in articles published by the investigative
journalists, which continued during the discovery process, and
NYPD documents that have been made available to Class Counsel,
taken together, show that in relation to the Muslim
communities in New York, the NYPD is violating the Guidelines
as a matter of policy. Accordingly, on the basis of the facts
detailed below, the plaintiff class moves for the relief
summarized here:
a. An injunction against continuing the practice
of retaining records concerning visits to public places for
purposes of intelligence through the Zone Assessment Unit, the
Demographics Unit or any other unit of the NYPD where no
information has been obtained that relates to potential
unlawful or terrorist activity. Section VIII A (2) of the
Guidelines specifically provides that [n]o information
obtained from such visits shall be retained unless it relates
to potential unlawful or terrorist activity. The sampling of
documents produced by the NYPD in voluntary discovery
contained numerous accounts of conversations unrelated to
unlawful activity or terrorism, and Chief Galati acknowledged
that as a matter of policy, these entries are never excised.
b. An injunction against continuing the practice
of surreptitiously joining, visiting and infiltrating
6
organizations or institutions including organizations
associated with Islam, and keeping records of such
investigative activities, in the absence of reasonable
indications of terrorist or unlawful activity. The
declaration of Shamiur Rahman, Ex.2, recent statements by
Commissioner Kelly and others representatives of defendants,
together with the materials collected in paragraphs 19-26 and
43 of this declaration, show that the policy and practice
continues in violation of Sec. V(B), Sec. V(C) and V(D) of
the Guidelines.
c. An order appointing an independent auditor or
monitor to monitor NYPD obedience to the injunction and
compliance with Sec. V(B), Sec. V(C), V(D) and VIII (A)(2) of
the Guidelines. The auditor or monitor appointed under the
order must have access to all relevant data in the possession
of the NYPD, and make a periodic written report of its
findings to the court. The NYPD has deceived this Court and
counsel, as well as the public, concerning the character and
scope of its activities in violation of the Guidelines. In
light of this and other past conduct by the NYPD, such
oversight by the court becomes essential to the continuing
enforcement of the guidelines.
7
NYPD Retention of records concerning visits to public places
9. The NYPD has been and is systematically retaining
reports on visits to public places under circumstances where
the information does not relate to potential unlawful or
terrorist activity, in violation of section VIII (A)(2) of
the Guidelines. This conclusion emerges from the voluntarily-
produced NYPD documents examined by Class Counsel, from the
deposition of Assistant Chief Inspector Galati, and from an
undated NYPD document (Ex. 3) titled The Demographics Unit.
This document noted the personnel assigned to the unit and
language capabilities possessed by them and described their
task: to gather intelligence and report activity of
individual visits on a daily activity report focusing on key
indicators.
10. Class Counsel were permitted to examine but not to
copy daily activity reports from days chosen at random in
2006, 2010 and 2011, comprising some 1260 pages, all from the
Zone Assessment Unit (ZAU), the current name for the
Demographics Unit. The reports covered visits to 212 separate
places of business, mostly retail stores, restaurants and
cafes, many of which were visited repeatedly.
11. In the sample Class Counsel were permitted to
examine, officers assigned to the ZAU had recorded 31
conversations, mostly of a religious-political character,
8
concerning news items and matters of U.S. foreign relations
that were of interest to patrons of the establishments. These
reports were made by undercover officers on ZAU forms. In
addition to recording the conversations, the officers filled
out the form to record the ethnicity of visited
establishments owners and patrons, the presence of hookahs
and prayer areas, whether the establishment was frequented by
cab drivers, whether the owner and customers were Shia or
Sunni, the proximity of the establishment to other Muslim
institutions and level of rhetoric.
12. The conversations that the NYPD overheard and
recorded, some in Bengali or Urdu, included
a. a discussion between two men about a news
article reporting that a public service employee, who had been
fired for burning a copy of the Koran, was reinstated with
backpay. The men agreed that this result was unfair. One
asked the other rhetorically what would have happened to the
employee if he had burned a copy of the Bible;
b. a discussion between two men concerning a news
report that Imams in traditional garb had been barred by the
pilot from an airline flight, even though the Imams had been
carefully searched and cleared. The two men agreed that the
Imams would hardly have worn traditional Islamic garb if they
intended any improper action; one of the men was reported to
have said that Americans are clueless.
9
13. Since the sample of reports that we were permitted
to examine was small, yet yielded written reports about 31
such conversations having nothing to do with illegal activity
or terrorism, the thousands of daily ZAU reports we were not
permitted to see are likely to record similar information that
has nothing to do with illegal activity or terrorism.
14. On June 28, 2012, Class Counsel took the deposition
of Thomas Galati, an Assistant Chief Inspector in the NYPD and
Commanding Officer of the Intelligence Division; the questions
to him were limited to matters relating to compliance with
section VIII (A) (2) of the Guidelines. A copy of the
transcript is attached hereto as Exhibit 4.
2
Chief Galati
described the responsibilities of the unit:
The Demographic units
responsibilities were to collect
information on areas so that we can
identify countries of concern, where
there were people that were being
radicalized towards violence, Islamists
radicalized towards violence.
Galati p. 29.
15. He explained why the reports were and are being
retained:
The information in the Demographic
reports does have value. So, yes, it is
retained because the report itself
contains a lot of bits and pieces of
value, of intelligence value.
2 References in the form "Galati p.___" are to pages in the deposition
transcript. Pursuant to the agreement under which the depositions was
taken, and at the request of the NYPD, certain of Chief Galati's answers
have been redacted in the transcript attached hereto. An unredacted
transcript is being supplied to the Court under separate cover.
Galati, pp.98-99.
16. During the course of the deposition, Chief Galati
was questioned about conversations overheard by officers in
business establishments, and was asked what would justify
keeping the records in light of Section VIII (A)(2) of the
Guidelines. In particular, he was questioned about a report
from early 2006 from a particular grocery store, where
officers overheard a discussion in the Bengali language
concerning the U.S. President's State of the Union speech, in
which one of the speakers defended the U.S. government (Galati
pp.88-94). In response to a question whether the report
"related to potential unlawful or terrorist activity," Chief
Galati responded:
"I am taking the conversation
as a whole and I'm reading about two
^^^| people that are speaking in
VIHHI in a meat store. I find
value in that for several reasons.
This information is solely used for
the purpose of being able to
identify a location where I should
face a threat, where I'm facing a
threat of terrorist and that
terrorist isV^H^.
"This piece of information
would be valuable to me. I take it
as a whole. I take it as the
conversation. I take it as MH^
and that's what I feel is of value.
The sole purpose is for identifying
a location where I would find
somebody that was hiding who is a
terrorist from^HHB" [sic] .
(Galati pp.94-95; redacted per NYPD. See footnote 2).
10
11
17. There is nothing in this conversation or in the
conversations recounted in paragraph 12 that relates to
terrorist or unlawful activity so as to justify keeping a
record. This answer by Chief Galati says in effect that the
grocery is suspect as a haven for terrorists, and subject to
record retention, simply because the Bengali language is
spoken there.
18. Chief Galati testified that during his tenure as
Commanding Officer, since 2006, none of the information from
the Demographics Unit has been sufficient to trigger an
investigation (Galati p.97); that is to say, none of it was
viewed as having given rise to an indication of unlawful or
terrorist activity. Chief Galati also acknowledged that
information like the examples given above is retained as a
matter of policy. The reports of the ZAU officers are never
edited to excise information that does not relate to illegal
activity or terrorism. (Galati p. 129).
19. It was clear from Chief Galatis testimony, as well
as from Class Counsels examination of ZAU reports from 2010
and 2011, that the policy of keeping written reports
continues, in violation of Sec. VIII (A)(2) of the Guidelines.
Moreover, the NYPD has misrepresented to the public its
ongoing intelligence collection activities. On March 3, 2012,
Police Commissioner Ray Kelly gave a speech to Fordham Law
School alumni (Ex. 5), seeking to explain the NYPDs policies
12
of surveillance, which had come under criticism after the news
reports. The Commissioner discussed the Handschu Guidelines,
justifying the oversight of public places with these words:
This is what Handschu says about the broadest form of
intelligence gathering: The NYPD is authorized to visit any
place and attend any event that is open to the public.
Commissioner Kelly did not even mention the restriction on
keeping records of information obtained in such visits, the
purpose of which is to prevent the maintenance of records
regarding class members expression of political and social
views.
Infiltration and Investigation of Organizations
and Institutions_______________________________
20. In his speech of March 3, 2012 (Ex. 5), commenting
on criticisms of the NYPD for infiltrating mosques and student
groups, Commissioner Kelly assured his listeners that,
Undercover investigations
begin with leads, and we go where
the leads take us. As a matter of
Police Department policy, undercover
officers and confidential informants
do not enter a mosque unless they
are following up on a lead vetted
under Handschu . . . Likewise, when
we have attended a private event
organized by a student group, we
have done so on the basis of a lead
or investigation reviewed and
authorized in writing at the highest
levels of the department . . .
13
21. The evidence shows that this assurance is untrue.
Muslim student associations and mosques are infiltrated
without leads or indications of crime, as shown in the
attached declaration of Shamiur Rahman, executed on October
28, 2012 (Exhibit 2). Mr. Rahman was a confidential informant
for the NYPD between January and September, 2012.
3
In his
declaration he recounts being instructed to infiltrate mosques
and the John Jay College Muslim Student Association without
any indication of illegal activity. In fact his NYPD handler
specifically told him the NYPD had no reason to suspect
illegality at the John Jay College Muslim Student Association.
Mr. Rahman reports that the members of the association were
religious Muslims. According to his NYPD handler, the NYPD
considers being a religious Muslim a terrorism indicator.
22. Mr. Rahman was instructed to use what his NYPD
handler called a create and capture strategy, starting an
inflammatory conversation about jihad or terrorism and
captur[ing] the response to send to the NYPD. There was no
mention of following leads or guidance concerning indications
of crime.
23. The work of the informant Shamiur Rahman is no
isolated incident. It grows out of and continues a long-term
approach to policing adopted by the NYPD in connection with
3 Mr. Rahmans activities were first reported by the investigative
team from the AP, and NYPD Deputy Commissioner Paul Browne acknowledged
in an interview on WINS News Radio that Rahman was an NYPD confidential
informant.
14
investigations involving Muslims. That approach is based on a
model of pure intelligence-gathering concerning organizations,
places and persons connected to Islam, and not on a model of
investigations triggered by an indication or reasonable
indication of unlawful activity. This philosophy was
articulated in 2007 in the testimony of NYPD Assistant
Commissioner Larry Sanchez, formerly of the CIA and one of the
architects of the new approach at the NYPD, before the U.S.
Senate Homeland Security Committee
4
:
"The key to it was . . . to
start appreciating what most people
would say would be non-criminal
would be innocuous looking behaviors
that could easily be argued in a
Western Democracy especially in the
United States to be protected by
First and Fourth Amendment rights
but not to look at them in the
vacuum but to look across to them as
potential precursors to terrorism
24. The NYPD elaborated on the same approach in a 2007
document, Radicalization in the West: the Homegrown Threat
5
.
In this document, the NYPD asserts that it need not look for
any criminal predicate before initiating investigations:
There is no useful profile to
assist law enforcement or intelligence to
predict who will follow this trajectory
of radicalization. Rather, the
individuals who take this course begin as
unremarkable from various walks of
life, (Radicalization, pp.8 and 82)
4 Available online at http://hsgac.Senate.gov/public/audio
video/103007video.ram
5 Available online at www.nypdshield.org/public/SiteFiles/
documents/NYPD_Report-Radicalization_in_the_West.pdf. Hereinafter
"Radicalization"
15
* * *
the subtle and non-criminal nature
of behaviors involved in the process of
radicalization makes it difficult to
identify or even monitor from a law
enforcement standpoint. Taken in
isolation, individual behaviors can be
seen as innocuous; however, when seen as
part of the continuum of the
radicalization process, their
significance becomes more important.
Considering the sequencing of these
behaviors and the need to identify those
entering this process at the earliest
possible stage makes intelligence the
critical tool in helping to thwart an
attack or even prevent the planning of
future plots.(Radicalization, p.10)
25. In Radicalization, the NYPD treats mere association
with many Muslim groups as itself an indication of terrorism
and therefore a basis for investigation under the guidelines.
The document purports to describe a process of
radicalization, particularly through association with Salafi
Muslims, that it claims leads to terrorism. The NYPD is thus
asserting that adherence to a school of theology and
religious observance itself gives cause for investigation; in
the last analysis, as the passages quoted above in the
preceding paragraph show, the NYPD seeks intelligence about
16
those who associate with Salafi groups or institutions
regardless of indications of crime.
6
26. As Radicalization acknowledges, however, Salafi is
a generic term, depicting a Sunni revivalist school of thought
that takes the pious ancestors of the early period of early
Islam as exemplary models . . . [and] seek[s] to purge Islam
of outside influences . . . The Salafi interpretation of Islam
seeks a 'pure' society that applies the Quran literally . . .
(Radicalization, p.86). While some Salafis strive to achieve
this goal by violent means, the report recognizes that other
Salafi currents encourage non-violent missionary or political
activities to achieve these religious/political goals . . .
(Radicalization, p.17). Bernard Haykel, an expert on Islamic
law, Islamic political movements and the modern politics of
the Middle East, makes the same point in paragraph 3 of his
declaration, which is attached hereto as Exhibit 6.
27. The approach taken by the NYPD is confirmed in
police documents that were made public with the news reports
during 2011 and 2012. Also revealed was a document entitled
NYPD Intelligence Division Strategic Posture 2006." (Ex. 7,
hereinafter SP). Class counsel understand the authenticity
6
The Radicalization document came under criticism from Muslims and
others who did not fail to see that the text tried to imply a strong
connection between Islam and terrorism. The criticism is reviewed in
Patel, Rethinking Radicalization(Brennan Center for Justice, 2011)
(available at www.brennancenter.org/content/resource/rethinking
radicalization) which shows that many students of terrorism did not share
the views in the NYPD report.
17
of this document is not disputed. This 112-page document
7
summarizes infiltration and oversight of several categories of
Muslim-oriented organizations, including extremist groups,
Muslim Student Associations, NGOs, mosques and hot spots.
28. The approach for each of these categories is all-
encompassing; the surveillance does take in some Muslim groups
associated with violence, but it includes others known to be
peaceable. The character of some of the organizations is clear
from the police documents themselves; as far as possible, we
make use of the police descriptions. More complete
descriptions for some organizations are set forth in the
accompanying declaration of Bernard Haykel (Ex.6).
Extremist Groups
29. The SP brands twenty-one organizations as Extremist
Groups (SP pp. 63-74). The list includes groups identified
with violence, such as Lashkar-e-Toiba, Hezbollah and Hamas,
but peaceable organizations have been chosen for investigation
and infiltration as well:
a. The first organization in the list of
extremist groups is Tabligh-i-Jamaat (the name means
society for the faith), which is a large, transnational
conservative Muslim group based in South Asia (Haykel dec.,
7 The copy of the SP annexed hereto as Exhibit 7 has been redacted
to remove the names of individuals. An unredacted copy is being
supplied to the Court under separate cover.
18
Ex. 6, para. 15). Even the description in the SP (SP p.66)
does not substantially differ; the SP does not make the
organization sound extremist except for saying darkly that
terrorist organizations have viewed it as fertile ground for
recruitment.
b. The list also includes the Muslim Brotherhood
(SP p.68), described by the NYPD as a source for radical
jihadist ideology. (SP p.69). It is in fact a large
international political and social organization committed to
Islam, and it has renounced violence (Haykel dec., Ex. 6
para.8).
c. Jamaat-e-Islami, listed below the Muslim
Brotherhood (SP p.68), is a large, conservative Islamic
political party in South Asia (Haykel dec., Ex. 6 para.24);
d. Muttahid Majlis-e-amal (the name means united
council of action) is described in the SP itself, (SP pp. 73-
74), as a Pakistani umbrella organization of four religious
extremist parties, whose goal is an Islamic State in
Pakistan. A conversation in a restaurant between adherents is
reported in which the speakers criticize the actions of one of
the parties.
30. Huge Islamic organizations with conservative
political and theological aims are listed under the rubric
extremist. Their American affiliates were infiltrated by
undercovers or informants for the NYPD (SP pp. 97-99). In
19
some cases, unspecified association with the alleged extremist
organization is given as excuse for infiltrating other
institutions such as mosques or NGOs, as described below in
paragraphs 32 and 34. Plaintiffs submit that this is
surveillance based on status and association with no
indication of unlawful activity, much less terrorism, to
justify it.
Student Associations
31. Seven Muslim Student Associations are listed as of
concern (SP, pp. 16-18), at Brooklyn College, Baruch College,
Hunter, City College, Queens, La Guardia and St. Johns. In
every case there was a police informant or undercover at work
in the organizations (SP p. 89). Here again the surveillance
is based on status and association. In the case of Brooklyn
and Baruch Colleges, the alleged presence of Salafi speakers
was given as an excuse; in the case of Baruch and Hunter,
radicalization was given as an excuse; at City College it
was a Salafi website and at St. Johns fund raising and
speeches. At Queens College there is claimed to be a trace of
an association with a radical Muslim organization, Al
Muhajiroun (Haykel dec., Ex. 6, para.19 ). In almost all of
the cases then, the student associations were surveilled and
infiltrated just because of their interest in islamic
20
theological concerns or because of something vague like
radicalization or even fundraising.
NGOs
32. The seven organizations listed as influence
proliferators in the SP (SP p.60) are for the most part
conservative Islamic organizations. To choose some examples:
a. One for which SP gives a purported description,
the Islamic Circle of North America (SP p.61), is identified
as ideologically aligned with Jamaat-i-Islami, which is to
say that it is aligned with a conservative party in Pakistan
(described above under extremist groups in paragraph 29).
Thus a conservative Muslim organization is made to appear
radical to the casual reader because the organization is
connected to another, classed as extremist, when it seems
that neither one is extremist. (See also Haykel dec., Ex. 6
para. 6). The Salafi literature listed on p.61 are writings
by well-known conservative Muslim leaders.
b. The World Association of Muslim Youth (SP p.60)
is a Saudi-funded group similar to the YMCA, according to the
declaration of Bernard Haykel, Ex 6, para.11.
c. The Muslim World League (SP p.60) is also
funded by the Saudis to advance Islamic values (Haykel dec.,
Ex. 6, para 12).
21
33. The organizations described in paragraph 32 do not
sponsor unlawful or terrorist acts nor are they claimed to
have contributed to them. They were all under investigation
by undercovers or other infiltrators (SP p.96) based on their
theological views, status and association.
Mosques
34. The Strategic Posture document identifies fifty-
three mosques as of concern, (SP pp.6-13) adding that
twenty-four have a Salafi influence, which says no more than
that they are influenced by a conservative theology. Several
are identified with phrases that purport to link them to
terrorism, such as the words Blind Sheik. Yet others are
identified with peaceable Muslim organizations, for example:
a. Masjid Al-Falah is described, SP p.8, as
National HQ for Tablighi-Jamaat which means that it is
associated with a large international South Asian-based
religious group, as described in paragraph 29 above. As in the
previous paragraph, combining the name of one group with
another under some rubric such as extremist does not serve
to establish that the mosque is anything other than a
religious organization.
b. At least five mosques are described as TJ
[tabligh-i-jamaat] feeders. (SP pp.10, 12). Again, this
merely associates them with the same religious group.
22
c. Two mosques are simply linked to Al Azhar
University in Egypt (SP p.12). This does no more than identify
them with an ancient and distinguished Muslim educational
institution. (Haykel dec., Ex. 6, para. 27)
35. Here again, on the basis of adherence to a
conservative theology, there was intense surveillance of all
the mosques listed, through undercovers, informers and the
Demographics Unit (SP pp.85-87).
Hot Spots
36. Places of business, primarily restaurants, are
designated in SP as hot spots, and the character of six of
them is outlined in the SP (SP pp. 35-41). Class Counsel are
acquainted with the surveillance of some of these through the
examination of Demographics Unit/ZAU documents in discovery:
a. One of the Pakistani hot spots named in SP at
p.37 was the Bukhari Restaurant. The ZAU reports chosen at
random and read by Class Counsel yielded three visits to this
place in 2006, and a fourth in 2010. Nothing of note was
reported, except that a conversation was overheard on one
occasion.
b. A second Pakistani hot spot was Chandni
Restaurant, also described in SP at p.37. The reports read by
Class Counsel yielded three police visits to this place
23
between 2006 and 2011, and again nothing of note was reported
except that a conversation was overheard.
c. Among the Egyptian hot spots was the
Arabesque Caf, SP at p. 41. About this place, Class Counsel
read two reports and saw a third visit noted between 2007 and
2010, all reporting nothing of significance.
37. Since the reports Class Counsel read were chosen at
random, there may be many other reports about the places
named; but the reports over several years, yielding so little
result, point strongly to a conclusion that the police canvass
of these hot spots has not led to an indication of crime. In
his deposition, in fact, Chief Galati said that the repeated
visits to such places had not led to an investigation under
the Guidelines. Galati p. 97.
38. The documents show that officers of the Intelligence
Division hoped that they would find the places visited to be
Radicalization Incubators, a phrase used in the paper
Radicalization in the West (see paragraph 24 above) in 2007:
Generally these locations,
which together comprise the radical
subculture of a community, are rife
with extremist rhetoric. Though the
locations can be mosques, more
likely incubators include cafs, cab
driver hangouts, flophouses,
prisons, student associations, non-
governmental organizations, hookah
(water pipe) bars, butcher shops and
bookstores. While it is difficult to
predict who will radicalize, these
nodes are likely places where like-
minded individuals will congregate
24
as they move through the
radicalization process.
Radicalization, p.20.
39. Judging by the Galati deposition and the reports
examined by Class Counsel, investigators never found such
Radicalization Incubators through the Demographics Unit.
Nevertheless, sometimes pressure was applied to officers to
fulfill the hopes of superiors. Ex. 8 is an NYPD document from
2006 in which commanding officers in the Demographics Unit
report criticizing the unsatisfactory work level of a
detective who had submitted negative reports of rhetoric
heard in cafes and hotspot locations as well as negative
reports of community events.
40. NYPD documents show that the same sort of
infiltration and reporting without any indication of illegal
activity has been endemic at Muslim institutions for years.
One example is the document entitled Intelligence Division,
Central Research Analysis Unit, Intelligence Note, 06 February
2006" (Ex. 9). The subject is NYC Mosque Statements on Danish
Cartoon Controversy. This document collects information from
sources reporting on meetings at mosques and other Muslim
organizations on twenty occasions between January 31 and
February 8, 2006. All the underlying reports came from
undercover officers or informants. The summary report shows
intense and widespread intrusion into religious and political
life, and yet there is not so much as a piece of rhetoric that
25
would point toward an unlawful act; on the contrary, the
rhetoric is cautious and pacific. This exhibit is evidence of
the character of the surveillance of mosques and other
religious organizations, showing that the informers
persistently reported conversations and advocacy they
overheard, even though they found nothing indicating unlawful
activity. These persons, institution and organizations are
subject to surveillance not because of what they do or even
say, but because of who they are: religious Muslims.
41. A second example of this kind of wholesale
infiltration of Muslim institutions is the document entitled
Intelligence Division, Intelligence Analysis Unit, October
16, 2006" (Ex. 10). The subject is DD5's referencing 10/11/06
plane crash into building at 524 E. 72 Street. Like Ex. 9,
this is an intelligence analysis that collects information
from field reports (DD5's) of confidential informants (CIs)
and undercover agents. This exhibit illustrates the constant
infiltration of religious organizations and meetings. Here
the NYPD is monitoring reaction to a plane crash already known
not to involve terrorism or crime. The exhibit well-
characterizes the information collected as nothing but
general chatter, statements of regret and expressions of
relief. For one member of a mosque, who appears agitated
the informant went so far as to promise a follow-up and a
26
phone dump, apparently an intrusion into the list of numbers
called by the member.
42. The pattern is followed in the document attached as
Ex. 11, Intelligence Division, Intelligence Collection
Coordinator, Deputy Commissioners Briefing, 25 April 2008.
This document collects then-current intelligence information
concerning a variety of topics, some of which show intrusions
into the business of people other than Muslims. At the top is
information apparently from the Terrorism Interdiction Unit
(TIU), relating that the TIU has instructed all their sources
to watch for Muslim reactions to the verdict acquitting police
officers in the homicide of Sean Bell. The last item, about
participation in a whitewater rafting trip by the Muslim
Student Organization of City College, is an example of
infiltration of a student organization, in which the names of
the participants are recorded.
43. Exhibits 9 through 11 record the surveillance of
mosques and other religious organizations, showing that the
informers persistently reported conversations and advocacy at
the organizations, but found nothing indicating unlawful
activity; although the exhibits are reports that were
generated some years ago, it is apparent that NYPD policy has
not changed. The news stories from 2012, saying, for example,
that NYPD informants reported on what they heard inside
mosques, including the sermons, and also infiltrated student
27
groups, provoked public controversy and protest, with demands
to stop the surveillance. Associated Press, NY mayor defends
intelligence-gathering on Muslims February 24, 2012 (Ex. 12).
If the police had ceased these practices, it would have been
simple enough for the defendants to say that the information
in the stories was out of date. On the contrary, the mayor
said that the police practices would continue, with the words,
We just cannot let our guard down again. The speech of
Commissioner Kelly in March, 2012 (Exhibit 3), referred to
above in paragraphs 19-20, is to the same effect. The
defendants mean to continue their practice of infiltrating
Muslim organizations. Shamiur Rahman, who was sent by the
NYPD into the John Jay College Muslim Student Association, was
just one of an army of spies.
44. Class Counsel submit that it is apparent from the
facts set forth in the paragraphs above, that the NYPD has not
made any serious effort to comply with the Handschu
Guidelines, either to restrict the retention of records to
instances of potential unlawful or terrorist activity or to
restrict investigations and infiltrations to cases where there
are reasonable indications of unlawful or terrorist
activity.
45. Moreover, as explained in paragraphs 19-26 and 43
above, the aims of intelligence collection by the NYPD have
remained the same over time. It is notable that two of the
28
organizations that the informant Shamiur Rahman was assigned
to infiltrate in 2012 (see his declaration, Exhibit 2), the
Islamic Center of North America and the Muslim American
Society, were listed in the Strategic Posture of 2006 (Ex. 7,
p.60) as NGO's that the NYPD had infiltrated. Both are
peaceable Muslim organizations (Haykel dec., Ex.6, para. 6,
13).
46. The NYPD is continuing a massive, all encompassing
dragnet for intelligence concerning anything connected with
Muslim activity through intrusive infiltration and record-
keeping about all aspects of life, politics and worship. The
NYPD operates on a theory that conservative Muslim beliefs and
participation in Muslim organizations are themselves bases for
investigation. But the character and history of those beliefs
and organizations do not support the theory that such beliefs
are precursors to terrorist activity, and the guidelines do
not permit investigation based on beliefs. The result has
been and remains a huge, unjustified intrusion on the privacy
of persons associated with Islam.
47. The practices of the Intelligence Division of the
NYPD in surreptitiously joining, visiting and infiltrating
mosques and other organizations associated with Islam, and
keeping records of such activities, simply ignore the
requirement contained in the current Guidelines of a criminal
predicate for such investigations. The NYPD has shown itself
29
to be unwilling or unable to adhere to the rules that require,
for example a reasonable indication of unlawful activity
based on specific facts or circumstances, Guidelines Section
IV(C)(1), before such an investigation is initiated.
Injuries from NYPD Intelligence Practices and Policies
48. The Handschu Guidelines at issue in this motion are
not mere technical regulations; there are good reasons of
policy for their existence. Keeping records about visits to
public places is restricted to cases of potential unlawful or
terrorist activity because the constant record-keeping brands
places as potential havens for radicals and even terrorists
when they are demonstrably not.
49. In addition, as the news stories indicate, NYPD
files are inevitably subject to leaks and disclosure and the
attendant public embarrassment and stigma associated with
being identified in a police department dossier.
Investigations and infiltrations are restricted by the
Guidelines to cases where there is reason to suspect crime
because investigations and infiltrations are dangerous to the
institutions that are infiltrated and their participants.
Recruiting informers, for example, is injurious to the
community. In Ex. 1 the Associated Press reporters recounted
how the NYPD sought to recruit informers for intelligence
work, and put pressure on people to inform. Those who are
30
pressured are frightened and intimidated, and those who know
them share their fears; moreover, those who are recruited are
degraded by the sense of having informed on the community.
50. Informers try to find or generate sensational
information that they can take back to their handlers; the
presence of informers distorts the discourse and the life of
those who are infiltrated. The experience of Shamiur Rahman
(Ex.2) is a superb example. He was recruited and paid as an
informer, and he was encouraged to find something
incriminating in the organizations he visited or joined. As a
result, he sought to engender inflammatory rhetoric. At
present he has withdrawn as an informer, but the awareness of
his work is intimidating to the people upon whom he informed.
The president of John Jay College, Jeremy Travis, has
expressed his dismay at the presence of an informer in the
student association (Ex. 13).
51. The poisonous effects of police surveillance thus
continue to spread. Informers regret their role and reveal
their work, people disaffected from the NYPD (apparently)
reveal documents to reporters, and the pervasive presence of
the oversight becomes known to the community. College
presidents as well as Muslim leaders try to reassure their
communities in vain, because the surveillance is known to
continue even though the identity of other informers is
unknown.
31
52. The declarations of Linda Sarsour (Ex. 14) and Faiza
Ali (Ex. 15) relate concrete examples of the injuries that
flow from the NYPD's practices. Leaders of organizations
become suspicious of people who offer to help; worshipers
suspect that others at the mosque are infiltrators; people
feel they are being watched, and fear and resent the presence
of informers. Students are afraid to participate in Muslim or
political activities, and parents are fearful that their
children will get into trouble with the police. A sense of
fear and resentment is widespread in the community.
53. Intrusions by keeping records and investigation and
infiltration may be thought acceptable where there is a
genuine reason to suspect crime. As part of a general policy
of intelligence, however, we submit that they are worse than
onerous, and they are appropriately forbidden by the Handschu
Guidelines. Pres. Travis of John Jay College put the arguments
in a nutshell in his statement to his community: I trust you
would agree that, in certain limited circumstances it is
appropriate for law enforcement agencies to use informants to
uncover criminal activity. There is no evidence, however, that
this is the case at John Jay and we have not been advised
otherwise. (Ex. 13).
54. A principal injury flowing from the policy of police
surveillance for intelligence, rather than based upon
indications of crime, is that the program becomes
32
interminable. When surveillance is conducted in search of
crime, there is hope that it will end when the crime is
detected or is found not to exist. In the case of the NYPD
policy, the surveillance goes on indefinitely, because there
is no logical end to the need for intelligence. The intrusion
on the Muslim community has gone on for at least seven years,
and probably longer. As time goes on, participants in the
program have become critical, and some have revealed some of
the facts, and yet the program goes on while the sense of
being watched, the fear of police infiltration grows in the
community. There must be an end to this illegal program of
oversight.
55. There is another injury, we submit. That is the
injury to this Court and to the confidence of the community in
the powers of the legal system to protect them. The NYPD has
misrepresented its intelligence program as complying with the
Handschu Guidelines when in fact it has been conducting a
program of intelligence surveillance over the Muslim
community. The misrepresentation by the police increases the
injuries due to the NYPD program itself. We submit that it is
time to put an end to the NYPDs limitless program of
intrusion.
33
The Need for Continuing Oversight by the Court
56. The history of the conduct of the NYPD under the
current Guidelines, which were adopted at their own
suggestion, shows the many ways that the NYPD has not been
truthful either to the public or to the court about their
surveillance of political activities.
57. As this court noted in its latest opinion in this
case, 2012 WL 5939058 (Nov. 26, 2012), the defendants allowed
counsel and this Court to litigate a motion concerning the
validity of an internal police order (IO 47) for months after
the NYPD had rescinded the order. That was only one sign of
the persistent attitude of the NYPD, which follows or refuses
to follow the Guidelines and the directions of this Court as
it pleases. The defendants have repeatedly taken the position
that Class Counsel should have no power to question the NYPDs
administration of surveillance under the Guidelines; it is
their position that oversight of all such secret police work
is their exclusive prerogative. They have shown that, in
practice, they recognize no duty to obey any authority outside
the NYPD.
58. The surveillance of institutions and organizations
connected with Islam, as described above in this declaration,
presents a further example of the disdain of the NYPD for the
truth and for the strictures of the law. As noted above, the
INDEX OF EXHIBITS TO
DECLARATION OF PAUL G. CHEVIGNY
DATED JANUARY 22, 2013
EXHIBIT NO. DESCRIPTION
1 Article Entitled "With CIA Help, NYPD built
secret effort to monitor mosques, daily life
of Muslim neighborhoods" (Associated Press,
August 24, 2011.
2 Declaration of Shamiur Rahman executed on
October 28, 2012.
3 NYPD Intelligence Division powerpoint
regarding Demographics Unit marked as Exhibit
1 at deposition of Thomas Galati, June 28,
2012.
4 Transcript of deposition of Thomas Galati
taken on June 28, 2012.
5 Comments of Police Commissioner Raymond W.
Kelly, Fordham Law School Alumni Luncheon,
Cipriani Wall Street, Saturday, March 3, 2012.
6 Declaration of Bernard Haykel executed on
December 7, 2012.
7 NYPD Intelligence Division Strategic Posture
2006 -- powerpoint presentation marked as
Exhibit 3 at deposition of Thomas Galati on
June 28, 2012.
8 NYPD memo dated January 26, 2006 from
Supervisor, Demographics Unit to Commanding
Officer, C.A.R.U. re supervisors conferral
with detective.
9 NYPD Intelligence Division Central Analysis
Research Unit Intelligence note dated 9 Feb.
2006 re NYC mosque statements on Danish
cartoon controversy.
10 NYPD Intelligence Division, Intelligence
Analysis Unit, Intelligence Note dated October
16, 2006 re DD5's referencing 10/16/06 plane
crash into building at 524 East 72
nd
Street.
11 NYPD Intelligence Division, Intelligence
Collection Coordinator, Deputy Commissioner's
briefing dated Friday, 25 April, 2008 marked
as Exhibit 7 at the deposition of Thomas
Galati conducted on June 28, 2012.
12 Article entitled "Mayor Bloomberg defends NYPD
intelligence gathering on Muslim communities
across northeast" by David B. Caruso,
Associated Press, 2/24/12.
13 Statements of Jeremy Travis, President of John
Jay College dated October 23, 2012 and October
25, 2012.
14 Declaration of Linda Sarsour executed on
January 18, 2013.
15 Declaration of Faiza Ali executed on January
18, 2013.