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    'To attempt to 'Understand human behaviol' is. The most exciting intellectual challenge in the 'World. Milto. How does the sociological imagination, as a unique fealllre of sociology, distinguish sociolo!,Y from the other social sciences?

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    'To attempt to 'Understand human behaviol' is. The most exciting intellectual challenge in the 'World. Milto. How does the sociological imagination, as a unique fealllre of sociology, distinguish sociolo!,Y from the other social sciences?

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    3K views609 pages

    Schaefer, Lamm - Sociology

    Uploaded by

    cag22k2
    'To attempt to 'Understand human behaviol' is. The most exciting intellectual challenge in the 'World. Milto. How does the sociological imagination, as a unique fealllre of sociology, distinguish sociolo!,Y from the other social sciences?

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    of 609

    .....................c::::=t:=::::l.....................

    THE NATURE OF SOCIOLOGY

    WHAT IS SO CIOLOGY?
    Th~

    ManifC!1 and Latent F'unctioru

    Sociological Imagin;uion

    O)'SfullcliollS
    Conflict Perspccl.h'c Inlcractionut Pcrspcah'(" 111e Sociological Approach

    Sociology and th~ Social Scknces Sociology alld Coll1mon Sense'


    WHAT IS SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY?

    APPUEO AND CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY


    O RI GINS OF SOC IOLOGY
    End)' T hinkcl'S: Comic, MartinC:lu,

    SOCIOLOCY AND SOCIAL POUCY


    AP P ENDIX: CAREERS IN SOCIOLOGY
    BOXES

    ,md Spencer
    t rnil c Du rkh cim Max Weber

    Karl Mal'X
    Twcn tiet.h-CcIlI.UIY SocioloKY

    I ) E\cr)'d:ly Ik h:wior: FUllcliollalisl, Conl1kt , and In lf:rnctiouisl VieW!!

    MAJOR T HEORETICAL

    of Sporl5
    1-2 E\'cl")xI:l} Ikhavior. A Feminist View or Public ))Iaces

    PERSPECTIVES f unclionaliu I'crs~ti\'c

    To attempt to 'Understand human behaviol' is ... the most exciting intellectual challenge in the "World.
    Milto/! M . CcrtiOl'l

    TIl t &vpt' of S(Jcioiqo': J988

    LOOKING AHEAD
    How does the sociological imagination, as a unique fealllre of sociology, distinguish sociolo!,Y from the other social sciences? ' Why is sociolob'Y more tJlan a collec tion o f commonsensc obserwltions? Why do sociologists feg:.lrd suicide as a social as "'cll as an individual act? How did tm ile Dllrkhcim, Ma.x \Vcber. and K;1l'1 ~I arx conU'ibu te to the developme nt of sociological thought? How can the sociological perspecLives of funct ionalism, con fl ict lheol1', and inlc ractionism be used to be ncr understand the world o f SPCIl'tS? What career options <'1I'e avai lable 10 sociologists?

    1992, lJOciO\OgiSl David spe nt a cold and wet Saturday afternooll transporting donated food items fl'Olll the parking 101 of a local supermarket in Macomb, Illinois, 10 the baseme nt food pantry of his local church. M ille r "'as impressed by lhc suI). stamia] amount of food t11<1t had bee n donated , and soon leanH. d that the church's pantry was an imp0l1anl source of food for some of his nCighbors, This church regularly disldbules canned and boxed food products to a ny needy person in the comm unit)" Mille r \\'as cu rious as 10 what the source o f these food products was and how widespread such pantri es were,

    II

    ~tiUer

    Since that day, Miller and Richard Sch acfer (Lhis textbook's senior author) have joined forccs to study the food bank system of tJ1C United States, which distributes food to hungl) ' individuals and families, As part of tJ lCir research, they have examined government documents and othe r reference mat e rials in libraries; the), have conducted pho ne illtl.'lyiews with food bank directors in Illinois, Iowa, Oregon, and Califo rnia : and they have observed the distribution of foo d at various churches a nd Salva!jon Alm y facilities. r." liller and Schacfer lea m cd that more than one oul o f four children in the Un iled Sla teS arc hungry. Onc-third of the nation 's ho meless people report eating one meal pcr day or less, With these disturbing realities in mind, charities are rediSllii; tiling food 1.0 panllies and shelters tJlat jusl a decade ago was desti ned for land fill s, In fa ct. the fourth-largest charity in the United States, Second Harvest, is a food distribution orb'<!niza!jon with an a nn ual revenue of more lhan halfa bi llion do llars, ] n 199 I, S(. Cond Harvest disuibuted 500 million " po unds of food from hundreds of individual and corporate donOI'S to more than 43,000 food pamdes, soup k.itche ns, and social service agenck'S. In writing about hungel- in the United Stales, a newspaper reponer might look for exposes or Wlus ual human inte rest stories. However, as sociologists, Mil1er :md Schacfcr ( 1993) focus on broad social mcan ings evident in the naLion 's food disll;' bution system . For exa mp le, they note tJ1C \".1.111(' judgments made in determining which food items arc "proper" 10 dist.ribute to hunb'T}' people, AlCo.

    4
    I'MU o ,w: TNt: SOClOLOCfOtI. 1'fo::l(Sl'f:crlVi-.

    , ,., U,ul'(/ S/JII,.l IIt1.1 IIn n.1'nJltJt food

    6ttM Ift/,,. ",1I"h dUlnbutn ~/ to


    Itu"t:? 1w,1 /t',tluliJ., (""I/fII,,,/Ii ..

    hol and lob;tcco pH.KIIIC:U , Ir~ 1I.lIIlIcd from 11\1": -food t>ipellll ~. " but il is li ll'I.III), mlllllllcd full of -junk food" ~u(h ~I!o c wd) .lI1d it ~ ((CdlU. M,HI), o l.lSCncl'x \\ould Ulll l lIIl.tll\ .Ippl.lllt! thc dL~tnbull llH of tOllll of lvvd 10 tll .. IIl(.'d ),. Whil~ lilll' poni\'t' o f ;and personall) II l\'ohnl III , u( h cnorts. Miller .md SC'hacftr ne\cru l clc&.~ dl .lw 0 11 Ihe in iighL'I of St)("ioltlg)' to o lfl,: l a IIlUH' plOhlllK ,it'w of thl"Se ;lClh it it,. nil' )' n0 1(' 111.11 l")\\ ~ dul l\,u l C) III our socicl),-"'Iurh ;1\ tilt.' It'ell'l.11 t()\'(, llI m~ltl. ilia jor food I c l.ulc l""', .md u t h e .. l ' lrg~ etJl pUI,lIio ns-t\:l\C juillcd 11\ Lh.lnl .,hlc loud dl\lnhUliOII .1I 1.lngc Illcnts. Pcrh.lpli .l.S .1 rc,ult . Ih~ tueu"" u l /mdt rclief progra m.~ b spc:dfiL .lIId !!lUl led . I h c h u meless arc lO be fcd . not hou~d : Ihl' u lIClIlplu) cd .tlt" to be 1P\'e1l IIleal}.. IIOIJV~ Re hel dtOllll.t.\..'>I:t1 hUIISI) inru\idu;11$ and 1.lIll1hn \\-Uhuu1 th.lllellglllg the t"xlSung social ordcl (for e!l:.ullple. b)' d CIII.tnd illg .a redistnbulIon of weallh) . Mille r .1IIl! Seh.lelcl .ttld that wilho ut these limited 'Ul('~"t" in dhllibuting food , hO:lld$ of sl...,...oill ~ pC\lp1c IIIIKln ,l:>S,1U 1t 1),1trollS o t re ~mu r;Ult.s, 1 001 g l'occ r)' IUUI I". 0 1 litc l ,llIy d i~ Ofllml"\" l ion Oi l llle ~IC pll u t \ it)' h all, lln d ;tcrnss .t from lhe White 1101.1.;. S lIc h n il iGlll h in king i~ 01' ial of tlte Ihcol clk.ll .1IIt! Icscardl dlum of ..oci oIogi.!lu ill Mud)i llg ;t \OCi~11 ill..m c 1I11 h :l'> hunger h al!tO Cohn e t ~I.. I9<J!J) .

    1 \\'C h .l\'1: MoTIl. 111(' 'lUCiuluW'" h,,~ .. d i.. IIIICII\'t: wa)' \$


    of ex,III1I11I11K hUIII.I.II

    IIIlc l ,tCUu n , Sucio/agy IS the ll)'Sll'IIMIJl "ud) ul /IOCi.11 l~ h .l\'lor .llId hUIH:tn grO Upt'" It rOCU"l'S prim:lri l)' o n lhe 1IIf11t(' It(.t of ">0ciill rel,luo ll\IIIP, UIM.)U PC:UI)lc'll .Iujtud(~ :u ul be ha\;or ;and 0 11 h{m' '>OCielic!o .lIt c,I.lbl i.. hctl :md ch.mgc, A... ;l field of study. wciolu[{), h .L~ .111 ex lrc mel), bro.ld """pe. ' I hcn:fOl'l'. Utili tcxtbuok de.ds with l;ul1ilic ... lfomK~ . hll~ill l'\.S fit ms, poIiUllIIMnies, schools, rcligiulI'. :lI1d 1 I)or 1I11iom It is lOlllel'lICd " \"'ith Imc. I)4J\'~n), conform ity. di:KfllIllII.UlUII. IllIt,,-S", ahClldU ulI . O\"c'-I>OI)ul.auoll llId COllll'lllllli t) . In lhc Lnitcd ::tt.lld, nC\\~I};lpCJ'~,lcI ,i~lon lIId radiO .are the lbu.II iOllrcC' u t infonn.llloll ,.bulll ~lI ch group:f .lIId l)I'oblcm,. 1I<,\'oc\l..'r, ,,"'Ill le the basiC funcuvlI 01 jOUlIIOllblS I~ 10 '-CllUl1 th e nCh~. 'iOCiologllll' briug ,I chlTcn:1I1 typc o llllldt""I,m ding IQ 'lIeh I""e'. : 1'hl' ... hion 0 1 l.Kiolu b il\\'o lH.'s ,) .'iCci IIK Ihl oug:11 ti lt: o llt ~idc ;'t>IW:t I' IIIC'C:f 0 1 people's iiCljons ,uld (,rg:tn i/.atiUII\ (Bcrgt'r. IUG3:.3 1-37) . Olll' 1II .~tJI ~u. 1 1 01 ' ociuluh,) i~ 10 Id~lIlify lIlI' d e , l>'ing. rculI rinK Ilattcln.., of .1Ilt! in flu ences on soci:,1 tx.'h .l\'iUl . cx.lmpl('. :tuciologi\'s stud) the p:\SSlonalc (Iellil c vi mO\'ie 01 rod. IIl IL 1::11111 to sec ,ic in perSOll , 10 taiL ..... ith . C\C II 11, gmb Ihe clolhi ng of

    " 'm

    5
    UI.UU)f I ' 1111 X.UUtt (JI ' !;(}tJfJl.JX,)

    a ~Iar. Why do pcuple fcd thi~ need so powc:rflLlI}'? 10 " IIaL txtC III doe~ 1 ticipatiml illl1 e rowd 'lffhn" ),11 al1(ih' individuals to ac t IlIore bold I) U.;U'I thc), I)U ,erwi~l' might ? W il l p,' ople gain g'n .... tc l t'Cspcct from lamih' mc:rnocrs nr fricnds ir the y h:wc ~ h:tkell
    halld~ wi th ;\ Iarlonna and cxc1mngcd three sentelltt.:s n l ccHI\'crsatiou? SocinIH&')' gOl'~ hcyond idclHifri llg I><Htcrns of '-0cial bc h;wior: it "hn aue m pts t(~ provide cXI)I ,malioll'! fOl' ~ lI c h p;ttlcrll~. l lcre tilt' impact of hroad ~ocic l a l rorces bccolllclI .1 ccntrotl co n ~idC I'-;t1 ion o f ~oci o lu.!..,,. Sociologi st" art 1111\ CUll\cnt to look at till' illdi~'idu al rail '" pe. r~un alit y 01 M UlliqllC reasom I'lt' w:mling to III1,:el 1'0111 Cr ui'l:, .I lllia Rouel'l.s, \J1' Dc'n7.cI \\,,,,,hingtun . R:Hher. they rc.coglli/c lha t Illitlion~ of people wa nt 10 meel celebrities. and the.'r exami ne tl1l' ~"arNl Icdi n g~ a nd be h a\~or of (;ms within thc larger ~()c ;a l context of th e c.llltur(' of the United St ;a te~.
    M

    qllt'sl io n ably :I person:1 harddlip rft r a mall or 1 woman \,'ithollt a job. I-Iow('wr. C. \\'right Mills poi nted 0111 ,ha t whell IIncmployment i.~ :t social proble m sh;rred b~' mifJimls of people. it is appropri.ue lo (lueslio tl lite w~ly th ,u a socie ty is SII'ueItlred. imi la rl)', ~mb <ldvocaled u ~e of the sociological inwgina tion to \ic ..... divorcc not. sitUpl)' .t.S the pcrsonal problem of a particular man :\lId W(lman, bLll rathc r as a ~ \.J lI(utt-:11 p l'o blem , since it wa~ the Ollt (ome of so many rnaniagcs. l\n d he W:15 'nTiling Ihi .. in the 1950s, whe n thc divorce ..He was hilt <I frac tion or what it. i~ 10dOl) ( I. l--Ioro\\'il1, 19H-3:87- IOH) . Sllciological im agina tio n C:1Il bring ncw \1I1d el~

    ...... M

    The Sociolomcal Imamnation h! ..................... 9. .................................................. ..


    ........................

    In attem pting to Iltl(!e rst:Ul(1 ~oda l Ix havior. ~oci olugisb I'd)' 0 11 all untt ~Hal type of crC::ll iv(' rhinl-. ing. C. Wrig ht !\'Iills ( 1959) d escribed ~\l c h rhinkiIll; :L~ lhe $oc;olog;cal i magillu lio1l- an :'lwa rcn('s.~ of Ihe rela tiu nship betwee n an in(\i\jdmtl :Itlrl the wider ~ocicty . Th i~ aw.,rcm: s.~ allows people (n o \ ~;m pl )' ~ocio l ogi st~) tu comprdlcncl Ihe l in k ~ be... t'n'cen lh d ,' imtne d ia lc , pc r~om,l sud;,1 selti ng" ilml the rCtltOle, itl1p<:r~omll ~oci ,,1 world . It:lt ~lltTOllllds the m ,md he lps to sha pe lhem. t\ key ('i<' IU('nt in the .iodological i ll1 a~';lIatioll is tht' ;,hili,y to \; cw O I1 (" ~ 0\"11 ~ociety as.Ht ulIl'>id el' wou ld . t~uh('1' th an fro m th e limited perspective o r 'K'~m1:lllxptTic n ccs and cultlll';l l biases. Thus. in~ t,ea d uf ~ intp l ) "cupling Ihe rac t Ih :1I 1110\i<: Sta fS :md rock sta r~ arc the ~rop1t}'" of 0111' "O('ict)', 'n'C cott ld :L~ k. ill a 1I1ore critical SCIl"C, wll)' Ihis i~ the ca~c , Cotu:eh~ ,bly, :m ollt.~ id er IIn lam iliar \"ilh Ihe C niled St.,tCs IIlig-ht wUllder wh y we arc not ,L~ int ~rCSled in meeti tl):: Olt LS1:ulding scicntists, cleltlCt,1:11)' school lC;lc1I(' IS. or MchitcCl~ . As \\IllS ll'UC of the study o f hut Igel' alld food d isu;lmtion by :\'fill er :wc! Schac::fcI , Ihe sociological imagil1:1tion ;llImvs liS to go 1 )C}ond pel'l:!onal expeI'icnccs :md ob'''cl'\,lI jC)ll~ 10 unclefSl;t1LC1 broadCI' public is.illell. Unc:mployllwtlt. rill' e X<lIll I)1e, is Itn-

    sla llding lo daily liff.' arollnd u.... Snciologist. ,,t ul'1':lY Mel bin ( 1978. lfl87) h ~L'i like n cd Ihe social lire in c ir ic~ of lhe United SIa tcs during latc nighuimc hou r" 10 5O(: ial li fe o n frontiers or the old hCSI.. In his view. there arc tll-any simi laritiCl! in the social ami heha\-io ml p;t t l(.' rn~ of people in ci tie8 at nig ht and 0 11 the frontier, atllong th(!tlll hc following: (I) th e populat io n Il'nds to be .. parse -and hOIll()ge t1C(I "~ , (2) thert' ;,,;'t welcome solit ude wi th fewcr ~nc i a l cn n ~mlil1t$. (3) Ihe l't' i ~ m o re I:,wl e"" n c~'! and vio h. lIc('. an d (4) i11le l't'~1 groups em crgc wh ich have eoncern.~ ~ pc ci l ic to tilt' nig ht 01' th e fromicr. OtIC or Mclnin ', mo~1 ' Itrprising :L~se r tion~ is that both in tJ1(.' ci l) at nighl aurl on lhe fro THi e r. there is m(JJ'I' hclpflllnc ~~ a mi friendl;ne.s.~ lhan in nlher t ilJle~ ami place:.. l ie :tttelllpted 10 Sub$l.-ulIi:u e thiot , iel-l' by co n ducti n g foUl' tcSb of Boslon reside nts' h el p ful n ess rmd fricnd lint's,o, at \';.Irioull lime$ duI" in s' lhe:: 2'J..hOllr c)c1c. "-'lel bi ,. round th.1I Ix:twecl1 midn ight a n d 7 A . M .-a~ compared wilh other limC$ dll1i ng the d:t>"-I, cople \,'ere mOl'e likely 10 gh'c di rcction .. , 10 cotlselll to:ln interview. and to Ix: soci ablt' Ni th a stnlnger.l\ pparcllrJy, when ,,"<:\I'C thal Ihe}' a r(' 0111 in a da ngerous Cll\iron mcm (lhe night or the frontier) , people idclllil}' ....~th the vulnera hili t)' of othel':'! and hecome mo rc outgoing. B)' dt'awing Oil lhe sociological irnagimlliol1 , :\'Ic lhin ', inl!ig uing stud), helps 11 ~ to view Ilighuimc ~oda l ill.:ti"il)' ;l.\ diffc l'e nt frortl-',lIld 1101 ncceMari l)' mort w Ihre:tteni ng lhau-;\Clh-ity duri ng "1I0!1l1:11 ho urs. Sociologht:l put their imagi natio n lO work in a variet)' of ltrClL1. Ta blc I- I j>1 nt.s a pMlia l liSl01 esc th ~ spccia li1;ttions with in eontelll l)Or,lry socio logy. TIlmllgh Oll l thi~ tcxtbook. the 5OC.iologic:11 im:lgj..

    6
    J'II1I7 O.VI - '1711 ,'V CroJ.OGIC."1. J,,;tt""'."CII\'1;

    Italion ....ill be: mt.c1 1 ~xalnil1e the United SI:lleS 0

    r\UI t I )

    (1lfld other !lodelie:t) from the \ricv.'poim of respt'Ctful but queslioning out.sidcnI.

    Spad

    ""w.. ......... c!ookw

    "
    In this chaptlr. thc nature of sociology a!J a science and its relaliol1!1hip 10 other "f)Ci,,1 science'! will be rxplon:d. TIle com ribUlions of three pioneering Ihinkers-f:milc Durkheim, ~1:tx Weher, :m rl ~Irl MJrx-tn Ihe d evclllpllll'nt of sociology will be ,="al ualcd . A IIlImbe .. of impOrlllTlt t,hcon= licnl l}e ..... 'lCco li\'tS lI.5Cd by sOciologisL" will be diSCllll~ed . Fi n ally, proKtic:.II :lpplicalio n~ of the dilcipline 0 1 MJCiOlog), rot hunmn t)t.'h.lvior and org<lIIilrllioml ....ill be de......

    MMef,oodoIooOol",y ond ,~ch ted-.dogy ...

    SoaoIogy' hi"", ond o+-y


    $odaj po"hoIog,
    GrOUp~1

    CLI~L1re

    I Mon phenomena

    and .odal 11IUCNrtI Complell Ofg<Jnlzotion Soclol chonee am:! .conomlc dtMIlopment Political aoclology alKl lnlerocllonl Soclol ..rorlllcotton and mobI~ty Sociology of OCCupotlonl and profeuions RLlto! wcloAagy arod ogriallMe Urban toCkIo;y Sociology oIlong~ and .,. Ofb Sodo'ogy of edLlCOtlon SocIology cl religion
    $odaj,-

    acribed.

    Sociolol!V and th . _._" ___ 'MM'_"_MM' _ _ _ _._._ 5I'. ("_ __ ._ e Social Sciences
    In a gene .... ~lIk. wciology can be COlllllde ..t:d ;1 oIl ,0 I('icnce. TIle term sc;ellcf! I'cfel'll 1 llit' body of kno.....ledge Obl;lilled by meth od.. b;l.\Cd lIpOIl 1I}'iItcmatic ol)Sc! .lliOIl . Like othel' lIcil'lIt ific disciI)lines, 5()Ciology cngagc!I in organi/.cd. ~y, c clmu.ic Jludy of phcnomcn:, (in lhis C\~e. human bch:w illr) in ordc r 10 cn lmllce lllldcrSI;}ndillg. All .scienIL ~'helhl'r .md~ing mushroom') 0" Illun:lerel"i. .mcmpt 10 collec t preci~ infonn:uion tlll'OlIgh rm:thcxb of~ tlldy which are a.. ol~eC l i\'~ ~h pOIl.~iblc . They rdy on Glrdul recordi ng of OlbC'f\"IIIOII~ :md

    .LCt'\lmul.ltiOTl of d:lt.I..

    or course.

    theI'C i

    :t

    b'TCa l dilfcfcnc(' Ilct .....ecn

    ~olog). ami ,)h}'~ic!l. bet..... cen p~)cl lf) l ogy and ~1!OnOIl I). for lh is reasel!. tJlC scien ces ;!I'C COOl-

    ml)n~' divided into natural alld social 'iCicnce'Jo. N,fll,al .rnmlce i, the stud)' ofthc I)h)""kal fc;u\lrcs MILIA: and the "''a)'5 in which they interact and (hange. Mlfonomy, biology. c herni,try. geology. :.tnd ph)'lics arc all natllJ"31 sciencC!l. Socia l scie,.ce Itr Ihe" study o f various MpeCIlI ofhum3n !loriet) . The IOC'WsOcnct'l inc lllde MXiolog)', anlhrol>O\ogy. crOo

    SoaoIogy of low Poia. p8ncMogy, and cOl'reclionol problemt Sociology of Klenu o.mogrophy and humon beMm'or The family and IOClolizalion Soodogy of M)tvol benovior SodoIogy of n.o~h and medici~ Sod""", of knowtodge CornlTll.ll'lity and '-Sionol .. <Iow;.!.Iop_,,, ....... PoliCy panning and fotM:alling RocIicol aoclology Sl\ldies In po"""f Studie. In violence Femlnl.. ond gender . ludie. M a,III.1 aocl%gy Sociological pl'octica [clinical and applledl SocIology of !)ijlint>n 0fId enll'eptenaurl.m

    or

    Ib rI}Vrud
    "" t'Jftllrl'

    In

    Om exmpt fro .. IIv ktbV

    of rMllmlJ oj'Sociologu:al At" U7acUoarl,rld.

    noft1ta, hi'!tOl')'. I),)'chology. and pnliticot' !i('itlIct:. 11u~:!tC academic discipline!! havc a ,'omUIOIl fonlll on the :lod:!l bchavior of peoplc. YCI l'ach l ul.~ ~ p.trcicul:,r Ol'icllImion in slIId)rin tl M I h beh;tvior. ,\J1dIl'OI)()\ogisu w,imlly study C U1tU I'C~ o f the !'.ISt and prdndll~lria l socieuc~ 111al rem:lin ill cxi~lence tuday.:I.' .....ell ;IS the o rigins of men and women ; th is knOlrtit'dg<" h used to examine contempor.11)' sodtIltS, including evcn indu.\lrial &odr'II~ . t:',cQno-

    loool"lO-IM di!f'lplll~ of wrioIotJ bf d,vUUJ illla /1 diwu~ I'III'ri)' (If mbfidds.

    /Jo/Nn-

    GM MmatVl'f d61(J~ of IIl1d booIu an topio of


    CS"

    7
    (:1I-tJ' ll:If I ' nlEN,.,ruNF.OI-"SOCKJI.J)C.'

    In 1"'/1 ,,XlIIII,,wtU}II

    luOollJgub fool.! {Jf/ (h, MKwl nm.wll th/lf III'I"{II/I "~III/1. mm,) flflfliri/Klnls,

    of p,OwJHlIl/f,

    tIIi~IS ~"pl ll rc Ihe: 'lol}'!! in which Iwopk produce and eKclllITlge Kond~ ,lIld scn ic<-'\, .llong wi lh Illonc}' and OI lwr I't:MlUrC'l.'lI, I lislori.IIlS,u'f' cOII('l'mecl \\'lth Ihe l)t'oplc$ .1IIt1 c\ellt.~ or till' ,,.,,1 ,I lid Ihci l' :.iglIilic,mcc for Ill> toc:l.I)', Political '\('1('lIl i\111 \llId)' m ter!1:llIolI:tl 1'c1.llj(Jlli, lhe \\or)..ill).,'S ul 811\el1 l1 llel1l , and ,ile cXCICi!l('orpO\\el' .U1d .tUlhotil~ , Ps)chulogist.s imcMigalc j>C1'\oII:tli t\ ,lIld Llldi\idll.11 bch'l\~ ior. III Con ll"M1 10 Olh el' \()('1.11 lI(. lellCrot, scxiolUJ.,,)'

    d en l Ull ':-,lIIl bl i ilK II,al the .Icti\'il), fill'i .111 IllOlionaJ IICNt. A~ .1 I ~\LLII. Ihe)' ca n llOI give Lip g<lmbling wit h oul Ih'ling I1CI,\'01 ;tnd IIp~1 ny C()T1I1~ L~I. in Ihcir cx:ul1in;uion 01 g;tlublillg. s(Kiologi\llI IOCIIS 011 Ihe MlC ial nelwork., Ihal de-

    "cl0I' .1I11ong III.IIIY panicill<lllu. Whcther they be


    ullll,lck
    beUOI.... "II>Ort.>J

    Ix-HOrs. or poker plil)'t:n.. uf


    cOltvi,~al i l)'

    gounhlcOi l.'SI;thli!>h fricnds hip Kruul)S :lIId work


    hard to lIe.llc
    redi nK~

    e,cn

    lU UOUg

    tltc inllucllc<" Ihal 5OCic l)' has 00 pc~ ple ' ~ atti tudcs ,md heh;tvior ;lI1d thl' W;I>~ in which Pt.OI)\c ~h:tpc \OCit'I)". 11 11111:111<1 life .social ani uMls; ' thererore, \()CiologisL" !tC"icll tifiol ll) l' X,IIIUIIC our fo()o I.litl rdatiomhips with people .
    cml)h,,~i/c~

    10 better illUlIlr<ilc lh e cli.~li,,< tj\l' pcrspcc li\l... or lhe .social M:icl1ccII. 1t'1 us ex.llllill(' \(KiologiCll I :mcl 1)$)'chologi~1 <l l)pro.lchcs 10 lhe i~ue u t g;unhling. r he glowing Ic~li/a l iun ufg.llubling in Ihe Ulllled Sl.,teS h:L'i, in dfl'U. IlIt.I'ca...cd tlte 1II111l1 ur pal" )C1 tid ll:U) I ~ .lIld l.oll llibutcd tu a liSt: ill Ihe nlll n bcr 0 1 pruhlc III g:uTlh\t'rs"- t h :1l i... PCI)p\(' \~' h o con ~i~te:1\11)' l o~(' Inu re l!Ionc)' I h~1IL IILl')' L i lt afTt' ld I() lose. Camhlc l"lI' I)ro!"("'..cd goa l i, l'('OIlOtn ic g... in ; ),e t , bec.ILL~ thl.' \.L~IIII.tioril)'t.'ml u p \ ()~iIlK 111Imc)'. lhci l' I)CI~PC t.i\"l i.. t'ollltnoniy lit.wed :L\ MirraliCln:I\ 01' c..'\"CU "p;lIhologiGll. Vie\H'c1 frum liL(' 1X'I"\Jx"C, lil'C 01 1>:I)'hoIO)..') . 1(.IIIlIJliltg rt.I,rlM'nl'i'1Il eSdIX' ilHo a r.lIlt.I'>} hor\d wILl.'l 'Kl eal rVIUlIlC can be .11 lained ~si l , . f,cnlll;llh. PCOI,II. 1)C( uTI)e '\0 dCJX:II'

    c;\:jual ;lcqllaiul,lI lct.'!l "'holll they IIIttl lh rough ){"".lIubling, CUI1!!l.''lut:llll). rorlluch pe:ople.lfolmbling i,:a forll1 of rCCH~'Hion and ilia) (\CII be lheir pri11131'\' social.lclhil). nlis sociological pel'lllleCli\'e on g:tll1bling c::~ts" \hadow on l'cctllTing dfor ..'! lO disCO\lr;lge 1}'lniculM indl\'iduab frolll g;lInbling and 10 di~our;tge the pr.lctice in general, Ch ng up i go'l1lbling Ill:!)'. in f.:le!. meall fo rguing all social in ICntClioll tlla l :a person ha.' previOlll!lly lound la be
    ml,mingful. A ltern.llj\,c1). p.ut.lcip;tlio n in C:tm1J1C1"~ AII0 1I),1II0111l-<;1 sdfhdp g ruup fi)1' "problem gamblers 11lodclccl on }\Icohvlics }\n on),1Il0llS-pro\ ides fI IICW fO I'lLtll 10 wh ich exga m blers call llll 11 ror imemCliOIl . tllldcl'St.'Hl<lillg. and encour ag~mcllt , T h e i n di\~dual ClIn find social supporl lO replace Lhc rriendship groups dC\'elol)ed in his or hcr belt ing d:I)1I ( RoSt.'(:rance. 1986. 1987). Sodologisl Ronald 1 ),I\..,lko Im.s inill'lled many ..ludil'S of g'",unbling and I "l.~ roundl.'({ Ih e ..tnter rur ~tlllblillK Sludit."'I;1I the L:nhc~ll)' ufWi!IConsin

    8
    /'\11'1

    Q.'" nit: !ilJCJQI.CKJ(~U f'f::JCiJ'fjf'fl\"f

    M'lck' In tC:Khing undcrgrncl\lall'

    d:u~

    on

    1hr !\lIoology of Gambling,"

    P'I\~l lko approarhcs

    pmbhnll' .... ;'t booming indu~lI") (which a(("QIIllIcd for S'l"J hlllion in legal """'gc" in lh e Unilt'd ~""(''ll in tm), ll~ a public poliC} isslIe, :md ."'''' an inccrpmun.tl.md lamil) problem . Pot..".I!;.. and his col ~r":\ 11.1\'(' cx.:l.mined slIdl is\lLC\ Ihe rok ul pmbling in the ....'orkplacc:. gmnbting ;" :1 Id ~ul c timr oMll\ it) for older people. and (ompulsh (: gam ~ within Nati\'e Amcri(:m lribc!i th~1 1 01>(: 1~lIc "'lMl1Oo(l l mH!ry. I 993).

    .1'

    ~Iogy and C~~.:.~?.!'_~~~~ ,,_._,.._._,._.._..


    ~

    AI"", h.il(' -.etn. sociololr' .md lhe olher '-OCi:1.1 M'i locus on the lIU1dy of ccrt:tin :"~pcct\ or 1111~ brll.\\ior. Yet human bch:wjur i.o. lIol1u:thillg IItb "Iuth \0,(,,,11 h:l\'C experience ami abOut which 1ft bm' .1I1e-.In .. bit orl:no..... lcdgc. :\1:111) or U~. (\e ll Wh:JUI ltl,n, dcgrce.\ in the ~iat sell'nec'l, might .... WAAt~lioll\ abouI how socj~l\ co uld C;ISC the "u1II4~ f.'Id b)' dual-carcer rouplc\ \\'ith ~ollng
    dldttll. \11 of U~ lIIigll1 well h;w(" Ih('ori('b about

    arc more signiliclIIl . ni~"~ l cl"'i do nOl gencrnll ' pro.. duce I};mic, In Ihc ;Iftem\ath of mum,:,1 di"'"~lers. grt.."3lcr ~ial OIlr-UliJ;llion and Mnlcturc cmerge 10 deal \l ith n ('omnlllll it)' 1I p"oblems, Like othcr' "<Killl SCil!ltisls. sociologisu do n OI :IC' (;C!}t ~o l1l cth illg :I~ a ract bec;Ulse "C\'cl,onl' ).;nOh'l! i t. Instead. e<lch piece of information n ltt."1 be l""1lt,,'(I,1IId I'ccordcd, thcn anal)'"/ed in IcI:uiollShip 10 other dal;l, Sociology relics o n $Cicn lilic lIh/die:J in ordcr to d escrilJc ;me! undcr.mmd a social e!lvi rontn(nt. ,\1 lin lcli. Ihe lindings of ~ioloKis t :l may S("t.1lI lik( cOlumOn sense bcc2usc the), de.. 1 \\lith r..cels of C\(:I)'(L'l)' life. Ycl it is impoI"I'lIu to MIC\S that such finding:! h:wc bt.-cll lhJro by research ers. Common sell\(: now Iells us that tJu: canh is round. nUL t.his p;u tieular commonscnsc notion il ba~'d 011 ('Cl1turic,~ of' scientific \I'o l'k upholding the bre"k lhrough made b)' PYlhagor.l.s and Aristotle.

    mll\l(; t .. r~ and rod. Ulusi.:- ~1.I1"ol l'Irt th(' sui> jl'tuul ....lll\uch attention and :ulul.niOll . Our Ih(.. \URgC\CioIU cOllie frol11 Ollr t'''l)t'(ienccs

    IQ OU I 1I.11Iy liles, ....'c rcl)' 0 11 COII)I1Ion '1cmJC 10 '" u\ through tn:"lny unfamili:u' ,i l lL , lIioll~ . 1101\' ,,".lh,,1 .. no .....ledgc is nOt alwl\):I accur.lIc. ht' C;lIl'''C 11 rnt.. (In commonly held Ix"litr:! l~lthcl Ih.ln .Io>~ _lit .1II.11)"i" of rllCIS. h W;IS' OIlI;C r Oll1it\l'red -maum'll 'C.'''~ .. 10 aepl Ihat rhe cal lh , ,,~ 0:11 ~ IIRIIII) questioned by 1 ')1h:'1(0I':h ;lIId A,;'1' . . . hK1Mlrt' CQllllllonscnsc nf)lions .. re 1101 just Ip't" Ihc' di.s.. "ul\ iXISC; Ihey rcmaill hilll 1, ... IO d.lr. la thr ll1ll((1 tal(:S. common 5C1l$(' h'lI ... \1:1 111:"11 . n .. 1'.... 1011 minOlil), t:;ruul) 1ll01'C!( into a I)r(vi ..at JU-\\lllll' ncighborhood. j)l'o]Jcny \~ I III CII c1",,cInt Cmtlnt()1I sense le lls IlS that pco,.lc pan ic *n1.1(C'{\ .....hlt nalUmJ dimft: I'lI, $\ Ich a ... tloucL" :l\1d anhqwlh, ....it.ll the I'e8Ull th ,lt aU ...ocilll ~IIK.Ulil..l ... dr'Ullqll'atOl. I.. o .....c\cr. these p;tnkubr com ~nl((" 11Qllon)o-like the notion chat tlte c:ulh is ~ ItttltUr, neither of lhcm j ... ~uflPQnccl bl' 8duIoKK.d l'l~ICh . R..IC(:' ha~ been round 11) h:wc 1IIr R"bllun)h,p 10 propeny \'"hll'S: ","ch r.l.((f)I"$ '" ~ ch.IIIJ;I'\, ()\'trcrO\\din((. am.! age 01 hou.,i ng

    ... .-,d
    IDd fmm

    ;1

    ch('rish,,-d M)urcc of wio,clolll: comTTlon

    WIll d o Ik'Oplt' commi t ~uicidc : Om' lI".1diIIUlI.,1 pt'uple mherll Illl d~ "irc to l.,lllhelll't1\ c .... Anol her ne,, 1'1 I ha! $lIIl\I)OLS d l'l\c p(.'o plc to I:Il.:e Iheir own Itn.... 111Cl1C cxplan ;\li o n~ Ill:t) 110t ,",-'Cm c:llx-ciil.llr convincing In conICllllx)!':,,)' rCM!':u'chl' I~ , bUI Ihc), rcpl'CSCl11 I)did.. I"idcly hdcl ,b rClclllly .L WOO \ Sociologi:ll'l :11'e nOl p:ulicul:trl), illtcrClIlCci ill \vh )' :1Tl)' o n c individ ual commit:! s uicide; the)' al'e I1IOI'C cOl1cemed h itlt \I Ill' /II'Q/II, I1I I!!"'I""/Iakl' Ihdr own Ih~. nU!! lead .. !lodologisl!I 10 exam ine thc !lOOal fo rcc ... lit:'t influcnce people in dl"Ciding " 'hclller or 1101 10 ;'Iu'mpl ~uicide. In ordcl' 10 undcn.lkl' slIch rC~'arcl l , liOCio logtsls de\'clop llu.' Orio th:llOr fer a gcncl'al cxplana tion orsome I)'J>C of beh:1\ior. TI\4,.'orics c m be rcg;lrdc.-o a~ :.lIempl.'( 10 explain C\'CIIU, rurcc"', lIIalc lia l.~, idca~. or bch avior in a com p rd l c ll.~ivc tn:UUlCI'. \Vithin sociology, a In tQ')' is ascI Of'iJWII'IIlCllb Ihat .Ioccks 10 explain pl'(lhlclII.~. :t'lion~. or hch:wiol. An cffeclive lhcory nmy 1 1a\'c bolh cxpl;lIl:-l lory :"Ind I" 'cdiclh'c powcr , "I 1t:11 i:l, il C UI hell} I~ 10 dc\clop a broad tmd intcgmlc..-d ,-ic\\' of thc rel:llionship.. amo ng seemingly icolatc..'C.1 .,hl'" nomella :L' \l'dl ;-1\ 1 underSland how Ollc 1)1)4,.' or 0 chan gc in :ut cm'1ronlncnt leads to olhc ..... All c<-scllti:li t;t.~k in bujlding a sociological the(1)' i~ le) exruninc the r~la t iomjh i p be!\\(!t'1I hill or
    l O UIIIIO lIll, IN 1II ~\\'('r 1;0; Iha.

    9
    t:J/V'IJ;R I m .,\,I/Ufi: (]:t()(:JUl(X01

    d:U:I, ~ thcred through resca rc h , IImt nmy foCCIII comple te l), unrchued. For exa lllp le, lIUPP0ll(! that YO" arc g1\'cn data abolll Ihe number of rt'portcd suicidC1ll in \'ltriOH~ Europc:m n;lIiol1ll in 1869. YO II are lold Ihal lhC:Tt' I"crc 5'4" rcported . IlIiddcs in l Fr.mct' in Ih:1l ),e,lI, 1588 in .lIgl'lIId, and onl)' '162 in Denmark. If)'Ou ratl'icU.f1 )'oUl'lfClfIO IhO<1C dOlt.'!, " )'ou l11iglll aHcmpt to dc\'clop a Iheory about why lhere .....ere .so man)' suicides in France and 50 few i.. Denmark. I loweH!1'. in I'cscarchi ng thill \'cry problem , [milc Durkhcim (195 1, original e ditio n 1897) looked into suicide dOl i" in much greatcr deI;:Iil [lnd dC\'elol>cd a highl), original theory abo ul Ihe relationship bel.... ecn suic ide a n d ,\OCiaJ l".u: IOI'$. Durkheim was primaril)' o llccrllcd 1101 with Ihe pel'rona l ili~ of indi\idual suicitlc victim!;, but r.uher ,>rilh suicide ml~ a lld how the)' varied frOIll coumry to COll llt ry, ~ :t resllll. when he looked Oi l the IIIl1ubc!r of reponed suicide!! in F'r:Ul CC En', ~Ia lld , alltl Lle ll lll:II'k in 18ti9, Il l' .11"0 t')(.UlllI1Cd t h(' l)Upul,llioll!l of Ilw ~( ' n:t1it)II" to tI(lcI'IlIim.' th eir r";\lC8 o f sllicld~ , In cioing SII, Iw 1 (lUlld Ih;l\. Whl' l C:LS Eu gland lI:ul onl)' 67 rCfX)rt~d .~lIi dd~, pt'r mill ion inhahit:uus. Fr.UlCl' hOld \~:; )1('r lIlilliulI :lI ld Ut.'IIIlla rk had '1.77 PCI' million . Thll!l . in 1~"1II" u l na lIonal com ();lri'oOII", Ih~ qm.1Iliol1 thclI !xc<llIle: -\'\11) did Ot'nlll.lrk (I~lth r-r Ih:1I1 Jo' I~ulcd h;l\e ;1 cornp.uol1l\c.'I\ high r.lle o f repurtl.'d ~uu: id~ ..?Ourl.hellll went lIIuch d~('pcr 11110 Ill!! m\'eslig.l lion of :uucicle rales. ,lIId Ihe rcsllIr \,"U hi\ 101 0(1 iliaI'''' h a rk ,\IIlnd" publi~hed Ol I ~J7. Durkhdrn rcfll3Cd tu :Iutumali<'ally accepl unprO\clll')( I)I ,lIlalluns r~g;lIding lllUcidc. including I h ~ bchcl~ Ih.11 'lIdl deMit! Wl're c.IU!I<'d I>) cosnuc fcm:~s 1.11' tw inhcriIt~ d Icndcncil"f I n~It' ad, hc 10(11""'(\ 1.111 MICh pro\ lem .. a~ Ihl' coht'~i\,(! l1c\" Ilr 1.lcl. Hf COhCS I \ellC~ of religious :111(1 ~cu l)Ouinllal gruui'lI Durkhc lln.. resc:.u'CIl !illggc~led tlt.ll !lUlI.:ide, . whil ~ :a lIoli l.II')' aCI. i5 rcl:lled to STUUp hfe . I'rotl'''' 1:1Il\.~ l\:Id much h igher ,uicide r;UC<i Ihall (,:~alholics did; the uurnatTied h rld much higher I,IIC\ Ih:m llIanicd peOI)I(' did: ~ol"it:11'I w~rl' more m"'ly 10 u.ke Ihell 1i\CS IIulI1 civili:lf1S \\'(re. III :tdflitiu u. it appeared Ilmt there wcr~ h igher I';I\C" 0 1 "1Iic-iflc ill limc.. of p('a('(' t hOln in lim~ or ......Ir lIlId i't'\'o lulion . and in l,ill1l'!! of f'cnnomir inMtabilit)' tllld rt.'c.e.!lSion !':tlher Ilum III lirnl'~ of prosperit),. Llurkheim COilc1uded lh,lI the !l lIidd~ !':tICS or:l !W.K.iety reflcclcd lhe eXIt'n! to which Ix'Opl~ M. I ~ 01 \\'t'f~ 1101 mlegl.ued inlo tht- Kl'OuP li fe uf lIll' :IO('ICI\ ,

    Emi le Durkhcilll . like 111.111) o ther sud,11 scicnthts. dc\clop'd .1 Iheury to ('XI)I.lin huw individual bdla\~OI can bf: tl ucll'l'Slo(KI withm :1 MKi.II COlllexl. "Ie poinlt:d OUl Ilw inUllcncC' uf grollps :llId 5Ocicl;11 fo rct'lC o n wh:tl h,ld .lh\,I)'lI l)Cell \il.... ed a., a high I)' j>e.'lKmal ,tet. Cleat I\'. Ourl.hellll offered a more frlnlttjir t'''I>I<IIMI1011 101 Ihe C.UL..eS or lIuicidc Ilmn thoU of :l lUl \I)Ol.~ ur in lwrned tClldenri,'s. I ll, Iheory h a.. 1 )ledi{liw 1)O,,cl . ~IIlC(, 11 "IIS1,'l"~l" that suicid e IOlICiI will risc or r.11I ill t.OIlJUllcuun wilh ccrmill llocial and ccunomic Ch,lIIgl\. h is imporGUlI 10 tl mll'rsr,md 11 ,I Ihl'OI'}'-C\ocn 1.11 lhe lx... t of Iheuties-Is nOI ,I Hnal ~t,IIC lll c nl ,IboUl human belllwiol I)UIl.hel1l1 ~ Ihl'OI)' of suic.ide IS no exc<'plion ; socllllogiSl1 co nljnu~ lu l'",am m t' facfOrs ,.,.hich conuibulc 10 a M.K.icI)," '- of lluicide. .HC!' For exam ple, pc.'Uplc "cros~ the: Unill'd St.llt'S \~'e re s hockt"d b) th e lI.\1ioll,ll n(.''''' rel)()n~ 111 19t:\7 COliccming fOU l' Nl'W Jero.c) lecn;lgcnl ""hu IlIgl:thcr drovc im o.i I-;.II,II-;C . cl o~d lh e dUQI llIcI Ic t carboil 111(1111 1)\lllt' I tl111 C '~ I:Ikt Ih c'it Iht"~. IheICh)' eng"gi llJ.t ill a ( o lllccivt. lICI 1.11' ..... i( ide. \'Vil hi" little morc 111.111 11 heck, 10 11101t" tt'c lloIKcl'S ill four d ifler~1II ~ ' ,lIt'S killt'd thl'lmch'C,'" III ~.u~IR~~ u!ling car bon m o n mdd t'. I hc.q : ,uil.ltlcs !,\en' "h.lle IIMU .. foincidence; "IX"inl ~ cal rcsc;lr(h frorn 1 97~ ... Ihrough the prcsclII dOClltnclIl.. tluH the incidence 01 \uicicll' incrc.:lst" rollowin)it nationally te!t.,,;\Cd ~Im'ic:\ aWllt s lIlddc ,lIld Ihat leenaKers are C5peciall) \'lIln e l~lble tu ')ilch ~coJ>yc,lI - beh:wiol. Stud ie! show th.1I lhe unp,u,;1 b gre.lIe ..t "flt'l Ihe pllblid/cd sui( Ide 0 1 ,HI CIII(,I\:iliner or l>olilician :lI1d is /K)lI1cwh.lt I ~!t~ 't('r IIU' suicide ul .111 .mist. crilllimd , ur mClUbc~ I' 1)1 the economic dlle (l.sI~lcI an d SI.lck. 19K7; 1)lulli,)\ .md l...1f\t~II'W.'n . 1986; Slacl.. 1m:s7; W:a ....~nu:II1 , 1984).

    ORIGII':S OF SOCIOLOGY
    Peopll' h:l\'e :ll w.I)'~ becn cunous ;IOOllt how we get Iyh al Wl: do, and h 'h o m \\c ..elect a!> our Icad (: I'S. I'hilm o p h c llI and religious rlu thoritic8 of ancicnt amI lIIediev,,1 '-OCielies made coul111c.;.s obserYlHiun:t about hUllmn beh,l\;or '11Ic&C OllllC:!l"'.... tiom \\t'rl' lIot Il~I t'(1 01' \'clilicd !lCiellliliC",dly; ne\'Cnh~ Ic.ss. they olteu bcc'oUnC' tilt" foundation ror moral code ... & ...cl1ll or the carl)' suel,,1 !)hilO\Ophen predicteci Ihll l ;1 .!i)'lur- m:ttic Mud)' of hum;m beh.n ior \"o uld Dill' d:ly elll~rgC' , Beginning in the ninclt.'c=mh
    :(11) 11 )1: .

    10
    I'Vfl O\l- Tllt: J/OCJOI.O(iJl:.Af IUWt"lI1i

    n'lIcul)'. fo' umpean lhcori~lS m:,dc piullcl'ling nlll'

    uibuuolls 10 !he: dc\elopmcll1 01 :, ,dcnrc o f human bd!3\ior,

    Early Thinkers: Comte, M~~~~~!..~~,~~~~~r


    III hiulce. che ninctccnlh cent Ill)' W:L~:1I1 IIllsclCling lUll(: for thal rmlion'~ imellccllmh . nll' hcnc h lllOOMdt)' h.'ld bcen dcpoSt.'d c;lrlicr in !he rc\'olu UUf\ 011789, and ~:iI)()lco" had IHlbsc..qUCI III), been tidt..ucd in his efTon 10 con(luer europe. Amirut Ih.., chaos. phi1~phcu considered how socicty "ught be illlplo\ed. Augw,tc COIllIC ( li98- 1857). u\"(htl'd ",leh being che Inos l Innucntial of these JNIII(),ol)hen~ 01 tin- c;lrl) 1800s, bdk\c..'(\ Ihac a I he... .. Clrrli~,tI ~icnu: uf -..xiel)' .Ine! Iit~telll;lIic ill\ e.st.;g;l tiulI ufbeha\'iol' "ei"e nccded tu 1t111.I'OH' 'Iodel)'. ComiC C(lin(.'(\ the tenu )QI'I'oI'1{'I ' U "ppl)' to .hf' M 1l'11Ct' uf human bchadol' ,lilt! in,isted t h", sodo] ~'(ould m;:lke a critical con I.! lbulion 10.1 IICW lUld unlMU'o'etl hum:m comlllu l lit )', \-Voting ill thl' IK()()ll, (:nfOlt' fC;U'l-o Ilml Fram.cs llt:.bilil ) h.ul lleell PCI" UUllt'nti) imp;Ihed h ) thc ClI.(ClI'>(.~ ul thl' Flcm:h ttt'\llImion. Vel Ill' hoped th.1l thc 111uth' uf Wt.lallx.... hmur in a \)"Icmalir W:l)' \\ould c\cllIualh !t.;ld 10 m"'t rationOlI hmll.1Il in I C I.l lllon~ In CullltC\ Iti rr,,"I1) of K'it'IICC'. 'iOCiolOK} W:I.'I .11 lite lOI) ' I ll.' c-.tIII:d 11 the "tjlll"en~ :me! il~ prat'IIII(,m'r\ M'oC'iemisl' pnN.,.M'l,ij hcndl thl!od,' did lUll :limpl,. Io:'I\'C Ill>k~!ls 11.11111.'; Iit.' .the) presclltc..'C1 :. r.UIIl.~ 1 .tllI ... tM1t"U~ thOlllcllgc Iu Ihe 1Ic..' tlglinK dt ... d lllinc , \tholun \\crc: .Ible to le:'1'1I u t (:urlllc'" wor"-" Lul(t.'h through tl';UlSl.lliolh b~ the ellghsh MJCIUlo<I\C It,lflicl ~I.u IIneau ( 1802- 1876), nUl ~ 1 .1I1111C::1U "" .. , ~ palh br .11..(". ill her (I\o',on I igh! .1' .1 wdoloIlhl: 1h( onercd lIl~igh'ful (It~I",ltioll" 0 1 tht: tU'" MU' ..net KOclOlI prolCI i('c,~ or both tlCr n,1I i\'t' Urllalll .uMI thl' UllilCd State:;!, M.Lrcinc.Lu', book ,XKul, /11 I~ri(l'l (1962, origina l edition I fI~7) l'x: u nine~ re hJ!:l,m. I)QJltic~. child n :al'illg, :met inunigrilt10n ill the \flung n:L lion, ~ I :trt itlcau Ki\'C~ ~1)cci.L] attclLtiOl I III ~1J.tUJ diSlinClions :lIld 10 llILt'h filclOl'~ ,L" Kcndcl' .rid raft. \1 ;,rUneau's wrilillK~ eml>h'L,iLl-d Ihc IlIlpact ch.11 lhl'cconomy. l;n\ . II';lcie. and 1)OI)LlI:llion could h:1\ C 011 !hC' ~al problellls of !';olllclI1l)()rarv ")Ol..'h . 'ht" ~p()kc out in I:.\or of the riglll~ or hOlocn , Ihe MILIllLipiUiOIl I'll ~l.l\l" . and rcligio u, coll'l.tIlce , In

    1/11m1

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    UM'I\' 1111

    all

    J IIg/u" Jllwlm,
    wllul~

    fOri,

    /HIJ~
    III f/lf

    IJj

    ,,-'nu VI/dlllt

    1()Il(lllNltaL'1IN'

    INIIt III Itn n"/II" (mini" mu! I "'"Itd ')lain ,

    ~1 'LI'lincall t. ( I Htl6) \ ilw. illlcl l cclll.ll~ ;Hld hui:ar' should nul 'illlpl> IIftel othC ...... tlion~ of \OCiill con d"ion~ ; Ih!';')' should aCl upon ,hlil c..ollyictioll" in .1 m:!nller Ih.11 will h""Ctil society, In lill(, with thi~ \iCh, \I ,Ll1inl';1I1 cnnfiucl('d rC'iCafch 0 11 the n:lll1re of fCIn.lle f"lIIpld) mell' ,llld P"llllt'(l tn tht need for Ulu<:h mOH' rl~c.lrch UIl 1i1L ~ import .1Il1 is~uc (lIOCl I..C,'" Ul'pd.l lc. 1!}9',l ), 1\lIotllCI illlpml.11l1 conlnbll lrJI' to Ihe di-.ci])lilll..' 01 ,utir,I{)K" \~,I' I lel ben SI)l' II(CI' ( 1820- I90g), Wllt;ll); rlOllllilc \,k\\'I.Mlint 01 rcl.tlilciy IJ ru~pcrolls Victo ri.11l "_Itj.ll:lnd. SllenccI (ur llikc f\'11II1 illcau) did nllt led cOIll I)('l ll'd 10 ("on'cc! or inL I'ro\C sociel),; instead . he lllt.'l'd ) hoped h> L llldcl's l.LIle! it be tter. n ntwin~ un Charlc~ n;1n\'in'~ ~lIIdy Oil 'hI' 0,,$,"'" of \)/J'(lI'S, Slll'IIt'CI' Ilsed Ihe (,I)!leer' 01 l"\'ollllion of :Ulilll.rJ~ to expl.lin how ".lCicl.i~ eh.mKc o\'er limc. 1II\1larl~'. hc 'ld.lpl ~Il>.II'\Oo' ill S c.."\'ululion:u,) vic.."Wof thl;! -,ul'vi\.11 01 du,: tilll.:st" b) lIrguillg lh.lt It L~ "mu ur.t.l " tJloit o"omc 1K.' Oplc .U'C lieh wlult" tld tcr....Ire

    1'"'"

    1/
    UIII'I,.Jf I 1111 ,d l( HI- (JI' '>I.IlJ(HIII,1

    Spe ncer', ~Ippl'oal h 10 rucicla l c h:Ul gl' \\'a~ l'x tre mely popIII:II'11I hIs 0\\'11 lifclillll', Unlike COIIHc, pencer \uKgClIl'd th:1I soci<:lil'~ ,Ir(' bound 10 change : therefore. onc need nOI hl' highly critical of Ilrcscnl ~Kial arr.mgemcnL' 01 wl)rk :!C'lhely fO l M>Ci;,1 thangc-, This position appealed 10 lIlall), in nul'mi"II:K:OP\(o in Engl:lIld and Ihe Cniled Sl:"l~ who had :1 ",-",led illlercsl illlhe 'i'UlIII\ quo :lIId \",' re su~pi iou.'! (II' SOCillllhillkcnI who elHlo~d change. \Ve will cOII~idcr Spcntl'r', \;('\\'111111 ~u(il'IY and '0cilll change in mor(' tll'lail in Chaptcr ~O ,

    E.mile I)urkhci lll '\ impon:lnt du:oreuc.11 "(Ifl.. o n suicide "":I~ bUI o nc of his 111:111\1 I>io llcl'ring (01111;, bUlioll!S to sociolog). The son 01 a ... bbi, Durkhcim (1858- 1917) W;h educ;llcd in ootll F'mnl!:: and Ccr many. He eSlablhhed an ilT1plt'~'hc a~ldenllc rep' umuon and "":1" a ppo inled :1 Olll' 01 Ih e linl profe~sOl'S of sociology in France , Al>o,'e :111 , Durkhcim will hl' r('lHe mhelcd for insi~lcnc(! that beh:niOl' COI l1not bc.' full) \Ind('r~IO()(I in inrli,icluali"I.ic tcnn\, IIml il "U~t be Ulldcr~IOQd ',ilhin .. I,II)!:(~ I -.orial ("nlll(",,1 ,,-, OIlC {'x.unplt, ot Ull~ cmph"'-''', I)lIrkhellll {I~J.l7, ungilloll ('dillon 1912) d c,clblx:d :1 tunil;:,mcm;.1 Ihcl>! IU hell) 1111 ' deN~tl1d :,,' f()nml 01 sod.:;t, Ihrough IIIlen,i".. stud" of the Arullt.l, ,Ill Au.nr.,li;m tribe . I lc lucu'\Cd 011 lhe functlOlllo 111.11 religloll IX:' fonned Im' the ,\ rol,ta ,mcl ul1dencorcd the role thill gruup life pla\"!> in defining Ihat which \\C c:olI~idcl' rcligluulo. Durkh cim COIIChldcd th'II.1il..c othcl forms ufgroup be ha\;or. religion rl'il1forC(.~ a gH)UI'S ..olidaril) , Anothe r of DUfl.hcim\ main mtl' rt"\.j W;l!I 111l'

    the ('1;1)110111) ill Chaplcr I:;, DlII'klll'i lll \\~I.S (011cel1lcd "hOIlI Ihe clanger' Ih,lI ,uch aliclIalion. lunclirll'"!l", ;!IId i\oC)l;ttiml might I)().q' 101' mnc.lcnI in.. dlt.~II1,11 ;;ocictil'!', l ie slmred CunIlC' , l>clief Ihat $O(ioh,~ ~hullld prt'\1de dill'ClIOI, forf,od,11 c ha"ge. As.1 n ..'liull, Ilc "dml.II("(lthc creatlun of new sodal glolll)\--bt'thl'c.'n lhe IIldh l(h",l'. f.1milt .lIld un' Slatl-\~ h ic h would idl'"lh' pru,;dl' :t <;t'I1!IC o f belong-mg fOI mcmlX'I"I'I of h\lgc. ilUl)('l....oll:Il "O(iclies. Like many Ollll'r sociologists, 1)1Ifkhcim ' ~ inter esl~ "ere rH) 1 Iimi led to Ol1l' ;l\pt'ct of t(Uci;l1 bc h a~ ior. 1.;'ll' r III thi, h()()k. wc will gi\c I"reher :lIIl'nliun to hi, Ihillkillg 0 11 uilT1e and 1)lIni'(h lllcnl. religion. ;Hld Ill(' workl)I,I(,(, ... c\\ "ocil)lugisLS ha,'e h,ld such ;1 (II.III'.IIIC 1I11P.1 , 0 11 \0 !luny dine rent ;ucas "Idun I,ht.' di'Klphlle.

    '*

    COII"l'fIUt' nC(!1I ul w()rl. ill 1lI001l' m ,oelctil'S In IllS ,ic"'. UII' gro"lIIg di,i\jon 01 1.lbOI' found in indu,,", lrial societies ,Il> workef"5 beelullc much mort' '1)('ciali7erl in their l.tSl..l> led In whal lit' ('"lied (111(11111'. A.,.om;fl rel'ef~ to :. fO!C~ of direcuon that i~ leh in a society when ,oda l COlltrol of ind i\'i4Iu.d bcha\'iOl h ;L~ hecome iIlCnC(I.i\'e. T h l' state 01 flllo!llie occurs ",hl'lI people IUI\'C' I,)sl I hei,' sell \(.' of pili pu~e or dirC(licJII. orlell during ;:1 time of 1)l"o (olll1d .social ch;ange, In ,I I)l'riod ofallonlil' , l>CoPIl' .'f(,~) (onfn~d .Hld llllable 10 COpt: w,lh rhe; 11t'\\ \OCial c mil'Ufll1ICIll Ihal Ihe\' " "'" rC\oC}!1 In laking their 0\\'11 livc!>. .NI "ill Ix: IICcn in Ihe ('xanrin ,lI ion 01 worl.. :mct

    Another 11l11>OI mil l tll("Ori~1 who cOllt libuled 10 the scienlilic i'l11d y or llocielY was ~bx Vlcbtr ( pr~ nounced "V,Wbe,") , Sorn in Ccnmll1Y ill 18&1. Weber look h i\ carly aCOldcmic Iraining in I c~al :md ('conomic hi slory. but he Kr.tduall)' dt:....cl0l)Cd an im<'rl'st III 'iOClolo!<;) bentua ll) , he became a pr()1Cs.'If:)r :n ,... 1;01111 (;.cnn;1II IInh('l"lIitje~. Weber told h,,,, !iludtnu Ihat th!'y ,hollld employ Vt'Nlt!hfttl, tlu: (.cnl1,1II \\ord 101' MIIII{ICI'~l .. ndlllgM or "insight," in thd, i'lIelletUl,.1 "ork. lie' pointl'cI Ollt Ilmt much 01 ollr social belt:.'I"r (";UIlIOt be an:tlw:c:d !l>' Ihe kjn(L~ o f ol~cctl\'c Clilel;a ,\e II!>C to I1lC:I\lIre "'eighl or lClIlpel'aturc. 10 lull" comprl'hend bcha\ior. we II1U~1 IC;II'I\ lhe llllbjl'(:Li\e lIle:minglJ people am.ch to lhdl :tClioll...-hoh' lhc) t.heUl:tCI,,~ \iew and ex pl.un their bcha\lor. For ex.llnple, suppose th<jl M>Ciologists we~ "llId)'in~ the \OCi,.1 r;ml..ing or il ldi\idu.,!s hithin all CIC(lrici<l111 ' union . We bcr..,ould expect researcJlen 10 CI1II)loy I'"",.h", in order 1 dl'lCflni ne ule .sig0 nilic:lllce 01111(' 1,llion's uc:i:ll hit'l'arch), for illl m(,l1I1 .... ~.lCi()IH... 11I would llt:ck 10 IC;11l 1 h o'" ' ''c:re dec )C1 ri~ Idc::ianH rela lt' In uniol1 I\1CIII\.)<:I'.\ III high er ur 100I'cr StaIllS; Ihe), lIIi~' hl cxamine the e lleclS of M:lliorit}' on lIt:tIIdiug within lhe unio u, \Vhilc ilwcsLig:uing lirC!)C C llIestioll!l, le)Carchef!, \~ould t.lkc into acCOllnt peoplc's t.'moUons, thoughl'l, bclicu. and atdlutie, (L Ctbcr, 1977:1:W). We "00 Oh e Cfcdil 10 \\ 'ebcr fOt a key conc('ptu:alloo\: Ihe Idcal l),pc. An ,' df!al rypeill a consuuct

    12
    I'VU
    (J~ '

    TI",:wcJOIo(;JCAJ 1't..HSIUI11J;

    "'.I~

    1920

    Kefl Mlr" 1818 1883

    .c..,...on.1

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    '881 -

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    t~

    I"

    Su~: A Sn-dt' In

    ItiOI19O!i Sill'" 01

    SlOIoW 01 Rfl1ftOOf W.

    1922

    Wirtsll'" und

    c.p"./i,,"

    T"'PrOfHf~IIfEI" o(>.lIdl'"
    GoH~'.uIt~/)

    Itl' - EfHnW!I"1f F"",,,


    M nll

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    $on~'mfl ~"lI/fn'

    f/'(lfn Oil Iht fl(lfi

    /ltlltl11I/h fmlury

    of fhty Ihm'hmlvTI.

    a mudd ilial \CI'CS

    :t~ :1 IIIc:ulIIillK rod againsl \\'hKh actual c:m.ol (:an be (.'\o;i..Iu::lh.'t1. III hi~ I tWII wurk.... Wdx=r idcntilk'd ''ariou~ Ch"r.U.:ICli,:uIC or t.) llrCml-

    [racy as ;111 ide:tl !)pc.' (LheSt: \'1'111 Iw di~u~cd ill dCI..li! III Clmptcl 6), In plc~cl1li llg IIII~ mudd of bureaucracy, WcI>CI' W.L\ nOl desc. ribillK any IMl1icuw bwi nL~s, nor was he (' sing Ihe term Iflflll in a '11,1.\ that stlgge<i.Iet'1 a po~ith c e,,;,iu:ui n. lmu:ad. hi .. purpo5C WolS 10 provide ~ usefu l smnd<ll(l for rnC<I~ring how bUH!'allcr.uic an tlCHlOI1 ol):,lIIiloll ioll i.. ~nh and Mill ... 1958:2 19), 1 _'llcl' ill Ihi"lexlbonk, till: (oncept or idC:IIIYIX" will be lI'\t!d tu ,,'lid), Iht. lanlily, religion , aUlhol1lY. al1Cl ecunUlllic '')'''IC.'I11'' iHld L IIl1alyl.c bureotucr..lC)'. O Although I hci l' l)rofcss i o l ,"I('~lrcer!l c:ulle at the ~J.tIIC lime. t..n ilc Ourkh c im an d ~ I ax Webel l.ev('1' llJet :md pl'ob;lb l)' we l e lln;. \\ ....e u l each ulhel '"l'xi1W!lCe, let alone idca..... Thi., \'~I" eel l~ il1l ) not true of the work or K:lrI Marx. I)urkht.'ims th inking .wout anomie h'a\ related 10 'hint'" writinglJ. while Wd)Cr's COlleen! fOI":1 \'alu(.... free. oh.J(''C l h~ sociolOK) (whtch will be cxplor("d in ( Impll'l ~) b"'(IS;1 dirttt ~spon\C to ' ''uox''i decpl) held ("ml\'inion .. ,

    il 1.\ nu .surpl i'oC Ih.\I K...t.ri M.&fX is \ iC\\t.'d as;1 majol' 1I({\II'c ill the de\clopmclU of ~c."'\'el"'(11 social science....lInong them ~(H.ioIO){). (Scc F'j{lll c I-I.)
    11lU~.

    Karl Marx
    K;u'l ~ I.u".)( (1818- 1883) .;;h ....cd with Durkhcim ;lIld Weber du....1 mlel c"l in ab~lrnct I)hilosophical isSU('" .met ill tht" concrete rcalilY of e\('I)'day lite. UnIlle Ihe otht"f'i, M:II"X W~'i so ("riliea] of ('xi.~lIing in s tltutio ns Ih.1I .1 fomemion,11 aCldemk l'arcer ,,":\~ it1lpl.ls,~ ihlc .lt1d .t l1 hough he w,,~ born :lIId l'dllClll cd in Germany. r " "~1 uf hi~ 1ill.- \'I:t.~ sl.tCll t in exile. "" l an.:'~ Jler~U1 1 al l ilt' W:LS a cl ifficu h ~In lgg l e , When .. paper' Ih:1t he had ..nitlcn W:I~ 'i ll ppre'i~ed , he fled hi... mui\(* bud and \Vellt 10 1~1'rIllce . I11 Pari!!. he tHel Flk.drich Engds (IR20-IH95). with \\'holll he fonn(.'(1 a lifelo ng fticnd~hil)' n le) Ih(.'(1 during a time in ",hic:h bn l>ca n .1Ild ::"\' olth Amcnoll economic life w.... in('f("'\'~III~ I ) being d Olllinat(od bY Ihe faCIO .... rather than the farm ,

    11
    tJ/ 'P'''N I 1/11" .\'nntl 0/' 5f)(:J(HOt.)

    In 1847, M:u'X and Engels Olllended secret meetings in London of an illegal coaliliCln o f Iolbo r unio ns, lhe Communise I..c.tguc. 11u: following year, ehey finished preparing:1 phllfo nll c lllt."tI 'l7rt ComlNlUlul M fUliJ l o. in which Lhey arguctleha l the n ma.uc... ofl)Coplc who h.wc no rt.'1OlIf('t.S Olher Ihan ' thcirla bo r (who ll1 lhc)' rcfcl red 10 as the ImJil'fOna/) should unite 10 fighl for tJle o\'cnllrow o f Ctl)il:llise S(x:iel,ic!!, III the word" of ""1111")( and Engcls:

    111c hinoryof 11 h i,hcno Cxl)lillg !tOdl'l), is dH! hL~IOT)' of db! l!.nlggle). .. TIle I'rok:lari.lll~ h.l\'t' !lolhing 10 I~ but their dl:.ainJ. The), ha\'c a ~(t(ld 10 ~'m , "',..... il'G .U"I' Of' AU (XIlNIltU'!i u'.'Inl (Fellcr. 19!:l9:7. 41 ).
    MU: I cOlUp l c tin ~ 'flu- u)H//Iwm.sl Mom!nlo, \I;u"S r('luflled 10 Gentlall),. On l)' to be ('xpellt:d. 11(' Ihen mo...ed 10 f:n~ h\ll d , where ht (OIl IItIUcd lO wri lt books :lntl ('"a)',. V I:I1"S'!I life there \\~!' line of exIt'c lUe I)()\'efly. Il c p:twned mORI 0 1 h j~ pn,~eS!> i () m. ,lIld se\ e ral o f his child r(>1 1 died of ma ll l!ltl'itiun and di.sca.~c , :\'h! ,'X dearly h'; L~ :Ill O Il L~icl(' r ill nritj~h soci'I),. tI laC! \~ h ic h lIIay well ha\'(' aOcCtcd h b dew o f \\e5le rn cult urc!! ( N.. Collill~ ,lIul M:lkO\Io'!>ky. 1978:40). :\ I :trx'~ lhillkiu(( h.1.!I Slroll;.;ly il\flu enced by the ""o rkof:l Cc. m.1Il phllosophcr, C<orK Il cJ{t"i. 11l'1I:e1 MW hi<;IOI) .l!> 3 dialecfical pYfl("l!I~" M: I it, of dasht."I tX',,~ ee n conflicting idea.' :tlld fo ..cc5.. AI Ihe cnd of each cI:..~ h , a nl'w a nd impro\cd M!I o f i dea.~ ....~..., expecl('d 10 emerge. In I leKe !', "i('w, conflicl ....-;u :111 c'iSClllial t"iclllCllt in progrc!I.~ . ( Am llicl led 10 progr('~: progn...." canlt" un I)' through C Hllflic l. In appl)'ing I lcgc!" IheOl;e" ~1 .lrx ICl(.lL'lCd 0 11 conflict ix:lhcen lIlKial d;L"SC~ , a.\ rt' prl~'lIted hv illdU"lri;11 '\'orke .... and the own cl'l' of '.I(.Ione"l ;lIId bu...ines.'lCJo. Undel ~1 .1I"S.s :UI;II),,,h. M)("1t.'t) was fllllditllle nlally dhided between cI~"M" \~ho dash ill pursuit o f thei r own cia's iTUel"l_ 'lII" l ie nt'J.:lIed Ihat hilltOI,), could be IIlld er~100d in diall.'clic;ll tc .-m, a$ a I'eco ..d of Ihe incvil:lblc CO Il I1iCI ~ bN\~e(! 1I eco110Illic grolt'.... T h b view forms Ihe b; L~i.", IOI' l h e CUIltcmpor.u')' ~C)dC) l og i C'.l 1 I)c rspec ch'c ul CUllll ict Iheory. whic h will be examined I:lter in till' d laptel . \\o'h l:: l1 Mal")( cxamin ed lhe indtl.'ll.l i:.1 MKielicS: of hill time, such as G<:rlll:my, I::n81 :lIId. :lIId lite United St:uc.s. h e ~w the f;II..IOI) :t.!I the CCllh.:r o f conflict between lhe exploiters (the Owl1e .... of the means of

    pmducc,ioll) and the exploited (lhe workl'r'l). ~bl'X "i(:\H. d thc~ rdauonshipiI ills),"lematic lerms; lhat is, he I)CBc\'(x l thal .. n enlire S),5:ICII1 o f t.'Conomic. .social, and IJOli lical re la' ionshi p~ Il:Id bc..-cll ClItaI> lished to m;'linl:utllhc power and d o minance o flhe o\\-'ncn U\'er lhe \\oork(:n. Con!k.'fIUenlly, t.'larx and Engcls :lrgucd 1 11:11 the working elMS n(."('(led 10 o loen.hrow Ihe cxi.'lting CI:M :lySlem . M:U'X's writin~ inspired those \tho were .sub~llICntly 10 lead communist rt."\'o lutio ns: in Rus5ia, China, C uba. Viet nam. ;Uld d~whele. l::\ell :11)an lro m the political rc\'olutio n'ilhac his wo rl helped to fosler, Mal")('" inOucHcc on COillempor-\! chinklllg has been dr:un:uic. Although he ccrtaml)' did 1101 \r1e'\' himself as ';1 sociologin. M:trx lIe\'crlh clt'!l~ made :t critical contributio n to lhe de\'elo p ment of 5OCio10f.,'Y :lIld o llter .saci,,1 sciences. I'.u ll), this reflected M:u'X's cmpha~i'i on carcfuJly I'e~e;lfc h ill g the :\cllml. Ulca$ lIl~h l c condi, tioll' of people", Ih'es, a Imlclice which fOl'cs hadowc'tlt l!c llcienl ific nature of cod,,),', 5QCi ;&1 llcicIICC5. III ;-IClelition . Mar,. p laced ",'Tea l \,,,Iue OIlthl' group idcnlifkalion~ and a.~SOC'iation~ Ihat inf\uCllC4..'ti an i"di ddual'~ r,lace in socielY. A~ we h:wc \Cen. thi$ lU'e:t s ludy ill Ihe majo r locu\ of conlcmpor..U)' sociolog) . "11lrougho Ul Ihh Icxtbook, \\oC will roe .. "icl(.'l ho..,' mc m hcr~hip in ;a part icul.lr gender classification. OlgC gmul), rotei .. 1 group. o r l"Cono mic daM OlfTc"Cl~ Ol I)cI'!Ion's :tuitudt.'!l.U1d hchavior, In an impol'I;lIlt 'Clue, llth w;.y o f 1Il1de l-,taJlding society ca n be t,raccd hack 10 tile pioneering h'ork of Karl \-I01 n( , (!)cc f'i~UI'e 1-2.)

    or

    TwenLicl.h-Ccnlurv Sociolopv ....... _ .. _,_._ . _._ .._ .._...1.._._ . __ ..fl1'_ . _ ... __._._. __
    Sociolog). ,l~ ..... t kn o ..... it in the 1990s. draws upon the lirm fo unciOll ion dc...dolk.'C! by t mile DUl'khcim, Max Webe r, ;utd I\;lrl ~ I arx , I lowl'\'Cf , the dl.scipline h:" cCl1ainl)' !lOt rClllai n(."tI s .... gnant over Ihe lasl ceIlLlII). Sociologi~LS h ave g;tincd ne..... insights whid! h:w(! llcl l)cd IJu;:m to bcllel' undc l'stand Ihe working!> of ,ociel),. Chal'l~ I lorlon ('.ouley (18&1- 1929) ....'as lypk.ll of th e sociologiSl:l \\'ho became p ro minent in the C'Mly 1900~. 1\0111 ill Ann Arbor, Miclliga.l1, Coolcy rccci,,'cd hi grdduate lmining in econ o mics but laterbeC'.lntc a llOciolog)' profosor III the Univenit},

    HCURE 1-2 Prominellt Contributors /(} Sociological Thought

    .... ComJ.l l798

    1857

    ~~ ~~~______~ n I' ~ 2 18~~1

    ........ s,-.. ~:::::,,_ _ _....':::~1 1' 820 90 '


    Kol'l Monil 1818

    1883[
    1', ~=-__~~~1 8~ 19 17
    .

    Emilt Durkheim f

    ~~1~~______~~~ 1 '~ 1 9~

    - . . Ho.bort Mood ~ 863 _ _.:;9 '~ 1'::::;:... 1 :;: '1


    Mox wobo<

    1'86 ' ~::::._...:.920 '~1

    Cho<I.. Honoo CooIoy I"

    I.:::: 929 F86';___':.;~1.


    ,I902 ______.:.::.;9 ,.::~ '97 ~1
    1916 1962

    ,1':: % '1 w. E "" ;, 1' 86 8~_ _ _ _""':::~

    TolorJlt PCQOn, [-

    Roborl_ ~ 91:::_ _ _ _-l~~ 1 '.;. 0


    C. Wright Mib, [

    . 1
    II,r
    11 1It,.IJllrt~ ~/wul/I

    EfVing GoIrmon

    , 922 98 21 II'.::.::;:..._..;1:::~.

    hnr lJI'l't

    IIn

    IIlm '1 11'rflil1lf! rlmmrlk>Jc,

    uf \ikhigan . Uke other t.:ul)' suciologi,tl'l . he Ix"'" umt' inlcrc~ l cd ill this "ne\~ di'ICiplillc while pur"ling a related area of Mudy. Cooley slmfcd the desirc of Durkhcim. Weber. and Mllrx to 1C"fll more about society. n llltO clo so rffrcu\'c!)'. Cook')' pl'CfcITed to use the sociologic,,1 pt~I~Cl i\'C: to look first :.llsllIallcr unil$- in linmle, iaec-Io-r-ace groupil !Ill h .... f:llnilic5. Ifou ' g~. a nd tm-rnlship networks_ li e sa ..... these KrouP'~ tL~ the \('I'(lbcds or !locielY in the sense lh:1I thc)' Ioh"pc pec!plc'.s ide"ls. beliefs , \~llues , and sud,,1 n:l1 urc _ r.(~olryJ ,,"'Ork hrought new under~t:lIlc.lillg CO emUI_ of rcl:llhcly llm;,1l size. In the colrl)' 1900s, m'UI)' of lhe leading sociolo~IJ of tllC I;nilOO St."llCll ~w ,hcmschc\ 1I~ Stl('i:11

    rcrormcf'll: dediCOlt('ri toO s~ ,c m :Hic;llIy Mud)'ing a nd the n impnwi ng a corntpt sodel),. The) were genuinely cOIU"cntcd about lhe li . . e!io or immigrants in the n:lli on'~ gruwing citit.:s, whe t,her these immigr:IIIL~ came frOIll Euror>c 01' from the American routh_ I::arly fCIII:I!c sociologislS, in particular. '~'cre uftcll aClhc in 1 >001' UI'I>.'\I) are~L't as lemh.'fI' of communi!)' ('cnters kllOWTl ,IS 5(1I1(!lIItI" IUlf'kJ. For example .lane Add 1 ullS (1860-1935), a mcmhcr of and ~I)ca kcl' hefore thc Americul Sociological Se.. cie ty. ('orounded the r: ...n ou,~ Chicago M!tUel1lelll . Hull HOllse. Addotm, :uld other piollccri llg fe male .sociologisll! cOlUmon l), combim.:t1 intellectual inqu iry .social scr\-icc work . and po litiC- il aC livism~1I with Ihe gO<l1 o

    15

    S<X'iOI ~i~t Ro be rt Mcn011 ( 1 968;3~72) tn:ldc

    f i .

    an imJ)Qrt.lllt contribution 10 the discipline by sue(t'O,fllll), cnmbining tileo!"} and research. U rn in o 1910 of "Ionic inlluigrnm l)arC nl~ in l'hil:ldc1 1 ia. >h
    Merloct ilulm:quc ml)' hon .1 <;(h o l;lI... hip t l) Temple Univc:l'l'it}. J le COluinued hiil )lUldics ,11 11:In'ard. when' he :tc<llIin: cI his lifelo n g interest in .sociology. M CltHU " tC<lchi ng ('anc r h :L bct'l1 ba.o(('d at ' lumhia Univcl~it) , ~1 t' II O Il ha\ produccd a them y that j, o n c o f Ihe m ost fr('(IUCnll) ci tl"d ex "l ,UI :Hi o n~ o f <k"i.mt beha\> iOI". lie u(ltcd differc nt \~";\}~ in ,,,hic h people al tt'm p t In ac hicve 5l1CCt: ~~ in li rc:. In h is \'il'\'" $Onte Illay nvt .. harc.: lhc soc.iall> "grct'd-upo n gtl;ll ur OlC Cllrnul."i ng matcd:11 good~ or Ihe acce pted nle:l1IJ hf achie\;ng lhis goal. For CX;lIllplt:. in Pokrton'f da~l'ifi c;ui o n scheme, ~ iIll1()\'alol1!l~ Me Ik'O plc \\'ho .Iceep' the goal or pUr)lIing maleri,ll w~ahh bllll~ i!lt'fr-\IIIlC:uu 10 tlo so, including robber),. burglary. a mi t'xlonion, ~1t rt" II '1I explanOltio n of ( l'ill1( i.~ b,*,cd 011 i lldi\~ dl",l he haviot'-influc llcl.'cI lIy .soet, l"Y:' apprnv<'c! goals ami IlIcans-)"t" il h :L~ wider npplir,lIio m . I! helps 10 .ct((}lInt for Ihe high clime r:1I~ .lIlIOIIS lhe 1l.1liun,'! phor. \\ho lIla) .... -c no hop(' or .I(h';mci ng IhC III~ h ..~ th rough I I~d itionaJ mOtel" cu ~uccess . Me n o " '" t1wol) ,,iII be dl.scusscd in gre.llcr detail ill C h :lpl'.'r 7 . Mertoll .100 c lIlphasi/.cd lh :u 'KlCiol(tgY t h ould slri ve: tn bring togct h c r the " 1II.lcTQ-lc::\cI~ ,tile! MTllic~ kwl- ;Ippr o(lch(, to the ~lUdy of SOC'kl)'. Macrosociotof:.)'conCCI1Ir.UL'lI (Ill klrNe::tle pitCl1nllWml or clltin' chilj1.alj(}Ils.. TIH~. Emile I)urkhcim :. nOSSo ('1 111.11 ,1 Study orsu icicil- h tIn ex.unplc of 11\,1 ro-lt.'\'CI 1 1"\:\I;'.II'.. h. Mort' I"ceclIIl)" cnacrosocio loghl" h:l\c ex;un ;lIc<l intent.lliUII:!] crime r..1I~ (~C h , lpu: r i). tht \ Itr('OI}1X: o f ruian Atneric;lII ~ llll " H mof1c1 millority"

    eo.

    ":/IIIJJn.wlf wn~tJ "VU t/Jm


    IIftll ... ' "

    potw u,bott

    1ftM.)

    lrmf," of
    HI4:11I1:111

    (01'''''''1111') frflt,.,.. 'twllI'lJ

    IIj

    hou.",..., f." (''MM/ill'. Jail' A,M(I'"1 (l86(}-19n) flnT (I ((ljim/ltlrt O/f/ll'


    !1U11U11l (,JlIlttXII 'l(1//t'WI'III, 11 1111 Ill'm. '''.

    o f ....,,\1111& lhe ull<lcrprh ilcp:cd .nul ("fe.HiIlS " m o rc eg,lht,1! ia ll society. f..,r cx:unplc. \"u rkin~ \\1111

    the Ul:lck journ,lli, ' :U1d cduC;lIor Id . of :1 r.lcial :regll:g:llioll poli("), ill the

    n,

    Well" public

    Add:u I\S slIcces:.rull), Wc\ ('lIll'cl lhl' i l nplcllu: nl~lt io ,.


    ( h ira~o
    h OI

    M:hOOI'i. The praclir.11 focus 01 he!'

    k wm al'iO

    ",,,idem in t\ddams' effort'! la

    e~ l:. blis h

    jl1\'t'l1ilc

    COlll'1 S)'SICIIl .. n d .. \\,UIIU: II 'S tl"itdl' 11111011 (;\ dd:un:ri,

    Ch.lt cr 10). 'tlld the p0j>uL ,tioll 1 );llIems 01. eQlllluics (sec Ch;cpwr 19). I\y contrast. mit:rosot:;ofogy5lU....-.cs stud), of lunall ~'1'OUp6 and of lell IISC\ cxpclimel1l:ll litudy ill l<lboT';ltOties. $ocio.
    (,,~ 1 ~1.lTni ..

    IfIlQ, 19:-\(); Occg:lIl. 199 1: Wcll"", 1!}70}. Uy I ht' middle (lr the tWC!lt leth (CIII III)'. 11(1.....C\1.',.. Ihe Ih<:u\ ul the di,ciplin c had .. hiftc d . l)ud ut oK i~tll
    f( '\lric'lcd thctltsch.... ,
    10

    IItl'clri/.ing :u\cI g,lI l1cring

    iufunll:nion , while: thl" :li m o f 1I';III:.forming ~iCl~ \\.t.!I IcO 1 "OCial wlwkcrs :111<1 C)lhl"rs, I his ~hire aw"'~ 0 frolll o;ocial rt'fQrm " ;L\ accomp,ullcd I a gn..l"ing ( Ollllnitlllent 10 icmifk lIIelhocb of rc:\C;uch ;lIld 1 ,,,Iu(..frcc inlC'rpr(' 4.lc ioll uf d,Il," 0

    logk.c1 rl"'C:1I h o n lite micro IC\-d h.L' illchldl.-d \ uldic, ofho\.... divo rrcc\ lIte tl :"lIId " Olllcn, ex-convict.", "lid m lit'r'S di.~t'llg.1gC ]i"ulIl K;g n ific:mt webl ro1t'l'l (8CC C hapt er 5): o f h ow cunfh n n it), cnn inf1u nce lhe ex pn...~io n o f j.r('judiccd attitudes (l'{.'C Chaptcr 7): :md

    of 1 1O\~ <1 I(',,('it('r'$ CXIX'cl;clions can affect :l studcnt"1 ,I .Idemit" pcnollllance (s Chapler 16).
    ~1oCjologi~cs find it u~ ful to cmplO) hOlh thest

    :IPlu(MChell:. In fact. Wt C"IIlIc,lrn a great dcal b) us.-

    -- '.

    --

    "
    16
    I'\IU
    I~'"

    nit Sflf'.KH.(Jl.KAI nJNH.-UW

    1 NIII('f'(Jl(J4l(Jlogutll 1'J\'II"""'td'lffl of
    l116",tIl"
    (t'li'fMJnti'J

    II'Owlll utIr ,,,

    /I/.tll'ifj fflIlH,dtu1fI1 diffr""ILI '" ,rllK'(lf1J MIJ/OfIIS "lid trod",OfU.

    of d/f.\! (,,'" 1tl1iJJ1', tml""'K of utddm, 100.."', ."" 00 /Ott"; (flld I1 aoold tu)t'U flrl' lon~(nl uK'"jirmlu of ,Ant'

    I)"'"

    d'II"""'(I" , l"utIlT"{ "'... abY(1/(/fI' J i'lI"f


    (11" 1I~ldl "g "'JrntSnl,.m. tI bndl' fltld gtOOIlf IAIflfl-'"1: ni' MI n "VIr"" Ju,," "I " U'IfIIH .. W'IIdItlK /11 N,...INlA/. Irttl.n. fllIll n \lr1"(O .. 'i'd/lmt If

    ~ntll' ,"

    "'/'fill

    (I'

    If1 u....crowciolog.cal .met


    I~

    micro~)("if.)logka l

    "n"I)'-

    1 Slud) Ihc );II1IC IIl oblcm, f or sam ple. we 0

    II II~hl 11')' 10 undcl'sl.lIId climin;11 heh,tYiOI :1 1 th e ;um l )/; n~ ('rillll' 1 ,lIe'" ill \'ariQIL" and a l the mil 1'(1 k",'d b) e).;uninmg Ihl.' 'Q'w inter:a tio n ~ Ih.1t inlluc.'ncc imli\ldlla l... 10 IN."(Unit" enminal, 0 1' dchllllllClIllI, IA)!lIClIlporary sociulolQ' Ic OcCI:; Ihl' <In'cr\(' (un.. umlions of carlit'1 Iht.."(l fi~b A . . 'VciQlog'l:its .11)tI~no

    pro.lt'h ~ u ch I O pl ('~ :ts dimH~c.., dnII'Plddic.:tion. and I'<:ligious cu ll ... , Ih(') (';111 c.llOlw 111>011 Ill(' thl.'Ofctical ; 1l ~i~ IIl" of thc di,dptill-.... pinnce l~, A Co.ll crul
    reader can hear ('''lImc. nurkhci lll , Wcbe, , M.Il's . ('.001-, )'. A(ld.tlns . m(l m.UI\ ulhe r... SI)c;lkillg through Ihe p:lg<''l!i .. r U lfn'lH 1~';II(h , In dc",ril)IIIg th' \.url. fir md,1\ '" :'I()ctOlng-i ... t .... I1 j, hell)l ul 10 tx:ullillt' .1 IHlIlllx'l 01 inlluclH il,1 cht.'tlrcckal :1 1 >1 )IO;l(ht,. (;11". known ,1\ 'H"/~/NY'''''''') ,

    k'vcl by

    [t~l/llriet

    , "

    ,
    ('J(M"r:lr I 1111,

    '"

    'J l t'"

    ,"" '''-'1/}

    (#0 \(/1(10/0(.1

    MAIOR TI IEO RJ::TICAL


    PERsPECTIVES
    Sociologi$IS view "GCic l), in d ii'l'c.:rclI I \,".I)'S. Somc scc the world basica lly a\ a M;lbl{' :md ongu ing' (' nli tl .
    111cyarc imprclI.'iCd with th e c n d ll lOl u(:c of lh e rantil),. org.lIl izcd religion. and miter ~oci;d ill ~ litut.i o n s . Soll\e 5OC i ol ~h t.i scc socie ty ,LS cOI1lI)().'ied o f many groUI)S in conflict. co mlx:ti ll ~ for scOlrce ft'SO Urces.

    To o lher

    M)( i o l ogist.~.

    the

    m~1 r;lSC in ~ t il\g :llIpcc t.~

    of the M)(ial wOl'ld a f C the (" 'c1)'tIay, ro u tin e inte raClion" ;uno llg ind i"ichmb th:u we 'IOnlc timt:s t.:lkc

    for gra nted. T heS(' diffe ring pt' l"lipcc th'C5 " [lIo del), arc: all waYlI o f exam ining the' !>.'1 I1l C phen omena. Soc i olo~. ic;11 imagin;uio n mal' employ allYclf a Il um lx:r of Ihc~ relical approac hes ill (mic " 1 study hUllla!! beh:,,'.0 ior. " m rn these ;'ppro,l(:hc!I, soc i ol (lgj s t~ dc\'clop
    theories to explai n specific ' Y I>f.:S of bc h:t\'io r. The th l ct PCr,,!)t"ct hes th a t .1 1"e rnn~ 1 wi<kl)' Il ~cd by ~o cio l ogis l~ will prO\'id e ,Ill iUI1"orluctn ry ion k OIl Ih (' discipline , These OIrl' 11 flln (' liOlmlisl. co n niC't, ;HlrI ll' int c mc ti(.ni~ t IlCl" I"H'Cth cs.

    bcl'S o f a ro{iC(y-il \~'i ll not be pas.~ d on from onc gCllc l'<ltion to ' he next. As:m example Ofl l\(' fun (,lio nali ~ 1 pc l...,)Ccli\'c, lel liS examin e I>I'O" i'" [io n . Wh) ill it lha t tl pr.lcticc SlI widely condem n ed conlmut'S to di:ipla) suc h per siste n ce ;In<l vit.llit),? I:unc li tl ll al i,t~ ",uAAe"t lhatl>rMtil utio u s;llisfi cs nce d ... of palmus Iha l may n o t be readil), met Ih ro ug h !Il(It',' 50<:1 ,,11)' "c('cptablc rnmu :'I uch as cou nsh ip 01' marriage, T h e "hll\'c r" recci,'(!\ :.ex .....itho ut n n)' r(."( po nsi bilil), ror procrealio n nr !l<:ntime nla l ;\u"dllHt:nt : at Iht, Mml' t i ll1 ~. 1111' "~ Ihr ga ins;t lilclihood tlu!'Iugh Ihi .. l'xC'h ,mgt Th ro ug h slIch ,Ill I,'X,lIn1l1al;UII , wc <'3 11 con clude ,11;11 p ro~lill1 l i oll <lOCI! pe rfo rm cc!'!;'tiu fUll ct;ons Ihal :socict), SCCI", III n ced . I lowc\'cr, this is not 1 0 su ggc."(t l.ha' pru~ lHlll io ll h.1 d c~ir.:t l)l c 0 1 legitimale form o r soci.d Ix-h ,l\'ior. F'Ul I(. II Q lmlis l ~ d o Ilo t ma ke such j udgm cnt ... ;U1d d o nol .....ish to con d o n e lht' abust:! 0 1 C l'i I1lC~ tha l p l'o"'li tll t e~ :trld the ir c lit' l1 u. ' 111 ,1 C(llllln ;! , R.llht' r, a d voc:u l'~ 0 1'111" I'tIIH;:t im m l in )' l><:rsPCCIJvl' hope 1 e-x plain h ow fill .I~ per.l o f 'iOCt0 (' 1\' tha l is so r."' qllc ntly a tlack('d ('an nCI'CI'thelCM
    m ;'H I:'IAC 1 1 ')tll' l\'(' (

    ( K, Davh , 1937) ,

    ~~~~.~ ~.~~~.I~~... ~.~~.~~~.~ ~~, .......... "............... _,_., .... ..


    In t.he ,i l"" o f fUl1l'lio n:tlhm., c ilth I)a l l uf a SOCif'l), contributes to It' \ uf\'h~\ I , T he /'Ul cliOl,a l i. t p,.,.. f sputiv ' ('lll p h asi'lc\ the h';,y Ih;lI part.... ofa sO(ietv are SIl'\I UII L'd 10 ,",Hn min 11\ :-,t<lh ilil)', I~ml k D urk hcim 's annlrsis fit rdlgiclIl rt' pft'-.cntN t .. c ril' ical C01l1ri 1 11 ion to Ill(' clcn- In pmcn l o f functinnal )l i'm. A'Inulcd c;trlicr. Ollrkh ci ll1 rClClIscd on tilt' ro le o f rl'iig-io n in rcinlul'I:'in,.; fecli tl";" I lr ..olidari l)' "l Id lInit), ",illllll g rOllp Ilrc . Talcoll ParsOIl" ( 1 90~- 1U79 ), ,I lI :U'\~ Ird l ' n i\'c r' ... il)' sociolug isl, \\-.L'! a kc~' figm c in the (\ C\eiul)Jlle m o f fll ncliu nillist thc nl) , 1':11....0" ... h ad 1 11 gt'c <ll ly )('(' in lluc nccd I", Iht, wOl'k of Emi l(' Dl1 rklwim , \'lax \VCbc l', ;1 nd ot h e r 1',III'n lle-an ~()('iol ()gi ~ "', F(I1" IIln r(' Ih;m rOl ,r d (,r';lflt's, Pa .. st) lI ~ dnmin nl('d M'rilllnR" il' th t' United S i.tl t'S " 'i tlt h i~ :H I\'I " -; II'\' or ILII\C'tin n a l i~m, I-lc ~aw a n)' ",ocic '" ;l~ a \ 0; .... ' rit'lwOI'k of cnn IIC('II' " r'1I1.~ , each ofwhid t ("IlIItrihuu'", t((lhe m ain t.c nancr 1)1 111'-' ...) .... tl1I\ ;" :1 \~ h u lf . Untll'l Ihe "1 fllnclio n ati'il a pproac h , ir :111 :1 )('':1 of .~(,ci:11 lift' does nOI .:nnlli b u le- 10 a so{ i(,tl ' ... ~ 1.lb ili ly 01 ' UT' Ijml-ir 1 rim''! n Ot 1I('l'\e ';folllt' iclc-nt ifi,lb ly lISf'flll 1 fllllrt io n fir p romote I';IIIIC' ('() n ~cn'II'! am.m g nw m-

    Man irest and l..alc.nl FUll ctio l\.~ A unil'cl'5ity talalog 1)1)ic;ll l), p rC'IC 1115 ""!'ioll' stated fllllc tio n s of the instit u tio n. I1 111")' illro nn ll.', for cx;unplc . that the u ni\'cr:o;il), inte n ds to "n(fc r t':,ch !lludl'lll a broad cd UC;tIJUIl ill d~ica l ;Uld cvlltCIl1I>orar), Iho llJthl. in Ih e hmnallitic .... in th e s('"i('nces. a m i in thc ans," I lnwl'\'t:r, it would be (111;1(' .. ~urp ri~' If we canlC acros~:l c llalog \~ h ieh d eclared : ~1 h is u n i\'c rs;I)' W S 'A rou nded m 189:, 10 keep people be tween I he "get of IR a nd 22 0 111 o f Ihe jo b markct, thus red ucing IIn e m pr ,)}'mc llt ,~ No collegc c;II.llog will d l'Cla rt Iha l l h i~ is the p U'llOSC o f Ih c IIn h'cr~ il)', Yc l soc.i cm l in'ltilUUo nllscrvc m;llIy rlln C li o n~ , ~ m c o flh e m quite" sub, le , l1ll' u n ivc rsil)" in f.lcl. riOl'$ del,,)' 1'("0. p lc's e n lrv in eo Ih t, j ob nm rkl'e, ll T o hcelcr l'X r1l illt' th c III11<:tIOI1$ o f in stit u ti o ns, RolX'rt Mc n Ort ( I ~ )6tj: 11:,- 120) m:ldc :111 illl pol'e:Illl d istillClio ll l)C tIVCCII m;tn ifesl ;\llCI la tenl fun c l;o m . Malli/es t / IIfIct i 0111 ofin!llillllions n l'c open , Slated, cOIl!'Cioll" fllll c l io n ~ , T h L')' il\\ o l\'c Ih e intended, reco gn izcd co n ~c qll c n c(' ~ o r an ;l~peCI o f .society. suc h :IS ' h e u n h'er'ity's mic in certifyi ng aCld emk COIllI)('tellce rmcl excellence, 8)' co nt ri\.~ t , lalu t /IIIIC ' ;OIlS a rt' IUI('o llllcintls 0 1 111l ;nte ndcd functions ' ,lI1d ilia)' 1'('11('('1 h idde n pll rposc.'! of an insutution.

    18
    " INr 0\,. 'rill- '\OCJfH ()(".J{j( f If'.JlSJIf C17l1;

    On(" I.\tenl fUl1cliol1 of un iversitics i.i to scrve .. s a mt'cung ground for l)Cople seeking mari tal part
    nt"J!>,

    Dysfunctions

    FlIn ction;tli~l.~

    acknowled ge lhalllol

    .dl part.\ ofa society conlr ibute IQ i l5 sl" bilit) all th e lime. A dYS/'HlClio1l refers 10 :m clement o r a
    procC11 ofsocicty Iha t lmlY (lc lually disrupt" sodal ~~tcm or lead 1 a decrease in swbi li ty. 0 ' tan)' dysrunctional bc h fn~or patterns . .. ueh a.~ homicidc, arc ,,,idcly rCb"ilrdcd as undcsinlble. YCI d\l{unctiolls sho uld not au to maucally be inler prt'll'tl as I1cg'llhc. The evalll;lI io n of a n>-srllnc tiOIl depends o n onc 's own ,~ lu e5. as the saying goes, on ,,here you Silo- For cx,lInplc, the o llicial vie ..... 111 pri~ ns in the t.: nil,ec! S late.~ is that in l11a l c~' g'l11gs 1hould be eradic;Iwd beca use Ihey :-Ire drsfu nclion:ll lo smooth 0pl:r.llions. YC t somc b'l.1 ards have .Jwmll)' cOllie to \~ew the prese nce of prison gangs J, fUIIClioml1 for lIwit i oh~ . The d,m ger pn~ed by K.JIIg'> rre,lIell <1 ~,hrcm \0 ~e('m;l( a rid thereby f l..... quirN inc.reast:c! slU"eillullcc mul 1II0rc overtime "'ork for guard!<o (1IIInlC\ <41. , 1993:400) .

    01"

    Con~1~~~!.~M~~E~,~.~....,...........,...,........,............................
    In cunll';Ut to rUl1ctjon:ll i.sls ' Clllph:lSis 0 11 swbilit), .md COnSCIUtlS, con nict sociologi ..ts sec thc socia l !>orld ill contimml lltnlggle, 111C cmiflid per$p ~('; 'illn'~umcs that Sf)cia l bt- h il\~or i.. he ... 1 undc' l'slo()d lll l crm~ of con nict o r l(: nsio ll b(, twccll cc)1npc l,i n g KTf~.ps:. Such con n icl need nm be \~ o lcnt: it c<tO t>lkt the form of lahor ncgmiauons, pa l'l)' pnlil ics, {f)tI1llC[i lion a mong religiolls J.,1'OUpS ror mc m bers. " tor dispute! over em s in the federal bmlgcl . '\' wc $'.1' " ea d icr. Karl .' brx V il'h'cd stmggle be ftI't't'lI social clas.~es 'L'C i n e'~tabl c . given the:: exploitation of worke rs under capitalism . Expan d i n ~ O Marx's work. sociologi<;l.~ a nd other socia l sc.iil (,Illbb have come to sec ( o n nict n ot Illcrely iloS a rL'tss I)hcnome no n but as a pan of e\'cl')'da)' li fe in .J1I 5Ot'ieties, T h us. in S llld}~ lI g ;In}' culture. m'bran ifalion, or social group, .'IociologisLS \\.~n l IQ knQ'\-' " ho benefits. ,.,.h o s tl frc r~, :md who d omi nates at IhfC'xpcnse ofothers. They are concerned with the HlnflicllI bel",'ccn "'omen ;'lIld l11(>n . ,."l'en lS a nd rhildren . d ues and su bu rbs, and \":hiICs :md Blacks. to lI:lme o nlya lew. In sl,udying .." ch questio ns. con!lit! IheorislS arc illlc rested in hem' $Ocic ty's in<;ti

    tu lions-including the fllllli l)'. go\'c rnrncnt. rcliM g io n . eductlion. a nd the media-lIl :lYhelp to m ain ta in th e privil egc~ of romc gro llp ~ a nd kee p o thers in :1 su bservie n t posil ion . Ahhough cnntcm pol':lI)' confliel lh eOl), wa... dea!'!)' inSI)ired I>y Kad 1\.I:u')( 1'I .walysis. 1111'1'(' art' imponanl diffe rences hrtwee ll Marxist theories and the confl ict pCI'~ I,)(,c li 'c . \\'h c: T'('a~ MiUX fore told a n c nd to l.onfli el throut-:h till' ('mrrgelu'c' c)f a classless cOlllmu nist societ)'. eurrt:1'lI coumCl ,Il('orisl.<; view conll i<'1 as una\'oiclahk . T hl'), ,li e less likely 10 :lIIl icipa tc. much leM preclin. th .. ! the sodal te nsions arising from incqualit}' will be ('THirC'l)' resoh'e d . ~4 0 re()wr , while Marx \'ie,,,e<l a toW I re structuring ofsocie t)':lS fund;unc' nlall)' neccs.'mr)' In resolve social problelU" COTT T mpc"''''')' ('(ln fli cl til l'" e o rh;t.~ belicvc that pO\'en)', 1.. lfisl"' . sexi~ m . i .. adc.... qU;He ho using, a nd othc t' pro blems can he u nderstood a nd a ttacked .\lol11e,\'hat imicpendelllly (Agger. 1989). Uke fUT1c t io n ali~I.s. COlln ict sociol(lbrisl:I tend tu uS(' fhe nmc ro-Ic \'c! (l ppl'Oach , Ob,~ou~l)'. though . the re is a ~ I rik i llg dinerc ncc 1>eIWCCII thcse IWO sod(l l n~kal P(:I~I)('Cl ivcs (84.:C Box I- I on p:lge 20 on the IUTI( lion:.ll ist. cOldlicl. ;tTld iCll.cractionist view'"' of )) I)Ol'b) , Cunnicl , heori ... ts :Ire primarily concerned \\'ilh the kind .. o r ( hangel! IImt conllict ca n bring "bOUI , '''h rreas fUllctionalists look fo .' slllbilil.)' and consensus, T he COn n iCI mO(\I' 1 is viewed :L~ more ~ .. cdical~ ~\I1c1 ~;lclh<jS I " because of it.'! c m p h :l~is 0 " sucial cha llgc and rcd isll'ihUTjoll of rcsotl rcc~, On the othe r ha nd. thc rU llction a list perspectivc, becawlc 01 it.~ focus (tn slabi lil)', is gc nemlly secn as mOl'c -col1se rv,u ive" (Daln'cndon, 19.:'18) . Throug hout mOst of the 19005. s(lciology in the United St.:l ICS was mMe infl uenced b)' the fUllc,io mlliSI pcrsl>cct h'e , Ilowc,'<: ." the con ni" al>proach h as l)CcolI\c increasingly 1X: I'!Ina~jve since thc I'Hc I960s. The widcspl'c:ul soc.i:1 1 U1ll'e~ 1 rtsllh ing from bailie... over civil rights, bi ue!' di\<jsio ll ~ over tht' ....~r in Vietna m , the rise of the fcminis t a nd ga}' lihel.ltio n movemcn ts. the ,,,1;\\cl'g;\le K<lII cla l. urban riOts. ;t nd confn>nl;uion" a l aooltion cli nics ollcred .sup port for the eon mct...approachthe \;ew tlml o llr ~oci:-l l ""orlel is cha l'aclCl'itcd hv comin ual st ruggle bc~ l wl'e n com pclinggro up .... Curren tly. conflict lheol'y is acce pted .....ithin lhe d isci pline of sociology :lS onc V;IHd "'~y to ~in insight imo ,I society,

    19

    FUNC110NAU ST. CO:\ FUCT. AND I ~TERACT I ON I S1 VIEWS OF SPO RTS

    w~ jtt'nC'l"'dUy Ilunkorlh~ fUllctionall!>4. (tmlllet . .. nd illC t'l"'olCltOlI'

    m;Ul~ o f che

    dl\1$lolI) or -.ocit'C) , Ill-

    in pt'npcclhct 01 lIOCiolugy :n ~ ing ;to1'V1icd IQ -.c.' IIOU'" ~t.l bjcc~ such aoJ the filllli l). health cart', :md crimmal bt:h.wM)r. Yel t'\c n ~ports ca n he an;dp.cd IL., IIJ( IhC'\e Ihc(IR!tiC;11 llC:npt'C1"M.
    FL"~C'rIONAUST

    c1l1dmg thosc: bobed on Jt("nflt'r, r;!Ct'. c lhlllCiw, ...l d Ml('i:al da~:


    Sporl) are a ronn or bl\( bIL.in("", in ""hi(:h proliu: arc mort' lIu porlam 111:1 n Iht' health and ~I fet\ of Ihe \\'orLcu (:r chlt'Cl"lIi). &,)ort.\ l:lCrpt'Ut;uc' IIIC r.11'I4.' id ...1 tlloll ,'UCCC:M Clll h t' ac h i('\c:d 8 1111 ' p i) lhroug h hard \\'ork, whi le 1:111 li re \ ho uld be bl.Ullc-d on 11ll' i n'

    I(to(l:t, 'IOCial be h,lIior I" .. haped I:w IlIc lIL' lIncU\(' t11l1'n ~. ' "altle", .nd dcnl:uul, 01 the' "orld of !op01 u : ",)nn.lo uflcn hClgIIICII

    pilrent

    duld

    lI1'oh~lItelll ;

    Ihl') lIta". 1 (".Id

    [I) r);lfl"nt:l] ('''pcctautlIU for par Utrp.II]OIl "!Ill b4'lllleUIlIo ullre-

    .lh~lI( ,lilt) 'nbllt~

    lm

    \UH~~',
    111

    \ 'In\

    I'.rrUU]);IUOI1

    \ poru

    MI

    III ('urnin iuK .tU) a~ rK"C1 01 wd cl). IIU:III(hnlt \I)()rc." (uBc tlo l1u li,1S cmI)h:uil.c lht'("lIl ltihuIJonI I 1II,lh', Iu ()\'I'mU !Cod.l t \ ' ,II,i lit). FII II( III III.II

    1 0

    Ill(' t' m ergelKe

    or

    dlli< l\ml alone (r.rlhf'r lIull OIL


    i nj lL~Iicr:$ III L ilt: 1,II"/oo\CI ~'M'r;r l ~}"I' !(' III ) , SI)()r!.t' ~" . :,,' an -npl,itl'"

    rl1cmhhip li r lwork.. th ,lt c:m per 111O'alC CI't'I)d:l ) life , UI'~ Pltc i I ' I'~, md.t!, .lIlcl rdi~'iou...
    fHllc' n 'll t t'\, 1t':IIIIII1.II('. lim y work

    iS ""Ifowd ~ I)(III ~ ,'" I,


    giOIlS i ll bliUlLio tl

    tu!

    alm"st rd i

    whirh lI.'lC'b ri lUa] :u1(1 c(,remony to rl'i nfOff'C the


    ('common \~lllll'~ nl
    , I IKl('i'I.~

    which e l1('ou,.'lgI'5 C(lplt, 11. ~cc'k

    a -fix" or ICenpoml) ~ h igh - r,u hef Ihan focll ~ on Iw ~mal prohlt'lIlc


    ant! 'IOwi;11
    iC~Ilt.....

    SpOilS prmidc le,lfIulIR t'X pcri cnee) lh;u il4XllIlilt~ )U1 UlK' IX'OI)1i:
    11110 !lu('h
    \J.lu~

    SPO I'U

    ...\

    cnllll~litloll

    .m d 1), lI riod~ tII . ",hlr l", l)('r.lIIl(' rolC' m()(ld, :111<1 .lrt' Irc.utd ""Ih
    a'~

    and rnpl,
    ph)~c 1 ..

    111;'II1 (3in Ihe su borrlirmurole of Rlack511lld I-lispamcs. " irQ lo il as :uhl(,lo. hUI art' Ia I'Rdt 1 );lrrcd ffl lfll lilllk'I\i4Qry 1)O~iliol1ll as cvadlO, m.r.nagcn., and Ke n er.1 mallagcn.. In 1993. (or u -

    tll!(ethl't It.ll"n Ulnlll ttsll' :lIId nm)' c"ell .lb;l1'Idon " rt'\iou~ !lleft(> t ~rK" .l nd I'H llIlli n'\. RI'I,tL lult,hil" III Iht' ~pUrl~ wmld .Ill' defincrl b )' peup ] c'~ liOCr.tl poMUOU\ ;1\ plart'!)" coachcj, and n: rcr~~u. \'0 ("11 a..~ I 11It' high or I"" ""1111' Ih;1I nrd ilid u :rh hold :u. .I I"('HII! u( Ihr-ir ])I'mlmt.lnct'1 and r("plwulOn\
    C:1t';111}-. Iht're l\ 11101(' CHsporl.\ 111al1 t'Xt'r'CIq: or r~rt'".lIjort, From a (unclIon"]"1 JlC~lCCljn~. \j)()ru reinfUffc 'IOCiccalu .ld lllolll, COlHeU!!U5 on \.Iluo. ;101111 'l.lhilm, lI)'collln<o.t, conUlre Iheo rtstJ l'icw ' Ik)f\l! as mCI"t'I) :ltlUllrcr rel1t'cuon o r the poh llc.ll :lIId )U(:i.r l 'lnl K&tcI " l lhlll a '>I:"-ieU'. Icll(" ~tt 1l01ll~b focu~ un M)c i.11 rd,lI i(III ~ lr i lh [11 $1H)rt..... .\$ 1 .k'Oplc' I<.olrk IOK,' ch,' " :1 tt',nllm:t'c~ o r ' lumpt'!" In ,Ull lc tic (unlt'US.

    Sport) COlllnbulc I() thl' ;1d..&pU\C nels oflhe KKial ~\ 1('111 1 ) hd ,,. 1'

    illg co 111.11111,.1111 IKOph:",


    wdl,being.

    Sport!! ~I'\(, ~ a IOalcl) \';1 h'(' 101' bolh P;lrtlcil),"U lh .md \1M"Cc.uur'<l. "

    allll,k. AfriGlIl Am C'ncaIU ~ COLHHc~d for onh 7 Ilertt l1l of a ll C' !( c(u li\C'~ .md dCP"lrtl1M:11I hr-;t(lc III professional bmkclb:l.1I .I/1d fOOlooll ;&lId la, Ihan .. l>ercent
    III 1J<I..clxtll. ')I>orlJi fc lcg:l!e wOlllc: n 1 :1 ~ 0 oml-lry ro le.~ "pcclatoN ;nul M:)(' ual " pri7.c~- and Ic n d 10 l'qU.1 tl nr.l'ioC'u lin il) wit h hnuc 'tiCIl,qt h , i I1M' II,ilhil~ , :lIId ,iOlllil1.lriUIl,
    I I\TF.RAr.TlONI$T "ItW I" .l lIdrin~ the ~OC'ml of(k .., ll11c'r' :lnio ni ~l'l a l'e c~ II('r i a ll y hHClt'CICfl ill , h"rNI IIndCI':'I I,U1fli u R" 1'1 , '\(' 1"\"
    .LI) hl'll,l l;OI
    COT1'\('fllll'U1Jr, IIIU' '',

    who .. fr .. IIH\u~ 1

    1(0

    .hcd I(" .. mlll

    :In(/ :1~"CJM\t' ClIl' rKY In" "'-!Clall, :rccc pt J blc "" ~', SI}(JfU - brmK IOgell h' l- I1lcml)C'IS ( Ir :1 ('0111111111111)' 01 t' H'n ,I 11:1111111 a rlll pI ()!I ll lt l' :In u\'c' mll rl'c-Ilng o r

    IInit>

    ,11 111 ~uchll ~o licl.lt-h\

    CO~ FU Cl

    VIFW

    (;01101<"1 tlll' mi.,,, :11)(111' 111,11 1111' .'11)-

    d;11 orykr

    i~ 1l;I~r'(l un 1"(>j'I"I' j uII .111.1 l'xploil.lllOl1 , The) (,1II1)h'\',ll.c 11ml

    >lctifmi<;t.c

    t"I(;I "IIIle' ~ r-K' r" 0 11

    tlit'

    l>poru n:nc."C1 .1111" C\'ell "'''',ICCI b.It" 1

    rnl crn Ic\'(?:1 bo,' foc::u,illJ.: o n huw d.l'-

    ... ~ .... {,,",nI1Won 011 (n,1 Klr,hl.l.. 199$, 1 ,h'.I,h, 1'/7) H4_I:ottI, I ,Ur" , Itll!'tll. 19&1b: n Hul', 1 ~7, 1I"",,,\)I.1., INo I ~Io(hl.. ~ MW ).oobo".~ 1'Y.t\)tr-'" 1\IIt), nll'l-nJo.~ 19'.i1

    20

    One iml>on am cOlllribution of conflict theory is th.1I it has e ncollraged sociolobrlSlS to view society rhnlugh the eyes of those segme nLs of the population that rJ.rei), in.l1uc nce decision maki ng_ Earl)' Blar.k sociologists such as W. E. B. Du Bois ( 1868Wti3) provided research that they hoped would as~I\t Ihe struggle fo r a racial ly egalitarian societ)'. Du B()is believed Ihal kno wl edge was essential in CUIllI",[iug prejudice and ach ieving toler.m ce and juslire. Sociology. Du Bois conte nded, had to dnlw on \(It:ntilic principles to study social proble ms such '\'\th05e expe rie nced by Blacks in the Unite d Slales . Du Sois had little patie nce fo r lheorists such as Ilerbcn Spencer who seemed con te nt \\'ith the SlaIU~ 1')110. He advocated basic research o n th e lives nf Blacks that would separate opinion from fa ct, and he docul1lem ed their rela tively low slatus in ~hilade lphia and AtlalHiI. Du 8 0is believed tha tlhe Rr.mLing of full politicll rights to Blacks was essell,b.l to their social a nd econo mic P..ob css in tile ... l'nitedStales. Many ofllis idca~ challc nbring th e Sla!U~ quo did nOl rind a receptivc audie nce wit h in eilher lhe government or the academic world . As a rcsult, Du Bois hecame incrcasingly involved with (11'g3nizaliol1s questioning lhc estahlished social or(h .'rand helped to found th e Natio nal Association lin the Advancement of Colored Peopl e.:, belle .. known as Ihe NAACP (C reen ,md Driver. 1978). A.5 is true of the work of African American sodnlogisL'l, feminist scholarship in sociolob,), has helped 1 enhance oLlr tlnderstanding of social he0 h;tl;or. Fo r examp le, a nllllily's social standing is no longer viewt..'d as d efin ed solcl}' by the h\l!\band 's position and income. Fe minist sch o l a r~ h:l\'e not only challenged stereotyping of wome n; tht:y have argul'd for a gende l'-ba l,Ulced study o f sociefY in which women's cxpel"ie nces and cont.ributi ons art' ;~\isibl eas those of men (Brewt:r, 1989; Koman)Vsky. l!!lI). Feminist theory builds in important ways on the r(mniC perspective. Like othe r conllict lheori.~ts. l rfminist scholars sce gender differences as a r(" nCClion of th e ~ lIbju gation of o nc grou p (women) bv another gro up (men). On'wing o n the wo rk of M and Engels, contemporary fem inist theod sts ar.< often view women's subordination as inherent in capitalist societies. Some radical feminist th eorists. however, vit!w the oppress ion of women as inCI'it.lbJe in alllllalt..d o minal<:d societies, including

    SOOologi.11 W f~. 11. DII IkJiJ (1868- 1963), {he fi~1 Wark IJenoll
    IQ

    receilH!

    I1

    dQCiamle from J-IarTllml

    l)l1illn'<ity, Ifller 11I41H'f1 orgfl niu 11,, N{ltimul/lIs~(Jci(lIiOIl ja,. I/~

    Ad"alW'1II1'11 1 of (AlOrM Plopl, (N,\ ACJ').

    those lahelcd ;-IS rotJi(aii.{/, .l.wialisl, and commUllist (Tuchma n, 1992).

    .~.~~.~~~~.? ~~~.~.~.. ~~.~.p.~~.~.~~ ................................


    The fUll ctionalist and connict pen;pCCtivCli bot h an al)'i'c hc havior illtcnns o f sod ctywidc p:l rt er n ~. How ever, many cO!lle mpOi....y sociologis ts arc more inte rested in unclt:rstanding ..acid), as a whole through <In ex,lIIlinati on of social inte ractions sllch as slllall groups conducting mectings, two friends ta lki ng casually with each o tlter, a fa mily cclebmt .. ing a birthday, a nd so forth. The inferacfiQ ,. ;!JI perspective gene raiiles " bOUl fUlldanll'lltal or everyday fo rms o f" social interactio n. Inl c raCliunism is Cl sociological fmmewnrk fo r viewi ng hUlllan beings as livingin a world ofmcaningfu l ol~ccts . ' nl CSC ~Objccls" may ind ude material things, aclions, OI her peopl e. reia! ionshi ps. and evcn symbo ls ( l-icllsJin , 1972:95).

    21
    e IM/'17:11 I '1I11!' NA'Il'llf_IN-' SOCIOl.(}(;)

    "!I/~m(/jQnulJ

    Focusing on e\'er)'day be havio r permit'! illlcr.lctioniSI5 to bcller IJl1dersmnd the large r socie ty. In a c1a...sic example of illleractionist n.'search . sociologist Howard S. Bcckcr ( 1963) studied the process through which people become successful marij uana users. Seeker fOllnd that novice a rc typically introduced to ma rijuana by their friends, but rarely "get high ~ the finll lime the) expe riment with this dntg. InSlcad, people must 11'fH?1 (t hro ugh the assistance of more experienced usen) how to detect and e njoy the effects of marijuana. ('.onsequemly, Seeker viev.'S marijuana smoking as a wcial act and leaming to e l"ti0Y mariju;Ula as a suei,,1 process, Mo re gener.llly. inte l, tctio ni515 c mphasize that most forms of c rimin.11 o r no "m-d clying behavior arc learn ed . onen from close acquaintances (Ril7.cr. 1992:1). GeOl'gc He rbe n Me'ld ( 1863- 1931 ) is widely regarded as the founder of the inleraclionist perspective. Mead taug:ht at tJle University of Chicago fro m 1893 until his death in 193 1. Mead's sociI>logical a nalysis. like that ofCharlcs HOflon Cooley, often focused on human inter.tctions within onct(K)ne situations and small groups, Mead was interested in observing the mon minute forms of conullun ic;uioll-smiles, frowns, nods of the

    III lM.y
    (QnUXLS.

    'roJfPIiu Inn/ .symbols, pholograplu. mn (a", wry


    III

    11.1

    dllfert'lll "Iro"i"8l

    diffl'H1l1 snaal

    head-and in undcrstanding how suc h ind ividual be h :t\~or wa.~ influe nced by the larger contcxt of a group o r '!Ocicty. I-I o\\'cver. despitc his inno .....dtin~ "iews, Mead o nly occasiona lly wrote articles. a nd nC\'cr a book. Most of his insighl5 have been passed along to liS through edited volullles of his lectures wh ich his studems published arter his deaLh , IllIcractionisLS sec symbols as an especially import..ulL pan o f human communic ltio n. In fuCl, lh~ ' imerdctionist perspectivc is SOme times referred to as the symbolir. illlem(tiollist /w:rs/JuliTJt. Such researchers not e Ihat both :t cle nched fi st a nd a5a.lute have social 1ll('anin~>'S which a rc shared and understood by members o fa society. In the Un ited States, a salute symholiws respect.. while a clenched list sig nilies defi:mcc. However, in anolher c ulture diffen:nt gestures might be IIscd to convey a feeling of respect or defia nce. Let us examine how variOlls societies portray suicide wi thout the usc of words. People in the United Stales point a finger at the head (shooting): urban

    22

    CONFUCT

    Stobl.,

    weI~ntegroted

    Choroclel'ized by tension and struggle between group,

    Moc,.
    People ofe $OCiol1zed 10 perform lOCietol function, Moinloined through cooperation and
    consen~u,

    People ore shaped by power, coercion, and authority N.oinloined through force and coercion
    Change tok" pIoai 011 the lime and may hove po,llive
    COMeqUilnces

    Predidoble, reinlotcing

    -Jdp<U\C5e bring a

    Active in inRueoclng ond affecting everyday $OCial interaction Micro aoolysis 01 a war 01 underwnding the Iorger ~o phen(Kneno People monlpulate symbols and creote their lOClol worlds through Inhlraction Moinloined by shored undeutonding of everydcry behDYior Reflected In people's social positions and their communications wilh others
    George Herbert Mead Charles Horton Cooley frving GoHmon

    ~mile Durkhelm

    Tokon Parsons Robert Merlon

    Karl Mo ... W . f . B. Du BoI$ C. Wrlghl MUI,

    Tllis tabk shows hO Ihi!!' Ihm W IhtO(ttiClZl pmptctives (tI1I bt torrrpllJM

    fist against the stomach (stabbing); and the South Fore of Papua, Ncw Guinea, clench iI h<ind at the throat (hanging), Thcse t)'pes of sym . . bobc interacLion are dassifu."<I as forms o f nonvll!',.. .al commutlicatio", which call include many other Kt"turcs, facial expressions, and poSlLlres, InleracLi oni~ls realize the impormncc of nonver. . b:tI communicatio n as a form of human bchavior. Gcorge Mucdeking ( 1992:232-233) observed inter. . actions in visiting rooms at thl'ec stale prisons for n~n ill California. He found that guards typiC'.tUy use a fonn of nonverbal cOllulluniC:llion which he c.alk-d -gazing" to control the bchavior of inmates and their wivC$ or girlfri ends. A gua.rd will slowl)' shift his gaze back and fonh across the visiting room. If3 couple's inleractions are becoming ovcrly inti . . m:ue.lhe guard will stare din.!cdy into the inmat.e's c)'t:s. TIlis is :I warning that a more direct confmntarion will follow if the intimate bchavior contimlCS.lntcrt..'Stingly, me inmate will allempt to avoid eye contact with the guard, rather than acknowledge that he has received the guard's \\-aming. Since Mead's teachings have become well k.nown, \Ociologisls have expressed grcaLCr imel'csl in the inu:r.actionist perspective. Many have mo\'ed away from ""hat may ha\'c been an excessh'e preoccupa-

    albng Sl!lJrfDI irrrpmtard

    dl11l1erIJlOPU.

    Lion with the macro level of social behavior and have rcdirectt."<I lIleir allemion toward behaviol' which occurs in small groups. Erving Goffman ( 1922- 1982) made a distinctive contributio n by popularizing a particular type of interactio nisl method known as the dramaturgical approach . The dramaturgist compares everyday life to the selLing of lhe thealer and stage. Just as actors present certain images. all of us seck. la present panicular features of our personalities wh ile we hide o thcr qualiLics. Thus, in a class. wc may feel the need to proj ect a serious image; at a party. it may seem im . . portanlto look like a relaxed and cntertaining per. . son. In Box 1-2 o n page 24, GofTman's work on public place~ is reviewed to sce how accurately it speaks to the experi ences of women.

    ~~...~.?~~?I.?gi.'?'!..~pp'.~?,~?,>....................................... .
    Which perspecLive sho uld a sociologist use in studying human bchavior? The functionalist? The con. . fliCl? The imeractioniSl? Sociology makes use of all three perspectives (see Table 1..2), since each offel'S

    23
    CIIAPIJ-;R I - THI-: /I.'A TURE OF SOCIOI.DCr

    em inin sociolog) is oflC:.. associ:tli'd wilh lhe confli ct 1>C I~pective !.Itcause that perspective emphasize>; the struggle among competIng grotllH ill a liOCiety, 'Iowever. ~ciul obrjst Carol Brooh Canlner ( 19B!)), a symbolic in ter.lctlollisl interCSlcrl in gender issllcs. has ofI't'I'ccl a le minist criuquc of Ihe intlue lllial work o n the ~f)ciology of puhlic place5 developed by h(' r dis'iCrtauo n advisCl', Erving Cofflllan
    {1963b. 197 1} ,

    1llL'I1 , lIIuch less lhe rt/minc u'epid ;u.i o ll that ethnic and rOldaJ mi-

    In G;.trdue r's view. the


    M)CiOIf>gicall'xam illa[ioll ~

    dlL>;~ic !I .

    of public pl :' cc.~ prese nt public sU '('ets. parks. an(\ ro.ldw:l)1I il.'l ill nOt'IIOI15 !lCtli ngs ill whic h str.m gt'r!; eithcr leave each other alone o r intc ...... n po litely. C()n~qtle r lll)', GorFlJlall '~ sllldies of rHlltille illleractions in public
    pl.lce~

    (liuch

    ;L~ W hclrill g~

    e IlC OIIIl-

    ICI1I wllt'Tl a person is lost :.uHI asks ror dircctions) uncie f(' st;lIlate Ule diOirulties commonly experienced by subordin<t{e groups, III Cardncr's view ( 1989:45): ~ R..IIcl y does " CofTru:m cm phasil.c Ihe habilU;11 d isproportionate fear tha l. \'/Omen call cOllie to feci in public to\\~lrd

    norities and the di~1. hlecl can eXI>Clie ll ct',~ For example, women are wd laW'dre that the oslelUllbly innocuous helpillg enconnter ,,;Ih a 111:111 ;11 a public placc call 100 e.lSHy lead 1 undesired sexual querid 0 1)1' adlf.ltlct.'s , If a man asks for direc ti o ns or for a match, a \~()l1lal1 may ha\c reason to fear Ihat he has a hidden agenda that h ;\.'I ~p<lrkl.-d lIle conversation. A\ p:lrl of her disscn;ltion re" SC<lrc h . Ca.r dner obscn'cd gCllder beha\;or in public places in Sama Fe, New Mex ico, ovel' ;\II lS-nlonlh period: she also conrlucted 35 indepth interviews wi lh WOlllell and meTl from S:Ulta Fe ilbo UI their ex pc ri c n rc.~ in public pl:lces. In comparing her findin gs \";th Ihose of Goffm:lIl , she places panicular elllphasis 0 11 the impact of street rl'rmu'kl on women, Whereas Goffinan 'Uggesb that Slrl.Ct remarks occur rnrd)'-"'ilnd ' thallhcy genemlly hold no unpleasallt or threatening implicmion.'l-G:lI'dner COlllllel'1l (1989;4!.1) 1.hOll

    wfol' )'lJUHK women c~pedall)'... 'Ippeal'illg ill public places carrie!l wil h ilthe const,,1nt poSSibilil),uf {",,u. u.1.uou. CQl1lplinlC'lIl5 that art: not n:ally so COlllplinJe llmry after all. and hafllh or \'1111,,"'1' irn;ull5 if the woman is found w~lJIung.~ Sht; ..dlts thal Streel remarks are OC(a.~i() nally fnl lowed by Iweaks. pinctll's. nr ('\-'cn bloll'>;. which unmask the latent horr titity of m an)' male"tofC'lIlal~ SU"Ce1 rellla.I'i:s. Cardne r acknowledgC!; the pi~ neering cont nbutioll of En; n!': Gonma n 10 Ihe Study of public p1;I CC8. calli ng h is work ~(l riginaJ"

    and wcollct'plually rich,w 13tll she suggests that CofTlIlan 's view of in te ractions in public place~ givcs in ~ um ci" nl ,mention to tht' impacl of gender. For Cardner, man y women hll\'c a \~C'l1 -fo\lllded f('al' of tht' 5('):1131 h3 rass menl.
    a.~sallh.

    ;!IId

    ra~

    Ihat C orcur in public places. She Hn therefore cOllciudes that ' pllblic pl ace~ art arenas for the enactlIIell t 01 inequalit) in evel)day life for women and 101' man)' others(Cardne r, 1989:56: M:e ;1!s0 Cardner, 1990),

    lIniqlLc insights imo th e sa me pro ble m , Thus. in stmlying the continLled high levels of ullcml>loymc nt in the United SlateS, the runc tionalist might wish to study how unc mployme nt reduces lh c d emand ror goods but simultan eoLlsly inc reases th e need for public sc lvices, therc by leading lO n e\vjobs in llu: govc rnme lli secto r, Th e interaClio nist mig ht e n courage us to focus o n the ovemll impacl o f L111cmploylllclll on fumi ly life. as manifested in divorce, domenic vio lence, and dependencc 011 drllW' and alcohol. Rescarcher.i with a conflic t pc/'SPCCU\'C might drdW our allention to th e un even clistribuuol1 of unemployment within Ih e labor

    rorce ;lIld huw it is panicularly likc l)' to alTect women and racial and eth n ic minoritics-thost gl'OlIpS leml! like ly to illnue nce dccisio n making about cconomic and social policy. No one of these appl'oaches to the issues rc lated lO Lln e mploymclll ;s "co ITe c l ,~ Withill this Lext boo k, it is assumed that wc ca n gain the broadest tll1derst:uuling or our society hy drawing upon all three pcrs pectivcs in the s tudy or human bchltvior and insututions. These perspecli\'es o\'erlap as their interests coincide but can diverge according to tbe dictates of each appt'oach and of the issue being studied.

    24

    Ai nnled before ill thi .. chapter', many early sodol"".,IJ.-notabl)' J ~ll1 e AddamlY-\.\'crc CJuite ca lletnil't! whit social reJOllll. They wtlnl('d lheir tilt,. ... Q(JC'lI findings to be relc\~.lnt tQ po lir.:ymakers 1Jld hJ people's lives in general. Toda)" applied .etioloO is the use or the discipline of sociolot.'Y WIth lite sl>ecific intent o f yielding P'-dCtiClll 'IppliCll!OI1~ for hllm<ll1 bchavior and organiltlliol1~. Oflcn. the goal of sllc h work is to assist in reriving a social problem . For example. in the lasl l.i ",;11'5. ~ix president~ of lhe Uniled Slales have t"StJuhoJled commissions to delvc into major' sodrulll)lltcmS facing Ollr natiun . Sociologists have brt-II called UpOIl la appl)' their ex pertise to studym~ '\Jch issues as violence. pornography, crime, illl~"u(ln. and populadoll. In Europe, both aeadrOll( and gO"ernmental research d eparUllcnt!l arc offenng increasing fimulcial SlIPPOI'I for applied

    ""cl

    ~tudlcs.

    ,\nnthcr example of applied sociology is lhe ~lng 10C011 community rescarch IIlO\'CmenL One IMtlRlIJon which has pioneered in this effurt is lhe (.enter for the Study of Local l.ssucs, a "ese:lrcit unit ul\nut' Anllldel CO lTllllunilY COllege, located in "mold. Malyland . The center encourages sU ldent~ ;aM r.l{'ulty to apply wc ial scientilic research meth om In ~tud}i.ng cOllununity issues suc h as e mployII\t'nr opportunities for people with disabilities IInd p,1IIt'nl ~ of armed robberies. Silllihll'ly. in :Ill cn'on to Llnpro\'c selvices. the Sodal Sciencc Centcl' fol' (mnrnuniLY Education. Research, :tnd Sen~cc or tbr l'ni\"crsity or Wisconsin-StulIl has studied the r8tcr;l'('nns of Ill.ut:funde d p rograms designed 10 pmcnl child abuse <tnd lhe auitudes of college .~1\I denli wv."aJ'd local retail slOres :lI1d olher commumn rt.'SOlIrCCS (Pampcri.n Cl ;11., 1985; sec also p, Ro~r.I. 1987). TILt' growing popularity of applied ..ociolugy has Itd r\1 the rise of lhe spec blty of clinic.'lJ sociulugy. 111111' V/irth ( 193 1) ,'/I'Ole about clinical socioloJ:.,'Y mort than 60 years ago, but lhe lerm iL~clr has hl'(rnnc popular only in recenl ycal'~. Cli,.ical 1I,;ology employs a ,,:,riel}, of lechniques 10 faciliblr change and is similar in cenain respects to "1>phr!! lIOCiolob Huwever, while applied sociology 'Y. nl.I\ ht c'~lluative, clinical sociology is dcdic.llCd to .:all~rtng wcial relationships (as in family Iher:lpy)

    or 10 restl1JCluring sudal in"lilllliolls (as in the n_ '" organil..lt.ion Ofll medical cenler). The Sociological Pr-deuce As~oc iali on \. . a:. founded in 1978 10 promote the applic:.llioll of ,0dolog-kal knowledge lO illlelvcmion for individual and social change. This professional group has dt:veiol)cd a procedlu'c I()I' ccniryinl{ clinical sociologists-much as physical thelOlpisl,s 01' ps},cho lof.\'isls are certified . As an other indicaLion of the rise of clinic,1 suciology, as of 1989 the American Soda10b",c;l1 A~sodalion bCJrdn publishing a nel\' jollrnal of clinical sodology, Soriowgiml Prfl(.hu Rn'il'W. Applied sociologi..LS general!) !ea\'(' it to o lhe l'S to act. on their (,. ~,Iluatiolls. By COlltrnsl. dinicallln... ciologisu bear direcl responsibility for irnplenu:l1tadon and view Iho~e with whom they work as their c1icnts, TIlis s pec i:tll ~ has bt.-come increa~ingl y :Itu--.tclivc 10 socio logy gr.lduate slude n LS bet:aut~ i, (,ffen; an upportunity to ilpply inlcllecLUallcal11ing in a pmclical W ),. Moreovcr. sh rinking prospects fUl d academic; emplo),11Icnt have madc sll ch allc:rtlOHiv(' career roules appealing (H . Freeman ct al., J 9!:i!\: H . Freeman and Rossi. 1984: R. SU':.lUS, 1985: 18). AI)plieri and clinical sociology c:m be cOlllmsted with basic (or /mu,) sociology, which ha.~ the 01>jcclivc of gaining a 11101'(' profound knowledge uf the furlcia111enlal aspects ofsocinl plrenomena, Thi .. Iype of re'>Careh does 110\ ncct!wll'il)' hope to gene ra te specific applic;rLiolls. althottgh such idea,'j ma)' result onee findings arc analp.ed. \Vhen Durkhcim studied suicide rates, he was not primarily interested in disco\'ering a \\'01)' LO eliminate suicide. III Lhis sense, his research \\'as an example of basic r.JlJIC~r than applied sociolog}'.

    SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL l'OLlCY


    Onc important way in which the socio l o~..ical im;tgilml.ion ca n be usefully applied is 10 cnhance our L1ndc l'Sl;:mciing of CtllTCIlI social is.~lIes. Beginning wit.h C hapter 3 of' this textbook. which rOClr.~e~ nu culture, each chaple r wi ll conclude with a di~ell~ sion of COlllcrupur-.tr)' social policy issuc. In sornt' " cases, a specific issue facing Col1gre,~ l.nll Ix- examined ; in others, there will be ;J more d {,cl'nu~ ll ized issue facing cily co uncils or school boards. FOI example. governmerll fllndingofLhild care (enters will be discussed in Chapter 'I, Soda lizm,ion : Ihe:

    25
    r-;JIANI'..R I /1/1; NATVNt: ()f SfK'JQf ocr

    AIDS crisis in Chapte r 5. Social Inte raction and Sodal StnlcLUre; domestic viole nce in Chapter 13, The Family: and natio nal heaJth insurance ill Chair ter 17. Health and Medicine. T hese social policy sceLiOIll; will demonstrate how fundamcnml sociologic:! l concepts can cn hance ollr critical thinking skills and help liS to bc uer undc rsta nd Cll n '(' nt pulr lie policy debates. In ;ulditjon, sociology ha.~ been userlto cV'dlUatc the success of programs or th e impact of c hanges brougl1l about by policyma kcl's and po lilical aclivisl$. Cha pter 2. M C l.h od.~ of Sociological Research , will focus on a study o f how thc corporate rc~po"se to Blacks ' dema nds fo r civil rights afTccted tOlrrnnking African American e)(eCulj"es, Chapter R. Stratilicalion and SaciaJ Mobili ty. inc!ud(.'S discussion of researc h on tJ, e effectiveness of ,..:elfarc programs. Cha pter 18. Com munilies, e,,;lmines a st udy of how:tctivism by homeless people im proved the ir individual situations llnd led to bro."Ic1cr

    cha nges in public policy, These discussions, along with t,hc social policy sections of the leXt, will UI1derscore the many practical applications of sociological theory and research . SociologislS expeclthe next qua rter ofa CCn!ury la be perhaps the most exciting and critical period in tJ1e history of Ihe discipline. This is because oh growing rec:.ognition-both in the Unit ed St,lIes and arou nd tll C world-Lh :u current social proble ms must be addressed before their magnilu<k overwh elms human societies. If such predictioN p rove to be accurate, we can expect SOCiologists 10 play an in creasing ro le in the govern ment seClOr b) researching and dcve lopi ng public policy alternatives. Therefore , it seems appropria te fo r' I.his textbook to include a uni(lue focus o n the connection between the work of sociologists and t.he difficult queslions confronting thc policymakers a nd people' of tJ, C United States.

    APPEN DIX

    CAREERS IN SOCIOLOGY

    L 1e pl'i m:u)' soun:c o f e mploymen t for sociologists is higher education, About 75 percel\t of recent Ph.D. recipien ts in socio logy sought e mployment in two-year community colleges. liberal arts colleges, and universities. 1l1esc sociologists will teach not o nly m;yors com mitted lO the disciplint.' but also st tld c nL~ hoping lO become doctors. IHIr.:;CS , lawyers, police of1icers. and so forth (B. Hube r. 1985). For sociolob"Y stude nts interested in academic ca~ rcers, Ihe road to a Ph.D. degl'ee (or dOCLOJ':UC) can be long and difficult . This degree symbolizes competence in original research; each cand id:u c must prepare a book-lengt h study known ;L~ a di.fMrlaJion. T ypically, a grad uat!! slIIclent in sociology wiU e ng<lge i'I fo ur to six years of intensivc work . incl uding the time required to comple te the d issertation . YCI this effort is no guamntec of a job as a sociology professor. Over the next decade, tJu;: demand for ;nstruClon;; is expected to decline, si nce there will be fewe r students of college age. Conscquentl)', a nyone who launches a n acadcmic carcer must be prcl)ared fo r comide rnl>le uncertainty and r:ompc-

    ulIon ;11 thc coll ege job marke t (America n Soci~ logical Association, 1977: 10-- 1 I ; B. I-Iubcr, 198.'), Of course, not all people working as sociologislI teach o r hold doctoral degrees. Governmc nt is the second-largest source of e mploym ent. for people in u1is disc.ipline. The Census I~ureall relies o n peoplc with sociological lrdin ing to illlcrpre l data in:t way that is usefu l for othe r go\'emmelll agencies and tJ1 C ge ne ral publi c. Virtually eve ,)' age ncy depe nds o n survey researc h-a fi eld in whic h soclo~ ogy students can specializ.e-in order to assess e vcrything from community needs to the morale of the agency's own workers. In addition, people with sociological training ca n plllthe ir academic kno",~ edge to effectivc use in probaljon and pa role, health sciences, communi ty developlllellt. and recrelllio nal services. Some people working in government or pri\~dtc industry have a master's degret (an MA o r M.S.) in .sociology; othe rs have a bad.. elor's dcgree (a BA or n.s.). The accompanying figure sum mar iz.es sources of c mplo)'tI1c nl fo r those with B.A, or 8 ,S, degree., in

    26
    /'AH'r OSI'. I'm. SOClOI.O(UCAI. fflH.!iI'f;Cf'I1'E

    rntd E.ploymflnt

    .... Sodology Graduates

    .,r-- R.~,,h.%

    , ~- Oth"' '''

    Graduates ",ill! OOCC{II(1!trf'(llf degroc\" ill SQrioloff1fillll rm/Ilr,)'mf'rlt in fl lIum/lrr

    of mlaJ, UIII/WrliC'lI/f1 r,,' i'l l)!jsinf'-s~ flnd (ommN"rf', SMilll .vflIiu3. mul

    Mr4(lltiOIl.

    IKlOOlogy. Like o ther libera l ans gr dduates, sociol01\. majors eau generally offer t.heil' e mployers esIl'tlwfjoh-rdated ski lls. J ob app licants with sociol010 dtgrees find that lhcir rciinement in sllch areas .IS UTal and wriue n commu nication , intclversonal WU~. problem solV"ing, and critical thinking gives thrlYl all advantage ove r' gradwl1cs who have purIdl'd more technical degrees (Be nner a nd Hitchill(k. 1986; Billson and Hubcr. 1993). R('necting the utili ty or applied a nd clin ical wx.iology, the fi gure shows that the a reas o f huma n \tMr~. business. and governme nt olfer important carter opportun ities fo r sociology graduates. Un-

    de rgradu:uc." arc commonly advised to en ro l! in sociolob'Y courses and speciallies (rerer back to Table 1-1) bcst-suited for their career interests. Fo r e xample, SllIdents hoping to become health planne rs would take a class in medical sociology; students see kin g e mployme nt as social science research assist.1nts would refine their skills in statistics a nd methods, Inlernshi ps, suc h as placeme nts at city plannin g agencies and survey research o rgani1.ations. orrer sodolof,,), undergraduates an imponan1 opportunity 1.0 pre pare for careers. Studies show that students who c hoose an illlernship placement have less trouble findin g jobs, o btain better j obs. and e njoy greate r job satisfactio n than sUlden ts wi thout inte rnship placements (Sa lc m a nd Cra~ barek, 1986) . Many college student.'; view social work as the field mOS1 closely associated with sociolo!:,'Y. Trad itionally. social workers received their undergraduate tmining in sociology and all ied field s such as psycho logy and counscli ng. After some practical experience , social workers would genernlly seek a ma<r te r's dcgr(.'e in social work (M.S.W.) to be considered fo r supervisory o r adminiSlJ"a tj"e posi tions. Today. however. som e stude nlS choose (,,,he re it is aV'dilable) 10 pursue an unde rgrdduate d e~ee in social work (B.S.W.). This degree pre pares grad uates for d irect se lvice positions such as caseworker or g roup \\'orkcl'. rather than 1 1' tht: broader occupa0 tional areas served by the sociolob'Y baccalaureate . Finally, unde rscoring the renewed imerest in ap~ pli ed sociolob'Y. it is cl ear that an ineleasing numbel" of sociologists with grndtt:ltc dC~>,"l'ecs afC being hired by business fi,ms. industry. hospitals. and llonproli t o rgani1.<ltions. Indeed . studies show tha t fIlany sociolob'Y gmdu<lles arc making career c hanges rrom social services areas la business and comme rce. As an 111lde rgradu<tle major, sociology is excellen t pre pamt io n for employment in many parts or the busin ess world (B. Huber, 1985, 1987: W. Watts and Ellis. 1989; Wilkillson, 1980).

    27
    f ;IIArnR I TII/::NA'I"UHf. (11." 'lfI('JQf.f1(";I

    SUMMARY
    Socio lolCl i! the systema tic 6lmty of social I.x! ha\;o r and human groups. In this chapter. "'c exami ne the nature or sociological theory. the found ers of the discipline. theoretical pcnptives of contemporary SOCiology. and the application of sociology to current issues of public policy.
    An i01porlanl c le me n t in !.he sociological imagina.

    be perhaps the most exciting alld critkal period in tl.r hiSlory of The discipline because o f a b.'TOwing rccogn~ tio n tha t socia l problems must be addrcsSt.'t1 in Ihe rW':U fUlUre.

    tio" is the ability to view o ur own socie ty as a n outsider


    might. r.uher than from the perspective of Ollr limited cxperiences and cultural biases. 2 In contrast to other rocial ,d,me", sodolo~:y emphasizes the innuence that groups can have on people's behavior and attitudes and lhe W"d)'S in which people shape ~C ty. 3 Sociologisu e mploy theories to examine the relationships bet""ecn obsen. .atiolU or berween d;lIa tha t may Re m comple tel y unrelated. 4 In hi5 pioneering work S,ticicv., published in 1897. Emi]e Durkhe im focused on social r.,Cton: that con tributcd 10 the ratc.~ of suicide fo und amo ng various groups and natio ns. 5 Max Weber to ld his stude nlS tha l they sho uld cmploy V".f lt ll p,II, the GemllUl word for~ulld erstandin g R or -insight: in their intellectual ,",,'ork. In c mplO}illg Vm~ hen, sociologists coflSidcr the thoughu and feelings of those people under study. 6 Kari M:ux argued tha l history could be understood in dialectkaltenns as a record of tht' inevilitble conflict beLWeen the owners of the means o f production and the maJ\SC5 of l)Coplc who have no resources other than their labor (the prole taria t). 7 Macrosociology concentrates 011 l:ugc....I\c;lle phenome na or e ntire civi1i7.atio ns, whereas m icro.fociology St1"C5SC5 Sludy o f sma ll groups. 8 In contrast 10 the emphasis 011 stabili ty l'o'hich characterizes the functitmalist perspective of sociology. the conflict plI,..fpective assumes thal socia l bchavior is besl understood in IConS of conflict or tension between competi ng groups. 9 Within the d iscipline of socio logy, t he i rlf fl raction il t perspective is primarily concerne d with fUlld:l1llc nlal o r t'\'e'1'da~ fo n us of in teraction , including symbols :U1d o the r types or 1/onve,.btJi communication, 10 Applied sociology- the LISt" o r th ... discipline with the specific intent of yielding p racTicll applicatiol1s fOl human beh"vior and organization.s-c-.U1 be COllll' l!lIOO with basil! lociology. th~ o bjective of which is 10 gain a more pro fo und kn owledge o f the runcla nllm1411aspects of socia l pheno me n'l. 11 Socio logisl.'i upcC t the next quartcrofa century 10

    If a socioloRist \\'as present in II collc..-ge cafet e l;a, what aspecu of T e social and work e nvironme nt wo uld be of h panicular interest bcrau5c of his o r he l ~.rociologica1
    imaginatioll~?

    2 Some sodologisl.'i sc..'C lhe mseivc..'S M social rdomlef) dedicated to systematically smdying aud the ll impro\ing societ)', while others COWlIcr tltal M>Ciologisl! sho uld res trict themselves to theorizing and g:lth eting infonnation. In yo ur view, which of these position! represents a more approp!"ia l ~ goal for the discipline of sociology? 3 H ow mighr functionalist, conl1iCI , alld illlel1lclioniJt theorists view popular music?

    KEY TERMS
    Anomill Durkheim 's tcnn for the loss of direction rtlt in a society whcn .social control of indi\ idual beh.nior has become ineffective . (pagt 12) Appli ed sociology TIle use o f the d iscipline of soci~ wilh the ~pecifk illlent ofyiclding practical llpplications fo r huouUI be.h:wior a nd ol"g-.mi"l3lions. (25) Basic lociology Sociological inqui ry conducted wilh I.he o bjective uf gaining a more profound kn o wlcdgt of r.he fundall1clllal aspects of gociaJ phenomena. AIM! kn own as IIIIIY! rorilllogy. (25) Clinical sociology ' 11e use of the discipline uf 5Ociology wiT Ih e SI)(.'Cifk illl e lll o f altering 'IOcial re lation-h ships and facilitating change. (25) Confl ict pe,.sptdive A sociologicd approach which a. . SUlli es that socjal bchavior i.5 hest undentood in terms ofconflkt or Tension betwt.-cn competing groups. (19) Dialectica l p,.OCtSS A .series of dashes betwee n confl icting ideas a nd fo rces. ( 14) D,.amaturgical approach A view of social intc mcT ion, popui:lri ~(.d by ~rvi ng GOfflll:lO, umler whic h pcopl~ are cx."1lllincd :L~ if they we re thcmrir.ll pc rlflrmers. (23) Dysfunc tion An clement o r :I process of society t.lw lIIay disrupt a social s~le m or lead 10 a dccre""ASe ill stability. ( I !I) FUllctionalid pe,.spectivlI A M>Ciological approodl which c lIlplmsi1.c..'lI Ihe way that par"L1 or .. soOC!y anstructured to maimain iL~ stability. ( 18)

    28
    I~RT 0...., ;

    11( SfXJOLOCJCt.I. 1'ERSI't."CTI\X

    IMo/lypt A COIISLnlct 01' model th,lI sernos I\S a mca ~UIIII)!; rud Jg-.till~t which actual COI.'>CS call be c\~ luaH:d .
    1I~1

    bulf'G(fIollist perrpetlivt A sodological :lppro.'tch .hl(h gCllcnlliu'S ahoul fundamClual or everyday rNn., III 'IOCi;u interac tio n. (2 1) ".,,.,., /lulctifHlJ Unco nscious or unimellded fune-

    \111/1\; IlidrlclI purpo!kos. (18) At.(TOlotifJ/ogy Sociological jnvc~lig;lIjon wllidl conCCIIU,I!I'5 (m Iargr. lI(,llc phenomena o r cnt ire civili/.;I...

    "'--if""

    fiul/} ( 16)

    / Ull cII/.mr Open. SL Cd. rmd c(m~dous ru nc-.I IlIlIt,. (18) lIitroutiology Sociologic-dl i1wcstig:UjOII whidl wl't"l.,. '!Isnuly of Mn:11I groups and oFten U~ l:d>OI'IIoI) exptrimcllIaJ studics. ( 16) ...."lfolrciellce Ine ~tudy of Ihe phy..ical Ic;lIlIrr.'1 of naum: and the \\';1)-5 in which the), inlcm(:1 :lIId changc. Ii) N..",rbll/ co"""uII;colioll 1111.' sc ndiug of mC:5.,>ages tlu"tlgh the use 0 1 pos wre. r.-.cial exprcssions, allcl g:e~

    IUII"_ (2S) Sc-itlllCt !lIe !>od)' of knowledge oblaincd b)' ml'lhod~ IlIbCtI upon S),Slemalic observation. (7) s.n.I,wtnce 111e MlId), of \':.\liou~ :upcclS or human \ll(ICI\ (7) Sttiol'rtlll i magi"Cllioll An awarcnc.,>s ClI Iht: rdaI.",-hip helw1l ,111 illdividu;!1 and Ihe wider ~oc:iCL ).
    Ifl)

    Sori"'Q The syslematic .m ldy (If social hch,l\'i(lr ,111(\ h.,m~n groups. (5) 11",,, 1 suc::iology, a Scl of stalel1le nLS Lhat sceks 10 11 1'\1'1~in problems. :lction5, o r bch,wiur. (9) "mIMt" Tlu.: Genu,lll wurd for ~l1nde"M,alldillg- ()f '""ll(hl-: u!lCf.l by M:LX Weber 10 strcss Ihe IICL'<l for "" 1oI,.wSIS 10 mkc inLO acoount people", emotions, Ihrlllllhll, beliefs, ;!fld :lll il udes. (12)

    ADD[fI()N.~.~.;N.G.~_ ...... _ _ ........ ............... .


    (I) SooolOKJ: A IIJ/II/(/II;J/I( """ New York: Ancho r. 1963. Ikrg('1 lakc~ a Ihoughtflll ,111(1 wh imsica l look :\1 Ihe disc ipli ne ,"nll'n' :lI"e vcry Ii:w jokt'S abo1l1 s()('i()logiSt.~fl). 1 h' :If.~ Lt!..lt sociology has a spcrial rl>spol1sihility bcCHI'C " tllt-U)t'~ so o r/clI 0 11 hU llKUl idc:,1s :lIld passions. I'tOOPI'i1, Edgar !-'., a nd ~bric L I\orgall<l (lOfls.). buyr/upIt//o ofSonolOKJ. Ncw York: Maclnill:m . 1992. A fOllfInll/m" work Ih;IL includes more Ih:ln 350 j igncd t.'"!i' "'1' 011 !ubjt.-cts ranging from -adtlhhood~ 11) ~\\'ork "f1I,nlat.ioll.- This cl1c,-clol>rtiia is a gOI'Xi pl.lI:e 10 I>r. ... ~m lunher reading o r rcscarch.

    Chafetz, J :mcl S:llllInan . I-'r"'i~1St Sonology: A" O!lotT1t,,'wof CtJlllr"'ptlfllry I'hrorir.t. l1.lsca, Ill.: Pcanx;k, IUBI:!. An O\'l'I1:;C\\, of the m,~r femini~1 thcorit'$ in sociolog)' or Ilic-oriCli lI)cfullU '>OCiologists LlI:u h:wc clllcrgt.'tI in Ihl' la.~L IWO dt'cade including ~-farxi~ I -lc l1lin isl Iht.'O';C"O, feminist nco-Freudian t.heorics. a nd t'\cl)'da)' lile tipprlmehes. Colli"s. R.'lud.dl. .Sonu/o/Jfm/ /Juiglrf: A tI h'ffodllftion 1/1 ;\'011nimimH S",.,nifl/!J. New York; Oxford Uni"cl'5il), I'rc)s. 1982. J concise book th at olTen strikiuij" ami ~ I\OI\ \ obvious- i nsi ~ hL s It'bra rd ing l'elig ion, powel", crimc. 10\'('. and l"e:ISfln. HullCL" lkltin;l J. Ernpiqymrlll Pat/mu HI &dO/Cif)': fVanl '("tIIO ami Flltl/fr '~ff1t!d.{. Washington. D.e.: Amcrican Sociologic-M Assooalion. 1985. A facllt;11 ;lI1d fr.mk. apprals:-,I of cmployme nt oppormuilie:s; :1V:ailable fl'Om Ihe ASA aI 1 7~1 N SI., :"IW. Washington, O.e. 20036 Kohn, Melvin L (cd.). Crrm-Natiotlal Rl'wmh HI SonobJgy. Newbmy I'alk. Calif.: S;tge. 1989. 111is anthology int111(1L-s 17 e~says which pre~cnt com pal,:ui vc ;1I1d hi~ l.o ric ll sociological n:~eafch . Lee, ,\ [fred Mc:Clung. SocUJfogy for 1\7111111' N~w "(Irk: Oxro rd University Press. 1978. Lee. a romlc rpn:,,;delll of the AmcriC\I1 Sc..lciologtcal Associaliol1. argues Lh.1L so-ciologisL~ al'e rC5]>on.siblc a nd llceoumabl~ 10 the hig h. CSI SciClllilic ami e lhic-..II idea1.~. In hi~ view. sociologisll> musl not compromise lhese id cal~ in an e ffort to 1tCn"C lhe inLcrl'Sl.\ o f admini5triIIOrs. businCS5 leaders, pub Iishers, 0/' Ihe polilir.-:II establishmcnt. Sills. D;l\'id L., and Robe" K. ;\'1.'1'1011 (I.'(is.). Sarinl Srit!lIU Q!W/Utlllll_ New York: Macmillan, 1991. 111c r.odil. Lors lisLand CI'O.!i!l-indcx (llIol:-tlio ns fro m all L .roei;,1 he .sciellcc dbciplillC's. Smdser. I'\eil J. (cd.). f !t/III/book ofSnooiqo', Newb1ll")' Park. C.-.lif.: Sagl. 1988. 1l1l5 collection l'Xlllllin('~ the St,:ltt' of the clisciplint and \~dl;OU,~ sociologkal areas. Straus. Rogcl (cd .). U~i"g.'iMoI.oJ!J. lb)1Iid(', N.V.: Gencral liall. I ~)85. SIi'J.lIS o n'en> an iIlulllill;u in~ "iew or clillic d and applk-d .sociology.

    1n",'1 l'I'ler L. fllw/tj(ul/I

    ""1n".

    J.?~.~~~....................................... . . ........... ...................................


    Journals :mcl periodicals ;Ire an illlpon :1II1 reSll urcc for fr.vlewing: the t lLeSI sociological research. The rn;!jor ' sociological j{llll'na ls lhal cover all area... of the disci plinc arc th e tI mrrira" jOllntllf of S()(;iQwgy (found ed in 1895). Ammrtlll SoriolQguo1 fW ljl'lu ( 1936), C .mtadimt fu,Ij('IlJ IIf SMnitlgy mid A!llhro/Hllogy (198<1 ). CnUm1 Sonlliogy (lormerl) rh/' }1IJUfW'lf Socwlogist, 1V6!1). F/W'
    fmI'm, In CrmtllH' Soriology ( 1972). 0l11fifllfl1H' &aology (1978), &Ymf hwrl$ ( 1922) . .~al P,ulkmJ ( 1951), Sllflrty (19(i!\). SoclIJlcgrrnf QuWUf/y (1960). and Sonf)iog;wf Hruil''''( I ~08).

    29

    ......................:=====::;1:.=====:1.....................

    METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL .................RESEARCH ... .. .......... ................ ... .. .......... ...............

    WHAT lS 11-[E SCIENTlnC METHOD? lklining the Problem ~iewi ng lhe Litcr.nure Fomllila ting lhe I l ypoth C5i~ CoIlecling and AnalYling Dat:1 St:k'c ting Ihe Sample Creating Sc-.Ile5 and Indices ~:!U u ri ng Validity and Reliability Ik...eloping the Co n cl ll~ion SUPI)(Jrling IlypOlh c5CS Coll lIolling for Olher Factors III SUllIlIIlI ry: The Scie ntific Melhod RESEARCH DESIGNS FOR COu.CfING DATA
    SUI'\'t:)'lI

    ETIlIes OF RESEARCH Case Stud ies of Ethical Co nlrO\~rsics


    T C'droorn T rad e

    Accidelll o r Suicid e? Ne UlralilY a nd I'olitia in Research

    APPENDIX I: WRITING A UBRARV RESEARCH REPORT APPENDIX 11: UNDERSTANDLNG TABLES AND GRAPHS
    BOXES 2 1 Curre nl Rc!W:arch: Racial o n the Street

    ~ Eye WOl'k~

    22 Speaking O Ul: Prcscrvi ng


    Confide ntiality- One Socio logi5t'l V;'"

    Observation Experi me nts Use of Existing SoUIUS

    31

    Wlwt'Vt'T wishes to serve sciena: has


    ~SOn!U

    Every scientific fuljilbnenl raises new quts/ions. 10 resign himself to this facl.
    Maxll~

    as-

    (I

    \'ora/Jon,' IYI9

    LOOKIN G AH EAD
    How do l>odolob rislS use the sciell1i1ic rnelhod? How can researchers study the impact of Black d e mand.~ 1'0 1' equa l righlS 0 11 corporalc hiring and promotion po lici es? Why does the concl usio n of a sodo lub ricai sllldy in val'iably po im the way 10 new research? Wha t arc the pn lctical alld ethical challe nges lac,"-d by sociolobrisLS who wish to w nduct o bl>cn 'a tioll research? How can :.ociologists use St.'Cond:ul' me<L'iUI'es lo st ud), social phe no mc na indiR'CtJy? Why is il valuable for soc:io l ogi ~ l s 10 have a code of c thics?

    H ow do socio logb.LS stud) huma n be h;wio r a nd instillltions? Is il accu rntc to conside r sociology a scie nce? Wha t ethical Sla nda rds b "-lide sociologists in conducting research? As a wolYof beginning o llr eX;:llllin:.nio ll of the prind ples a nd me thods o f s0ciological research . let liS look bdeny at al1 inle resting study of magazine atlveni '!lll cllI s. In reccllI decades, wo me n ill the United States have in aca ~ ingl y c nte red occupatio ns and careers lhal trad itionall y were resctv cd for me n. As this change in the wOl'kpl:u;c evolvcd , the media per5is\(:d ill typic.:llIy portr.lying WOl1le l1 in such traditional ro les as mothe r a nd home make r, Sociologists Pe nny Belknap a nd Wilbc rt LL"Onanl, I1 ( 199 1), d evised a study to examine whe ther tj,C mt,:dia continue to show \\'Ol11e n p ril11arily in these con\'cn-

    lional role ... 'n Ick foclls was scxual " ,m,olypin!: print advertiseme nts appeari ng in 7 ncs. j l11c rc.'IlCarcll cls s l1spected that " traditional 1I1ab ral-ines (GOlxl l-l murlw/'fJ;I'g. !:J'IHJ11S n lUJl mlrd, and Till/f) would be 111 0 1e likely to poe",.1 \\'0111 (:11 in subo rdina te pO ,i l i o ll ~ ( 10 1' example, ing childlike and defe rential) than would ads mod e rn magaL.ines (&rllk'~1I S Quartnly, 1 \115., 1 1oIl;IIg SIOII,.). They exa mined approximately print advertiseme nts thal llppearc::d in 1985 of the ~ Ll'ad itio n ar and ~ modcrn " I Uelkn ap and Leona rd found tha t in a ll six mag;t7ines te ndl..'d lO show wome n in I o rdin.He positions. (11 sho uld be noted tha t SGUd , WOtS condllctl..<i ix/OIl Ms. nmg'.lLine '~::t ' lIcccpling adve rtising in 1990. in pOlrl t wom en COlllinllcd la be trc:tted as MlbOldimue ma n)' ad vertisers.) There was no substan tial c nce bet .....een the l)Ortl"a),<11 o r wome n in ",.dilio"'l :,"d modern maganne advertiscmc nts; both o f Illaga;dnes perpetuated the sexual ',~~:~~~ that has long char:lclcl; 7I..'d the Illc.'d ia's wome n. Many <]lIcHions may come to mind ,\5 sideI' this example ofsociologicoll rescarch.\Vhy,didI Bclkn ap :Hld Lco rlard use advenisemellls in ,

    ill

    d,e",i",m "'1 e,,"

    ing lllag:.17.ine_ ' portrayal 01oWO',~,~,~f:n;, :~;:"'~h~C:~';~~~::~ cusing o n thc ~pholOb '1l1phs n c " those thal acCOmp;U1)' articles? \\o'h~i:i researche rs choose lO study mag:.lJj nes, as lo newspa pers. tclc\isio ll. movies, o r music C iven thei r selectio n of subject mall eI', would na p a nd Leona rd have fo und mo rc

    I ,

    dean""t

    32
    PiR, (J-"1~ Tilt; SOCJOl.(j(:;t(. u. N:N.v"..rrl\ ~

    lhanges in media images ofwomcn iflh~ had comcurrel1l ad\"ertiscmcnls in ulese six maga-IUlM ",;tll prim ad\'CrUselllents from the 19709 o r t'\l'n the 19509? FITt(l.i\1! sociological researc h ("'.,I n be quite IhnughI1>r<Jvoldng. h ma), intcrcst us in many n(..'W qu, ... tions about social intcractions that require fUI' (hrl 5t ud~ , On the otJlcr hand, effective research is nnl alwa~'! dm.matic. In some cases. rather than rdislIIK .addilional questions. a study wi ll confirm pr~ IIl1ll5 bt-liclS and findings, 11t1~ chapter, building o n what was considered in I1lilpter I, will cxamine sociology as a social sei""rr. The basic principles and stages or the scic nllfir method will be described . A number of tL'C h Il1~U~ commonly used in sociological research, \lIlh a~ experimenl'!, ohscrv:uions, and surveys, will br prcclHed. Particular .m e ntion will be given to !ht' prnrtical and e thical challcnges that sociologists faH in studying human bc havior and to the dehate r.IiStd by Mmc Weber's call for ~valu c nc utrality" ill VlClai5Cience rC:\Carch . TIlc.'St themes ronn tht: core of ChapLe r 2, and thqwilt also be reflected throughout this textbook. WlI.lu'ver the area of sociologica l imllli l1 "hl'lhrr culture o r org-<lJ1 ila lio nal behavior, the n<lnomy or educalion - and whalc\'e r the perffJIi\-e of the socio logist-whethcr fun clionaJist, \'I'lInin, interactionist, 01' allY outer-therc is onc nudal requirement. Within the discipline of socitololn'. :tll brancJlcs of spt.:cialilatioll and all theofctkal approac hes depend on imagimu.h'C, respon~Ible Icscarch which meetS the highest scientific ,Uld tlhical standards.
    11;1t\'1\

    Sociologist.) I)l"'l, J i/!fhap find l\'ifMt 1 .tO,mrd, 11, O,mJr..tfJ UKUtJl UD'rot)'/JHlK in print tJI/vmismJerlU a~nng in majar mtlpU"t:J ~ that Ihq rDJ/1d ht://u ulld",,'la nd t"'- IIIIOgrs
    I lIal lil t mmin art lOIiW)'Wg to
    UJOmf!II

    ami mm

    UI

    IM UlIItaJ Stoln.

    likt the lypical woman or llI:tn o n lhe s treet, the "lI"lologisl is imercstcd in th e cenl.r.ll questions of tlur time. Are we lagging behind in our abili!)' tQ ked the world po pulation? Is the fa mily falling ,lllJrI? Why is thcre so much c rimc in the United \lJlcV Such issues conccrn most pcople, whelhe r u, IKlt they 11;[\,(' aOldc mic training. Howe\'cr, unhkt' the typical ci tizen , the sociologist has a lOlllruitmcnl to the use of the scic mific me thod In I/Udying society, TI1 C scielltific method is a \IMtlllatic, or8" ni7.ed K'ries of stcps that e nsures

    maximum objectivity and co ns is tency in research ing a problem. Many of liS wi ll never actuall)' conduc t scicntific research. Nonethelcss, it is important that we understand thc scientific me thod , for it plays a major role in the workings or our ~iety, People in the United States are constantly being bombarded with "facts" or ~ dala." Almost dai l)', advertisers cile sUI>posedl)' scientific studies to p rove that their productS are superior, Such claims ma), be accllrate o r exaggerated. Wc can make bener evaluations or such inrormation-and will not be rooled so e;uily - if we are rami liar with the s!':lI1dards of scientific researc h. As this chaptcr will indicate, the scie ntific me thod is sU'ingem and demands that researchers adhere as stric tly as possible to its basic principles, Th e scientific me thod requires precise prepar dlion in developing useful rescarch. If investigaLOrs are not carcful . researc h data that the), collect may prove to be unacceptable for purposes or sociolog-

    33
    ClIN'1TJf 2 MJ:TIIOOS OF SOClOUJGlCAL JISf'AHClI

    leal slUd)'. T he re a re five basic ste ps in lhc scic nLific me thod tha t soc i ologis t~ a nd othe r researchers rollow. T hesc lire ( I ) d efinin g til e pro ble m. (2) re-viewing lhe lile .- ure. (3) ronnu laling lhe h),pothdL esis. (4) selecting th e researc h design a nd tJlcn collect ing a nd a naly,t ing da m. a nd (5) dco.'elop ing the conclusion. An actua l exam ple will iIIustr:.lle thc .....o rk.ings o r the scie ntific method, At le:ls1 25 percent or African Ame rica ns arc now me mbe rs o r the middle class (Schae rer. 1993:233), Ye t h~ls the rclauve success o r ce rtain Blac ks inchided c nLJ), into a nd acce pta nce a mo ng the nation 's corpomte elite? How miglll socio logists 1lS(' the scientific method to sUlciy Blacks' status as corpOrdte exccuti\'es? li ow might tJle), m ove rro rn a broad question (Have Blad. executivcs been acce pted wltJlin c0'1>or:.uc ci rcles in the United States?) 10 a researchable pro blem? A sociologist's a pproac h to:'1 rt.'Seal'ch proble m is influe nced in impo rta nt ways by his or he r theore lical o rientatio n. T hus, func tionalists .....oH1d \-iew the prese nce of Blacks in lIlanageme nt positio ns as a I'e ncclion of business finns' need to atlfllct Blac k. CUStomers or clie n ts 10 ma inta in stability a nd prosperity. Conflict tJlcOriSLS would raise the issuc or toke nism, tlllesuo ni ng whe l,her a 511 1;111 number o r Afrlea ll Alnclicans wc n: being placed ill highl} visible posiuons to prO\-id (' the 1I/Jjlfl rtl ll Ct' o f change-wh ile the rest o r co.,xmltc III:tJlagell1c lll re mained Wh ite. In tcractio l1 i~ I'" wo uld fucu~ on tJ1C na tll l'C: or'iOc:i<l\ rcJalio lls bclwecn ll ll.: fe w llIack excc ulives ;\IId the ir ma ny Wh ite ("Ollll tc q.J<ln s,

    Dm'toi"lf Im IIIl all/JUlI pt'fJ~illt, wrio/'Jf(UI S/I/mm Coli;'" wotulnf:d ,/

    Bill(. ",",IIil~ Illm' M"K pfartd pnmnnl) 11/ hlRIII)' I'uibk jJt'r:JOnrld IlIId /wlJlu 'IIIII"ms /KJ.fh Ih(llluuj I",. IlkehbWtI of ImtilJlI( Ut Itry pvlirylllQItI"t
    IIOSt/IO'1I
    /11

    llli' rm1Jf1fr1l~ worM.

    .... ,........... ,...l? ...... ,.....,',... ,... ,",.. " .. ,"" .. " .... ,.. "' ............................... _.~

    De rmin" th e Problem
    (i 1 t 'S
    10

    StCp in a ny sociological rcowarc h projecl !ltme :L~ clearly as possible wha t you hope to investigate. Dra\\~ lI g o n the C'onOic t pel'spcClivc. sociologist Sharon Collins ( 1983) had initially relied 0 11 census data to study the c mpiO)'m e nl patle rns o r more affl ue nt Blacks. Collins the n wonde red : "Did lhe progress or these individuals re presc llI a g('n uin c reslruc turingof societ), Ihat allowed fo r the clllry or Blacks into top executivc po!'ii lio ns in Wh ite-owned c0'1)Ordti ons?~ O r. instead , ML it a I " S ke n responS(: to civi l ri g ht~ prc~s llrt.'$? We re African Ame rica n cxecuth'es being placc..-d primarily ill highly \-i~ih l c per.>onnel a nd public relations posts
    is

    T he

    that had liule likelihood of' leading to kt.)' poliC\" ' ilia king P OSitillllS in the cOI110 l"a tc wo l'ld ? Earlv in thei r research , ~ocio l ogisL~ faet. tht' uN01 rle\'c1oping an uper.ttio na l d d initio n of ~cb concept bt:ing studied. An uperatio'lO l defi"iti" is :UI ("x phlnalio n or an absll'Olct concep t that il; sJX" cifie e no ugh 10 allow" "escarchcr to measure thf concepl. FOI example, a socio logist intcl'cSled in stalllS migh t IIse mc m bership in excl usive social cl ubs or p rofessio na l organi1Jllio ns as <Ill opel1' liona l d clillitio n 01 high st;t IUS. A sociologist \\'00 inte nded IU e xam ine prejudice might rely on Itspo n ~c.o; 10 a series of q uestions concerning ....illillgncss 10 hire or work alo ngside me mbers orracQ] and Cthnic minOri ty groul>S, Whe never researc hers wish to .study a n amltaU

    34

    roncfpt-such as in telligence. ~ u ality, prejudice, or liberalism - they must develo p wo rkable oUItI \'alid opennional definilions, Eve n wh e n ~tudy IlIg a particular g roup of people, it is ncces.'mr), to lilo df bow the group will be d isting uished , lllUS, III hl"f5wdyofBlacks in corpor;tte manage me nt poQUtIl1~. 5ha1'o n Collins ( 1989:3 18; 1993) neede d to Ik\l"lop an operatio na l de linilion o f MlO P e xcel!' uln" She d a~ifi cd pri\'3te-st:clo r posilio ns as beI71If"high,lcvel if a person 's mltio r j o b ,'esponsibil~ im'Oh'ed pla nning Of imple me ntatio n of (ufflp;1ny poli")' decisions, Collins Opcr.lliull alilcd Ibj, ronception by examining job litles: s ubj ect~ flt'J't' considered "tOp execm ivcs if th e)' held titles \lIth as presidcnl , chief cxeculi\lc offi cer, dircctor. 1 1ft' pmidelll , a nd de pa rtme nt manager,
    !f)\'('.
    M M

    Rf\;ewmv the Literature


    rf\CI"J.llI

    _M'M"~""""""""""""""''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''' '

    Ih collduui llg a review o f the l i lCI~ lIul'('- lh c

    \l.ho la rly studies a nd infol'l na lion Icfi ne the pro blem undcr stlldy, cladl) f"Miblc techniques to Ut: lIsed in coll ccl.i ng data, Jud diminate o r reduce 1111: nurnbc r or <il'oida bl c ml~cs 1I1C) make, TIlLl.s. in ad d ition to dl"IWi llS nn her Oldier I'cse;lrch , which rel ied 0 11 ccn:->us d.l1i1 ,Sharon Collins l'cviewe, 1dc.sc"i plivc studict> ut lullt'ge-WlIcated Afl'ic:m Americans a nd gave spc".&I.illentioo to studics or African Am e rica n busifM'YI t'xecuUVe8 and pro f~ i onal s, Ullti l rathc l' rc\fll tl~, most Blacks who havc :tc hicved grcat Slll'Less b.t.t done so ill prol'cssions slILh :.t.s IdW and Illcd i\1IIl: m in the govcrnment sector, llle corporatc 1I11J1d h a.~ not bee n so open to Rlac k CXCl: llIj\'CS, ~I that underscores the importance uf studies ....cb <b Coll ins's,
    ~chers

    'M'

    fo~~~s..!:h..~. .~Y.!'.O.~~~.;';.....

    mm

    Ahtr rc\icwing earlier research concem ing Black r.:lnU CS and dr.lwing upo n the contributio ns of !I\' 1OOological th(."Qrists. the n:se:trche r lIlay develop All InlUiti..-e guess about the !'(:htl.iollsh ip between O dema nds fo r equal rig hts a nd corpor:u c hirI.Kk tnlJ and promo tio n policies, Such a spec ulat.iw WletDt'nt about the rela uonsh ip betwccn two 0 1 ' ru~1ft factors is called a hypothe.is.

    A hypothesis esscn ually tells us \\'hat wc arc look ing fo r in o u r ,'csearch , In order 10 be mean in gfll l, a hYPOlhcsis m ust be testabl e; tha t is, il must be capahle uf being evalua tcd, The llt:.-tIement "God cxiSl:" may 01' may nOI be t.rue; it dearly cannol be SciClllific;'ll1y confinncd, A resea l'ch hypo thesis must a lso be reasonably specific . "Young people haw more fun" a nd M rida is oicer tha n CalifOl'llia M rt' Flo a .s ... ,teme llls tha t hick the ki nd of precisio n that socio logists n eed in orde r 10 col1ccl suita ble da t<l, As pa rt of a stud)' 01' Afrit:a n Americans in exec, mh'c positions, onc hypollu!sis m iglH 1Jc: " In I'l'~pol1 ~e lU 1.\1 <lC'k demands for equal rights, curporate hiri ng a nd prumotio n politics pl.lced 1\1.II.. k executh'cs I>rimaril)' in highly \-lsiblc pel'Wllltd .lI ul pu blic "da tio ns poSts, M In rUl lllulaling a h ypothc."sis, we do 11 0 1 imply th.1t it is curn :.c t, Wc mere ly suggest tha t iI is ",'orth)' o f stud)'. U'lat Ult' hypothesis should Ix: scie mifica ll)' tesu,d a nd ('onfirmL><I, rt.... fitt ed , o r n:vlscd , d epending o n tht:' o utcom e of thl! stud)" A hypothesis usua lly states how o nc aspect ofhu, ma n beha"ior inn lle nces o r alJ'cClS anolher, T hese aspects or fa ctors arc call ed V(H1 f1 b{.e,\', A v ariable i~ a measur. .tblt. trai t or cha racte ristic Ihat is ... ubjecl tu challgt. undc r different cond itio ns, Income , I't."ligio n , occu pa tio n, and gendc,' ca n a ll be vari.tblcs in a Sllld)" In til t: hypo tllt.'sis l>I'esclltc d abovc. there ar(: rwo \I'..ll'ia blcs: M Black dem'lllds 101' t.q ual right.-." a nd Mcorporillc hiri ng and prolllntion policies, In dc\'cloping hypotheses, socio logists a ttc mpt 10 CXI)l:li n or acco unt fo r t.he rdalionship betwecn \WI) 01' lIIore variables, If one \" ;ari:lhle is h),pOthcsi7cd 10 cau ...e or intluc nce a no ther o m" social scientist!. ca ll the lirst v,uiablc the indept',.dent v ariable, T he second is terllled the depe1ldent v ariable because it is be lie\'ed to be influe nced by the indepe ndcllt v;.tria ble , In her study o r Black executi\les, Collins was intc rested in the clTec t that a pa l1.icula l' vdri a ble ( BI;:lck de ma nds ro r cqual ,i gllls) might have o n corpom te hiring a nd promotio n po lic ies, As thl' ca usal o r influe ncing chamctcrislic. M Black dt.... Olllnds ro r equa l righ ts~ is the in de pe nde llt \~driabl c, The \oariablc lhat Collins was trying to expla in. "cor pOl,He hi ri ng a nd prom o tion po1i cies, ~ is the d(', pende nt variable , According 10 the hY POlhcsi... Black de ma nds 1'01 ' e q ual right!! ha\'e a direct inOuc nce o n cOI'J>Or.tlt'
    M

    35
    (JI!tYrEH 1 MFI'I{()IJS OF 'iCCl0/ ()(,oILAI HL'ilARf'JI

    nGURE 2 1

    CUlIsall.ogic

    --+,
    8Iod< domand. ""
    oq..,!right.

    Oopo <lo, """""'"


    1

    "",,"of_ into societ)'

    , ---t

    LloIhoodof .......

    for quiz

    TIIM spent prepc;wlng _ _"',~ Performance Ofl qui%. _ _""'~ likelihood of children'~ enrolling in college
    1111 11II1I1Jr1JlIrlll, illriabl, h 1t)'1llilhfSiurf
    10
    ( (Ill"

    cXl mplc, data indica te that wo rking m Ol he rs ar~ .' ma rc likely 10 have ddinquc nt children than at! mOlhers who do no t work o utside the ho me. llUl correl"liOIl is aCluall y a ltTsed by a third V''driable family income, Lowcr<lass ho useho lds arc nlOft likely 10 h;n c a full 'lime ...:od u ng mo the r; al tht same lime. rcpo rt(.'(1 t'flle of d l.:linq uc ncy :lit highc r in this class ,hiUl in o the r t.'Cono mic ICl' Conseque ntly. \\'hile h:wing a mo ther who ",o rb o u tside the ho me is correlated with delinquency does no t cti tist d elinq ue ncy. Socio logists seel r, ide nt iry the c.lusOII link Oct\\'ccn variables: dl.i!o causal link is gene rally adv' lI1ct.'CI by ,csc:.trchen ill their hypo lhcsc!S.

    Porentl' income

    ~.~.~~~~~,g.,~~~..~.~~r.~.~~~. .~.~.~.~., ................", _


    In o rd er LO test a hypo thesis and determine ir it ~ su pport ed 0 " rertTI cd . resc:lI'chc rs nced to colle(! info r ma ljo n . To do so, thcy m ust e m ploy onc oftht researc h d esigns descl'ibed I;uer in the chapl.el'. TIll' r esearch design guides tJlelll in collecti ng and;m. alYljng data. Selecting the Sample In most studics, social $Co emis ts IIl USI Qlrcfully ~e k'Ct \\ hat is known as a so. piI'. A repruentative sa mple is a seleclion from. larger popUlatio n that is st:llislicall), fou nd to bel\'P' icaJ o r that populatio n. The t'e a rc ma n)' kinds sampl(.'s. of .... hich the r,wriom Mlmph is frequent!t lISed by social 'iciCllt ists. Fo r it random santpk, C\rery member o r an e nt ir(, populatio n being studk d has tlle smne c halice o f being selected, By using ~ JX'Ci'lli led ampling 1t.'Chniques, SI o log-ists do no t need to quc'itioll e\'eryone in a pop uI;.uio n in Older to gcne mlil.c, Thus, ir researchm wantt."(lto e 'lO a lninc the opinions o r pe ople lisled 11 ;1 city directo r}' (a hoo k thai , unlike lhe lelcphont director)', list'i a ll ho use holds), lhey mig ht contae! evc ry tc llIh or fifti eth o r hund l'(.-dth name listed 111is wou ld co nstitut e a mndom ~ a m pl e , Jf Sharon Co ll ins had decided to condlh:t a ~ur vcy o r !\lacks .,clvi ng as to p c'IOcc ulivcs in co rpora. lio ns across lhe nill'd Slates. she would have faced th e proble m o r ho w to develop a ll llpproprialC: plc or Black cxecUl h'e'i, Such a S<illlplc would ha\'!' been esscTllial. since the rlilTIcully or qUeslioRiRl. ,,/I Black c x(.'Cuti\'t."S wo uld have bee n lo nnidablt Ilowt."\cr. Collin5 chosc ins tead to focus o n a sl113!ld

    or ;1I./11If'lIr, (lIIot"" ,"mub//'


    /I" rf/I'tl 01 (I ll i ,uJqxtuJ nll

    (11 dt1Jr,u/n'IIII./l'w b/loJ. Cnu.t(ll llJglf


    'lIvo/l'f'.J

    'I(mflb/, (oj/", 1iJ.."K'IfIIItI I" IM symbol

    'IO} on (I r/rpf'IIdlll l Vllnnb/r tgt1Im111J


    y) UY/I'Tl x IlUlb to)'. For nwllllll,. JlnfmO who al/,IId lhurch "/:,,11111\ ('I.) art morr bled)' tu nm.'r (hildfM whu a" 'Tlkrr (h llrchflNfl
    rtn/f(Jllllffl
    (/.I

    ()). Notlif' Ihlll Ihi' fin' /wo /NIin

    1/(UUlu,.. a" tolv" froM


    df'fmbrd
    /11

    stlldi~

    of nlmuiy

    Of" Intlboolr.

    hiring a nd p romotion polici('"5. A<; sho wl1 in Figu re 2 1. crI/ISo /logic il1\ o !\'C'i lhc I'c l a tio n ~ hip oclween a condit ion o r variable aucl a panicular conse(llIc nce, ,"ith OTl(' e\'('I1\ leading to the Qlhel". Under ca usa l logic. the dcgr(.(' of ilH(. gr.llion into so' ' ciety may ht>dirC<'tly re!:l led 10 01 prod uce a g,'eate r ' likelihood or sllidde (re rer back to Our khcim's study of suicide in Chapler I). Si milal'l)'. the lime stude nLS spe nd r~vi ewing mate ria l fo r a q uiz ilia), he d irectly rdat ed tu 0 1 pi od llce a greate r Iikeli hood 0 1 gClling a high SCOIc on Ihe quiz, A correlatiOll ('x is," whc lI a change in o ne variable coincid cs with .. change in 11\(.' o lhcl'. Correlalio ns .u c an indica lion that Qlu...:Ui l y IIlfl:W be present; thc) d o nnt ne("c<;\ilril) indiQlte CAuS<lIio n , Fo r

    36
    " IHTO.'''' rllJ: SOCiOI.OCJ(;Af ,,,,:R.V'f:'r.'1II1

    "('Whit"

    W1;tll)(ll'ul:ilion: African Ameri{.'anS serving as top en Wl1ite-0\~nt:d corporations in tht'! UUC".4W' .Ifea. Slill, sht: had to lind a \\~dy of idcl1l-i"1nK ht'1 \ll l~(.'ClS, 101 there W nu readily ava ilable ',iS btlllll\LIl It c;xccmh'cs in Ih e region. (ullill~ (1989:!H8-319) !ilUdied cOlporate listm~ oUld identified 52 of the largesl fil'n15 in C.hll.i~O. She lhe n asked people familiar with the lil\\ torporale community lO name African Amer...... u I'x('(ut,iveii in Ihese firms. Col1ins spoke 10 illinllllolllb ill these compan-ies to sce which BlaC'k

    under study. A \-,did ILl casure of .....ork.el's' producti\'ity ""ould accu l":ltcly indicate how much lht,), had

    qon'Cd as lOp cxccutivC!I, lmd also ;L~kcd in her study to refe r her la other inlpurL,", 1\!,II: k manage rs. She fOllnd that almost uQl.t!Jlnl or the 52 linlls lacked even 011e Black CIIlpin.,o:c' \\110 mct her operational ddinitjon of Mtop nn:IUI\t', Nevertheless, Collins idelllified ~7 I\l.&. k, I\'ho qualified as lOp executives. Between M~, \H86 and January 1987 she w..ts able to interlMI 7ti of these men and women . Gene rally, re-tc'itr(hel'S are u nable to inlet'vicw as high a pt'oI"lflttltl ura mrgel population as Collins did.
    panl(ipallt~

    nu.1I.~t~

    produced over a specified period of lime. Si milarly, in the stud y of' Rlac k excclltives, Collins used genera lly accepted bll.~in c~~ standards to identify tn:UIII' corpomtions. Ilad she included interviews \\'il.h Blac k executivcs in charitable orgalli7.atiollS and govt'l'luncm agencies-or with African American!> .....110 0\\,11 small busineSSt. S- her research ",'ould lad., ' vlIlidityas an examination of corponHc bchavior. Reliability rerers to the eXU.'nl la which a measllre provides consistent l't:5uits. A reliable measu re of wo rkers' productivity would lead 10 thc s;un c resulL~ cven when used by different researc/wrs. The Chicago study provides c1et:tiled inlilnn:lliull wnccming tbe rc:st:at'ch met.hods that Collins used . Ihe rd))' allowing other social sdelllislS 10 test the conclusions in o ther locale~ (or to repeat the ~ l\Id ~ in C hicago at a later date).

    . _." ........ 11:...... 1:': .......... _.................. _ ............................... __ .. _ ,._.... .

    Develooinp' th c Conclusion

    Ctndng Scales and Indices It is relati\'ely simple lull\l'J:mrt certain c haracterislics slatistically, slIch ,l\ lel\'1 of education, income, and size of:l communit~_ IlowC\er. it is far morc difficu lt to measure .lllltudn arId belieJ:'i such as 1>''1triotisn1, respect. and !tMt-r.uU'('. Sociologists create S(.-:.lIc!> in o rder to :u\C1II Il'ptrts or social behavior that I'ecluirc jtldgrtItU~ "1 subject ive cV"<ilumions. The sca le a nd ilUlfX ,li e indicators of attitudes, behavior, ami
    ch..lDClCristics of people or o'1.",ni7.alions. " '!faIe or index typically uses a .se ries 01" (luesUIII\\

    ScielJliJic sllldie. including those conchibed by SOCiologists, do not :urn lO answer all the questions that C<lll be raised abollt a particu l:.r ~lIbjt:cl. The refore , the conclllsiun of a rese;u'c h study r'c presctl\s buth :m end and a beginning. " tcrrninlllcs a 51'('" cific phase of' the invcstigation , bllt il shou ld also generate ideas for rutllre study (sce Figure 2-2 on page 38). 111is is lrue of the research on Black executives cond uCled by $hal'On Collins. \\'h ich t~ ,i "ecl imlx)I'lnnl <llIcstioll'i both about job ~egreg: iti o n in corpor.uiolls and the \\'<1)' in which certain e mployment gains by Blac ks might Icsscn the pn'ssu re for
    rurther initiauws 10 assist minorities. Sociolog ic"l studics do not "lwa)'5 genera le data that support the original hypothesis. In m:rny instances, :t hypothesis is 1'(.... fUled . a nd resc:trchcrs lUus t refonllulate their ('011c1usions. Unexpccted resullS may also lead sociologists to reexamine their methodology ;:mrl make c hanges in th e research design. In the surely disc ussed aoo\'e, ho",'e\'er, the data supponed Ihe hypothesis: in I'esponsc to Black. demands for' eq ual riglus, corpo rate hiring ,lI1d promOlion policies in Lhe Chicago area had indeed p"lced Black execlItive~ primarily in highly visible personnel and public relatio ns pos ts. Supporting Hypotheses

    to measure attitudes, Iulowlcdge of facts.

    Objects. or bchavior. For exam ple, socio loKU,l, might M ull to learn nOt o nly whether responritnt} f:wor a constitutional amendment allowiug ,.-.nl'r in public schools but abo how knowledge"hie' Iht'Y are about dilTerelll al!enmti\'es suc h a_ a 'i \t!cnt time" for prayer or Cl daily ecumenical slnu:.. ... mrm read by a teacher. In this type of situatio n , soClOII'I)..'lllll can develop a scale to measure citi zens' J ... .I!'\'ness of the debate over K hool pt7l)'c r.

    ~"1'1l1~,

    r.a.ring VaJidity and Reliability The scientific


    1l1l'lh~xI requires that research rcstJlt~ be hoth \"dlid J.lul r~li"ble. Validity refers 10 the degree to which j IIItJSure or scale Inll)' reflects the phenomenon

    .'

    37
    (;1I11J" "",.H 2 MIiI'llO().' Of SUCJOI.(JC/CJ1 1.
    HSJ,.IIH{~ I

    F1G URE 2-2

    Th e Scie1ltific Method

    r------,
    ~ ~
    I

    OoIiM Iho probl.m

    Review !he literolure

    Formulate the hypothesis

    Select meorch desisn Collod ,,.j ~ dolo


    5uMoy

    I
    Observation

    Experiment

    ~
    The scientific meth(J(/ allollls sociologiJ/s
    to ol1itaiwly and logimlly (VaIU(lle the faclS coUtctd.. This U11I lead UJ jurthn ithas for socifJiogical research.

    Controlling for Other Factors The characteristiC'! of Black executives are considered additional \'aria bies used in lhe study, and they are known as am trol variables, A control variable is a factor held conSlant \.0 test the relative impact of the inde pendent variable, If researchers wanted to know how adulu in the United States fee l about. restrictions o n smok ing in public places. they would probably altemp! [Q use a respondent's smoking behavior as a con1J'0 1 variable. Consequently, the researchers would compile separate sr.atistics o n haw smakers and nonsmokers feel abaul. antismaking reb>"lliations, By use of a control vaJiable, the ~ time at which Black execu tives entered the labor force," CoUiru found support far U1C view that corporate hiringand pl"Omotion policies were signifi canuy influenced by Blacks' demands for eq ual lights. As Figure 2-~ i~ luslr.ltcs, respondents who e ntered the labor fom before 1965 (tile high point of the Black civil righu movement) were about equally likely to have found their fi rst jobs in government or in lhe private sect.or, By contrast, tllC vast majoriry (70 percent) ti African American executives who entered the labor fo rce after 1965 10und in itial employment in the private secto r. These data suggest that traditional COf' porate resistance to t.he hiring of Black managen began 10 decline in response to the civil rights mO\tmeOl of the 19605 (Collins, 1989:3 19-324). Coilins ( 1989:3 17) concludes U13t Blacks' demand! for civil rights created a Black managerial elitc {}u( was highly visible, yet was "administratively mar ginal " and ~eco nami cally vulnerable," In her view, the tracking of Black execut.ives into mcially linktd jobs in such areas as affinnativc actjon and urbaa affairs may reduce the likelihood of their advanc, ing into mainstream lOp management posts, Moll' over, in an era of growing economic lIn certain~ and widespread corporate mergers and takCQ\<m African American 1~13nage rs in personnel and public relations areas may find themselves the victim! of staff r<. "<illctio ns<

    Coilins found that 66 pe rcent of lhe African American executives she interviewed had been u-acked imo corporate j obs focusing on the hand ling of ~ Bl ack problems" or on dealings with a specifically Black consumer markct. The vaSt ma jorily of these execulives held jobs involved with al' finnalivc action and urban affairs. In discussing the limilatio ns o n Black managers, one executive. who had a mastcr's degree and fo ur years o f experience in engineedng when he was shifted to an affirmative action POSt, observcd:
    When they would send me 1 some of those confer0 ences about affirmati ve action . . . you'd walk in and Lhere would be a roo m full of blacks . . .. It was a Icrrible misuse al that time of some black ta.lem . . .

    ~._~~.~ r.: ~,~.,~~~.!:.~.~.~..~.!:.~.~~......._


    Let us b riefly su mmarize the process of t.he scientific method through a review of the examplr. Shamn Collins difilled a problem (ule relatiomhJp between Black civil rights protests and corporal(

    (Colli ns, 1989:329),

    38
    PART ON1-; 'filE SOC/OI.OCICIII. PI-:/lSn;crfYF.

    "If.d ueta,ivef

    ncUIE 2J /"j,jol E",ploy",e",

    eo...".NIlIt

    ....

    -46$

    ible personnel and publ ic relatio ns posu"). Collins identified a largel pop.ulatio n or Black executives in Chicago firms and then roil1td and (ltUlly-..ed lhe data. Finally, she tll'1N.l~ tJ amdusion: Black ac" tivis m did inOue nce corporale decision nmkingand lead to the creation or:1 highly visible (and yt!l t.'Cono mically vulnerable) Black managerial elilc. Th us, thro ugh the systematic. 0l'gani7.ed applic-nion of < the scientifi c method. Ihis researchcr sllldied a contemporary sociaJ issue and ge.ner.n ed meaningful findin gs of interest to sociologists, civil righ l'i leaders, busint.'SS ext.Cutives, and govcrnmclU policy' makcl'!l.

    RESEARCH DESIGNS
    .fQ~';;Q!J,r::!;TING.QAIA......

    ....._ ...

    After 1965
    Black bu.iMli8S .4%

    eov.,....

    ,.. -. . . . 'L

    An imporlant aspect of !lod olo~..i ClII research is deciding how data sho uld be collected . A "esearch " des;gr. is a d et.. liled plan o r method ror ob taining data scientifically. Sek'Clio n o f a research d esign is a critic,,1 sl,e p ro r sociologist.'! and requires cre-Ali\' ity and ingenuity. This cho ice will directly inOuence both the cost o r Ihe p roj ect and the amo unt o f time need ed to collcct the resul ts of the research. Socio l ~ l.'i rt.'gularly usc sUlv eys, obscr'V"dtio n, exrjs perimenl.:!. and existing sources to generatc d ata fo r their research. In her sludy o f Black executives, Shal'o n Coll ins relied o n in lclvie~'s, which are a co mmo n rOiTn o r s ur;cy research.

    ~.~"'~Y."...........................................................................................
    a-<I on So CulUm., I98'J SJO.

    S,fort 196.5. i1M(Jr auuhllJ


    IQ Imw jfllmd

    111

    the

    C/tirogrJ arM u....re a/JotJ' tquaUJ lilrHy 'IIiir firs' jobs i'l
    1111' JlrilHlI'- SWr.

    gvtJt711",nll fir IN

    1/01lJellI'r. I'Xf'(!l/iva II.I}W nlln'ttII Ju

    Inbor /(Jm: ajlt/' 196.5 Ql!mlllielm i ngty bI'grl n l li rir (tlrtt:rS in tile CIJY'fXJr'fI~
    world .

    mplo)'mcnt po licies). She mnt:wi'd the litl'ralun (other studies or Black executives) and fo rmulalM. .ltTf1ot1Iesis (M response 1 Black demands ror In ,0 ttjtW rights, corpoml,e hiring and pro mo tio n policies placed Black ex(:c utives primarily in highly vis-

    Almost alJ o r us hll\'e rc~pond l.'rl to sunleys o f one kind o r anothe r. We ma)' have been asked what kind of detergent we lIse, which presidentiaJ candidate we intend to V Ole fo r, or what o ur favorile television program is. A surv ey is a study. generally in the fo rm of an iruelv iew o r questionnaire, which provides sociologists wilh info rmation concerning how peo ple think and acl. Amo ng o ur natio n's bcstkno wn surveys of opinion are the Gallup poll and lhe HalTis poll. As anyone who W'd l Cht.'s lhe news during presidential cmnpaigns knows, these polls have become an impon aru pari o r political life. When you think of survcys. you may remember many "person o n the street" imer;ic"'5 on locallelevision news shows. While such imcrviews can be

    39

    I
    !

    al a certain location . "nUls. such samples call he biased in fa\'ol" of commuters, middk 'dass sho ppers. or fa ctory worke rs, depending o n which st.reet or area the newspeoplc select. Second, television illte rviews lC lld la a u raet o lltgoing people who art
    willing to appear on the air, while they fright.en al'o'a) others who may feel intimidated by a camcrd. A sur vey must be b ased 0 11 precise. rcPI"CScllIa ti\'c 5a1llpHng if it is to ge nuinely n:nect a broad range of the populalion . In prepruing to conduct a SlIlVCy. sociologisu muSI exercise b'Tt.."31 care in the wording of qu~ lio ns (see Table 2-1). A .11 effective survey question musl be simple a nd clear enough for people to un d ersumd iI. 11 musl also be specific enough '>0 Ihal there a re no problems in inu~'1) re Lin g the resul(!. Even qucHions IJmt arc less structured (What do you think of programming on cducatiorml Icle\'~ sio n?) must be c<ln'full y phrased in o rde r 10 solicit the ITpe of informatio n d esire d . Surveys can be indispensable sources of infonn a tion, but o nl y if the sampling is done properly and the questions art worded accu rately. 1111!rC are two main fo rms 01 surveys: the inttr vitw and the questiomwire. Each of these fornu of survey research has its own advantages. An in. lClVicwcr can obtain a high response I'~H C because people find it more difficult to lurn down a per sonal n.qucst for an imclvicw than La Ih row a\\<l1 a wriuen questio nnaire. In additio n, a skillrul if}tcrviewer ca n go beyo nd WTinen questions and

    Sllldi~

    hr/V/! !JilQum Ihat I/M gelldf'f (or rau) ()f tIlL tn/(lrrhn- cml haw fHl
    011 5U~

    ill/pt/ct

    Ilm",

    hig hl y clllcnaining. they a re not necessarily an aC'cur.u,e indication of public opi nion. First, they refl ect lhe opinions of only those people who a ppear

    Doonesbury

    BY GARRY TRUDEAU

    1
    J

    1 1

    40
    1'''' liT ON} Till:. .'>t1CI()I.JX;ICAL '''';JI.'iJ'ITII "'.

    Peopl, may 1'101 question.

    under~lond

    the

    Mi~leoding

    Do you Fovor SaYernment program which er.cauras,s families la Improve inner.clty housing' Did your Il'IOIher ever work for pay outside the home'

    S/Qdd ~ be possible for woman 10 obtoin a legal

    Too general

    ........."

    Should it be poulble for woman 10 abtoin legal abortion If there is a strong chonce of $8riovs defect in her baby' If Jhe become p'I!gnont

    os
    Do ~ favor making it legal for
    Double-borreled [two que$lionl in

    rewh 01 rope'

    orJ Ynak, marijual1Cl?

    le.,..or-olds to drink liquor

    M.'

    Do you Iovor making it legol for 1s.yeor.old~ 10 drink liquor? Do you fovor making I. legal for 1 Q.yeoroOlds 10 smoke morl[uono'l

    Don't you rhrnk rhot the p"n b sIonled ond thot we should ""nnt whatever it soys'l

    6io ~

    question; leads people toward a particular respan$8

    Would you ICy thot you hove great deal of wn~dence, 50tne confidence, or very littl, wnlklence In !he preu'l
    Sotiologul.J I,), 10 phmv q"tsIW",

    'probe~

    for a subj(.'Ci's unde rlying feelings and rea

    (fUrfi'({1 ~fI 11101 ,lld' U~1f


    ft~POIUI/'''IJ'.

    /w
    ,~

    1111

    \Om. On the olher' hand . qucsuonnaircs have Lhe J,kolnragc of being ciIClIPCr. esp ecially whe n large 'lJmpl~'S a.re used. The gender (or race) of tJle researcher can have m impacl on SUI'VC)' d:ua. In 1990. lhe E. gleton 111.... Wlote of Po liLics a l RUlgcrs U niversilY con firmed that \\omen were mo rt' likely 10 take Slrong ~ pro
    choitc- posiLions when questio n ed by a woman the issu e of abo rtio n . For exampl e, 84 percnll of women interviewed hy anolhe l' woman agrrtd that the d ecisio n 10 have a n abortion is a pm"Jlc matter that should be le n to lhe .....o num to deride without government intervention . Uy con .. Ir.J.M, only 64 percent of women inlc l'Vlc.....(.-d by a man look lhe same positio n. Men's responses ~llIcd unaITected by the gender o f the resca rch e l'. \lmilady. people's res po nses 10 questions abou l IMllHing discri m inalion may be influenced by the r.ltul and e thnic background of the il1lc l'\~ewer. The findings of lhe E:lgletoll Instilute sllldy unmore the careful all e ntioll tha t sociologists Il l1lSt Kilt' IQ all cJe m ents o f the research d esib'll (Morill,
    aboUI

    ""~I."d"l/(mdmg 11/1 111t~ ptJl1 1 Ill/ 1)

    I} a ql,ulioll

    ,m/lrtlpflly

    w()rdtli (m' maY/I). IlIe rl!.l "/I.I fire IIMkJS fill' tll/' r/!Sfflrchn),

    Observation
    Wht.!11 an investigator collects info rmalio n lhro ugh direcl pal'rjc ipation in ;llld obscn 'alion of a g roup. tribe, or community under study, he o r she is CIlg;lgcd in observatiml . This me thod allows ..ociologisl.'i to examine cert... in behaviors and conlllllmi . lies lhal could n ot be investigaled lhrollgh o lher research lechniques. In some cases, the sociologist aeLUally Mjoins~ :21 groul> ror a period of time 10 gCI an accul1It e sense o f ho\\' it o pe ra tes. 111is is calk.>(1
    /mrliri/)(mf ohSf:nl(lliOIl.

    1 'l9O).

    Dllrin g the late I 930s. in :l d :assic example of parlicip'U11 o bservatio n , WilIiam F. Whyte movt.>(1 ilUo a 10l'o'-income Italian Ilcighborhood in Bosl.on. For nearly fo ur years, he was a me mber of the social cir cle of Mcom er boys" ,h .. , h e d escribes in Slrttt OJrner Society, WhYle revca lc..>d h is ide ntity to lhese men

    41
    OIAn"'..J1 2 MJo~rIlO/)S (Jp SOCIOl.(){UCAI ftESI::.-\HClI

    1\11n1 (11/ 11lvtSilgfl/OI wlkds /II/~ through dttr'Cf p(lItlnpaflOIl ill a"d
    Msmlflfj(fll

    .:if n group.
    Vll' 1$

    lri/N,

    fir

    wmmlllllf). hl' or

    "'1."'I,'f'fi m

    obselv.ation .

    S/WIIIII m'l' fI

    p"otfJj<mnlf,/;Jf
    1\6fl'l7t SlItlWfl.

    flI/1II,1J1Qfi'b't' lnllngm

    If'

    and joined ill their conversations, buwling, and olher leiSlIre-ti me activil.ics, His goal ' .... to gain dS gre:ller insight into U1C communit), that ulesc men had established, A.~ Wh)'tt: ( 1981 :303) listcncd to Doe, the leader of the groul}, he ~ l eal1led the an~WCr.I to questions I would Iltll cven have had the se nse to ask if I had been get ling my iJllonnauon solcly till an intclvicwing basis, ~ WhylC's "'o rk was especially \'al uable, since, at Ihe time, LII(: academic world had linle dircct kno",rlcclge of Ill(' pOOl' and tended 1.0 I'd)' for information on the records of social service agencies, hospitals, and courts (Adler elal..I992). The initial challenge that WhylC faced-and that each obscl""cr must encounter if he or she acwall) panicip"lcS in the group under st udy-W"dS 10 gain acceptance imo an unfami li:u' ~r...uup. It is no si mplc malleI' for a collegc. trained sociologisl lO win ... the trust of a religious cult, a rOll th w<mg. it poor Appalachian curnmunity, 01' skid row residents. It requires iI great deal of patie nce ami a ll acccpting, nOlllhreatcn ing type of person, Intercstingly. as we saw earlicr (once-ming SUf"\C)'S. the gcnder of U1C rcsearcher o m be 3 factor i.1l th e success of an obsef"\'ation study. Sociologist Te rry Mil.l"ahi (1986: 185) nOI,cs thal fcmale sociologislS swdying predominantly lI1ale environmcnts can find il difficult 10 dcvelop the coopcration and trllst l1ec c ....;;.1.11 for

    cfTcClh'c ob..,crv.nion. In her view, more attention mUSI be given 10 the impact of genclel of the datlgath('I'ing process ilsdf. Observcrs immedi<ttely lace: another qucstion which has bolh pnlclical and clhical illlpliclltion'! 10 whom (if anyone) should they reveal lhe ultimatC' purpose ollheir obselvJ.lions? In our societ), many people resent the feeling or being MSlLldied." Thu.,. ir a group fi'f!.{ the researcil('r as :111 ~olltsider' and an o bscl,'cr-rather than as a mcmber or the group-its members may feel UIIC:lsy alld hide many thuughts and emolions. 011 lhc other hand. iflh~ rc:searcller disguises his 1)1" hcr identity or purpo'\{:, Ihe n th~ group has added a p:I\'lidpanl (and observer) "ho is being somewhal dishonesl. This may .....e ll ciistOl'I the group prnccss. Moreo\cr, it i, 1I0l cas}' to maim;lin Lhis l)1lc ur lI'Ia.sC:llIcrddc ror weeks 01' months while attcmpting 1 get to knOll ,0
    s tl' lllgel1!.

    Observation is. in addition, a moSL lirne<ol\' suming I'IlcLlwd of reseal"c h . Systematic and thoro ough oi.>senmions arc essenlial; the sociologist C'.u r not simply M drop b( the bowling alley 01' strt COl'IIer c\'ery few wt:cks, Ln slcad , the rescilrcher rnal havc lO wail patiently for a particularly nOleworthl or dramalic e\'cnl. And in some instances. tht deeper meaning" ora seemingly Irivial imeracuoo Illay becomc c1C;II' IO the o bst'lyc r on I)' afler month>

    42

    RAelAL "EYE WORK" ON THE STREET


    1/."" rW.1fnfllrf AmmCalfS (IIfd II'hit,..,
    111""/1(1 '111 thl ffr1 III If!Cially mlU(i
    om(ilI~01I",{Jds'

    ~"'11l1''I.~\1 El/ft.1!

    /11 hI.) IJooh Slfeelwise, Andmon (19YO:

    UtJ-12/J tI')mlx.ti Ihf ([(l'yl(H/.ay /11ItII'fl'mlH III OOsnlrM "' adjoining


    I'~,ltultlp"'"

    tltiplmhoods

    Ihal

    he

    Tt/1nl/I., I'll/oK" anti Nortit/oll. An """,,. ~TI/nIIfIlj((llly rtrordrd soOlIl !Jr..


    . "" "'I Ihr ltrHt; j" I/IU

    fo<"'"
    t-; I"
    't.III~

    o;(I'rp',

    ht'

    IIN

    Jww

    1"'111.

    1\1"/6 mam/aill (lis /JIodu through .e-y loorir.

    ". d ItllUoU:

    IMt<;

    bt.id:s percl:il'(" whites as \lr h~ti l c to them in public.


    DiJah A I1dmml.

    -sOllle blacks ,Ire \"(:1 impn\ed 10 1


    lind ,I ",hile pel'Mlll who holds Ihe;l than is l1orln'll oILcord il lS to Ihe rul~ o f the public sphere. As one middle,aged "'hilt' female ft'sidellt COrlHlICIllCd:
    eyt~ 101l~er

    TIIC\ pal allc.nliOIl 10

    vi 11t'

    the al110Unl contilCI gilcn. In gcneml, bl.... k mald gel far I cs.~ timc ill this Ir(oIfrl than do ....'hile males. Whites I~nd not 10 "hold- the eyes of a

    It is more common Ill, bl.lLk and "hiLe Slr.l. nge~ to QI("I r,llil olher's e}l'S for onl} ;1 JCII 'It'fOnm, and lhell to ale n their J('IIt ahnlpll). SUlh !J.e lmviol seems lu ~\. "I ,un :lWHre uf' your pn!;rltll.: ;UH! rlu more. Wt)1llcn C~pl:' 1~,lh kel Ih,ll I'ye Ulnt;lCt in\i te~ 1/II"'$11l:'d ;l(h'allns. bu t sonle whill' '''~T' 1r\"llh~ same ;m<! wanl 10 be '~JI ~hnUl "h.1I they inlend. This

    I~.~ 1.,1)("0011 .

    Just

    (". ,\Irk t\ ;l " .. ) to maintain dis.. r~llCl ol,liol) fOl' ,safet) and social pwpt...eJ. Consi~len, wil..h thh.

    I.hi~ nlonlin~. I ";IW;I [bl:ll k) )\uy wllcu I \\'1:11 1 o\'el" to Mr. Chuw's [(j gel sollle milk:ll 7:15. Vuu alw .. )~ greet I)(:opk )011 iot'e :11 ; :15. and II()()ked at hllll ;Ind 'llIik'{l AJ ld he said ~ Ue ll (l - 01' ~Good morn ing" o r '>Olnethillg I ) Illile d a,pin. It 1\'a~ clear Ih,11 ht
    ~,I'"

    MlIny jX.'Oplc, particularlv I.h(tSe who sce I.hem~hcs .IS 11I0re eco. numicallr prhilcged Ihlln olheN in tltc commltnllY, art' carcful nOI IU let the ir eyes Slmr, in ol'(\cr 1.0 In'oid :1lI 111lcomfoTttb1c SiW:tUOll. ASlhcy walk down tJ1C street they pretl'nd not to see other pcdL'lIll'ianj, or They look right at the m withuILt speak. ing, a bch;l\ior mall y blacks find 01: Icusi\c. ~IQrcO\'er, whites of lile Village "I"tell sco .....1 to kCI'1l } outtg hlacks at ,\ social ,ll1d phrsical di~llIl1 cc. As llwy \'emurc OUI (Ill Ihe strcl'IS of Ihe Village :lnd, 10 a le~sel l'xtcnt. of Northton, ther ma y planl Ihis luok on t.heir lilfCS 10 "~tr(1 ofT oth, t:rs ,,ho migh t mean them hanu. Scowling by whi/{'S may he COIl1parl'!! TO grinning b) bl;lCks a~ a coping Slralt'g)'. At linh!S nwmbcN of either grou p make such 1 :lcC<l wi th liltle regard ror cirnUlhtanCl'S, ,IS if rhey wefe drl'ss\l1~ for in, clerllCTlI ..... c;)r hcr. BUI on lile Village SHects it does not al"~I~s SlOrm. and suclt overco,lIS rcpd Iltt sUllshine as well 'IS the I';.UIL. flllStrollin,l( nmu)' :IUcmpLS at '>I)()ntancoll~ human communication.

    ,hi, as

    s urpli~ing.

    1111t\Jdy. Finally, for lhis method to be cncctivc, lhe '.cllil)llIgist must kcep del<lilcd records of c\'enb and
    brll.l\iof!l.
    C\'C11

    \\'hen

    - n oLhing~

    seelll!> to be h:t l>-

    prmng.
    {lb"c"'alion rescllrch poses Olhe . complex c ha lIt'ugt"lIOl the iu\'cstig-oI l.ur. Soc i ologi~lS 11\\1.'1 1 bc able IU 1011\ ulldct'5land what they arc observing. In a "I1'IC, Ihen, researchers such as Willi:llll F Wh ylC

    or Iijah AlIder'otl ()ce Box 2~1 ) l1lust Icarn 10 sec thc world as Ihe !{roup sees it in order 10 full), comp re hend tilt' evcn ts taking place around tJ ICIll. This raiseS:l dc li<"llt' qucstion regardi n g the clTeet or tlte g roup UIl the obscn'cl'-:mcl lhe obser\'cl on the g rou p. fhe ~oelo l ogist mllSI re tain a ("cl"tain lewd of de ladllncl1l 11'0111 Ihe group undel ~Iudy, e\ocn ;lS he or ,Iw t.r ic~ to unc!ct-"l.and how !l1I'mb!' !':; feCI.

    43

    If the resea rch is LO be successful , the observer 0 111not a llow lhe dosc associa tions o r even fricndsh ips thal inevitably develop tQ inHuc nce thc conclusio ns of the stud),. Ansoll Shupe and David Bro mic)' (1980), two sociologists who have used participant obsen'<l.tion, have like ned this chall e nge 10 that of "walking a tight ro pe.~ Despitc working so hard 10 gain acceptance fro m the g ro up being studied . the partici pant observer mU51 main tain some degree of d ct:clchm e nl. In addi tio n to iL~ liSt.' in basic researc h, obscn'<l.tion studies Ill a)' also be used lO improve the po li cies and strU ctUres of o rgani7.:11ions. WiJlialn F. Wh yte ( 1989), thc rcsC't1 rc.hcr in lh e study o f Boston corne r boys described abovc, e ndo rses the use o f o bsenoation as a Iype:: o f appl ied sociolo gy. Whytc notes tha l when Nom".ty's shipping indusu)' was fa ced with .~eve re c utuacks. a te am of researc he rs I\'orkcd aboard a me rchanl ship as pan of:m cfT01"l 10 improve the social oq~.. nizatio n (lnd c fli ciency or Nonvay's tlC('t. Similarly. when laced wilh .Lpo wing competition in the p ho tocopying indllsu),. Xerox Corpor.u.ion e mployed a research tcalll to pr()posc cOst-<:ul1ing mcasures to managers ;'lI1d union leade]'~. In eitch ca."l". the Illethodolob~ of p<lrticipant obS('lvallon p roved usel ullll soh'ing practical problelllS.

    ~~P.~.~~.~~~...................................................................
    When sociologisl.\ walll 10 stud y 11 possible causeand-eifect relationship, th ey lIlay conduct experiments. An experiment is an artificially created situatio n wh ich allows the researc ht.'r to lIlaniplli;uc m ria ble;:s alld introduce con trol v<lriables. In the classic me lhud (If conducting an experiment , two g ro ups o r people arc selected a nd ma tched for similar c:ha r;u;lc ristics such as age o r education. The s u~jecl.S arc the ll assigned by researchers to o n c uftwQ g ro ups - the experimenta l o r con lrol group. T he ex-perilllelllal grOlIP is exposed to a n independent v,lIinble; the CO li troT grollp is 1 101. Thus, if scientists were testing a new type of a nti biotic drug, t,hey would ndminisler injections of that drug to an exper illle nta l g ro up blU no t 10 a conlrol brrouP. While man )' expcl'imc nlS by medical researchers test tl lC impact of'dnr,gNon human or animal subjec ts, a ramous social science experiment exam ine d how people arc affec ted by prcs....ll res to confo rm to Ihe I'iews of olhe rs.

    How many orus wi ll Rstick to our conviclions Rregardless o f the feelings of others? Sodal psychologist Solo mo n A.sch ( 1952:452- '183) I\";LS interested in lhe enccts of g ro up pressure on pcople 's opin ions and tcsted this question in an expe rimental setting on a college ca mpus. AsciI pre lcsted this C);. pe rimen t with control s ul:ticc\..~ no! under any group pressure. Th e results of hi s il1\'csti ~,"a ti o n ind ic.. !l' that th e pres.~u rc 10 confonn in group situalinll\ can hal'c i\ powc rful im pact o n saci:11 hchal'io r. A.~c h broughl groups of sevcn lO nin e male wl lege students in to a da'isroum and asked them to look at two white cards. onc Wilh a single line and o ne with tJlrec lines o f l'aryi ng leng ths. All studcnl\ werc askcd to Stale puhlicly which litlc 0 11 tllt'SI.-(ond card most dosely corl"csponded in le ngth !o the line 0 11 the first card . I-I owel"cr, in c ac h group o f stude n ts. a ll !Jilt o ne wer(' aClllal1), in league wllh the researcher!; and had hcen coached ill adva nce to seh:cl wro ng answers 10 so me of tlt e c huitc'o. \1 0H!0\CI". 1 11e UllcOilc.hcd stude nts - Ihe pcOplt who wc-rc Ihe rcal l. rge ts oflh e sludy-were plaetd a lleat' lhe e nd o f each grou p. On a designat ed trial, lhe stude nts cuached Il\ Asch all g,l\'{' the Mmlt' incorrect a nswer. Re m:ul a bly, many uncoachcd st ude nts ignored the t.\'ldence of lheir own ~cnses-a diffen:n l answer ......1.1 clearly th e correct onc-and conforllled to the I)fha\";o r of the (del iherately incon'ecl) majority. 01 AscI! 's 123 stude nts put to this tcst. mo rc than onrthird fo llowed lh(' lead of lhe group a nd c h o~e thr wrong answer evell without any explicit prcs.\um to confo rm . Concl llc L ing sociological research is mort' diff" u ti t, and the refore more costly, ill th e fie ld tllan in a h'bol':.llory setting (oflcn on a college campml Conseque n tly. as in Ihe experime nt described above, researchers m ust some ti mes rely o n sa lllplt~ com posed cnti rely of coll ege sludents. Such par licipan\..~ mayor m:ly not be I"cpresent :Hj"c of !llf larger public or lhl' United Stales. l1le !"e is all :ltl ditional problem in using a lahor:"\LO I)' setting: tflr responses of'subjects in such se llin g~ may he dH fe re nt from theil' responscs in lc.~ s strucl"Ured, real life SitUalio lls. Lt ! an cxperiment. as in observa tion research, tlM' prest!lIce 01 a socia l sciell tist or other observer 111;0affec t lhc l>c1l<t\"lOl' ofth e p('oplc bei ng studk-d.111t rccog ni l.ion of tit is phe no menon gr c\\' out o f al1l~ pelimcnt co nducl('d during Ih e 1920s and 1930. ~t

    44

    SorlologulJ (I" u'(lI aUla" tllat IM 1'f"fVna of all ~ rlUlJ alftcl Ill'

    btlwl'ltlr of lilt fJI'OP~ ""'/lg JludUd. IVrowlllio/l of Ihu phmQl""uJ1I gmu filII of 1111 nrl,"uflt:J11 rQlIIllu~1 durillg IM 192th 111111 19J(h at Ih~ I-/mutllqnlL
    pllllll (If Ill' Wlllml f.ltrfnr CmnprlllJ.

    tht, 11,lwthurnc pl:mt 0 1 t/l e We~I('rt1 Ekelrie CompJn".\ group ofreseardtcl's Il t'adt'c l by [lIon Mayo ... t "lIIlO dcu: nl1im: hO\\' the productivity or workt'r-,II the plant could be improved . Ilwes1ig.-ltlJl"S exJllu!Wfllhc impact 011 produc lh'it y or \.lrl ,11lons in 11" IIUt."OSit) or light ali(I mri:uiOlh in worki ng 1to~1I" To lheir "IIVri.;c. theY IOllnd th,tt (/Il .. tep~ Ihr"! wuk seemed 10 inc rease pn,duc tivity. [I'e n Ifrbllfd th.u scelllerl lil-cl} tu haH' tile o pposite dint, ~u(h as rcdtllillg the .1I11cllIn t (It ligh ting in thr pLlIlt. led to highcl p,"OdUCliviIY. Whl did the pl.ent's e mployec!> \\'ork harder CVt;'1l 111l411'1 leg r.wur.lhk cOllditio llS? Their bch:n'ior ap~lntl\' ",-dS innucllced by tht: ~1t:dtCI a llclllion bt.. .... "~!I.ud tJlem in the course..' or Iht: n~!>carch and by I" north)' of being subjccl!t in ,Ill expt.rimcl1t. S!nu: ulal time. sociologistS h,IH' u~cd Ill(" tenn H'wthome effect whcn ~LlI~ccts III fe!l('ilrch pert"rn> Ill .. m.tllllCI diHcrel11 fmm their typical Ix. .... h,\\lurbet;llLse the)' rcalil.c that tilc),.lrc under ob-cnritiOIL (S.Jone~, 1992; I ..IILI{. I ml~).

    U!lt of ...............S? ............................................................ . Exislinv Sources _


    lu'cc'lS:lIily ha\t' tll collect new conduct !"("..carc h anel test hyl~~hl")('$, The term secondary analysis rcrers to a 1"'1("1\ or n:SC.lrC'h techni<luC8 Ih.1I nl.llc use or pu~ hd'\: .Irces.~ible inromlatiol1 :md da!.l. Cenerally. in \uudlK"ling 'iC.ctlllda IY .tnal)".is. fC!>Cilrchcl"S milil.c rt.uJ in ways IInilllended by tht: illili,tl collectors or
    4i.dJ In

    ~KI<~OKi.sLS do l10t

    order

    tu

    illronnatiOIl . For cxample. CcllS lIS daw arc COI11piled for specific IIses by lhe fc::dcr:tl government, but arc V;:11U:lhlc fur marketil1K ~ peci:llisL~ in locating e\'cl}'thin,l; rrolll bicycle s torc~ 10 nursing home:.. Sociologi ..ts camide,' :,ccolld:uy anal)'sis to be lIonf(,(lctilN. "ince pcop!e's bchavior is 1I0t influe nced. A~:III cKample. Emile Durkhcim's $latistical analysis o f suicide lleithcr increased nor decreased human sclrdt..'Strucuon. Whereas subjects oran expt:riment or observation fCSCllI'ch ;lrc oft,e n aware thotl the), arc beillg " r,..llched-all awarencss that . call innuencc their bch:l\'ior-lhis is nOllhc case whell 'k!colld.IlY analysis is uscd . CoII.st:(luently. re.searchcl'lt can avoid the HawlJlome effecl by employing .'.t.'colldary analysis. TI,en' h onc in lll~ rt.1Il problem, howt'ver. in relying 011 data collected by ~mcone c lse: the researcher ma)' not find exactly what is needed. S0cial l'(;ie nti!>ls stud)ring family violence can use st.1.tiSlic.~ from police and social service agencies on ft'/J1JI1f'1l cases of spouse :abuse :md c hild .. busc . Yet such guvernlllent bodies hllVC no prccl~c dam on till cases of abuse. Many social .sciCllti'l.s find it u-.cful to study cultural. economic, and political documents. including IIcwspapen. pcriodic;als. radio and television tapes, SCI;PLS, diaries, songs. folklore . and leg-,d pa' pcrs, to nallle 01 rew examplcs. III cxamining these source!>. researchers employ a technique known as conte"t (walysis, whic h is the systcmatic coding

    45
    f

    HtI'O.R 1 MITIIWS ()f-SOCJOI.oGJ( .H HlV UlfJI

    U.~illg conlnll anal)'Sil" DJ lelevision ni!tworks' cOw:Yage of the 1992 presulenlial ~/J'clion in lIuir evrning

    Itroadwsls, re.umdle1".l/mwd 1//(1} mQre 11tgalive ml'lOrkl aJllcr.millg Pre$idenJ Grorgt! 8ush thl/I!
    IU'W.!

    IUfW5COS/er.l mad~

    they did about

    challnl~

    Uill

    Qill/(JII

    and RoSI Pernl.

    and objective recording of data, g1lided b)' some rationale. The slUdy of sexual stereotyping discussed at the beginning or the chapter is an exa mpl e of content analysis. In another use or content analysis, researche rs anil lyzed Lelevision networks' coverage ut the 19!J2 presidenti<ll elect ion in their evening news broadCal;L~ . During t.he primari es, the conve nti ons, and r.he ge nel,,1 election c<lmp<lign , nel.o:scaSlers made more negative remarks concern ing President Ccorge Bus h -whel he r in te rms of hi s ability to govern. his record, or his p1'Opasals-t..han they did conccrn ingchallcngcrs Bill Clinto n a nd Rass Perot. While politica l partisans might insist that Bush eamed these cri ticisms. COli ten t analysis neverth eless allows researc hers to systematically il nalflt' tc1evision coverage and assess possible biases (Kolbert. 1992). Th ese examples llndersco re the 1,,,luc of using ex isting sources in studying contempor..lry mal.erial. Researchers have learned, in additjOIl. that such a nalysis can be essential in helping LIS to ullderstand social behavior front t.he distaJll past. For example, socio logist Karell Barkey ( 1991 ) exami ned village CO urt records from the seven teenth-century Ottoman Empire (cclltercd in modern-day Turkey) 10 assess the extent of peasant rebellions ag<tinst the empire a nd , more specifically, iL'i tax pol icies. Barkey could hardly have rel ied on sUlveys. obserV""..tlions, or experimen ts to sWdy tJl e Ouoman Empire; like othe r scholars studying ea rli er civilizations, she tUll1cd lO secondary a nalysis.

    A hiochemist can not iruecl a serum into a human bei ng unless it has been thoroughly tesled. To d\. otherwise would be bOlh unethical and illegal. SociologisLS must also abide by certain speci fi c Starldartls in conduCling research-a code uf ethicJ. The professional societ)' of the discipl irte, t he AJll~r iean Sociological Association (ASA) , first publish~ thc Cm/,. oIE/hies in 1971 (most recently rCI'ised In 1989), which put forth the following basic plinopies: ] Maint.ain objectivi ty and integrit.y ill research. 2 Respect the subjcCl's righl to privacy and di~ flily. 3 Protect subjccLS from personal harm. 4 Preserve confide ntial ity. 5 Acknowledge resea rch collaboration a nd assj~ \."1llce. 6 Disclose all sources of fina ncial support (AmN' ican Sociological A<;sociation , 1989). In addition, in 1982 the Sociological Practice M sociation (SPA) introduced ethical sta ndards fOI sociological practitioners in the ir clinical work \\ith dienL'i. Both th e ASA and the SPA have e mphasized thar. mcm bers h:IVl' a responsibility to monitor nu! on ly their own behavior hut also that of othtf sociologists. On the surface, the basic prin ci ples of the ASA'i f:ode of Elhic.~ probably secm quite dcar-<:ut. h mal'

    46
    I'A.HT ONE' 11ft: .iOCJOI.OCICAI I'l-JI.';I't;f."flW, '

    PRESERVING CONFlDENTW..ITY - ONE SOCIOLOGISTS VIEW

    In hd book Doomsday Cult, $oriolrr f;lll.fnJm l..oflolld (J 977:xi) Il/wlyuJ lb. "fm' five )'ea'~ hI Amen'm
    C 19!9-19(4) of an ob.lcuYr md,oflh~ ,l'Ii,,01I that Wt!111 011 to buOI/U!

    ,,.,.u

    I'Q/WIIIIlIy IUIII ;',Iml(/(io/IIII/y jalflmu

    197()s. fir a:/,illills (1/lI1 IlJis I'!J.IJ. "JUdl h~ "Jm 10 fU' /liP "Diu;'" 1'r'rrf'lJ, /.11' "D.Ps, is /J!(/ by 11 Korea/! ""''' u'/w omwd ;1' the Vlli/ed Slutp.s ," 1971. /.ojlOIlJ add5 Ih(1I If)' the 197111, IM OPs luul /ltcome whlt'f:,' "fl,W/ fl.I (I "pmu",flll alilf mjm1Q11S S~ (TnI Jq,.,.,. that had (0 IN rorll1lf'rrd. ~ .\fllll,f ,tadl'r.i of Doomsday Cult 1>tI/l"IM 1/1111 Ihe DP.~ wryI'. in fact. /lnm'lld SlIn MyulIg MQlm:1 UnifimII"~ rlwrrh (w Cha/J/1!f 14). N(Jl,'('[JIT. al'l1 Win of OOsf!t'valillll /"I'Sfflrrh,
    III ,'''

    joJII/ /..oj1mlll,

    United StalCs go\'enlment, I would SlOp them , and use personally idclllifi ed il1fo l"l11;ltiol1 on Illcmbers to do so. That is, <I plura listic a nd mo re or \cM free society is o nc ind ispensable conditio n of [lmc ticing sociology itself. I would nOI stand by and allow them 10 destroy Illy discipline (which Ih ey \\'ould do ifl.ht'y could ) and the society lhal makes tha t discipline pos~i hlc . In Ill}' judgmelll, they do not now 1101' arc thc)' ever likely 10 pose such it lhl'Cill,
    tf)' to

    1.~p'l1Id
    /",,1fU,V'

    rtfiWtI 10 Im!al/. hi.! iuilial

    If(j/ Nllllfll$

    of m'mlymilJ 11/1// ff'11{!1I1 tll,. of /J~ Dl's a '11/ filii,. (I'(IIIIT. ,~II'" (/111,1/ th, book. /"ujlmlll (1977:
    UJ-H6) txjJ/nins why hI! mainlflillnl

    ,ilt! palllion:
    FiI'5(,

    I continuc to haw ,I per-

    ..nn.tJ ,\Od pli vatc o blig:ll ioll to the

    membcrs 1\-11h who m I ~ pcnr many nJtlUdt!. I am determ ined lhlll they "Ill not sulTer infamy on my a crrmnt, despite the fact that somc tl.l\~ ilcluC'o'cd infamy by Iheir' own .rtUU!l$, &:(O nd, I am a sociologist r"rher than an inv(."Sti!f<llivc jourtUbSl , , . mucknrkc r or o ther nmnJisr. ... '-oc:iQ\QbtisLS must agree to pro1nl Iht' people they stud y in ex'

    change for perm ission to be privy 10 the secrcts of~ocial org;:ulililtion and social life, [ made such an agreemcnt with the group reponed in l.his book, and althoug h the fame of the group now ma kes il diffi cult 1 cOlltinue th i:, protcction, I must 0 11)'. AnYlhiug less e ndangcrs thc f\llUre nf ~ociol nb'Y itself, lhrcal~'n in g 10 bring il into cvtOn more disrepu le by giving credence 1 the charge 0 that ,',(It.:io[ogisls arc mcrcl}' onc more breed of Illut.:kraker, whistleblower. undcrco\'e r agent. police spy. o r worse, ... lllc pu~ilion 1 olTcrabo\'c is nOl, of course, absolUlC. . There are a few circumslances in whic h I wou ld not f,'I"a rH or COIltilluC lhe protections of anollYlllity. A prime OilC is if I belie\'ed th ~lr the Ill's serio usl)' threar.e n(.'(l the pluralis m or I\mcrican society, that the}' had a ll}' SC I;OUS chancc of taking (H'cr the

    Tllm- iJ (111 HI/Cleslillg 1!05til~riPtlO this 11(1)'. J)e.lfJilf /..ojlrwd's firm 'if(JIu tQ !,mltel tilt 1III0llymiry of lIu Dl's
    rllJd tludr Il'fIda, 1I 1,1(15 (OlllllU)II/),
    (I~-

    510111:(/-(11111 t:Un1 jltlfly a.lSl'I1tt/ ill prilll 11)' (lilt,.,. 5dlolars-llwl Il,,, J)!'f I/""-f lIuiml l\'lOOIl:r UllijiCIJ/iQII dllll'dl. By Ihe tllrly 1980s uiflmui (1985:

    120- 121) filln//)' colleluded tlwl "Ihl'


    'sfcYfl' had b.;COlllt ab~lmiry obvi(JI/li, 50 o/JviO(H iJlIlI wlltillUillg lilt 'WIN:T '
    5~l'ml'tl

    l)lJilltlf-$.I," Cmwqllf1aly, ill J983. Ill' IjJllI~d the presidellt ()f lire

    U"i'ttl Slall'( brandl of Iltl' UI/pml/o"


    dWl'd, to mlctl..ll' him jrol1l his J962
    agrt'f'IIlI'1l1 ",illt clluT ufficia6. Tlu:1 rf.ch qllfst wa.( !rImlled. bl.ll il !J!(1lJ agretfl Ihal ollly Ill" (Ilg(lIIiurtiml alld its fmllldfTlIIflllld /)f /jIJIIII!d /Jy LoJlaml, /-/, rUIl/IllIlt5 to ImJ/I'(/II,1' it/flllilia 'if Ill" 1'11/1 IIIl'1nlN'I'~ 11'110111 ht 1111'1 tllfring Ms J(II/5 of mm'YlJaliOlI rt5l't1rrh ($a (IWJ If.

    Ali/rluli, 1993).

    47
    r:flAl"nH:1
    Mt :IHrJl),~

    Of SOCIOU)(:I(;Al. llt;,uIClI

    be difficllh to imagine how they could Icad to ,my disagreement 0 1' controversy. f-IO\\'c\'t: r , mally deliclle ct..hical qucstions cannot ~ ~'ol,"'Cd 15imply rn' rcading the six points above. For cXlllnplt. should <& sociologist cng:lged in panicipalll-oh!>Crv.uion research (/1l/JaJ~ prou:ctlhe cOllfidenti.lli,)' of .. ubjects? What irthc l5l1 l~CCLS are me m he~ ofa rtligiolls CUll ;.lIcged ly CI1G;lgcd in une th ical a nd pus,ihly ilIcb",1 activit ies? In Uox 2-2, "'e considrr th is se nsitive issue by cxa mining the views of' .. soc i olo~isl wh o studied a highl)' controversial religious group (sec all50 S. lI eller. 1987: Shupe and Bromky. 1980 ). While sociologists and other Khol.11'S m;,) regard all inlormation provided b) intcl'\iew su bjccts as confidcntial. couns do not ah''a),5 uphold this p0sition. In May 1993. Rik Scarce. a doctor.!1 candidate in sociology at Washington SIOIIt Ulli\'ersiIY. ....'as j;liled for contcmpt of COllrl. Scarce Imd declined 10 tell :1 federd l grand jury ",'hOlI Ill' knewor even whe th er he knt'w :lnY1.hing - :abOlIl :1 1991 mid OIL a u niversity rcsearch lahnt~\ltJr)' hy animal rights activists. At the Limc. Scarce: was ulIldllcling research for a book :thalli c lwironmcllta l l) )"Otc:SlOrs and knf'w a l least onc suspect in Ihe hre"Io.-in. Curiously, although c has tised In' a rcdcral judge. Scarce won I"CSpt.'C1 f'rom fellow I)lison inmates who regarded him as a man who ""uulcln 't !>nitch (Monaghan, 1993:A8). In press illlCrviews, ScU'cc s [.IIt,cI tll ... h e relt bollnd by th e j\SA's code of clllic5. which ~ays thal sch o lars II1USt main tain confidcll liality even when th e inlu nlla tio n ilwoh'c d clUoys IIU leg1 ]lIntel" tion. III Scarce', ( 1993:38) \icw:
    Promismg confidentiality b [1 norm III SOfial-sde:ncl:' 1(" researc h, .. . Whcll journali~u "lid 'IoC:hol;u'!lo can 110 longer offer confidemialit} 10 lht'ir 'ltlUrcc' in gocxl rahh -and Ih(" ",lings in Ill}' CASe ,lIId !It-hen; mdke it clear that the}' cannot-then ~il:'t) \Unl'n, fllr Ihe roundation or modem .social-M:icnce rl'M:an. h, :lIld a c:rlldal lool III reporc:lgc, is irrq:);Il1luh IIl1tll-nnillcd. T h c Am erican Socio logical ASl>Oc:iatinn Sllppol'tcd hi ~ \(lIIenc(:. Ultimatcly, Scllrcc maintaine d his silcllce. the judge nllcd that nothing ....ould be g'dincd by furtJler incarc~ration, and Scarce was relcased aftt'r serving 159 days in jail.

    ~...~n~4.!~~..~L~~~!!..~.~.~!!9..~~.~j.~~_
    Most sociolOf:,ricl1 research uses proP" as SOllrtM \4 infol1n:uioll-.1S R"SJ>OndclILS to sun'c)' qUelilior~ l>3rticip.lllt.<. in cxpcrimclllS, or ~1I1~cC IS of ob!n. \~uioll. In :11\ GL\CS, socio logi,", need to bc crltlin that Ihey:lre nOt im"<lding th e pri\':IC) or their 5U~ j e(Lo;, (;('Iler.l llv, this is h,lI1d1c:cI by :t!o~IU;ng IheM 111\1)I\'e<l nr ;lIlull)'lll it)' :md by gllar;ln tl'cing that persunal information discluscd will re main c()nn denti.ll . Il ow{'vcr, a swdy hy L:llIci I I 1Irnphre't~ r;:liscd important qut:stions abolLt llll.' extent tn "hich S(')Ciologis15 could thre,llell peoplc's rightt" pri\>;tC'l'
    T~aroom

    Trade Sociologisl La ud Ilumphrt'1' (1970;1. 1970b. 1975 ) puhlished a pionec ring and (11 1111\1\'('1'51.11 sllldy of ho moscxllal he havior in which h e rlt.''<oCribcd th e colsllal hnmOS{')l.ual enCOII[lIl'rS bc:lwten 11lalc ~ IIl ct' linK in public rt.'Sl rO(Jm~ in pa rks. Such re~lromns .Ire so mctimt~ calle d Immmll.\ hy homosexual mell. As o lle COlL~ C']lIellLe of Ihi!> IJro\,OCHi\'l' rClIc.lrch, I he ch.UlcellOf of the ulli\'t'rsily \,here I hlllll}h rl1~ W.IS em l)l~ tcnnin,lIt'ci hi!> rcscarch grant .lIId tc..c hing elM"
    U'aCl ,

    III ordel'

    tu ~Iud)

    the

    lif~t~k

    uf ItCllllOsc:':xuai

    millt'.. in 1(':II'OOlIlS, HlIlllphl l')'s .\(' tl'd :1$ a paniri-

    Scarcc's position as he appealed

    pallt obst'ncl by senr\ng as ,\ - h)(,knlll .~ III:tming pat1'011~ wht,1t police 01' otlll'r ~ tl':1ngNs :Jp' IlI'oaciJ cd. Whi le h e was prim:ui l)' in tercsted in tht behaviol of lllc-.e men, 1-1 tllll ll ltl")," ,11-.0 wOIntee! III lelll'l1 1I10rl' ,Ibout who they .... e rt' ami why thcy tOO~ such I;Sk.,. Vct ha ..... could he- obt.tin slIc h infornut ill1l? SecrcC) a nd silencc wCI-e l.h(' norm" of 'hit scxu.. 1 <.'nvironl1lcnL NOllc (Jf the /lIcn under Sl~ klllV.' of Ilumphrc}"5's idcntilY, and thc), \\'ould nOt ha\'c consent(" to ~tandaJ'd MKiologicl l inlc ....;~" As a r('sult, I lumplll't}"i decided on .1 research techniquc tha t some social sde llli ~1S I.lIel 5o'!w as il violalion u ! p rofessional ethics. Il c rt:cor<lcd the I~ ccnse plate lHunbe rs of' lel.l!OQtl! patrOlls, wai ted a )<.'M , (' h1 1111-:('d his <tppt:araIlCl', ami then ill1cl' \'iewed them in their hOllle.. , Tht, il1tl'n'\cws .....er(' condllcwd as pan or a la rgel ~ III'\'(')" bllt thl did ')' provide information that 1 -lulI1pI1l c)"1I fdt .......15 IItt c.~ln' ror hi~ .....o rk. While f-IlImphrc~'i's ~ubjts conscnll'd In be inlcn;cw('cI, Ihf'i l agrecment rei

    48
    I'tNI 0'" nl~ SOCJOI11('J('AI 1'f.R. J'ftTII1 \

    ul iriff)17IU,!(/ conSCllL, since they ',"CI'C u ml\'~ l rc IIIf [rue purpose o f the st.ud),. \hhough the researc h e r recognized c::ach o f the mell imcrvie\'led from his observations in lhe rcs t~ I ...um\,lhel'c was no in dication tha t they recognized him, lIumphreys learned thal mOSI o f his subj eclS
    ~~

    ~hon

    gethcr), a nd none were child ren (sce alsoJ Grny,

    1It'I'C ill lhcir middlc th irties a nd ma rried . T hey had our ,1~'fragc of t\'lO c hildre n and te nded 10 have a l ki)1some years of college educa tio n. Fa mi Iy rnelllbcr.o; appeared to be IIn:m'are or the Illt;:n 's \rjs i L~ 1 0 "....k ~ t rooms fo r cas u ~1 ho mosexual e ncoun lCrs. h't'TI before lhe publi c Olllcl)' over his resea rc h ht,!(JI1, Humph rcys ( I970b: 167-173, 1 97~: 175-232) .. ,l.~ ;I\',';\rc of the e th ical questions that his study "unlel raise, He exen ed great care in main winillg tll~ f(lI1fidentia lity of his subject.'!. T heir real idc nrint"lll'crc recorded only o n a master list ke pt in a \.tk-deposit box. T hl:' list ' ' '.15 deslmycd by IImnphrq'S afte r the researc h " ", IS conducted. for wcial sciem ists. the ethical proble m in th is rcr.t:4fch was 1I0 t HUlll phrcys's choice of subjeCl ftWtl'r. but rather lhe deception inl'uhed. Pau'ons ult/!I:' t~a roo m were no t aware of I-Iulllph rcys's pllrpt)"'"~ ,lIld were fl.ln hcl' misled abOllt Ihe real rca~1Il) rur the househo ld illlcrvicws. Howeve r. in lhe Tt''f;u'Cher'll judgmen t, I he valllc of h i:. stu d), ju~ t i lird the questio n able means bwohed. HUlllphrc}'l> hdl{'\(:d that, \\'ithotlt the fu llow-u p in tcr\'iew~ , we \I'llltld know liuJe about the kincL~ of i11 en wllu engage in tearoom sex and wo u ld be left with false IltrCOI),pes. In addition. Humphrc),s believed tha t by de...:tibing such sexual in te rac ti o n s accll r.:ltely, he "Quid be able to dispel the myth tha t ch ild mQlcsL1tion is a freq ue nt p ractice in restroo ms. O ne unintended conseque nce of the research was tha t 11 h:'l:! bee n in creasingly cited hy a tto rneys see ki ng ilcquittal for cliellls a rresled in public b:lIJlI'oo m ~. "'~ lawyers have used the study [0 establish Ih:1I 'Ill h heh:lI'ior is no t llll llslIa\ a nd typically involves rnll.ellting adu lls. A rece nl SUlcly or Gmadia ll poli'i' u.:cords by sociologist Frederid: Dcsroches (1000) supports J-Iu m phrc}'s's earlier nn d illg.~ rcl(:Iuling tearoom sex. The m.yo rity o f Ca nadian pJrtidpants \\'C I'C married . and many of th e m h"d children. or 190 males studied wh o \\'ere involved in such sexual activi ties. on ly three \,'cre teenagers U\\oofwhom lI'ere part ici pating intearoolll SCl( 10-

    199 1). Do these gains in o ur k. n o \\'lcd ge a nd understanding offset Humph reys's actions of e ncroaching o n people's p riva te Ji ves and dcet:.ivi n g the m d u ri n g in lClVit.lI's? Essem ially, in re fl cCling 0 11 \he ' study, lI'e are Icft with a conflict be twee n the right to know and the right to pl;vaC 111e re is no casy }'. rcsoll1lion to this clash of p ri n ciples, Yet we can certa inl yask tha t sociologists be full )' awa re of the clh ica! implica tions o f a ny such rcscMch tecll1li(llIes. Accident or Suicide? A simi lar e thical issuc-wi th th e right to know posed abF.linst tile riglll to pri vacy-beaune a ppa re lll in researc h o n a tllo mobile accidents in whic h fa tali ties occur. Sociologist Wil li ::un Ze lln cr ( 1978) wished to lea rn if ra tal car c[';!Shes a re som e times suicides t ha t hil \'~ been disg u ised as accide n ts in o rde r to pl'otcet ramily ;lIld friends (a nd perhaps to co ll ect OI he rwise lI nn:deemable insll nl1l ce ben e fi ts) . T h ese acts of ~ a mo cidc arc by Ililtu re co\'e n . c\'cn morc so t,han the sexual behavio r of I-I um phre)'li's s u bjects. In h is erforts to assess the freq uency of such suicides, Zcll ner sought La i1llcrview the frie nds, coworkers, and fmui ly members of the deceased . H e hoped to obtain infon mu1011 tha t would allow him 10 ascerlain whether the deaths were acc idental or purposefu l. People approac hed fo r interviews were told that Zcllner's goal was 10 contribute to a reduction of future accidents. For this reason (as the), were fa lse I)' info rmed ). Zelllle r wished to learn abou t thl:' emotio nal c haraclerisl its of accidellt victims. No men tion wa~ m;tdc ofl hc illt en~ewer's suspicions o f at1l.ocide. ali I of fe ar Ihat potcnt ial respondc ll ts would refuse t.c) meet wi lh him. Zcll ne r ('l'ctHua lly concluded th at a l least 12 perce nl of all fa ta l singlc-(JcCt lPil ll l cras hes are sll icides. T h is informa tio n could be valuable for society, particularly since some of Ihe pro bable suicides aelll a lly ki ll ed or crit.ica lly inju red innocent bys tande rs in lite proC t~ SS ofta kin~ their own lives. Yct the CU1ical questions still must be faced. Was Zell ncr's I'C$C,u'c h lllle thical because he m isre presen ted ule motives of his sludy a nd fa iled to o btain sll l~ecLS' informed cQnSI.,;Il1? 0 .. W:L~ h is deception j ustified b)' the soci .. l l'lllut! of his findings? As iu the study o f tea rOOI11 trade. Ihe a nswers lwe
    ri

    49
    C.J/AV/Nf:! ' .urn/Oil. r'II'SOt /0/ or./{.. Il_ //f~'iI':MI(.U '

    Arr .\("'" IIHJI"I' Ij,ll(IlIi,. rn . mf{lr{ oauplllll alllOJllobIk Ct{j.\hl':5 flrlUnl1J \IIjnrln~ D,u, wrialogical ~/mlJ of /KnQbiI' "CWJondl'l, whirh mtlid
    ;'rll'TI'.sling t!llrimlqrm,-lion.r MIlrt'miMt t/ll' riglrt 10 Imow (md Ilrl' righ/to ,lriII(1(1. r(",rlmll'lllhat /1/ {m{1 12 /II'T'I'''I of Jrlt/r arridl'''I1J/(III'U havt ill (arl rom'ml/i'd srl/rI/iI'.

    nOI immediatc.Jy " pparent. Like 1 ulllphny:.. Zcll l Iler appe:tred to havc admirabk llIotive'! and look greal carc in p ro ll"cling conficltmialiIY. Name)' of suspected s lli dde~ were nOI revealed to imu t":l nce companie~. though Zell ncr did recom mend that me inliur:mce indusu\' drop dOllble inrlcmni t} (paymen l orn.ice thl' per.lnn s benefits in Ihe tVPn! orilccidcnt.'11 deat h) in lh(' rutllt"c. Zellner's Mud ), rai"ld :lI1 add itional et hieal i ...~ue: the possibi lilY of harm 10 thow who were imcr\iewed. SubjeclS were asked H the den.'Olsecl had ~ ta lk ed about suicide" aori ir they had ~pokell or how "bad o r uselc'Ss" ther \,'cre, Cou ld th ese questions have led people to gucS$ Ill(' true intc""llI.iom of the researcher? PCl"hap)', hUI according to Zellner, none orthe inlonmtnts voiced snch suspi cio ns. More seriously. mi ~ht the st.udy ha\'t" eau "I'd the be Ic,wcd la sttspecl suicide-whc'; Il be fore the Mlrvc)' me)' had accepted the d(:!:Hh~ as ,tcddenl:tl? Ag-.. in. wc ha\'C no e vidence 10 sugge~t this. but wc cannot be surc. Given om un ccrt .. inty "00111 Ihi" laSI qut'stinn. wa.<; Ihe re'ie:lrch justified? Was 7..cll ncI I:ll:ing toO large (I risk in asking the rricmls and ramiliC'S of th e deceased \'icti ms if they had spo ke n or suicidc he-fore their dealh? DOt,S the light to knnw o ut weigh lhe righl tQ pli\''iu:)' ill Ihis Iypt of ~illl:llion? And who has the tight to m:tkc Sllch:l judgment? In pmc--

    lice. as in ZclIncl"'S slUd)" it is Ihe r~rrller. nouhc . subjccts or inquiry, who makes the critic...1 et.itKll deci~ions . -n lel'ciore, sociologists and o eht'r iOl'otig-.uors bear the responsibilit), ro r establishing dear and :,ensiti\'c boundarics for cthiClI scielllific in\cSligalion.

    .~ ~~~.~~.i.~r.~.~ .. ~.? ~.~.~~~.~..~.. ~~~.~.~.~~.~~......__ ..


    The e th ical considenltions or sociologists lic
    noI

    o nly in Ihe me t.hods lISt--d, but in the wa), that rt' suhs ;! re in lcrpretc<.i. ~1 :u; Webc r ( 1949; 1-49, original edilion t9(4 ) recogn ize<.i llmt sociologi.~. wou ld be influenced by thcir own personal \';l.IUb in selecting questions rO I rcseal"<:h. in his vic\\', thod l"'-dS perfectly acceptable. but under no cond ition! could a rc<;c:ll'chc r alia ....' his 01' he r pe rsonal fl'tlings to in flu e nce the interprel:.Ilio n or data. In Weber"s phr-dSc. sociologists must practice 1J(J/u t II e lltral i ty in their research. As parr o f lhis ncmraHl),. invest.igators hnl'e ,m ('IIlieal obligation lO accept research findings I!VtII when the data ru n cou nter to their own persoRa/ viel"s, to lhL'OrcliC'.uI), basL"d c)(planations, or I( ",idd y :u:ccpu:.-d bc lic rs. Ourkhcim counte red IXlp ttlar conceptions when he n'pon ed that sociJl (1<111u. r Umn supernatural) forces were an impor " tan I raclor in suicide. Similarl),. Humphrcys chaJ.

    50
    j'Mrrow ,

    rm

    'II)("JOI.(~/CM

    '.,.:H.v'tx;r/\1'

    ShQWII II

    fI

    hmm"l'.ll UlfmWIl who (1111'1

    /11

    Cilia/go,

    Sociol(){l;l$(

    P,," ROllI

    1I!fi$

    flllllriu!tf b)' (hi C.hj((lJ,'o Coolillflll (hi Hfillu:inJ f()f (lfHrf/w.nng lis rfforn fit
    If/rm/

    /w

    rr/arm

    /JI'(I/IIJI

    /';$ rrll'f/lIlly

    l'N#'urrhl:ll f'..Ili,rwlr I>/Ih, rily \ '''m~/I'$1 IHJf",ltllioll UVI$ Jar bt/ow l/utl offm'd (11..,111 lllt/~ finn IlonllllnllnriQII) ", IIu(oo/llion ,

    I!'n~t'd Imditional ~u~piciuns \\'hcn he found that IN't' 11f tt!arOOlll~ W('t e not preying 011 adolcsccnl~ "r munger boY!, ~,ml' ~io l ogi~ts hclic\"e that il is impossible roJ' ",hulill'" to preve n t their personal \"::lllles fl'orn inlluI'IH'ing their wnrk, ,\1; a result, \Vc bc (s call ror a \",IIudr sociology has beell CI;licil.t'd b\ ma'lYad\!~,IU'~ of !.he (OnOiCI pcrspccti\l'-amollg them \lmJn American and femilll ..t schu lars-on the ~wlI!lds that it leads the publ ic 10 accept socinlngiral rlmdusions wil hout exploring the bia.~e .. of the U''>!',U( her<;, Furthermore, Al"in GOllldncl' ( 1970: I N- ~-W ) has suggesle d . ag<'in dr.n,~ n g on UIl' COIlnkl prrspeclivc, that wcio l ogiSl~ m ar liSt" o~jcc ti \'1~;Il.!..'k\credjt1stilication for remaining UllC1itica l "I tXi~ling instiwtions and cel l ters or power, These olI'J,:'lntt'IlIS arc attacks not so much on Weber hil1l\('11 0\' on how his goals have bc('n incon'Cctlv illtl'rrllctcd. A!; we h,1\'e $Cen . Weber was quile cll'<lr thot! '<O{iologists Illay brillg va lues to uleir su l~eC: l IIldUer, In his view, however, ! Il ey lUllS not c:ollfi l ~e ! Ilwlf own Vi.llucs with the social r('alit" under ~ULdy Ifkmth:, 1968:49:1) . rt,ltl Rossi ( 1987:73) admit'> that '" in my proles,runJI work as a s(JCiologist, my libcml incli na tions h~n' led me to UndCrlllke 'l pplied social researc h JIIlhc: hope tha t , , , my researc h might contribute ultht' J:cnerallioc l'a lllim orsoc ial rciorm", Yet,
    ,H

    in line with Webe r's view ofv:lluc l1l~ utralily , Rossi's commit ment to rigorous research Inethods and objCCli\'c interpretation u rda ta has sometimes led him i to controversial findings not n{:cess.'1.1 ly supportive 0 1 hi~ uwn libe l'a l values, For exa mple. when Rossi and a team of r'esearc hers Glrcrlllly attempted to mea"u re tire exte nt o f homelessness in Ch icago in the mid- 1980s, they anived al estimat es of the cit"'~ homeless population far belml' those o rrered ( .....ith Hlrl e fir'lll docu mc nt.ation ) hy rh e Ch icago Coa lition fort.he l-I o me1c ..s. As a result , Rossi was hitt e rl), atLackf'd hy coalition member..; for hampering social I'cfonn crrorts by minimi7ing the exte nt o f homcie.".sness. Having been throug h similar controversies before, Rossi ( 1987:79) concludes that "in rhe short term, good social resenrrh will oftcn be greeted as a bct l'<lyal or Olle or anothe r side rn a parliculru' conu'O\,crsy." But he insist.s tha t such applied research is exciting to do and can make imponant long-term comdbutiolls lO o ur understa nd ing of roeial problems, Even the decision La conduct a study can spark partisan de ba te. In 199 1. a challe nge t,o a m~or rt'search eO n W11"; pm'tially fo ug ht o fT after the seco relat)' of Health and Human Scrvkes ,mIlOllo{'l,:d t.hat he was C<lJlcciing fu nding for;l fivt."-yeal', S 18 milli o n national SLL IVCy oft.ccnage life in t.he Unilcd Stales. TIlt: sLllvey h.ld strong backing (rom Ihe N;l-

    51

    tional 111!ilitutc...~ of Ilcalth. lUll conse rvatives were troubled by the inclusion uf questions on sexual behavior and prC!SSlII'cd thc Bush administr.ilion to kill the study. Imellsc de~LC lollowed, ill which supporters of the research spoke ohhe need to beller umlcrst:md beha\'ior in light or the prevale nce of teenage pregnancy ami sexually tr.msmiued diseases (includi ng AIDS) . Eventually, researchers scaled down the sample size :md slIccdSfully obtained pri'~d.te funding ror the study. The~ developments undl'rscored the ract U1al studying social beh.nior call generate serious con1.rO\crsy (COSSA, 1991 ; Lyon, 1992) . As this example illustrates, the issue orvalue neutrality becomes especially delicate when o ne considers the relatio nship o f sociolo,",,,, to gO\'Crnmclll. Indeed , in the Uuited Sl.mes. the fedeml government has become the major sourc.! or funding ror sociolugical rc)!e;'lrrh. Yet Max Webe r urged tha t s()o dolog}' r(!main an alllOll011l0U S discipline and llot becol11e unduly inlhtelH'ed by allY 0111: segment or society. According to his ideal of \" .duc nelltmlity. sociologists 1lI11 ~ t remain " 'cc to rcvcal infOlmation thal is e mb., rrassing 1.0 g()\t:rrtnU'nt or. for lhat 111:11tcr, is supporti,c of go\,crnmcllI imtitut ions (L. Coser. 1977:2 19-222: Cnllldncl" 19('12) . Thus, re-

    searchers ilwcstigathtg a pdso n riOl must be I'm 10 cXilminc objectively not only tile beha\'ior ofinmates but ,,1 the conduct or prison officials be$0 fore and during the umbrcak. This may be mm diOicult il sociologists fC:lr that findings critical j~ go\,cnunclltal institulions will jeop;treli:te Lht'l'l c hancC5 or obtaining redcl,.1 support ror n~ R' st.'arch projects. Although the Amcric.:llt Sociological lion's UNk of Etllla cxpt."Cts sociologists to disckaalt funding sources, the code does nOl address Ihr issue of ....,hethcr sociologists ..... ho .Iccep' rl1nd~ from a particular agency Illa) also accept their ptt. specl.h'e on what needs 10 be swdied. L.ewis Costr ( 1956:27) has argued tlmt ..IS sociologists in t/l{ United St:ltes h""e increasingly turne d rrom bN' sociologic' l! research to applied rescarch fOl' po Cf'Illllent agcncil.'1I and t he pri\~llc .\oectQr. "they haIr relil1quis hed to a large exte nt Ih e rreedom III (hoose their OWll problems, substilll1ing the pro!.. !ems oftltcir clienls It)!' thus!.: which might ha"e l!~ tcrested l.hem 011 pUl'ely 1I1cl)l'etical grounds,' Viewed inlhis light . the importanct' orgo\'crmm:nl funding for sociological sluciic-s mise" IroublinK <luClitions 1'01' those who cllt'ri~h We ber's ideal (j value I1clltr.tlil\ in rc~arch .

    WRITING A LIBRARY RESEARCH REPORT

    order to wrile;t reM!al'ch rcport. students must rol1ow pI'OC~durc..fi ~ ill1ilar 10 those lIsed bv sociolQo gislS in conduct.jng o rigi nal research. Once a topic has been selectcd, you II1l1.'o t define the problems that yOIl ....ish to slIIdy. A Ic\'iew or tht' !itCnllllre will gencmlly re<luit e library nscal'ch . Where can yO ll linrl inlurm:llion? The following stcps l.,.ill be hel pl'lll : Check lhis texlb(lok :md other textbooks umt YOII own. 110 uul IOI)l'l't to bt.'gin with the materials closest al. hand. 2 Use IJIl' libml)' cntalog. Many lilmuies have a lX1l1dOllcd (fml l':ltalog~ and no" u;;(' computerized ~)'steIllS which ;leCe","" not o nly the college 11br.trr's collcct ;1)I1 hilt .. Iso hooks and maf.,oazines

    In

    from othcr libmrie~ "hich can be secured t.hrougll illterlibrary loa ns. These !I)'s tcms a llow)ou tosearth ror books by amhol or litlt::. Title searches CclIl be used la 1 {)CI!t, booh by subject as well. For cx.a1Jto pie, ir you search the litle U;LiC for tht: ke}'""Ord M Mhomclcss. you will leam where books with that word somewhel'c in the litlc :lrc lucated in the 6 b/';;,I ry's hook ~tads . NE'ar lIlt'SI' books \\'ill he other works 011 hmnclc,sllcsS whirh rtl:,y 1101 happen to h:l\'c that word in the titit' . 3 l..uc'ate IIscn d articles lhat havc "ppcared in pcliodicals. Three rcsearch guide~ fo und in mostlihr.tries will be c~pccia ll )' ",ll.Iable. The Ilbidd't Gllid,. IQ PmIHilrnl Ulmllll" indexes mall)' popular lIlaga1i ncs. illdudin~ Nnl/SlLri, l~boIJ), and the Nr.u Refrllbllc. The S()(,IIII SIlf'1J(('$ /1I(11';r li ~L~ ~Irlicles in pro-

    52

    "ion1l1 joumals such as the AlIlI!1irtm SonoWgirtll Iltvitll'. the tlmmrull jOlIF'T1fI1 oJ Sorifii()gy, and SociI/I Prnbkms. A third index. entitlt:d SixiologimlAbstmcb, bsh articles from appro priate journals and also pro\1des brief summa lies, 4 Im'(!Sligatc lIsing compllterized periodical in d~es ifavailablc in rOllr Iibr.try, Sociofilc cO\'ers all material in Soriologimf Abstmcts since 1974, alo ng ~lh material from o lher periodicals. Expanded .l.radcmic Index CO\'l'l1i genemlintcrcsl pcliodicals l1i.." Ms., Nll tiotlaI Un';tlll. Atlatltir Motlthly, and so r"nh) for the mosl rcr.clll four yeaN: il also indexes ~ Nnl/ )'OI'k Timl'\ lor UIC,~ I:LSt six months. These rkctronic S):stcms lI1a)' Ix! connected 10 a printer, thereby "Uowing rOil 10 produce yOllr own plinlOut romplNc ....ith hibliugr.lphir infommlion and SOIllt.... tim('$ (:"en abstrdcL~ of lIrtides. ~ Consult the E"l)'dofJ~fifl o ,/ll'. Social Sdetlw. f IIhkh conce nt r,lIe" on maurial ofilllerCSI 10 soci:ll 'l(iclltislS. Each :II'tide includt."S refc rellccs for fllrther ini'ormation . S ExiUninc go\'cl'lunclIl d ocumenl.'l. The United ~.Itt$go\'e rnlllenL M:ltes ,tlld citil'.~. :and thc United ~;uion.'l publish infonnalinn 011 virtually c\'ery sub .. jccl of imere!lt 10 <;()Ci scie nce resea rchers, Many .t\ univcrsity libraries ha\'e access [0 a wide t;mge c)f ~"''trnment rc poJ'LS. Con ~ uh lhe librarian for asvstancc in localing such IllOtu!rial$, 7 U"C newsp:ll>crs. Majol' newspape rs publish indt-'IIC' annually or e\'en weekly Ihal are usefu l in 10C'oItJllg infonnalio n aooul "llCcific C\'CI1IS or issues, ~~"1llapcr Abstracl.'l Ondi<;c is a compute rized inliex 10 eight lIl~or nc",'s~IPCrs in the Unil ed States, "'l[h coverage begi nning in 1985. Aik people. orga ni 7ations. and agt'llcics conIt'mtd ....i lh the lopic for info rmal ion and assi.swu:, Bc as specifi c a... pos.db1e in making requcsls, , If ),ou mn into difficulties. cnn... ult the insu'Uctor, tcaching assistant. or libmriitll ,

    Oncc all researc h has been completed , the task o f writing th e rcport can begin. HCl'c arc a fcw tips: Ik sure the to pic you havc c hosen is not loo broad . You must be able tu cover it adequately in a reasonable amollnt of time and a reasonable number of pages, Dcvelop an outline for your l'cl)Ort. Bc sure thal YOll ha\'~ an introd uctio n and :t conclusion thal relate 1 each Olhcr-and lh:lllhe discussion p~ 0 ceeds logic lly throughout thc paper. Use head... ings within Ihe paper if Ih t.'Y will impJ'O\'C c1a rit), and org-dni:t..lttioll , Do 1I01Ic:t\'c all thc writing ullIillhe last minute. It is best to wri le a rough dmf!. I~l it sit fo r a few days, and th c n takc a fresh look before IlCginning rC\1sions. If possible, rC;ld your paper (lfmu!. Doing so may be helpful in 1 0C'.nillg St:clions or phrases tha t do n O l make M: IISC. Rcmember lhat <Ill informat.ioll which you have obtaincd from other sources mw' be cited , If an auIhor's exact words are uscd . it is esse ntial that !.hey be placed in quotation mal'b. Even ifyoll rc \\'orked someone elsc's idca~. you must indicate ule source of these ideas, Some pro fessors may requ ir~ 111:11 studenL5 use footno tes in rescllfch reporL5, Othcrs will allow studcnts to employ the foml of rcferencing used in this textboo k. which follow5the fonnat ohhe Amc r iean Sociological A.\SOCjatio n. If you sce -(Mcrton. 1968:27)- listed afier a state mcnt o r paragraph. it means thal Ihe mate rial has been adaptcd from page 27 ofa wad, published by Mcrton in 1968 and lisled in the re fe re nce sectio n at the back of this tcxtboo k. (Sce a lso Richlin-Klonsky and Strenski. 1994. )

    5)
    r;J l.WI'F 2 ' ).11;.'17/00..0;('11- WClOI 0('.1('44 1 RI-:1iU .Il('JI .N

    UNDERSTANDING TABLES AND GRAPHS


    Di rect Exptnditures p er Student Jor Elementa ry and Secondary Edll calion, J 992

    T ables allow social scientislS la summarize dU 1l1 and make it easier for them to develop conclusions. A croSllabulat io ll is it type of table th:u iIIUSlr.!.les the relationship between two or 1110 re chardcteristics. During 1992, the Gallup organization polled 1004 people in U1C United Stales, ages 18 and ove r , regardi ng the issue of whethe r lhe federal lax burden is d isu'ibllled fai rly. Each responde nt was inlerviel'o'cd and asked: "Do you thin k. that low inco me people a rc paying their fair sha re in federal taxes, are paying too much, or arc payi ng too littler There is no way that. witho ut some type o f SUIllmary, a nalysIS in the Gallup o rg-dn ization could exa mine hund reds of in dividual responses a nd reach film conclusio ns. However, lhro ugh usc of the cros.H.abulation prcselllcd in the accom panying table. we can qu ickly see tha t. t.he more affiuelll (and especial ly people wi th incomes of $50,000 a yeal' a nd over) arc less like ly th a n those in lowerinCf;)lIlC groups to believe lhat lowe r-income people arc payi ng 100 much in taxes. Graphs. like tables, can be q uile usefu l for sociologists. T he accompa nying illustratjo n shows it type of pictorial gr.lph thoU ofte n appears in newspapers a nd mag-dzines. Il doc llmenlS that in 1992 the st.1.te of NewJersey spent more than th ree times as much per stude nt on ele me ntary and seconda ry education as Utah did. However, this gntph relies on a visual misreprese ntation . Th rough use of twO dimellsiolls - Ie ngul a nd width - the gra ph irillalCs the size of Ule expenditure level for Ne ....' J ersey,
    AttIbIdIa OD 0I.Iribud0n 01 Fedeni Tu

    New_

    $10,219

    $3,092

    Pictorial grtlphJ, such as fM on, s/wwJi

    hl"n', can be mukading. 771, monq ~ JOT NroJ Jetv.y o(.(upil!5 aboll/ nine lifws t/~ tlrM on IM IHlp as IM hag fur Utah, IhertbJ gilling rttUkrs a fOUt j"'frrl!5Sio,1 of I"," rolO slam' CtJm/KIrnhtlt kttds offundmg for Muca/Um. IICIUOU;', Nw JI:fll!'J Spt:1uL5 1lIOII'- tlu.!n
    thrtl t;mi!S
    (J$

    /n/l(h fN!r st udenl.

    Ihrdea :;:..~._ _

    LOWINCOME PfOf'I.f
    INCOME Of

    LOWlNCo.v.E PEOf'lE
    ARE PAYING TOO MUCH,

    lOWINCOME

    ARE PAYING THEIR FAIfI SHARE,

    PEOPtf TOO PAYING ""

    'ESI'ONDENT

    ....cENT

    PERCENT

    lIITIf, ""'"'

    $50,000 cnd over $30,000-$49,999 $20,000-$29,999 Under $20,000

    50

    AO
    59 59 6A

    30 26 26

    9 6
    9

    54
    PART ONE ' 711 SOCIOI..oGIO./. I'tIISI'F.CTtve

    iIr&t ,lithe Utah level,

    Allbwgh it should 3ppear about lhree li mes as the New Jcm=y moncy bag IIdDaUv "ppears about nine limes as large. Thus, lilt graph misleads read ers al>otll the compar':luve tpending levels or the twO slrltes. Thilrxample u ndersco res the racl t.hat tables and pIPIts ('.all be easily m isunderstood and can even

    he deceptivc, Ir yo u :uc readi ng a table, be sure lO stud y carcruUy the title. the labels ro r V''dIiablcs, .md any footnotes . If you arc examinin g a pictorial graph , ch eck lO scc if the visual representations seem to re fl ect accurate ly the statistics being itlustr'aled ( H u n', 1954:69; Lcw:lndo wsky a nd Spence,

    1990).

    IL~IM .................. ....................... ......... ........... ................. .


    at~ comrnillcd to the u~c of the scicmific IIrIhrd lA thdr research e fforl!i . 111 ulis chapter. we exthl' lwic principlC$ of the sciclIlific method and _ . . Wl(JUS lechniquCl uscd by sociologisL~ in con-

    JoaoIoiqs

    ~~rch .

    I Then .lft! fiv~ bdsir 5lC p~ in the lcir ntijic mrth fJd: the problem. relliewiug Llae literalUl'~. 1 01111ubIItIa the hnXlthesis. selectin g the rc~arch d esigu and .... tIllkt:lmg and analYli l1g data. and developing the
    tlt&u.D~
    QlDllulu'l!t.

    t ~lwllt\'l:r J'CK'3J'chel'll "1sh W sllIdy ai)5tr.act COil ' . . "Kit as intelhgencc or prejudice:. they must (h" wilpwrLablc opllrotionol dsfi"i tiomr, I """olhflsis usually S.:HCS a possible rel:n.iol1~hip IIftwtI1IWO or more ...ari abl('~ .

    t Ih

    U5ULI!:

    ....

    "1\1~d

    5pt:dalizccl sampli ng LCchn iques. sociol{)o the nccessity of IC,~ting cYcf)'onc in a IXlpula

    Accm-ding lU the scien tific method, th e concltlsioll of researc h study Icnniuales :l specific phase of UJC inVe5tiffouion. but s.hou ld 11150 gener.ue id(:as for future study. With tllis in mi nd . how would YOll e.x1 );U1d on ShafOn Collins's stud y of Afric',l.n American exct:ttu\'etl to con ti llue re!M!:arching the isslles ~hc rAises? 2 Suppo~t th:.t your wciology illlilnlctor has asked }'Ou 10 (to a ! tlIdy of homelessness ill th e area where yn \ll' co l lege is IOX:I.ed , Which research rechn i(ltlc (surw}'li. ob.sc 1'\':lli()II~ . expe riments. use of exislin,lo: sourcc!) would you find mOSt tl.'; eful in studying ho mdC'\.~nCS!.? Hm. would }'O\' I"~ Ih<.l t t('(:hn iejlll;. In complete )'fIIlr assignment? :$ C:m :t suciologist genui nely maintain value ncutrnlity while studying:. group that he or ~hl:' til ld~ repuj(1I3111 (for clwmpic. fl White stlprCnmcisl oI'Klmi7.:uinll . a 5..1tauic cult , (lr :t 1ol1'OUP of p riso n iU1TI <ltCS f(uwincd of mpe )?
    it

    .'WO

    1 AHooling to the scientific method, researc h rcsul L~ _P'1Ik)5 bmh validl'ty :lIId rllliability. Tht two prillcipal fonns of sflrvllY r~ca l'ch arc the idmoihlla.to th e ql4l:$lio ullaire. 1 l.lt'Vo , j"" allows sociologists to stud y ccrmin be
    ~nd corn m un i ti~

    Jq;:Y.::rI':BM~

    .........................................................................

    that ca nnOl be irt YcstiJ.,"ll trd

    ~ other research

    mClhods.

    ""hl'D AOdologiSL~ wish to stud )' a cause--.md-cffect 1'1: -

    IMiotuIIIP, the), may conduct a n uperimrn',


    In ~T"mining c ultu ral. econo mic. and political floc(,uc h as nc"'Spapcrs, songs, and folk"", )'$). n: IIIrfhn'l IIJt a technique c:t]lcfl tO ll'ell' a nol,I;$. 11 Tbr Code 0/ Ethic. of th e Americ.ul Sociological AllIIItRbIIII IIlcltldes among its basic principles objt."Cti\'it)' ..allltegrity in rese:trch , re!>IJCcI for t he 5u~icCl's rig ht _pnv.tey, and preservation of co nfidentiality, 11 \lu Wtbcr urged 5Ociolo!,,'isl.'i lO practice value 111111_ ~ In rhC'ir research by ensuri ng l.hat th eir pcrso nal ~ do not infl uc nce rhe imerpl'erat,ion of dal:\,
    IIIIIf'IIt'l

    CaTua l logie T tI(' relationship hc tweCIt " condition or \'1u;:.ble :mcl a pa rticula r COlIse(tU Cllcc . ....il h o n c c\'cnt It'ad ing tQ the other. (page 36) Codt oir' hies The stallll:mls ofacccpuabtc Ix' h"viMdt.... veloped hyand for me:lIlbt!l's of a profession. (46) COlltr,,' a"a lysis Thl:' S)'Stemllli( coding :lIld objecti\'l! recording o f data, guided by so me mtion:ll~ . (45) COIll rol group Subjects in .m experiment who ;ll'e 1I0t introduced to Ihe independcnt \';Jria ble by the !'t...
    scarch t' r. (44) COlltrol lIoriabie A factor hdd constant 1 tCSt lltc rei0 ati\,<: imp,lct of an independe n t \~AI'iablc. (58) Correlatioll A rela tio nshi p between 1\"0 \~Atiabk"S whe reby a Change in o nc com cides wit h a c.hange in the other. (36) CrOSl'olw la t jo /l A table that shows thl' relationshi p between t WO or more \';,1I1:.blc8, (54)

    55
    QIliP11-:.R 2 MI'IIOOS O I'WClOU)GlC\ /
    Hf~ 'it::AJl{:JI

    Depe"delll variable TIle variable in a causal n:lal.iunship which i~ subject 10 the illnU C ll CC or anolher V,\I;abl e. (~5) El'perimfmt An artilidally c.n :':aled siluation which allows tlie researcher lO rnanipubl.c variables tUld introduce c(ll1tro l variables. (44) Experimental grOllp Subjects in an ex pc rimc1l1 ..... ho ;Ire exposed to an independe nt vari"blc imroduced hy a researcher, (44) I/(lw/hurne eJJecl TIle unintended innuenu: thal oh~crvcrs or experime nts can hal'e on u1t:ir s ubjects_ (45) lIypolhesis A specu latiw sl alemenT :tbolll the rellldonship between two or more variables. (35) brdepellde"t varioble The variable in a O:l\lsal relatio nshi p whidl_ when altered, causes or in Lluences a Ch;UlgC in ;1 second v;lriable. (35) '"d ex An indical0 r of auit.ude~ , hchavior. or characteriSlics uf people or org;.lI1izations. (:n) III/ e rl,;ew A I:ICe-lO-face or telephone question ing o fa rcsponde nt to o bt.ain desired informat.ion. (40) ObservotiOIl A res(.':trch t.::dmiqu(: in which;m ilwestiHalO r co ll~cls infnrrn ation through dircrt in\,oll'cl11el11 with and ohsenlatiQn ofa group. tribe. or community. (4 1 ) Opera/iollal defi"itioll An l'xphm<llioll of an absl.n lCl concept iliat is specific cnoug h 10 allow a researcher tn ijleaSUrc the concep t. (34) QflestitllHlaire t\ p r im ed research instrumelll e mployed to o bwin d~i red infonl1<1tinn fro m a rcspond el11 . (40) Ralldom sa mple A sample:: for which every member of lhe e l1li1"c POP111;ll klll has Ille slime chance ofbl'illg selected . (36) Reliability The eXlCllI 10 ..... hich a measure provid es col1si.~1t::J1l re s lllL~. (:l7) Represelltative sample A seleClion rmm a larger populalion lita t is statisticall y round to I.~ lypiral of tha l poplllmion. (36) Research desigJ' A det ailed plan or lIle thod fOl obtai ning data scientifically. (39) Scal,. An indiQllOr of a tti tudes. behitvior. or chamClCt~ istics of I>cople or organi~ations. (37) Sdelllific me/hod A systema tic, organized selies or Sl.ep s dIal. C I1~u rcs maxilllum ot!ieClh'it)' and cousistenc}, in n :scarchin/ol a problem. (33) Serolldory allaly~i5 A vUI;etr or rest;Oli"ch r.ed1l1iqllcs Ihilt makc use of publicly accessihle illf01"l1IatiO I1 and d:tta. (45) SIIrvt'y A sllldr. generally in the 1'01"111 0 1 i nlerl'i ew~ or fJuc~li0i1l1aire~, which provides sociologists and other

    researchers wilh infOiTl1atkm concerning how prop. t hink a nd act. (39) Validity llle degree 10 which a scale or meiiSIJ!'e truil rellccls tht:: phenomenon under s\l1d )', (37) Vallle Ilell trolity Max Webcr's term for o bjccthil) ~ sociolobrisrs in the interpretalion of data. (r1 0) Variable A measural)le lrnit or dmracterist.ic thalis~ ject to ch'lIlge under diO'('re!H conditions. (35)

    ADDITIONAL READINGS

    Cuba. Lee .J. 1\ Slw,' CI/idr IQ Wntmg a/HIUI Sodal .IitU'llif G lell\'iew. Ill. : Se(JII, ForeslIlan, I V8H. l\ concise \It{! page) but thoro ugh summa.,' or the types of social cnce literatu1"e. with s llgge~t ioll s o n ,""TiLing:l reSC:'Md! p:lper and orb'<llli/.ing an o r~11 preselllalioll. Dcnisolf. R. Serge. 11I,~itll' M7V, Rut ge ..s. N ,I.: Traru;~~ti(c. 1988. Kll own 1'01' his st udies of populal' cultUIt Denisolf cm ploys the sociological perspecti ve to !:t' ami ne <I profitable 24-110111" cable OllUC1. DCl11jn , No rm<lll K., and Yvonna S. Lincoln (eds.). fllJ'bJ. //Ofjk ,yQllulil(ll i!'t: f/.l'lmrch. 111OuSol nd Oa ks, Calif.: Sagr 1!J!J4. The 36 ;Jrticle~ in this anthology co\cr I1(I\'I:f techniques used in conuucling obscn'3tio n and h n b'l"aphical researc h. as well as ethical is..~ ucs racing ff'o searchers. Gilber!. Nig'Cl (cd.). fV.lmrdli1lg Soci(ll Life. Ncwbury Pad. Callf.: S:;!ge, 1993. Lsing ac tual studies, the conttlbto tors co\'er intclvicwing tl'chnif)lIcs, q ll t:slio nn:til'~ df' sigil. alld documcll1 !"L'\o;ew, and e\'en disruss hOIl I'" put collected da!:;! into written fl)rm . H:;!niing. Sue (cd. ). FeminislII (Iml Jl./l'lhooolofrj. B1OOllu~ LOn: lndi<ln:;! Unh'ersity Press, 1987, A collet:tion ofct s.lrS which exa mine the W;!ys in which c01l1'enrional ~. cial scientific reseitrch fails LO consider gender Md dr.lw upon the feminist perspcclive. Hull Danell. Hmu 10 Ut with St(llislir:;. :-.Jew York: NOI'IIIl. 1954. "Figures dont lie, bilt liars do figure" is all act;w lhat poims to Lhe way that statislics can he abused. Hili o ffers guid;mce to Ih t: reade r unsop histic;l1ed in \li tislics as to how to beller und crsl.lnd graphs and ~ hIes. Lee , RaY11l0 nd .M . lJoi/Jg HI'.lf.ftrY"h 0// Sr1lIilil~ Toflics. New bur) Park. Cflli t.: Sage, 1993. Drawing Oil a '~\riejf!ll research techniques, 1 au thor cOllside rs how OIlCIlII .llc slIccesstillly stlldy religious cults, child a busc, g<>HI~ IIlCll t policics. :md OUlce topics. Miller. Del ber! C. HlI/uI6(J(Jk uf /Y.!;earch DeSign 111111 &aM

    56
    1'lIIrr O.\'Jo nIESOCIOl.OGlC .lt1 I'1:RSN.C l"Il'l::

    ,,,,","Im'tnll (5th ed.). Ncv.bury Park, Calif,: S;tgc. 19'.11. A veritable enc),clopt.-dia of .scales, indexes. :md mr;asurC' u~ in .sociological Sludies. Also includes ~ to Jibrnl) r~rch , writing of relwrls, and gram fundll1g. Ikitth.lrI, Shulami t. frmill ;JI M~lhods ;11 Sj(j( Ilr9(lrrh. Nrw \'01\: Oxford Univcnil y Pros. 1992. A feminist -=hllbr offcn a critiquc of ~ tablishcd research Icch.-quo ",hill! examining allcmati\'e ways of conducti ng npmments. observations, comem anal)"Sis. and oral
    _'II'lIll~iews.

    (tt1( llIlr J\lt(UllrtS in Illr S()("wl &irous (2d ed.). Uoslon: l-Iougluo n Miffiin, 1981. '!lIe authors identity UIlObtrusive methods of obtaining 50cial science dat:! other than (lueslio nnilirC! or imcrvleWll.

    J..~.~~~~~..........._ _ _ . _ ..........._ ....... ..................................................


    Amo ng the journals tha. fOCll5 on methods of sociological .U1d oth er.social scient ific research are the following: fro: A Rn.~ of lIumml .\.'bJnlllWarrn (founded in 1979). journa( of Conlntf/lOffl? Etllllogrophy (197 1). f,bltlllllllrt-,r Sodo/ogJ ( 1977). SoclfIl Scif'tlu IWorm ( 1972). ami Sori%glml M lIllot/l aud &t{/rrn ( 1972).

    ,,'riIh, lugene j.. Don.tld T. Campbcll. Richard D. Slh'aIll. Lee Scchre5t, and J<mcl Bclcw Gro\c. N01l-

    57
    CIIM'lllll Mt.TII0I)S()fSOC101.OC1'~1 HfY~RQl

    . . .. .. . .. .. . . .............. . . . . . . . . .
    .............................................................................. ................................................................ , ............. .... , ............................................................ , ........ .

    PART TWO

    ORGANIZING SOCIAL LIFE

    ,. ,

    Sociologist PPler J JerIP ( J963: 18-/ 9) ona observt!d that tll, "sociologist is (I pt:rs011 jJltefisivtl)~ e1ldl,,ssIy, shmn,lessly inll!ftsltd" in Iht doings of ptoph. bl Pari Two, wt bqJin our stud)' of the orgtmizaliotl oJ sociallifr within Inanml comlnlmilies arid societies. OUlP'IT 3 ,xamines tht basic el,,,,enl of any soritty: its cullurt. It collsidm tht dl!Vt/opmnll oJ cuuu,.,. cultural Ilniversals, and variations among euiWm. Clw/ltrr 4 pranlts llle lifelong socialiullioll proass through whirh TIll! acquiT!' cullure and are ;nlrotiucM 10 social slrucllll'l!. CJwPtlT 5 txa ",illts social ;rlleracti01I and thl! majqr aspects of social SI''1ul lI re: slat'llJf!S, TOUtS, groups, ami institutions. Chapler 6 J()CtI.YS on llle impacl oj groups ami organizations on sorifll INh(lv;or. Chapll!T 7 txamill!'s attempts 10 I!1Ijo"Cl! (lrCl'/Jtonct of sodlll norms, as well as INhavior Ih(1I violales norms.

    59

    .................... 'C:=====::::~i'==::==:J.....................

    CULTURE

    CULTURE AND SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURE Cultural L:nivcrsals In novation ])iffusion ELEMENTS OF CULTURE L'1l1guagc Language as th e Fo undation of Cultmc Sapir.Whorf H),poth esis 11u: Bilingualism Ddxt1e :-Iorms Typcs of No rms Acccpt:.lllcc of Nonns Sanction, ValUe!
    CULTURAL INTEGRATION

    CULTURAL VARIATION Nipt.'C1S of Cuhu ml Variation Subcultures CoUntcn;ullUrC.s Culture Shock Alti\lIdt.'S toward Cultural Variation

    Ethnocemrism
    Cultu ral Rdath-ism CULTURE AND THE DOMINANT IDEOLOGV
    SOCIAL POLlC\' AND CULTURE: MULTICULTURALlSM BOXES 3- 1 Around the World: Sexism in Langullges- English a nd J apanese 3--2 Around the: World: The Skinhc;\{1 Coumcrcul lurc

    61

    &

    the traveller wlw has been once from home is wiser than he who has never kJt his own door step, so a knowledge of one other culture should shmpel1 our ability to scrutinise mm-e steadily, to aptJreciate mort linJingly, our own_
    Morgllrrt M('{ld C'A mirlg of Ags i,l Samoa, 19)9

    LOOKING AHEAD
    How do aspecu of a culture cle\'clop? How do th ey sprcad from one socielY lO a nOlh c"? Why is language ,'icwccl by soc iologist.s as lhe fo unda t.io n o f ('very culture? In I.,.ha t wa ys arc norms and sanctio ns used to rC\\" drd a nd pe nalize behavior? Why arc test pilots. compute r hackers. tcenagers. and Appalachians all considered ex:.unples o f subcultures? Should schools a nd collegt,'s ill the United Slat es contin ue to focus o n the tradi tions o f weste rn c ulwres? O r sho uld the)' revise the ir c urricu la 10 give greateT e mph asis to African Ame ri can s. othe r racial and e thni c minori ties. \','ome n, and no nwestc rn cultures?

    Wlile a gradua tc studclll in anth ropology. George Esher. Jr- ( 198i) \','as hired to .....ork with Apaches in Arizona and a group ofarchitecl.s lO d e-sign a new communi t), [or the Apac hes_ Th e a rchitects wcre expected to accomm odate IJ1 C distjnCtive traditjons and custom s of this Native Ame ri can tri be: as a result . E..sbcr was hired to obtain relevanl info rmation concel'lling tJ1 C Apaches' ho usin g needs and prefere nces. T o do so. he reviewed wri1te n records o r the Apacbes (tJlc!'('by e ngaging in use of ex isting sources) a nd conduCted fieldwo.-i;. (including observdtion resea rch a nd inte rvie ws)_ Like ma n)' researchers. Esbe r had 10 overcome the

    Apad les' concel1ls a bout a n outsider coming the ir commun ity. asking personal quesljollS. obselving day-lOd ay in te ractions. Esber ultimately was successful in d;:~~~,;,~,~,,~ po rta nt issues wilh the Apaches and 4 r in g tu 4he archjt ect.'> those features o f Apache tha t sho uld guide community d c~i gl\ . q t,e nlly. wh e n the Apaches moved into their ho mes in 198 1. thc), cn tercd a co"" ,,,,,,';ly tJ,," h,.. been designed witJl tJlcir participa tio n and their specifi c lr-.tditiOIlS in mind. For example, esse ntial tha t each new ho use have it large, lil'ing space. The culture or the Apaches I.hat all pa nici pa n ts in a sodal situa tion j full view. so t.hat each pe rson can obscn 'c tJlC havio r of all Othe rs and act appro prhue1y illg 1.0 Apache norms a nd "'lIlies). T he Apac hes a rc also accusto med 10 nutio".,o4 gath e rings at people's ho mes at lI'hich an of lood preced es o the r social intc ....lctions_ q ue mly. based on Esher's findin!,fS, architects sign ed large kitche ns (with extra-la rge sinks, boards. and worktllbles) tha t we re near d ining a reas a nd living rooms. In these a nd o the rs, the pla nne rs of lhis new co" """''';'''<1 speclcd and look into aCCOllnt the unique traditions o f tJl e Apaches.

    Cultllre is the to tality of leamoo , soci:.lll)' lcd bchavior_ IL includes the ideas. " llues" ~~d~~ toms (as \>" ell as the sailboats, cOlllic books. a

    0-""","

    62
    PANT "/11'0 (}/l(;.'uVllJNG S(K' A1. J
    J.if},

    oll',lml devices) of groups of people, Therefore, palnlltu.: .utarbmclll to the Ullit ed Sta leS fl ag is an as-pn:1 of I uhure. as is the Apaches' pl'efcrencc for I.i.~. open Ihing spaces wh e re eyer)'ollC can sce onc- ""OIlier o r the tradition in TIlailand tha! no IHlt hc .Ill()l..'cd (0 touc h their q ueen in puulic. Snmctimes people refer 10 a particu la r 1)(:rso l1 ill> ~\'t'" I ulwrcd" 01' to a cit), as h aving " lots of cuitUft'.- Th'l\ use of Ih e tenn cllltllrr is d ifTe,'c ll t from 0111' It\( in th is lexlboo~, In sociological terms, cl//II'"du.. not refer sole ly to the fin e ans a nd re fin ed . jtllrlll'<.tu;u t.'lSte. h consists of illl o l!ieCL<; and ideas kitllUl " WCict)'. including ice c l'ea rn cones, !'Od:. aUl"I \IId slang "'ords. Socio logistS consider IXllh 01 pnnmlt b)' Rell1 br:'lIldt ,lILd a portra it by a b illbOilrd pamler 1 be as pects ofa cul ture. A tribe th a t 0 cull(\-atl ~()iI b)' ha nd h asjusl as mllch of;:1 c ulture ..... people that relics on diescl-operated machint'n" n\ll~. each people has a distinctive culture "'<i lll lb (1"-11 ('hamclc ristjc \'~ ' YS of gat ll ("ring ~ll ld p re parU hlOd. (OllslrUcling home!>, slnlclu ring th e fant\I ;11111 promOling st;,nd ards of righl and wrong. Shoaring a similar cultu re hel ps tu dcl;lIc the gwup t() ~'hic h we belong, J\ fai rly large Illllnber of propll'.lrr said (0 consljtlltc a society wh ell t.he), hn'intht;: sounc territory, are relati\'e1y independent ~ pt'uJllt' outside the il' rl rea, aucl partici p:llC in a UJffinlUI1 culture, T he city 1)1 Los Angeles is more P"P" NIU th an mall}' mtti o n ~ of the world, ),CI sodulUltbbllo notcoJlsider it a society in ilS O\Y'n ligh L Ibthlr. il IS seen as part o f- and d ependent 011Ibr ~ct 50CielY of the United SUHCS, A weirl)' ~ the ];u'gesl loJ"11I 01 hU llIan group, It ~, ur people who sh a re a C0111111011 he riwge IDd (ultu. c, Members 01" tJ1C ~odet)' learn this culturr dud tmnS.I1lit it fro lll onc generatio n to the 1Jl"I;1. rhcI C\'cn Ilreser\'c their distincti\'e culture &hmI/X" Il ler-lt ure. :m, vid eo recu rdings, illlt! o ther ..-an.\ III expression. If it ""ere 1101 1 the social 01' lJ:In\lIUS~I()n of culture . each gnleration wou ld haw- \(.I rdmenl telc\1sioll. not to menlio n the

    wiil provide seaLS for the iludie llce, ),011 also ilssumc th al physicia.ns will nOI disclo:;e con fi dent ia l information. th:u banks will protect the money you deposit. and Ih al pare n ts .. viII be cltrcfu l when cro:lSiug the streel with you ng ch ildren. All th ese a...~Sul1lpli ons l'cflcc t the b<tsic \'illues. beliefs. :\lld c ustoms 01 Ih e cul ture of Ihe United Stntl'S, Me mbers or il socict) gCllcr.aUy sh are a common I:mb"-mge. 11nd th is fac t also radl il:lICS d ay-to'day c:<clm ngcs with m heD. Lallgtl:tgc is a critical elemcnt o f c ult ure t.h at scts h u ma ns :lpart fro nt other species. Wh en )'011 ask a har<!,,/".uc store clerk for a fl ashlight. you do n ot need 10 d",w a picture of lht" instrume nt. YOu sh,lI"(! the sa1l1 e cuhur.iJ tcrlll fo r a sma ll. l: ller}'-OpenHcd. por(;lble light. HOI\lcw:r. ir m )"0 11 were in En gland ;lI1 d need ed this item, you would hal'e tu ask for an ~e l cctr1c lorch." or course, CI'e n wilhin the sa me socicty. a .e rnl can hl.l\'e a nu mber of di lfc re n t mcani ng... In the United S l al C~, gm,\J signifies both ;\ p lam eaten by grazing anim:lls .met an illloxic."lti n g drug. The stud y or cul lll n' i<i an important pan of contemponu), soc i olo~. .icaJ \1'UI'k. This c ha pler I\il l ex, al ninc the development of culture fro m its rooLS ill the p.-eh isloric hU111an experience. T he lIl:yor :ispeCLS of culture-including langu age, !lonns, 5OI I IClioll", and v<llues-will be defined and e:<plol'ed. T he discussion "" iII focus hoth 0 11 ge nera l cultural practices fo u n d in a ll societit-s and on the wide \~ Iri, a lions thal can distinguish I1l1e society imm ~1Il oth er, Wc will COn tl'"i:LSI lhe ways in which functiona list and cf)llllict thcQr1st$ I'iell' c u lt u re, T he mcial I>olicy scclion wi ll look at th e conflicts in CUh 1l1~1 1 va lues wh ich u l\derlie t l1 1 '1'CIlI d c hmcs oye" Ihe lIse o f rnulticultlll'a l cUlTicula ill ~hools and collegl.'S in tI ll' U n ited S I~Il('S.

    m.

    DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURE
    T h rough ad\~ln ces in cu lturc, hUlIla n he inb'S h ave COmc a long Mty from o u r preh i"lonc hClit;lgc, In the I gODs. \VC C".t 11 send aStronalllS 10 til t: mOOl I. spli t th~ iHom , and prolong lives th rough hCO'Irt tmnsp l:Ul t", T he h u man species has prod uced ~uch :1chieleme lll" ;LS the rng tilllc com l>osiliolls of SeOl! joplil1 , th e paimings of Vi lice li t V:tn Cogh . dw poetry or Emil)' l)ickinsol1 , till' novels or Leo Tolsto),. .lnd the films of Aki'd KllrOS<\I..-:t. WC OH1 CI'I'n

    lt'ling a COlllmon cult u re a lso si mplifies ma ny d;w.(o-d.l)' internctions. F(u' exam p le. if)'o l1 p lal1 to plO.l ffit)\; t rnealCr ill the U n itl'd SlfltcS , ),Oll kn ow I!IaI to\lto,i lln OI need to bring :llong:1 dmi,'. Wh e n toil aft' parI of a . ciClY. th ere arc man y small (as W "U:t' more importa.nt) cu ltural 1)3UemS that rOil IlUlur gr:1lllcd, J USI <1$ you aM u me tha t thea teN

    """I.

    63
    CI/,IPIU' J

    eu Telll

    analyzc o ur inncnllost reelings LhroLlKh the insiglHs or Sib>1111llld Freud and othe r pioneers or rJsyc!.ology. In all Ihese ways. we are remarkably differcnt from (Jlh e r species or the animal kingdom . The proCt:s.s or expanding cuhUl'C h a'> a lrcad)' been under w:.1)' for thousands or years and will conlinue in the rUlUre . T he fi rst archcological evidcnce or hurnanlike primatcs placcs our :mcestol'S back many millions of years. Some 2.5 million years ago people used tools and had eontaincl'S for storage. From 35,000 years ago wc have evidence or paintings. jell'clry, a nd statues. By that time, elaborn tc cerelllo nies had already been developed for ma rriages, births, deaths ( Havilal1d , 1985), Tracing the dcvc[o pmelH of culture is not easy. Archeologists camlot "dig up" wedding:o;, 1:1W or S. gOl'ernmelll. but the), are able to loca te items that point to the e me rgence or cuhul'al u<ldi tioll S, Q UI' early a ncesto rs were p l'ima tes that had c haraCLc ri ~ tics or human beings. Th ese cmin llS and communicative creaUlres m:lde importall1 :Idva nces in th e use of tools. Recent studies or chimpanlces in the wild bave revealcd That th e), rreque ntly use sticks a nd o lhe r n:Hural objects in \1"1). learned rrom OIbcr members or the g roup. Howel'er, unlike c him pan zecs, our a ncestors gradually made lools rrom increasingly durable materials. As a resu li., the ite ms could be reused and refill ed into 1110 re e ffcct ive implements.

    Ga mes Gestures Gift giving Hai nu)'les HOllsi ng Language Laws


    ~1 alTiagc

    Mcd icine Music

    Myths Nume rals l~eJ'SO llal nalnes Property rights Relig io n Sexual restrictiom Surge ry Toolmaking Trade Visitil1 g

    ~,~~...y.~y.~~!~... ................,........................................ .
    T hroughout history, human be ings hal'e made drnmalic c ultuml advances. Despite Ih eir di fferences, all socie ties have a tte mpted to mee t ba~ic human needs by develo ping c\lhuml unil'crsals. Cultura l univ~r$als1 such as language. are gCllerdl practices found in eve!)' c uh\ll'c, Amhropo logist CCOI'gc MlII'doc k (194 5: 124 ) compiled a lisl Or CUllllral univcrsals. Some o f Ihe cxam ples ide ntilied by tI-IUI'dock include: ALhletic sports Bodily adOl'lll11Cnl Cale ndars Cool-jng Coul'tship Dancing Decorative ilrt Dream inl l'rprelalion Family Fulklore Food habits Food taboos Fun eral cere monies

    Man)' clLiluralunivenmb arc, in rac t, adapta~ 10 mect cssclllial human needs, such as peop~'1 need ror rood . shelte r. and clothing. Ye t althou th e cultll l-;:II practin:s li ~Led by Murdoc.k 11111)' be Ut versal. the ma nne r in which they a rc ex pres~d \\ \'ary rrom culture lO c ulture. F OI' example. oor O ciety may a ttelllpt L influen ce i L~ wea1.her by lit"\.'40ing clouds wi th dry ice panicles 10 bring llbout AnOl h c l' culture l11ay oITer sacrifi ces to tIll' god~ . o rde r to end a long pc riod or d roughL Likt' J:,rames, toys ca n be viewed as a cultural I versal. However. as nOled abol'e, the manner wh ich cuitul"al uni\'c r mls are expressed will I Th us, while it has expanded to intcmational l kcLS around th e world , To)'lI .. }{ ~ Us sells poree dolls in Japan , 1\'()Q<le n to),!! in Ge rmany, a nd m c ls or a high--speed tmin in Fnncc. C hild ren thCSL' countries may all wa nt electronic g'd mes sluJTcci animals. but lhei r o ther toy prefe re nces n differ sib'llificant.ly (A. Mill e r. 1992). \-Vhile all c ultures share certain general p d ces-~ \J ch as cooki ng. gift giving. a nd dancing Lh e expression of any cultura l UIl il'ersal ill a soc' ilia), cha nge dramatically over time. Thus, the popular styles uf dancing in lh c United SLaI('S d ing t.Iu:: 1990s fire Sllre to be dinc rc lll frolllthe SI) that "'e re do minanl in th e 1950s o r the 1970". gCIlCI'Hli oll , and eac h rcar, most human CUltlU c hange and expand lhrough the procc,>!iC') of novation a nd dinusion.

    .~g.Y~.~Q.~.........,.. ,.............................,..........-.............. _ _
    The process of intruducing an idca or object tl is new 10 c ulture is k.llown a.s ill novation. nlcre two forms o r ill novation : di scovery lIn d imTn~ A discovery invokcs making known or sharing t cxjsle n ce of a n aspect o r reality. Th e finding ofl

    64
    PMO' -"l 'U ()lIr /lJ"'r.. SUfJAI I..JF1o .I,,\

    l),.romtilN' art

    I.J /I

    cultural uniwT.J{d.

    ShoUln flrr nrtwo'*s from the ISland

    of

    IndOlltS;a (top Irfl). Jrom G,WIf'lIIala (111/1 rigllt), (md frolll


    III

    /Jail

    Aborigfllt:S
    ll~.\ molecule ancl the id c milic",ioll of a new 11Ioon of s,'\!UnI arc both a C I,~ of disc()\cIY. A signifICant facial' in tht." procc'is ofdisco\'cl) ' is thc sha l'ilK uf nt\\found knowledge with others, By con1r.1\!. an i"vtmtiot. !'l"SUll\ when existing c ultural Ih'ml ar~ combin ed into a lorlll th,lI did not exist ' ... k,I"(. TIlt" bow :md ,U'-O\\ , 111(' automobile, ,md '! tdnisiou arc all examplcs of in' cnliOlu. as an~ l'rnrnwlllism and dClllocracy,

    In

    A'l5tmlio (OOIlom),

    Diffusion
    Onc dot."S not h:we \0 sample gounnet food lO cat ~ro l'cign - foods. Urcakfa.st cereal comes originally fmlll Germa ny. candy from rhe Nethe rlands. c hewing gum from Me)(ico. alld the pouno chip fmlll the America o f the Indian'i, Tho United StalCS has also ~c::)(pon(~dM our foods 10 o ther lands, Residents ofm'Ill) nalions el~oy pi7.7a. which was popularized

    65
    CJIAI'fI:H J a 'l Tt 'Ill'

    in the United States. I-I owe\'er, in Japan they add squid , in Australia it is eaten with pin eapple, and in England people like ke rnels of corn with the cheese. JUSI as a c uhure does 11 0 1 always discove r or invcm its foods , it llIay also adop l ideas, technology, a nd CUSIOIllS from other c ultures. Sociologists lIse lhe te rm diffllsion to refer 10 the process by which a culLUral ilem is spread from group 10 group or society LO society. DilTusio n can occur through a \'<1.riety of means, among the m exploratio n, military conquest, Illissionary work, the in nuence of the mass media, and LOuriSnl. E.arly in huma n history, c ult.ure c hanged rathe.r 510\\'ly through discove ry. A~ the number of discO\'cries ill a culture in creased , inve ntions becam e possi ble. Tht! more inventions thcre welc. the more mpidly funher inven tions could be c reated . In addition , as diverse cullllres came into contact with Olle another, they could each take advantage of the othe r 's illnovalio ns. Thus. whe n people in the United Sta les read a newspaper, we loo k al Ch,lf<lCIt!rs ilH"ClHeci by the a nc ient Scm ilCS, p ri nted by a

    Thf lut of slog{lll$ 11"11 T sl/irts 10 ""'" poiilf((ll s/lIleJlleJ!u origiwllttl i1l Iht Uniled SII/Us during Ihe J960s. B:; It. lalt 1980l', Ihis Imlcliet! 1/1111 spmuI acro.u lite lW/M thl'oug" till JIroCm ~ diffUSion. /-fOlJ'f'wr, in 1987 I'" &lII~ Africa/! govmWletl/ brmnfd such mts.mgt.f, most of wllirh tegistrml IJ/J/,fi!;QlI 10 /lIe ",ifm'cffl stgrtgallfJfl (a/Jarlhrid) Ihm had lxislid allhal
    fimf. Th~ grJl!trrilllilj/:~ ()1d~ was mII

    with Imb/ie ridiC llle

    (//Ullll(l.J SOWI

    "-scil/did, but WlII)" scJlOols "1 Sol/lit Afrim cantinued /ojormd


    -1I1111r.r.1IMblr" Jlogtllls.

    process invented in Germany, on a material invCllLed in China (Limon, 1936:326-327) . DilTusioll may take place over extremely 10ngdi!tances. Thc use ofslTlokin g tobacco began when Indiall tribes in the Ca ribbcall invented the habit d smoking IJle tobacco plant, whe re it grew wild. (htl a period of hundreds of years, tobacco was acquirl and cultivated by OI1C neighbori ng tribe after an-

    66
    Nlll

    nro OIlG/i,\ /I'j,V{ .\(j("" 11 1

    IJFf;

    . , I1IIUII,I(h dinusioll , Ihis Pr.lClirt Ira\clcd 8IruuJch (-('Imal America and aero..... I,he North

    ...... Wlllillcnl ( Kroeber. 1923:2 11 -2 14 ). brn ,,1111111 a 50del), diffusion OCClII'S as i nIlO\~d ....-d~o\t'rics and iJwl'l1lions-Kain l\idt!1" acIIf*DCr, For example, Ihl' pr.lc l.icc uf~rnp~ wa!> e\"Wm!.&OItlug tert,un inncl"-cil) BhlCks Il)l1g be fore _pl'upl,~ mlhe Lniled Slale~ were a.... ," c llf Ihis _or ~.nging. A IY85 music video by Ihe C I,io tg'u 1atIIIIIllballlc311l helped 10 l)Clpulari1e .a p; pan.!y mult. mp smgi llg groups like Ruu-n .M.C. beoutside ce nlral citit's. \\'hilt Iht'Y..' cxampll-s show lha l din IlsiC)!1 is com_ "llhlll tht" Uniled Stale.. :lIId frolU ("uhure to caIrun-, It "HlSt be e lllphasized Ih:1I dilTusio ll of cul. . . lI"It.~ rI()(:, nOI occur automatically. Croups (l0t'11 .... resist ideas which seem lOO roreign as WI OD I!tOo;(' \lhiclt arc perceived a~ lhrealelllng to Ibtir "",'1 hcli('fs and values. Each c ulLUl'c lend~ to lIf'lllOIl~h,lt .. elective in what it ;Ibso rb~ from com~ ~llIl!ures. Elu'ope acce pted silk. till': lIIagl1l~ li c CIJIIIPiU..~. rlte'l~. and gunpowder rrom Lhe Chinl'St: the teachings of Confucill' alo an idl " tIIap. \UII! I~ple in the United Slale) luu c ac~ ,h(' Idea or un,punew,.", lhe Chinl'sc pracIIu III pUlltlunng lhe body with needlo to c ure !lair nr l"I~ h f:\e p.un, but rew h;I\(.' commiue d ....... IH"lj tu the philo'lOph) behind aCllpunc ture, _h IIl\oIH?S the idea lhat the human body conlIn"1u.l1 hut opposite ro rces c:tllcd )';1/ :tnd ]""g, "''''''I(ist \\~1Ii3m F. Ogburn ( 1922:202-203) . . . . 01 \l\('!ul diSlinnioll be l\u"ell dcments 01 maMIiaI .wt! nQllIllalcria l culture. Material culture "1",11(' ph)'!iiC""dl o r lec hnologic-oIl ,tsPCClS of our ~ IM.... incl uding food ilenu:, h o u.sc~. f.tclories. lid rollo mall~riitI5. NOllmater;al cu llllre refe", to .... ~ IIllllg material objecLS anti 1 Clls lom~ , bl. 0 " Wt. pllllfophies. gove rnme nts, and panerm of ~tuIlC;ttillll . Ccncr.t.ll). Il lc nortlll:lleri,11 cIIIIaR' l'o mort rCsiSt:l lll 1.0 change lhan Lht' nHllerial i~ 'nlcrcforc. as w( haw SCt' n . llll'eign idt'<ls ariftlo,t'd a~ morc tlm.:au.: nillg t t) :1 C'1 t1U1n~ lIwn """ I)(xhlcts arc. This is lJ"llC both fOl residents Iflbr lnil(:d StatClj and for tJlJlcr p('oples or lltc .nt,"('dfC 1II0re "ilIillg 10 1I ~ lcchnologiC:11 inlIIallmhlhat make o urli\'es easie r than we are ide!lwl dmngc o ur '\~d) 01 St:~i ng lhe "'orld. .Pt ", (llIr SOciety h.-LS c;elec thc1) .Ibsol bed ccr. . pr,UU(C' ;tIld belids Iro m Chllm :md o ther

    _ w"",,,

    no nweSlCI'l1 c.ulturl'S. ~O lOO have th ese cultures been on th e receiving Clld or cullllrnl diffusion. \'Vhile Japall has o nly 800.000 pmclicing Cluistians in its pol}ulalion o f 120 millio n people. Kun.wmasu (the Jall<II1c''ie te rm for ~Chrbtmas -) i5 ne\~ rt11cless a major holiday, Although Ku risll1lUUIl is not a reii gious obsc,,-allce. it i5 a highly c.omme rcial occ.asion . renening o bvious influe nces from lhe Uni ted Stales, TheJ:tp:mese art: encourdgcd 10 buy girLS as they p;L"'~ through s ton~s fill e d \"ilh lin'IClecl Christmas trecs and tJll' ~wecl sounds or Bing CI'O~by singing ~ Whilt CIII;~ lllla.~" (R. "atcs, 1985) .

    t.:!J:M~ .Qf ..C;:ll,"!Y..~..........._ .......... _

    .....

    .. *,('(1

    Each c.ulture considers its OWll di~tin cti\'e wa)'lI of handling basic ~ociclal l;\sb ;LS -natural.- BUl. in racl. me thods or education, m;,rit;tl certmonies. religious clOC1I'in t:s, alld other ;\specu or culLUrc arc lcarned and Ir;m smill,cd Lhl"Ough hllln:1n imeractions within spedlic societies. Life long residents or Naplt.-s wi ll comider it natur.ll to speak Iwlian , whereas lirel ong ,csidcnts or Bue nos Aires " 'ill reel the s;une way about Spanish. CIl':lrly. the cilizel1!l o f each counll) havc bct:n shaped by IIIl" c ulture in ""hieh the) Ihc.

    .~gu..~~.......................-......

    -............ -..-.......... _ ..................

    .I"t'

    Language lells U~ a g reat d(.',,1 ~tlXIIII a culture. In lhe old ,,,cst, words suc h :t!> K"Mi"g. l lfllllfm. mm.,.. piebald, ,lIId smul were :lll u<;ed hi describe one anim.II-lhe hOI"'iC . Even ir wc knew litlle of tJlis period or hislOI) , we could conclude from IJle list or tcnns I,hat hofSCJ "ere quilc impo n .1Il1 in lhis culture. A.. a n:"luh. Lhey recci\'ed a n unustJ.lI degree or linguisljc allenlion . In UIC contemporary culture of llle UllIted St.'ltes. UJ{' lerms ffmvn1iblt', dllllt' buggy, vOII,!Qu r-wh"' d,';w. Sfflfll4, a rId l/a/IOII wflgrm arc all employed tu describe the sallle rnccltanical rorl11 or transportation , PcrImps tlte ca r is all imponal" lO us as Ihe ho rse was to IJ,e I'c~idellts ollhe o ld west. Sirnilarly, the Sarnal people oltht' soUthern Philippincs - It)rwhom Ii~h are:a main source of bulh rood ,md income- Il<\\,c tenus for IlU C than 70 types of fishing and morc ;Il lhan 250 diOt:re nt kinds or fish , Thc Sld\'C Indian5 or lIonhe rn C mada . who li\c in a raUll'r frigid climate . 11,.\... l 'llenlls lo de..cribe ice, including dg ht

    67
    f.JMF1l.H J r:t:I-1"I III

    (HId t)/III'n 0"

    ">' (/Iof P4)/1! tlJw.nnlly yj"id ~{j/n"l,. of f'QInIlUHllral iml lu;lI!mj(


    Thll S'b"" /(lllgtUlgrJ IISrd
    (1/1

    l'JfJirlll um/ .sl",'rh.

    101 rldTcren t kinds of -solid i cc~ and o thers for "seamed i ce,~ Rcrackcd ice . ~ ami R floaling ict .~ Clearly. the priorities o f it culLurc arc rcllccted in
    itS I:tIlb"-mge (Basso, 1972:35; J. C'lrro ll. 1956).

    Language as the Foundation of Culture Language is the fo undation o f e\'ery cultu re, though pank ular l anb"tJage~ differ ill strik.ing wa)'s. Language is an abst ract systcm of word meanings a nd symbo ls fo r a ll aspects 0 1 c ultu re. L...'lnguage includes speech , written char.lc tcrs. nume rals, ~ym bols , and gcstun.'S of nonverbal commun ication. The sign h111 6 "tmges lIsed by deaf people a nd othe rs arc an especially vivid e xample o f communication \\ithollt typical o ra l speech . AI least 50 nati\'e sign languages arc lLsed in variolls cllltu res a rou nd th e world, amOllg the m American Sign L:lIlguagc (ASL). In th e p;L~t, ASL was no t accepterl <IS a la ngunge. but in 1965 educmor Bill Stokoe publ ished Lhe first dictionary of Amcl; can Sign L<lnb"tlage biLS<.' d all linguistic pl"inri ples. SlOkoe's work undcrscorc th ~ fan t11:n ASL users com bine '~driOUS hand and hody movcnu.: nts to produce recognizablc words and an understood languagt. In deed.

    Ursula 8ellllbri, a piont!crin g ASL researcher 3t r Salk Institutc, contends th at lhe "deaf IIIill1l ill ~lp! They (iream in signs. A.nd liulc childre n sign u thcmsek es" (Wolkomir. 1992:32. 40; see al!(10. nick. 1993: 1 Lane, 1992). 1. Lang uage . (,f co urse. is not an excl usively hun attribute. Alt.hough the), arc incdpablc of 1111111 speech , c h imp.lIlzces have been a ble la use Split. to commun icatc. Howcvcr. eve n lit lheir rooM vanced lc\'el, animals operate with eSSClllialh fi xed set o f signs wilh fi xed meanings. By COntm. hmmll1s can manipula te symbols in orde r to exprtt abstmct co nccpts and rules and to ex pand hum. cu ltures. In con trast to some other eleme nts of cui language pe nneales al l pal'ts o r ~oci e ty. Certain tu rn1 skills, such lIS cooking or carpe ntry, can 1 IClu'ncd with o u t the use o f langu age t1l1'ough process o f imitation . l-!o\\'cver, it is impossible tra n ~mil compl ex legal and religious sySICI1Uto !IJ next gc ne ration by watching to sec h ow lhl... perfonned. You could bang a g:lvel as a judge c\I but yo u wo uld never be a ble to understand ~ rcason ing wilhout lan guage. Thercfore, pcopk variably depcnd upon language fo r the lIse tra nsmissio n o f thc r(.1It of a c ultu re, Wh ile language is a cultural universal, dilTert' ill th e LISt' of lan guage are t!\~ d ent around ~ world . This is the case even whe n two cOllntrio the same spo ke n language. For cxample. an lish--spcaking person from the Un ited State~ who visiting London may be pll7.Zled the first tim~ English rriend says she "~ II M ring yo u up~ : s h e I she will ca ll you o n the telephone, Similarly, meanings of nonverbal gcswrcs v<ul' from one lllre 10 a nother. Wh e reas rcsicl e nL~ of the llll SI.:lles commo nl} use a ncl attach positive mean la lh e M lhllmbs up" gesture , this gesture has vl llgar conn otations in Greece (Ekman etal. I Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis Language doc1l rnl than simply describe realit)'; il also se rves LO the reaJity of a culture. For example. people in Un ited StaleS can no t easily make the \'e ~ uu cli on aboUl ice that arc possible in the Slaw dian culturc. As a result. we may be somewhat likely to notice slIch di fferences. The role of la nguage in inte rpre ting lhe l'I for us ha~ been advanced in t.he Sapir-WIJ

    68

    ~rt il. whicll is named for 1...... 0 linguists. t\ccordinX III Sapir and \\,hol'f, sinc(" people c::m conctpUUIi/.t' the ""orld only lhmugh language. lanPRt' prlcc.'des though!. 11l1IS, tll(' word symbols .ad Kl'3tnmar of:1 I.mgullgc o rg:lIl i;1.(' the world fo r Ill. CM Sdpir-Whorf h)1>Olhesi!i also holds lha t la llIUIt i~ not " gi\en . ~ Rather. it i~ culturnlly tlt'1mUtJk'f1 .tnd leads to different illterprCL"ltions o f lab", try Jocusing our atlelHioll on certain pheQOIIk'tIil.

    Tbi\ hypothesis is consid ered sn import;llll that reprinled by the Stale DeparullclJ l. in lItlr.unmg programs 10 scnsiti1e forcib'll service 01: &rm.lf)lht'~ubtl e uses oflanguage. 1 lowc\'cr, many IDC1aI 'oI\t'nl ists ch<lJlcngc the SapirWhorf h )'po lheIII .LIIII .ugue that language does nOI deLC rminc Mrnalt thought alld beha\'ior panl.'rn~ . A.~ a rcsult , .. h'flCllhesis h:L~ been moderated somc\\'hat to ~tthatlangu age llIay inj7U1'11n ( ralher than d~ trrnllnt) Ix-ha\o1ol' and in terpretations of S()c ial .-~ . . IJ. l.arroll, 19&3:46; K.a.y a nd K.cmpton . 1984; Aknnld 1~~!34 ; Sapil', 1929). 8rtlin .utd Kay ( 199 1) han' noted that hum:m!! ~thc ph)s.ical ability to make millions. of co llJl' 1iIru1cIHIII~, ret la nguages d ifTc1' in Ih(' Illllu bcl' o f ~wh," Ihat an: recognil.ed. The English la nguage 6lillgukhc! between yellow and orange. but somc Olbt, l.ll1l(l.IagCll do not. In the Dugum Dani lanpiIl'.1( Kc"," Guinea's W(!Sl I-l ighlands, then' arc unit n.o hasic colo r terms-lIIodt" for ~w h il('~ a nd _ful -hl.\Ck.~ By COlltl';ISt. there an: I t ba.s ic te rms III Ertf!:11~l t . Russian ami r IUllgarian, tho ug h, 1 1lIVC 1200101 terms. Rw;sians havc tenns for ligh t b lue IDdd;lr~ blue. while Hu ngarians ha"e t.crms fOr two "mmt ~hades of red. T h us. in a literal scnse. lall' . . . m.t) color how ....'e see lhe wodd. (jrndflrclated language can refl ect-alt hough 11 ilJl'll ~I ",m not de terminc-Ihe traditio nal ac.nn of men a nd women in (C)'Iain occupatIOIb. l;lch time we list! a te rm like III(/illllall, I~{)lir,. ~ (If jirtnlllll, we arc impl)~lIg (cspcciall)' 10 J'lUIII chil(lren) tha t Ihese occupat io ns can be I1rd ')111), I)r males. \'~t ma ny womcn work as 'rUn' ."",. 111/"'1 OffiCrrt. anti jirejig"'''''s-~ fac t th:1I is ~ Inucasiugly recogll izcd .md l egi'-i mh~ctl ~ the use of nOnscxist l an~.,..t1agf' (Manyna. 1 1ItI). ~xist biase~ of the Eng-lish and J apanese ~~ are examined in Box 3-1 o n p:.gc 70. JiI't <i' 1'lIIguage ",ay ellcouragc gcnd er-rdatcd

    le"" hctn

    slen."Ot)tpCs, it O.lll also t,?nsmit stereotypes related to race. Diclion:lrie~ publi..shcd in lhe: Uni tcd St;lle, list, among lhe meaning'> of thc a<ljcc1 Mark: "dishc mal, gloomy or fOI'bidding,H ~dcs'itutc of lIIora l lig ht o r goodl1(:ss." "atrocious," "cvil ," "th rea te n illg," ~clou ded with anger." DiCliullaric.:s also list "pure" and "innocen ," among the meanings of tilt: :I<ljecti\'c whitr. Through such pallcrn~ oflangll:.ge, our c ulturc rcinfOI'CCs positive associations with the Icnn (:t l,t! skin color) II'hiJl! a nd a neg.llivc aSS<lcia lion with "hull. Therefure. il is not surprising thal a list \vhich pre\'ents pcople from working in a profession is called a bhlthli!it. while ,I lie lhat wc think of tL~ somewhat acceptllble is called :1 whill! Iif'.

    Language is of in IC I'est 10 all tJl rce sociologit-al 1)t:1sJ>Cctives. Funclionalbas empha.~ize U1f: important role of I<lnguage in IIni/}ing members of a '\O('icl},. By conll':'lst. conflict theorists foc us on the use ul la ng uage to perpetuate" didsio ns between groups and s()c.:ie ti cs-a.~ in the subtle and nOl-so-subllc sexis m and radsm cxpl'csscd itl communication. Intcraclioni..sts stud)' ho ..... people rcl)' upon slllll"ed defini tions of p h rasc..'1 and exp"C-.siOIl~ in bOth furmal speech and e\'e11'd<l)' conversa tiOIl. Language call ~hapc how wc set.:, tast(.', sme ll . ft.:cI, and hear. It ltlSO influences the way we think abollt lhe people, ideas, ,md objects. around us. A c ullUre's mOSt important nonns, values. and sallction'l arc comlllunicated to people th roug h language:. 11 is 1 1' these rc;;tSQltS that the int rod uction of Ilt'W 0 l'lllguagCs into .. society is such a sensitive issllI.' in many parts of tht' world . T he Bilingualism Debate Accord ing 10 a report 1 '('leased b)' the Bureau of the Census in 1993. a l IHO~ 1 32 mi llion residcn L~ of the Un iter! SHlIes- 01' ;thulLt onc 0111 of C\'cry seven pcople-spe;tk a langll:lge: other than Engli~ h . Indeed . 50 di rrerent languag(.'S are each spokcn by a t leasl 30,000 residents or this COUlllty. Over thc period 19RO to 1990. the l'c ....'a.~ a 38 p~l'(: e nt i llcr~a.se in the THllltbt-r of people in thc Un iled Slalcs who speak :1 fo reign 1;.II1guage (Usdansky. I993b) . The!oe data a re frequcntl y cited as pa rt of the pal'sion:lle dcbau: under MI)' in the United St;ttcs Iw('r bi lingualism. Bil ; IIg lla l ism is lhe lIse of tl>.'O or mDl'c J:U1g'U<lgCIi in workpktces o r in ed ucational fac ililit,<; <tll d the tr('allllCIIl of cach language as equally

    69
    f;IfM'{f) 1 J . CI/T.71'Ht

    BOX '-I . ARO UN D THE WORLD

    SEXl M IN LANGUAGES-ENGLISH AND JAPANESE

    IlenlC'). Myl..ol II:unillOll , and U.. rie T llonlC ( 1985: 169) "Ir suggesl Ihal lhe sexi!l bias of Ihe English lallgllagr l .. k('5 1I11~ pnncipal form5: ~h iguort'$. il defines. il dc prec:u es. ~ ICNORING Eng lish ig n ores fc:mak-s by favoti !l ~ the f1\;uculme fo rm for a ll gcuelic uses. a~ in the !I(' lHc ncc: M Eadl en [nun ill tIll;: cOillpcLiLion sh ould d" his bell_ According 10 the nl lc~ o f Eng lish grnm m,u, il is incu ....ecl 10 use - t.1I1:ir heSt- as Ihe ~illRu l ar fonn in Ihe previ o\l~ ~e IllCIll:e . M Ol't"on~ .., usage of lhe w he o r \ lIc lonn (M Each c nlr.lIl1 in Ihe compt.'lilion sho uld du his or h cr hc~n i~ ollel1 amKkecl 'L~ being cl ulllsy. NC\t!'I.h t:ldS, f(:m ini \ ts imiSI th at Culllmun use of male ronns :I~ gencnc.. makes \\'O!llen and J(irb imislblr a nd implicitly sUAAt:S15 thal IImlcnc..'SS ,me! m ascu lilll- \';llues llre Ihe standard for hum.ulll ) and no rmalil~ . For this reason, the're has l)e(-n rCSiS!;IllCt' 10 Ihe use of tenllS like m(li/mllll, poJUt:lII'", . md firt1ll'W Dllwn ID reprC'!ie nl IJW mt'1l ..md W ... ho perfor m th ese occupations.

    Nancy

    all}' lose their 01'0'11 lIamcs and 1.lke tllc ir husban ds', while ch ild re n ge ner.III )' take the n:U Ue3 o fl) leir faIhers :lIld not their mothers. These tradiuons ofnallling reneet we~ten1 legal tradi tio ns under which c h il d te)! ...ere viC\\t....1 as Ihe prop4'ft}' of their fathers ami married \\'Omcn as th e property of lhdr husbands. ' nIt: \'icwof fcm a lt.'5:1s l>OMe!!siol ls ha lso evide n t in Ihe pmni.e of mill~ fema le ua nH-"S lIlId pronOlllls 10 refc," to m:llc rial posscssiolls ~lIch as car<i, m:u:hi ut'5. a nd shi ps"

    m;lle~, s.'lIlle around Iht' world " Indeed. 1993, J apan's lal)()r ministtr lenged tha t SOClcl}"S " ......., pr.Lctic(' of (kpicting WOIIICr!

    the

    ;",rn","""!,,,..,

    DEPRECATING
    Thet'c a rc clear d il1hc nccs in Ihe ...'Onls that a l'e applicd 10 male! ..LlId female Ihi ngM whic h Tenet"1 men's ,lumil1:tnt POSL1IOl1 in Ellgli~h spcal..ing soci eti~, "-or es:tlllpk, ...om('n. worl.. m:!} be patro ni1ed as w prt'tly- or M nicc,w whereas men' work i~ more o f: n honorcd as ITI1LSterfur or - bril1 ia nl. ~ In ma ny w instances,:I woman's Qt:cllpatioll or profession is tri\iaJ i:.ted with the femin ine ending "I!Q' o r -rl~: Ihu!, e\cn ,I rlistil1gllis hl"t:1 wti ter lIlay be ghe n second,lass SlalUS as a /#U31 o r a ll (1ll1hOf'Jl5J. In d dC"dr mallift'!lta lio n or ~isllL , terms of sc:xu;11 i .. stili in Llu: English I;mgl.lage arc: a pplied o...er.... helmingly 10 .... o men. One researcher fou nd 220 LCnll~ fot' a .sexually promiscllou5 ...om;m hU I o nl y 22 fo r " sexually pro miscuous m;1Il (SI<llllcy, 1977). Wh lk th e Eng lish I:mguagc: ignorc:.~, d efine5, and depl'CC"lte~ fe..

    OHI NIXG
    In I.hc \;l'W of H cnky :md her colleagt' Cli ( 1985: 170). - huI gu age bolh re n ectll :lIld h cl p~ lIlai lH;li n women', seconda ry s t:ltll~ in o ur !iOCICI)'. by defining hc.:1' .111<1 he:r pl:H..c:.'M The powe r 10 d efi n e Ih roug h naming is cspe,'-Cia ll r signilicant in this process, Mamed ...ome n Ir..Ldition-

    ernm c nl d oculIle n ts as ':~:~~~:I ryil1g b rooms. The o nicial "''Ome n , fllptl, is rcprcst'l1Ied b) dmrncLC:n whtch li terally m('all 1II:lle person clll'f); ng broom" fb lY, 19tJ3a). The expre,,-~iorls commonl) b) girls :Uld boys in J a pall stnre ge nder tlm" rcllces. A c ret CI' to h ilmelf hy usi ng Iht bokZl , whic h means M _ Blu a I. G Um!)! as..'lC rt he r cxisle llClf' IdcnLity Iha l boldly alld east lt~ must inSle:td reler to Ihe pro noun Ulll/lU iti. Thi5 term ~'i cwed as m o re polite ;lIld Call IbCfl by ei lhel' sex. S;;''''''''~, " C UI c nd a M:1tItllce asserm~ ~ 1 .lILng "Sal/tul JO~ (M It 's sayn _ BUI a Ki rl is c xpt'Cted MSaHlIII WI'J~ (~ h 's cold, do n', thillk?~) " for girls. prup.er d lct.1tCll cn ding \\ith a genu(' lio n r.uher I.h .tn :I slrong lio n . ll1cn Rudolph ( 199 1:8), II togr.,phe r from Ihe L:n ited who lives in Tokyo, J.lpa ne llC parenlll" "d as M\igilanl linguistic poliClf'" r(,lIund ch ildren 10 UM' anI) fonns o f ~pc::cC'h d eem ed :It C for lheir sex. G irls wh o t.he!tC gendel' codes a rt' told 1/lIlwJrll n(l rlO 1/i. ~ which "You' re 01 gi rl, don't forget:

    ""'1>"""

    70

    IrI(inmatt'. In :m educational scn5C. bilingualism 1l'nllH1 011C way or as..~is lin g mi ll ions of people who do n'lt ~I)t'ak. .:nglish as their lim language. but "hu might "'..1111 to lMm English in order 10 rUtlCI,.., IIIllr( dJicientlywithin the United SId l e!>. Bilin+ ~1\Jn Ius been a IJankularly sensiti\'e mallCI' fo r 1111111<11\\ or immigl'ants from Spanish-speaking nabons.

    many intemalional bllsine..~!fdeals. But lhe English language is not being ellllmsiast.icotlly welcomed in all countries. In 1990, sever.!1 oflndia':s largeM states ordered th:.t all gO\emmcl1l work be conducted in Hindi-lhe domi nanl langu'lge of non he m India and that le Hc l'S not be ;U1~wered if wrinen 10 go,'" ernment oniCt.S in English (Crosscltc. 1990). '

    hI tilt' bst decade. bi ling ualism has become an ll'utt'a!linp;ly controversial politic.d i s.~uc . Fo r exam+ pII' .. ProllOSed cOnStilutional amc ndrnc lll \\'a.~ inInllitl(cd in the Scmlle in the mid-19808 10 desiglULl" lngh h as the "officiallangllage or the llaLion .~ \ nlot,OI forer behind the proposed constituLional U1M'nrlmenl and other efforts IQ reuriCI bilingualN'II I' loS. English. a nationwide organization .h.h \1e"''' the English language as the ~soc ial RhlC.'- {hat kl't:pS the nation lOgelher. 11y COlHrast, HlslJauic leaders sce the U.S. English c;l mpaign as ~ wile-It t'lIp"cssinn of racism (Pe rez, I ~18 ti 1989). \\1111(' Ihe United States remaim resist:mt 10 ofhrul uw of languages o ther than Ell gli~ h . Olher sollrl~ t);perience the p('lvasiveness of the English 1.In~u~l', The domi n;llion of ot her 1 :lIIguagt.'S by lllRll\h ~1t:I1lS from such fac tors as the demanrls of wntid trade. \\he re English is used to IlcgoLiate

    Norms

    ""a>'S of encollr.tging and enforcing what thl-Y "iew :L" appropri:uc bch:.niOI "'hile discouraging and punishing what they consider to be improper conduc t. - Put on some clean clothes for dinncr~ and .holl ~hah 1I0tlill~ :Ire clmmples ofnol1l1S found in th~ ('ullure of the Unitl"d Stales, JUSt as r('spect for o lder people i!>" lIelrrn ofJ apanese culture, Norm' are establ ished st;md:u'ds of bchavior maintained hya society, 111 orcler for a Il orm to become sigrlific:lI1l, i I must be wide ly sha red a nd understood . For ella1l1pie, in mode lhealers in the Uni t.ed States, we typically expeet lhat people "'ill be quicl while lhe film is showing. Recause of this norm, an ushcr can u:lI a member of lhe audience 1 nop talking so loudly. Of 0 course, the application of this nuon can \';:I1"Y, de
    AJI societies ha\'e

    ./

    It rrrmlil'g

    /0 Ihl: ill/lJl17lf1lllflT7lU

    rif

    /1111 U"iI~d Statf", Iyapll m/l)' grn't ~(l(h other 7IIllh 11 h(ltul$hflJu 1Jf'. ill
    (0"11' f"llYl, lL,/I1 11 hllg I' fI klls.
    JlfJlj~,
    1/1

    kll1gdom of 8hlll(lll, I'f'$ld~1J grm tarh (lOin' fIJ Ixtnldmg thnr umgun and n(mds.

    I'"

    mOlml(llnlml

    AS/1lI1

    71
    CJIA~R

    3 CL'/

    n~'

    pe ndi ng on the pa ....ic ular lilm a nd type o f a udie nce. People atte nd ing a seriolls a rtistic 01' political film will be mo re likely to insist o n the noml of silence tha n those a ttend ing a slapstick comedy or horror movie. Types of Norms SociologisLS distinguish between nonns in two ....<1.)'8. Fi rst, nanns a rc dassilied as either fonn al or info n n al. Formal norms have gen e ra lly been ....ritten d own a nd in volve stricl rules for p unishmelll of viola tors. In the Unhed Sl<t tcs, we o fte n forma lize norms illla laws, .... hi ch must be ve ry p recise in definin g prope r a nd imp roper behavior. In;t political se nse, 10 w is tlle "body o f rules. made by govcmmc nl fa r society, interpre ted by the COUI'IS, a nd b.'\ckcd by the pm"'cr of the St.:I LC~ (Cummi ll ~ and Wise. 1993:49 1). Laws arc a n example o f fann al norms, a lthough not Ul C o nly lype, T he requiremenlS for :1 college maj or a nd the rules of II card g-ame a re also conside red formal norms. By contrast, ;"formol norms arc generally u nderstood but a rc nOI precise ly recorded , Sta ndards o f proper dress a rc a commo n example o rinro rmal nonns. O ur socicty h a.~ no specific p UllishmcllI 01' s,,'l llc tion for a pe rson who comes to school 01' l O college dressed quite d ifferently from cvcl)'one else, Mak ing fUll of nOllco nfo rrning slmlt:llts for th ei r unusual c hoice of clOl hing is the must likely rcsponsc (E. Gross a nd Stone, 1964; C . Stone. 1977) . Norms arc also classilicd by their rd ~ li \'e importance to society. Whe ll classified in this v..ay. they arc known as mort!f umJ fQlkways. Mores (pronu ull ced "/>10R-ays") arc no rms deemed highly nccess,uy to th e welfare of a society. often becausc they e m body the most c helished principles o r a people, Eac h sociely dema nds obedie nce IQ its moreS; violal iOIl ca n lead tu SC'\'e re penalties. T hus, lhe Uni lCd States has Slrong mores ~'g-d. inS I mu rder, u'CasOTl , :md ch ild a bu5C Iha t have been inslitutio nalized into fo rmal no rms. Follt way s arc Jl 0 I111 S govc ming cvcl)'d ay bc havior wh ose vio la tion r.lises compa r.llivcly liltle conce rn . For example, w..Ilking up a " dO\m~ escalator in a depa rtme nt store c halle nges our standa rds of a pprop ri:u.e behavior, but il will not result in a line o r a j ail sente nce, Society is mon: likely In fo rmalize 11101'eS tha n it is fol kwdYs, Nevertheless, fo lkways play a n important role in shaping th e daily behavior of Ille mbers o f :l c ultme.

    Li ke mores, fo lk...... rcpl'Cse nt cuhurally I ..Iys pattems or bc havior alld can \'al)' fl'o l1l a ne 5()t 10 tlllother. Even fo lkw:tys ccmcernillg tillle::lrt univcl1la l1y sll<ll'ed, AI; an example, some: cult do nOt ~ h a re the weslern conce m Iv\ lh kccl)inK po inUll e nts precisely. King Hassa n 11 of MorO<'t no torious for alTiving la le al mecli llg8. In 1 ....he ll Brit.a in 's Q ueen El il<tbel..h 11 paid a call. king ke pt her wai ting for 15 minutes. The q was 1101 a mu.sed , blll Ihe Mo roccans could nOl dcrst.:lIld why she and lhe Bri tish pulll ic wcre:w set. "The ki ng could never have kep t th e quct'Q a nybody else ....ai li ng.~ a Morocca n late r rcmat "because the king ca nnOl be latc" (l.cvi nc, 19t17 In ma ny soc ieties around the world, folk ex iSl 10 reinfo rce paue nls of male domina Men '" hierarchical position above women \'01 the lradi tional Bud dhist areas o f Soulheasl /W.I revealed in various fo lkways, In tJ,c sleeping fan lrJ.ins, women d o nul slcep in upper hel't h ~ a men, In hospila ls in whic h men li f e ho used 011 II rst. fl oor, wome n patie llls will not be placed 00 second nool'. Even 0 11 clOlhcsli nes, folkwaysdit. m;:i1e do mina nce: wome n 's auire is hung lo ....'tr tha t of men (Bullc. 1987:4). Acceptance of Nonns No nns, whelh cr m o r~ fo lkways. are not fo llowed in a ll sit ua tionll, In cases, people evade a norm because they kn()\\ il weakly e nfo rced . h is illegal in many stall') tCC lll.Igers to d rin k alcohol ic beverages, )CI iug by min OI1l is com mo n throughout the nO! ( In fac t. Iccnage alcoholism is one o r o u r ('OU mos t serio us socill l pro blem s.) In ~o m c ins ta nces, behavior tha l appears to kw: socie ty's norms may actually represent 11 ellce to the norllls o f one's particular g Teenage d ri nkers often b reak the laws of it govern me nt in o rder la confonll to the slall or a I)(;C I' group. Similarl)', in 1993. aftC'f a cl g Ull baule wilh fe d er.11 offi cials, ncal'ly 100 l hers of a religio us cu ll :lSsucia ted Wi tll the B Davidia ns roIlO\"'ed the dinates of tilt' cuh\ ItD:wid Ko resh . a nd delled govcnune nt a rfitu a bandon their com pound near Waca, Tcx;~. }: w ally, a fte r a 51 -day lIiL"'l ndolT, the Dep.trU11 C!lI J ustice ordered an assault on tllt! compound 86 cull me m bers (in cl ud ing Koresh ) died, Norms <l1 violaLCcI ill so me installcC!l 'C

    72
    I'M{/" nUl
    OHGAN/~J,W ;

    <;()UAI. UH,

    I"'''

    .. nt" norm conflicts wilh <tllollwl". for example. sUJr pe~ that )uulive in an apartmcnt building :Hld onc night h(';.r lhe .screanUi: o f the \\om01Il Ilt'X I door h.. i~ bc:ing beaten by hc r hush.'lnd. Jr you decide '" Ullt'r-.eoe by ringi ng the il' doorlx:1I o r calling the pulilt. rou a rc vi%titlC lhe no rlll or ~ mindin g your husincn- while. at the ":lme Lime . fol/owing the I')(IIlll of assisting a vic tim of \;olcncc. hcolI '!I'he n nonus do not conllict. there 'Ire al"U\1o,CCptiOIlS la allY 1l0 1"ln. The same action. lInIkr different cirt.umSlance5. CAll cause onc to be \w.,,'td either as a hero or as :t \; \I"in . E::1 \'e~I)'()Jr plll~ on telephone cOll\'er!:uions is nomHtlly con'lidtlOO illegal and abhorrent. Ho weve r. it can be dnne '!Ihh a court o rder to obl~lin \-alid c\'idc nce vr a criminal trial. A go\'crn mc lIl agcm \\'ho uses !(Ich methods 10 convict :111 org:lI1i lcd crime baron 1IU)'1x' praised . In o ur cuhl!!'c. c\cn killing-ano ther Iwmiln being is lolcrmcd as :'\ fo nll of scJf-defcnsc IIld ~ actually rewarded in warrare. "i011lC' JOCia l no rm s arc so widely accepted that rhf'\ rnrdy need lO be \c rbaJi~cd . TI1l'Y are implichl\ t.. ught by :J society to its members, :md the re 1Il_~ be \'tl")' little need 10 (-,ll rorce lhem , An examJ"" 01 ,uch a nonn is un.' prohibitio n agai n'l canQlll.ih'm. h is unlikely tlt:!1 )'l)1I call recall an)'one Irlling,ou nOllO eal huma n nesh. Nt!\'c l"lhc lcss, as nl('nlix-n ofth' cul ture of the Ulli led Slales. we al,l\u\1 ne\'C~r conside r doing so. -\Cceprance of no nn.lt is ~u l~ ect 10 change. as the i-"~itK""'. tconomic. and MXi;tJ conditions of;1 culllV\' :art lransfonncd . Fo r example. undel' II":tdilnul nonns in the United Slales. a woman was e.xJI'=llffl to marl)'. re:u- c hildre n . and remain :11 home d h~r husho ('ould lIllppo n tIle r.lmily withuut II('r Uld oMhlOlIlCt, How(. 'e r. Ihese no rms havc bec n dm ng... If)! III rent decades. in JKln :t. (I result ofl lle CO II , lernplll":u y feminis t mm" eme llt (sce Cha l)lcr 11 ) _A... IUpport for trnditiona l nonm weake ns, people will 'trI frtt 10 violate the-m mon fl'eqllc lllly and Itflfnlvand will be less like ly la receivc seriolls Ileg.IU\C {;HlClions for doing ~o .

    IHI F.RIIDI

    By GARY LARSON

    "You're sick, Jessyl ... Sick. sick, sick!"

    all

    Thr Imlll/btll/III ugfJi,UI ralll/ibalism is nmmplr of a Sl)tial nol'l" 1/1 witkly

    a("plld 1/1 ,''' UnilM S/(lla Iha' il mm, ,ltnlJ tt, bt 1't'rlxllv~tI.

    SaIIctio.~........_..... _."..................................................................
    ~luJ happen.'! \\'hcn people \'iol:uc a wielely sh:lI'c d mol WldCl's tood not"lU? SIIPPOSt dml .1 foOl ball roI(~ ~nds a twd flh pl;l),cr 01\10 Ihe field . hnag Inr d tOIJege gr.l dllalt~ showing lip in ClI10l fs fo r a

    job interview at " IMgc b:.lllk. 01 conside r a dri\'er who IIcgl ecl.~ 10 put any money ill a parkin ~ me te r. III e,tch of' tlICS(' situations, the pe rson ....'iII receive sa llc Lions if his or her behavior is dCleClc d . S(Ulcliorls arc pcnahic~ and rew:lI'ds 1 conduct 01" cOllcemi ng a social nOnl l_ NUll' Iha t Ihe concept of r,../lfml is included in lhi ~ dclillilion. Conformity lO a nonn can le;ld tu positive sa nClio n .~ slIch as a pay raise. II medal. a word 0 1 gralilllde. or a paL 011 lhe bac k. Neg;lli\'c sa n clio n ~ illcllldc fines . thl'e:tls. ;111pr;SO Il1l1CnI . ami even stares or cOlllcmpl. In Table :1- 1 on p;age 74.l h(' relationship bc l"" c(:' n
    no rm s and sanctions is Sllllllll.ll'i,cd. As )Ol\ r:1II scc

    in tJlis (...ble. the sanc tio ns thal arc associalt:d wi lh formal no nns (those wriuclI down awl t'txlified ) Icm\ 10 be lonnali..:ed as well . 11 a coach scnds lOO

    7J
    ('J IAI,.,,.R J Cl 'I.I VICJo

    formal

    Salary bonus testimonio! dinntlr

    Medal Diploma

    F~"

    Firlng from a

    iob

    Jail sentence
    Expulsion Humilialion
    ~i""

    Informal

    Smile
    Compliment Ch_,
    SallfIIO'U .w'J1.'t It,

    rritif(JJ'C' boIh j()nft(ll

    ulld wfomllil 'iocJ(lI nQml,,\.

    many pl:l}'t:I'!i OntO the fi eld, the l(:"m will be penalized 15 y..rds. The college gmdu:u.e I.,.ho comes lO th e bank interview in eutoffblu c jC:U1 S will probably be lre:\led with contcmpt by bank ofndals and will allllost ce rminly lose any chance of gelli ng Ihe j o b. The dlivcl' who fa.ils 10 pUI mo ney in lhe parking mele r \\;11 be givcn a tickcl ;lIId expccted l O pay .1 lille. Il11plicil in Ihe a pplication or.s.anctio ns is the dctccdng of nonn \;olation or obedience. A person c.anno t be penalizcd o r u:warded unless someone \\'ith t.he po.....er LO provide sanctions is aware of the person 's "ctions. Thcrcfol'c. if none of the offici" ls in lhe footb;all game rcali/ell t.hat there is an extra playe r on the fi eld , then' "'ill be no pe nahy. If the police do nOI sec lhc car which is illcg:llly parked , there will be no line o r Licket . Furthermore, lhere can be imfrrOfH'" "pplication of sancLiol1!1 in certain situat io ns. T he referee 111"), m;\ke "u error in counting the numhe r of tootba U pla),f.rs and le"y a n undeserved penalty 0 11 one team for ~ t OO man)' pla)'M e l's o n lhe ficld . Th e e ntire fabric of nOl"lllS and sancl.iolls in a culture rcncCb 111:\1 ( uIUlre's \~llll CS and priorities. The mosl cherished vo\ lucs will be most heavily sanctioned ; malic.., re~lrdcd as less c ritic,,!' 011 tile olher h;l11d. will ca n)' light and infonnal sanctions.

    y.".!.~.!'!........................................................................................... Each indi\;dual develops his 0 1 her 0 ....'0 personal ' goals and ambitions. yet each culture pro\'ides a

    general set ofobjecth'es for iu mem bers. Yaiuuaft' these collective coneepLions 01 what is cOllsidered good , desir.lblc , and propcr-or bold, undesirable. a nd irnpro per-in a culture. Tht.')' indicate ",b,;,u peopk ill;t given culture prefer as wdt as what ~ find imr.tOn;tnt and mornlly riglll (or wro ng). \'~ UL"S lI!.Iy be sJ>ccilic, such 'L~ hOlluring onc's parenl) a nd owning a ho me, or t.hey Illa ), be more general. suc h ;L'i health . lovc, and democmcy. Valucs inlluellce people's bch:l\'iOl' a nd SCM Z cri teria lor a-.lluating the aClions of Olhers. TIU=R is oft e n a dircct relationship between the \<ilue:\ norm!l, and S;lnctio ns of a culture. For ex."Imple, ~ :1 culture highly v.ducs the imlituliol1 01 marriagr il may h;M: nomlS (a nd st~t 5Otnctions). which.prohibil the aCI of "d uhc!,)'.,tf!' a cu lture \'tcws pm-air property as " basic value. il will pmbably ba\'C 1aW\ aWlinst then a net vandalism. The ,,,,lues o f a culture ilIay c hange. bUI mml rtmain relatively stable durin g all Yline persun's liftlime. Soc ially shared . illlc nscJy felt volllles are a fill1dame nml pan o f our liv(:... ill the Ull itcd SUllCS, Ob\~ous l y. IIOt a ll 0 1 the 250 million people in thie; coul1lry agree 011 onc set of goals. Howe\'t'f. sociologist Robin Wi1lia ms (1970:452-500) a uenl!> led to oITer a list of hasic \'< lluc\ in lhe United Stall'\. His lisl included achit."\'Cl11c nt. eOicicncy, material comfort. n:tt.ionalism, equality, and the supreman of science and reason ol'er faith . All)' such effon to dcscl'ibe our n;lIjOI1 's \,;,Iue!l should be properlt \'iewed as but a starting l)Dint in defining tht na tional char.ICler. Nt."\c rthclcss. a revicw of 21 dinerell! 'luemplli to d(:scribc lhc MAmerican \w S)'S ICIll,R including the: work of 311lhropolog;. M:lrg:lrcl Mead and .sociologist TalcOIl Panom. revealed , Ill m'eraU similarit), 10 the '~dlues ideolt lied by Wil1i.uns ( De'~ lI e. 1972:185) . In h is book umlinn,ull l)ivid,., socio logisl Set11101.11' Martin Lipset ( 1990) contrasted th e vaJues ol IWO su pe rficially sim ilar neighbol's: the United SUit es and Canada . Acco"ding to sUl'\'ey dOlta from many polls, people in the Uniled Stales arc 11\ religioul! tha n Calmdians and t.:lkc mo re mQralisfl: altit lldes toward sex, pontogmphy. :md ll1arria~ Wherca.'l C.a naclialll! show grcalt'rCOl1Cem for aj,!. dcrly society and a rc morc likely 10 favor a role for go\'cm mel1l, ci Ul.cI1S of Ihe United SQ show greatcr concern for libeny and are mo~ pon i\'C o f limi ts on go\cnllue11l 1)O\\'c r . In fucl.

    74
    ""Kr nm .
    QH(oA.W7.1W. SOCIAI. un

    ill the United States art: more suspiciOlIS of Rbig_ than Can:.tdi.lIls-whcther in lenns or big KIJ\'tnlll\(1lI or plivil(C l'COIlOll1ic l)tl"",er. The issuc or g:1)'S in thl' mililarv rc\'eals anodle/' rumple of the ',IIIIC differc/lct:5 in supcrlicially tinliLlrcultures. In 1993. ",hl~ n I'rcsidcmBiII Oinhili .ulllounccd his intentIOn 10 hh lhe long-s13nd11'11': I>an prohibitinJ; IC!'>hians and gtly llIeJl from sen'" UIR in the United SlaleS arrllcd forces. there W:IS unlllg opposition both inside :\IId ouuide the mil/Yn Yet. only a rear coulier. C:mada had ended a IImlbr ban. According 10 11 rC\'iew of 17 major ai11f"'I1>I the United Srau'!s b) Ihe Gcncml AccotllHIng OUite. only llm:c (Great Ildtllin. Grcece. and ", .. tugal) cxplidlly ban brays frOIll their lllilit'IIY 1011 e.,. A Danish air forn' general Wa5 pllzllcd O\'CI' ltu- colHrO\en)' in Ihe Ullil ed States, notillg: " I don'tundcntant! \\hy yuu haH: ;1 eft-bale 011 it ... . PIonlllltly cures abuw il U. 1..IIH! ;L.;l e l .. 1992: 14). ... One cOll1l11onl)' dted bar'oll1cter of" the \';llues of" tbr linit~1 Slates i~ all annual que~liollrmire Sllr"e ) ul.tutudCJ ofmor!! than ::! 10.000 eltlering lin.t1ear tj~lt-Kc ~tudenL'i ;H 401 two-year ;lI1d four1'(;tr col\rK~ Thi5 5U ....C) focuscs 011 ;\11 ;ur.IY of issues. belI("h ..tIld life goOlI:.. ~Ol eX~lInple, 1"l':,polldcnlS an. ' _It! ir \-arious value!! ;:II"C pe ....unally important to Ihnn Q\cr the last 25 )'can.. tht ,,,,hit" or Mbcillg won IfItlk>lT financi.llI) has sho\>o"II the strung~1 Jl*1I In popularit)'; the ploponiull of lir.,t-y~ar col, Wat \tudclIl$ I\ho endo r~ this \;\llIe as Me.....cl1uaIM ut'\ 11' importallt ~ rose from 44 percent in 1967 "'i:'I~rcrnt in 1993 (~~ Figun' :~l) .. 11) contrast. dk- \"lIue that has ,hll\\'11 the mu .. ' "lriking dedinc LnCmionc111crH hy liIudcllb is ~dc\(:lo pillg a rncanlIlatul philf)SOph) or lifc. \\1tile Ihis ,,,,Iuc ....-;"\S the ID!."tl)l:lpuJar in the IHG7 sun'cy, clltlt,rsed by murt.' dwl11 pc-rcelH of the respondellt!'>, it had fallcllto cilth pLlCf.: on the 1'''1 by 1993 and "'~IS endorser! bv onh iSl>crcent or .. tUdcnLS c lltel"in..: college (Nun rt.tl. I!J87:97. I9tJ3). DurulK thc IURO~, Ilrere was gruwi nJ.{ support for ,".d1lM h;\\ing 10 do \\'ith murrer. P(I\\'cr. ;md stalus. "" tlit !lame lime, tllc n: \\'<1.$ " decline in suppon 1nl' rrrt.lin '~d lue! h:willg ' 0 do with -roci:tl OI\\'";lfelINo .llId Illlnlisll1 ... ueh :\8 Mhclping OIhers.- Hu\\'l'I'l1.ln the J99tls therc W;15 ('\<idence Ihal collegc lIudrnbwere onc(' agailllunring LUw~lnl social conmtn.\ccording to lhl' 199'lualiollwide surwy. 43 pml'lIt of firsl-lc;lr ~Iude rlls slated th,lI "'innuencR
    M

    pit 1_-

    flCURE 1 .. 1 Liff' Cools of Fi",' .Yr:o,. ColIgr Studwts i" thfl U"itrd Statrs, /967- 1991

    100
    90

    P8It*,toge who idctntily 9001 Ol '*Y fmportant or euentiol

    80

    70
    60

    50
    'OIY"'-~~

    30

    20
    10

    ~~.~7LL~19~7~,LL~19~n~~19~8~,LL~19~8~7LL~I~3
    .... "" ..: L(JA rtillht1 ,.11I00hOll KnoW"r h A_tin "1:01 , 1\1117.97. t~
    lJ>'UI"'~. ;tO

    ...,,, .....d

    I"

    W'm

    thln' llu' hot 2' )nUl, nllmllKfipjl(1I11tgt' slut/nIb HI 11., Unllttl S/(l(1'1
    "'ur~

    Iw1Jf' tJ,ro,1V

    C(J1I(f'lTltri ",.,11

    bmJming

    "IN'rJ U!,I/-tJiffinllnrinlfJ nllll

    b rOIlrnM Wllh dt'l!dopinf 0 InHINIIlgful pllJ/~, of l'.ft. R 17v.rr hlu bw1I U (,""fll IIlrmlJt' III /Iv.
    ProfK1rltall $lull,III.1 rvho VI"Ut' "h,I/llng kJ frrom{J/~ nlClol

    cif

    u"tInT/mu/i,1t
    ing .soci:tl ,~t!uC!S~ \\~LS ;m Re"Wntial or a R\,Cf)' impOnallt go'I!. Mnrco\"cr.the prllponjon or~ludenu for whom ~ hclping to promote r.Jcial underst::tndingR \\'i.1S an cSSt"nt.i;!\ or vcry importallt gO<I! increased sharply to :1 record high of 42 percent (tip from 34 perccnt in 19tJ I). CleOlrly. like Other aspects or culture. such as language and !loa'IIlS, a ll11liOI) 's "alllcs a rc nOI neccssari ly fixed (I)ey Cl al.. 19tJ2:25) . It is important 10 l'l1lph:lSi"lc Ih"t ...."Iuc s)'Stcrns call be C]lIitc differellt Irom tlml of our own ("u lture. In IlapllOl , C\\' CuinC:l, much or what people: in the United States wou lcl considcr priv.Jle properly is shared . Diffcrent peoplc may actually hold dinerent rights on t.hc same land . There is 110 Mowner'" ill our terms: onc PCl"5UIl mal hold ceremonial
    M

    75
    tJIIonw J ' CUI1"(!HI;

    1/1 / 99J, II~ r.lm~J '/'/J(IINill'htlJu'r fII/ijI UI( Iflllg'JIlIIUfillg ban IwoJuinlhll(
    th,. (Ill/II'({ ~(1/1'.l

    /(l/)jtm, fHU/l!ay Ill,." from vrt1iug;/1 anntd IOff~. ga)1

    tum'lIlly ,11 Ihl military ollti gay IIrlCTt/llJ ril',"iJlu l rall:tl i" I/"'f rm ID o ,IIIII,,"((/r,. IIt";f $ml;',. ({j 1111'11' ( (f/llllry.

    righ ts. :lIIo the ,' fishing "iglus. allQllWr hUnling rights.. :lI1othcr d\\'c lling rights, and so rOrlh. In 1983. yQurl!; me n ill OIlC 1" lpu:1Il village were killed afu:~r dc\'clopillg export busine:;ses rn r their own persona l profit . Tllf'se me n were \~ewcd as being too in dh~dualisti c and a..'i no longer cOIlIribUling 10 the COITlInon good . 11\;s extrcme example reminds liS that what is ",llIed in onc socicl),-Mbe ing \'cr)' wel l-oIT finan ciall)'" - Il\ar lead 10 a d eath selllCHee in II dim' I'en, c ulLUrc (lWis (lm\ Ellis, 198Y) .

    S:.I,'!:T..y.!Y.\!' ..!N. q.~,.!~I"9.~..................................


    A.'i wc have seC II, the milLl's :Uld 1I0rl1lS of evcl)' cui llLre sometimes conOic t with each o tJler. Cultuml jnlegralloll rcrcrs lO till' hringing together or co n ~

    fli cting cuhllral clcm(n lS. n,sulting in :t hamlOo nious ;Uld cohesi\'c whole. In a wellinlcgr.w.-d ruJ. lure. v:.Jrinlls lIo rms. ," .llues. a nd ClLstoms wlU support onc :mO/he r a nd lit togc ther well. Tr:ulitiu nalty, the La pp pcople 0 1 Finland \l'lc:d lhe dogslccl as a basic "d liclc fo r ll'a nsporlation ill wdl as :, mc;ms of hulltillK a nd herding deer. H (M' e\c r. in the early I960s. SlIowmohik"S became ink'graled inlo 1 ";lpP c ulturc .md, 10 sOll\e C)(ICm, If' s haped the culture. These machines were nOltlSCfuI in hunting, since they made tOO muc h noise and frightened aWAy d eer. Nevertheless. the dogskd quickly became a Ihing ofthe past. L..,PPS lIscd thrir ne\\' snowmohiles 10 haul goods and to CSCOl1 tOlll'ists IIH'o ugh the CCIIlllt rysidc, This change in onc clement of mllterial cuilure-the introduc tion of new lec hno logy-I! had rar~reachillg conscque nces 0 11 both maltrUI and nonnmtc lial culture. The Lapps have quick.l\ bccomc much more dcp('n<lellt on their ncighbor. and the o llL~ idc wodd. Where as he rding was lr.Im. tio nally a lIolita ry occupat ion. a L.... pp ",;11 now drlw across the counuy with a second sno"'lno bile r, 'oIM ca n drivc him o r he r back (0 wannlh a nd 5iUC(~ ,I lhe firs t Sllowmobilc breaks down. Ne"" lines d wm'" have eln ~ I'gcd bcc:tlI.sc of lhe neecl for [uti ror spare parts, and for mechanical sc ,,~ci l1 g. In di tion. the case of lr.ue! aH rded b)' lite s nov.~ o bile hiL~ c reated a m uc h wider network or friend'iltips and fami ly rela tionships among the LaPfl'I)cople e'lIl IIOW visit co."h o the r nuu.:h more trrquc mly- dcspilc the long, cold. SIlOwy wimers. While the UIPPS have successfull)' illlcgrated lhi sno\\lllobilc in to the rcs, of the ir cultul'C , it has nno crlhclcss tramfunncd their culture in certain 111\1 Social r.tnk h:L'i become lIIore impilnant ,lInong lbr Lapps than il "'~AS in the d'l)'S "" hen almost' c\'cl)'oIII owned reindeer he rds or "pproxim:llel), cqual ~ The need for money 10 buy :md maintain SIlIIlo mobilcs ha.<; causcd SOllle Ix)()r familic~ to lose m<:. of their herds a nd Hlf'Il 10 govenllllclII assislan At the sallie timc. thosc with greate r \\'calll! or 111(cl!anical abilit)' havc hccll able to keep their IfII, chines opelolling efficicIlII)' ;Hld la subst :Ullial~tI large their h(.'rtis, Thwi. \"hile the com ing of IhI Sllowmobik has bro ug ht L..'lpps togcther and i the 1~II'gC I' roci:.1 world. it has sintllltrtnco usl)' CIt aled ne'''' social boundaries within the Lap!> Cultlll ( Pelto, 1973) .

    76
    I'IIN" H I'f} OICf.A,\J(J.V . !i(III,11 011<

    "d., III ,ulllll~.1 IIHCj.lI':,lillll . Childrl'I1', g;UIJL~ .mc!

    tlt'l! rdati\'cl) mill()l' ;l.. I>eC L~ ofa ("Ullll!'(' (.In play ..

    IllU'ltI' rhymes uuclouhlCdl) rClIIloru' lhc lIo mlll )u.1 \Jlu~ of .1 culture. uncu cndinJ( ....ill! rather r\ldw 11 ~nsM ,Iho\ll .Ipprnpria ll' .Hld inapprop!LlI~ lM=haviur. Similarly, ccrc m o nil'~ such as \\00dlOjC'I, lunr-mls, .lI1d con(inn.ltinm. IlI'C P;trt~ p.utid1J.lm~ 101 Ill''' .social ro]('S and f\.'duce Ill\. shock of rlwnKt whlc:h might Ihfl'atCII sot ial ('u llIiIlUily. ~lC1OlogislS :1[1;1'(,'(' that IIU Lulturc c.<Ul !>t' 1 0gic'"<\lIy III\Jdn.1 into ~CP<U'IIC parts for ;m.t.I )'~i ...IIHI bl' trul), ullol'1'tood. EI'cry aspect of luhllre ill inl4..'nwinc cI ",lh uthr-I'S a nd conll;bult:s 1 lht culturc as :t .0 "lluIt (At(,l"lSberg .Uld Ncihorr. 196150-51) . Cultural illll'gralion i .. nOI al .... a )'!'o Ihl' rcsull (,f J~'ltll\t:nl b) all mcmhcr'i of:t c1l11111'l', Oftcn this I'fllU"'\ is enfol'ced from the lOp: Ic~s I>OWClful iIlcml)Cr'" of society have little chnict IllU 10 accepl tilt' 'hc IdleS and v.llllt'S uf 1111'S(' in COlll r(,I. COllfJin thl'oriJI~ cllIphasilc that whilc ClIlllll~ . 1 in legration nl.~ , st in cCI'lain sucieties, till' 11()[ 1iI~ and \~ lllI cS ..... 1X"lpClLl<Ill'd arc those 1<lI'OI, .bl( 10 lht, ditcs and Ihr pUI\'ctful (lI also M. t\rc ht' l" 1988) .

    dHfl'I'S Imlll till.' pauc m of the largl'1' socil'ty. In a Sl.'I1SC , .1 .. u ocu1ture can be t.hought ul as a cu lture existing within a larger. dominant c\tltutc. The exiSll.' llCe o f many subnllwres is dmracu:rinic of COIllplex socic t..ic. s uc h a5 the United Slates. Connicl I.heoristJ. :tfJ(lIl' that 'iubculturcs often emerge Ix... (""au~ the do minant societ) has 1I1l511CCCSS fllll) attempted 1 i>lIpprcss :\ pr:tcticc Icgardcd as im0 proper. 511Ch a ~ use of illegal dnlW'.

    The impact o f !iuhc u1t.ul"e.s \vithin the United


    SI;II4..":I i'l cvidc tII ill thc ccle brntio n 0 1 SC;lsonal lta-

    ditij)lh , Dcccmber is do minated 1 the rcligious a nd commcrci.d cdebmtion of the Christmas holido -;111 e\'('1II "cll~nll'cnched in thc domina nt n cu!tml' or Ollr ~ icl ). Il o\,'c\'CI', thcJcwish slIbcu ltUfl' o bscnc'l I-Ianukkah . Arrica n Americans ha\'e beb"lll to ob~l' I"\'c Ihl' relatively IlCW ho liday or 1{1\'aI1l;I:I , and somc athcisl.S join in l'i lllals cclebraliug thc willlt, 1' solslice ( K. ll('tcfSOn , 19(2) .

    III~..Y.~"!!~I!.9._~_.... __ _ _ _ .. .... ... ... ..............


    1.." h (\lhur~ h;u .Iunique (:II.IIOICI('I". Culture'S adapl
    !hJ!t', I~""I

    'u lurel !opccirk sel... nf dr('umst;all(,c~. MICh as c1ior tl.'chnuloh'Y. puplIl;lIio .. , and geugr:l1,101 This a(\;(pl,uiull I... c\ide'llI in dine n ' nccs in:lll rl"flIt-nlS or l'uiture, including nnrlll'\, ~a n ctiom. , \<11,""" allt.llaugu,lge. nHls. dt"S]>iu' liI( presence of ,,,:,,11111 uni"Cl"$lls such .IS courL<;hip religion, "H'" ~1I11 gn.':lt dh'cl"\il), mno ng the \\orld's m,ln y "lliul\'S. MOICQ\'t'I". C\t'!1 ....;thin a ~ inglt- 11,It ioll, cel"I ,11 ~Illl'nt. a t the populace \\;\1 dcvelop cultural 'i f>l[ll'fUS "hkh dilTl'r frolll thu!tC uf the dmninalll

    I'

    ""eI

    "1("11'1\',

    Aspe~~,.~.~ ..~~~.I.~,~.~~,~! ..y'~~~.~~~,~~.~.......,....,.. ,.......,...........


    \ubru!tures Olde r peopl( IhinK in hUllsing for I~t ddcrly, wurkcl""5 ill an un ... horc oil rig, 1'0<1 I) , ... I.~\, circus pc rfol'l"ilers -all "re l.'x.unple'i of IOI'Jt iologisl.S refer to as lll/JroIWrn. A subcul I.rtl~.t ~'glIll'lIt of SOCiety ,,"'h ic h sl);ll"t:s 3 dininc, I"'llern or IIIOr1.'5. fOU...... I\'S, a nd ",Iuc which

    SJIIJIIII/

    111"1' "."'I/IN", rhl' Smt' Tre k. ,,,IXlfl/lll? 1II"1'5~II" KIIIIJ{OI/5 . .,.1t~ '7'rrU"" ~ aUn/(f SI,tr rrd romlt'lIrlOPlI, III&.rrrllr /'I/(j'l IIwgm.irus

    11

    IHld

    lHuI 'In.... /I'I/f'f\ J/~lll"tl all St::ll' Trek, nlj(IJ ,{mUltI III ,hl'l/lJlllldllN' fill'" of dmt /m'tlflll' St,II" r,('k
    r hrH"llttf'TI.

    77
    U/A.P1l-..R J

    (".I r n

    IUi

    Members of :1 suhcu lture parlicip:IIC in the domina nt culture. while :u lhe s:unc lime e ngagi ng in uniquc and distin ctivc foml!! of llchavior, Frequcn tJy, a subcuhure will develop an argot, or SIX,.. dalizcd langual:tc, which distinguishes it frOll1 the wider socie ty. Thus , the ph r<4Se MSmokcy in a plain wrappc r~ h:.l.Oi special meaning for truc k dd\'cl'S :Uld Others who liSlen to citizens' band r.ldios (CBs). It indica tes that a patrol onicer is a head o n the road in (\n unmarked car. T he phrd.SC "be:lr ill lilt' ...Ioods ghting (IlIt grecn SCUlI p.'( meanS Ihat the officer ill giving out tickets, while.' "t:.Ikillg pktlll'ClI" means fhat IlOlice arc lIsing:l r<ldar g llll to mo niwl' cld\'ing speeds. Just as uud;. dl'h'C I'S h;wc 311 UIIWillal latlb'1Jage for describing high",... y police. :I subculture of pdson in mates ma)' create ilS own cola lfn l argot. A study of me n 's prisons in C.1 lifornia re ve aled lh:u the len ll jadulliflg i~ IIst:d 10 refer 11) a b'1.tanl's om ciall) no ting in an inmate's fi l(' Ihal he is II SIISpcc t('d gang mcmber. Often g ua rds obuti n this infOnllalioll aOOllt inmates th rough confide nlial informants (01' Msnhc hcs"). By suppl)'ing slIch infonn:ujon lO guards, a snitch dcvelo ps a Mjuicc: ('.'\Id M_ thlll is, :I fonn of o'cdit with Ihe guard, which the b'1tard will C::"elllually h:l\'(: to repay with some Iype of Hwor (C. Ilulll Cl al., 1993:40 1-402). Even Ihe names thal people ~ivc lO everyday o lr jecls and c\'cnLS mOly '':'I I}', depending on the argot of regional subcultures. For c).:amplc, a study of 1002 communities across tlte Uniletl States n :\'caled lhat III diJrcrent It.'IlUS <Ire used 10 describe a type of sandwich in an unusually lo ng bun that con.n iIUtes;1 lIIea.l in i1.~(:lr (Cassidy. H)S5). Six namcs rOJ Lhis sal)d\'t~c h were cspec.i:1l1y J>OI)ular. Mpoor boy" (primarily in lhe:: svutheastern :.tll lCS :m d parIS of Cotlifornja). M hoagie- (Pcn nsylvani;a ;and N(!\\',1cI1It!)'). "grinder" (Conncc6cut and o lher Ne ..... Eng land smte!)}, " OagwOOlI ~ (Iowd. Minnesota. ot he.r mid we.Slern Sl.1.tes, a nd pans of soulhcnJ California). "hCI'()M (New York Cit),and 'ewJersey) , ...ne! MCllban ~andwichM (Florida ). Argot ~l1ows ~i nsidcrs,M lhe Ulf.'Ulbcrl' o f lhe subculture. 10 understand words wilh s)x."Cial mcanin&'S. It a lso CSI:lhlishc:o 1><11tCI'11S o f conunll n ic~llion which ClUnot l>t- understood by "oul$idcl'5." Socio l ogist.~ :15SOC iaICd with Ihe intemClio ni51 pers pecti"e e mphasize that lan g uage and symbo ls offer a powerful \'t~d)' ror ~1 sllhc ulture 10 main tai n its ic\e lllit)'. T he

    p:tr6cular a rgO! Ill' a gi\'cn subculture. thetef6fr. pl'OvidC1l a feding o f cohesion for lIIembers alld conlrihules to the dc\'elopment of a WOu idt=ntiff (J-Ialliday, 1978). Suhcult.ures deve lop in a number of ways, Oflen a sUOClllt,ure c lllcrg:t:s because a SCb"lIent of sodet1 faces p l'oblems or even privileges unique 10 its i sition. Su bcu ltures may be based 011 cOlUmon ~ (I,ecllagers 01' I)ld I)cople) . region (Appal:tchiam)J eth nic hedmge (Cuban America ns). or beliefs /1 militalll po litical group). Occupations Ill:!)' a lso r0I111 subcultures, In hit book 'J1le !light SfllJf. subsc(llIcnuy made illlo.l I l ull ywood fillIl. Torn Wo lfc cxamiJI CcI !h e rcdusiw fl, IIcnli!y of ICSI pilots who p.wl.'d the woly fOI United States eXplOl"ollioll of space. According to Wolfc, members of this subculture !oha red d istinc live:: no rms and \~II\l C5 governi ng their bchaviorin lhe lIir and o n the groun d. They were ex.pectedllf p"."$ continua,1 tests of lhc il' nying skills, couragr, ane! M riglllcous quality" in o rde r 10 pru..'c that Ihl'l ""ere the ~elCClcd :mc! a nui llled o n(!s who had lilt rig/lt st,,g" (T , \\'olfe. IH80: 19). (;crwin subculuucs. such as lhat of computer " hllckers.~ develop be(';) IL'IC of a shared interest ... hobby. III :;Iill Other subcultures, such as that d I)risoll inrnalcs. me mbers have been cxc.ludcd from 110 nn:ll socie ly and MC forced la dc\'c!o p :Ilternativc ways of li\ting. CounlCTCUllul1$ Some subcultures conspicuolI.'" the ce nt ral nonns and v'allles of the pr~ vai ling culture. A CO ll llterf'uit"re is :1 subculture lhJt I'cjects societ:t l norms ami v,llu es and SCt'1ts nitet' lIa live lifes tyles U. Yinger. 1960. 1982). Coumrrcultures are Iypically ~) plllar aml)llg the YOUI" \\'ho ha\c the leasl ill\'eslll1ell ! in tht: existing cuilure. In most ca.."lt.'S, a person who is 20 t'cars old crUl acljust 10 new cultural st:u~dards more t=a~ th:1II someone who has spt'nt 60 )'C01I'5 following the p:uterns ofth~ dominanl cullu,'e. Uy lhe e nd o f the 1960s. some wri le rs claim~ Ulal an c).:lcnsl\'c co ulHc rc:u\t'ure had emerged 1_ the United Stalcs. colllposcd or)'otlllg IX!opic. who repm.liau.. the techno logical onclluu.iofl QfouroU'1.I lUre, This COulltCl'culturc primarily inclllded ~ ic;II I,Hlicals and "hippies" \.,.ho had M droppcd OIU~ 1Il,linSlream sodal instilllliom. These young mt'fl :111(\ wome n .. ~jccl~d the pressure If) ;ICCUIlIU)auo

    c h ~llI cnge

    Or

    78

    80X SI
    THE SKlNH.AD COUNTERCULTURE

    B tglnllill(l: io aboUl 1968, II new ((JumcrcultuH: lIu rfdccd in Grcal BOIailL The Skillht'ad~ wel'c )'Oung JI"'OPk . . i lll sh:l\~1 head, who 0(Itn ~ncd sU!lpendcrs, ' ,UIOOI, ,llIcht-l-lOCd !lluxs. In 1 ):lrl. Skin had group5 e m(,l~cd as \'OC:I I lmd 'UIIlc'tirno violent slIPIK.lnCD o( (ntun British lIOCCcr lcams. ' -hl"5e llIWIg people geller-Illy c:l.UU: rrOIll
    ,,"tking-class b.lckg l'o n n<b a nd had
    Imle Cxpt-'<UHI(JII o r "making it" in

    ThrnughoUllhe 19i1ls, the Stin--

    m.unstream MJoCic l)', T he)' Ihle' lf-cI 11' l"tI~ic thal c.xlo l1ed \'Io lenct' .uul
    1:'01:0

    racism, l>cr(l1l111Cd by -lIuch

    1(t'I)\Ip!

    ll..\ I}rimill'~ Skrl'wdrh'cr, FrJJ1cc', Un.u;11 Comhat. 1IIl(1 lllC l~lIIl00 SllUCl' T"lo;,l BooI Bo)'ll. Mnst !J(!ri(HI.sI ~, $(lmt' Sklnhclld j(fOOp5 championcd r.u-i~1 and antiSrmftic idclIlogit"5 ;\IId lUg;lgt.'i.1 in l'IIfHWism. I;olcna, lmd l"len murdc. Immlb~ nlS rrom India. PakNm, .I11t1 Ih(' \\'C:SI I l1dic~ l. COImc l ~ common largel or Skill helld ,t!l.I<b_ (The", werc, howe~..cr. mhl'r

    couIII.e rcullurc grd<lu.llly spread from Britain to E.urope, Norlh America, :!IId I\u..~lra.l ia . h ill difficult 10 n~urc prcdsel) Ihe .iil~ nr lhi.~ coumercuhure, Mnte SkiTlhc;ld~ do nOI hcloll]ol 10 II lIa lion31 or inlerJlalio na\ o'branil;lli(.oll. Nc\'crthclCS5, according 10 une olinmlc , Ihet!.: w 't're 3500 Skinhc;" ls in tile Uniu:d St!UCli in IUCJ3, and thcit number'!! appearcd to IJc wo,,;nN. Skiuhcad b'mups in tll;!! (OUIIII) were rcspnn ..ible for III lea51 28 killings (Wt'r Ihe pcrifK\ 19$7 1 IH!13, 0
    While some Skinheltd$ around Ihe 1I'0rld lldul)! u nly Ih e dislincti\'r' dro."iltll(ll)Ill.'iic ;s.s.~()ciall-d wil h Ihi! COtllllc rculturc, m C)S1 seem to csl>OtI~ While .~upfcllmcy and r"cild h.ured. In ;dmosl all th e countries I\'hefe Skillhe.ul grouP!! exist. I hl')

    hC;1(1

    hal'e ...00 beCOIIU:' IMgel!! o r Skinhcad :IICII-b. I! "ppl.:ar'!! Ihal Ski,, hea{l ~ aIUlC L. IhOllC \it'lI'cd as "wt'''''er- 10 bolster their 0""1 redings o( 'N[M:riOril). Skinlu:ads conSlitlllC a )'ollthful c(lulltI:rcullurc which c1mJlcng~'S thc ....-..IUd nf larger S4.cietics, Wh ile lhq dUll" an aJlcgi:lUce 10 hisluf')' and 1 Iheir (While) cultural hcr0
    ic'gc, lhd l' d f"C'ss alld music f"C'prt'sellt llllo'rmbolic rejl't. tiull or lhe U",Idi liO Il~ or p.-e\inu~ gencnHio lls, Although Sk.inht' ad groups tolt'I':IIt' CCI'm; ., older adult,,-gC:llcrally 1I\t.'IlIUcrs of Wh ite slIpn:macbl

    and

    tl~'i.\-NaJ.i ()rw.U,i 1~llions-thi~

    countCl'c uhure lIe\'crthe!CM is f!om ;mued by young males who pl'OjcCl , I lough. lIllu: hn image,
    '<QI .. ,~ ..... ",. lkf~" ...lk."

    lI'",h, 1!I'J1;

    1\1'.101>, IlolIm,... l;!n, 'I I',., I!I'Y.!.

    c::...m...,

    lr.-,,, nf

    1\lit'1;

    n. t:-""

    8' ,,~i

    \,\,1/lMad group's thllt M ,/IlI,.""u, )

    WCft'

    cxplic-

    ha\'c cOlllmillcd aCL~ ur n:cklc~ \1nlcllcr ag:linsl mc.i:1 :md cthnic lIIi 1 norilit.'S, i ndud illg Jcw~. In the 199IA, I~'l'hidru, gay mcn, Ihe home1 d:S, :1I1d p(:o ple I\ith dL bihliM ....

    muft .md more ca.." 1 .ltger ;lnd la rger homes, ;lI1d mtndlcss army of mat c ri;11 ((ood~ , Instead , lheyell!P~:I dt.liirc 10 live in :t culture based 011 more ' huounistic \';LllIes, slIch as sharing. lu\'e . and cotUtence wilh the cm;roullwllt. A." a political force, tk (I'IUmercultul'C upposed the U nited Smtes' infOh<:ment ill lhe war in Vie tHam and cncour:lged d'&II't.'Sista nce (Fl ack.~, H17 1: ROS/':l k , 19(19) . T h e !IlJnhe.td~, a more rece nt coulltcrculturt: with VCI)' ddJmlll political \';llllCS, arc profile d in Box 3-2.
    ~ Sh ock

    IIIQnton , lllc,c her ullcle cxp(IS('(1 her lO the


    ~whitt.'-man

    wo rler:

    , .. il wit.~:all a push-bulIOll wurld, _, . I remember lhal li ~l linll~ w 'he n ht' pluNSt.'t1 in the \~lnHUII cleancr :md il wt'1Il - L.:abooll1!- I "'";l~ oMl M:iln~d . I ilL'1 bacL.cd up in a corucr hcc:au5C I had nt.'\'c r llCen II I~u~ utun d c'III('r before in Ill)' lire:', , . , I dilln'l kn o w what t.his 1111111$ll'milY\\"dS,
    ' 111l' pho ne . I had n('\'Cr e\'Cr lIW : 1 pho ne berore in my lire, I W"d.S ~ix la'n , bUl .,' I hardl) i!V~r \\-elll to !l1I','fl bt'rHII"t: lily d,ld was 'I(J ~Irirt wi lh CI'crylh i"K, . , , So il 1\~.t5 n';llIy JU!!I ut iudblow;lIg. I ,,'cnt lhrough cullural shod li)..(" you ",'Uuldn ' l behc\'C I\h("'J1 I ClIII(: 10 ~ city (ShHl1cn, 199 1.1 (6).

    Maggie, horll in 19 'Hi or mixed an-

    (Nn', is fir.rcdy proud ot her C.-cc India n herit:lgc. Shr -pent her e;lrly t'e:ln. on a rcse"..uion , but at tilt' ~ o( 16 moved to the C.. nadian ci l)' o f Ed-

    79
    ClIM'1J:H. J U 'Ln!Hl'

    A torln31 jrrJlII IN L'fII/,,1 Slnlo wlio

    gnn ovllD din,," III


    CIIIII/I

    (mllll! al'ff1S HI

    nndlmm$ IhtJI n /oM1 j/Jm1l11J

    iJ dog m",1 ,mghl wtll exllmn,ft' "Ill It'~ l/l(Jr/t.

    do not follow Llle "Amelican W'dy of life.lu fact, CIIS l u lll ~ Lllal !I('CIl'l 'Itrdngc lO lIS Me con side red 1I0rmal and pn)per ill other cultures, ~h~ b lIlay sce Ollr mOfl"S alld rolkways as odd. IllIe resLingl)'. me mber':! or ccrtain cultures might experience cu lture s hock. sim l>ly by seeing peopl( kiS.'l. In many 1 );105 of Lilt' .....orld, kissing is cornpll'ldyab!oclll. Unlil recently, theJallanesc \-le\1rd ld:.sing as acccpL.lble on ly belween mother and c hild. Japanese poetS wrOle fo r centul'ies :loout tbr ;Illure of Ihe back of LllC lIec k. bUI were si lcnt abool the malllh . In facl, thc Japancsc had no ,,"'Ord fOr kissing IIntil 11It.' ), borrowed from English to (,Jnlr the lel1n kml/. Similarly, unlit the :.trri .....tI of Ift'lol erncrs (amllilcir motiun pictures), ki5Sing was un known among the ilalincM!' of OCl'an ia, the u"pchl or Eur.L~ia . and the Thong::. of Africa. Among Iht-t peoples. the mOUlh-lo- lII 0Ulh "-iss 11~15 cOllSidertd dangerous, unhealthy, 0 1 disgusLing. \Vhen Ihr ' Thol1b>"3 first ~<lW EUl'Opeall~ kissing. th!'y laught'rl and I'cllmd"cd : ~Look al titel11! They COli each olil er's :,alil':l .md din l~ (Ford :llUllkach. 195 1; Ticfrt 1978). Culture ~ hock O\'cr conilicling I, tlue 5}'slem~ 1\ nOI limited 10 cnnt::lCb bC III'ccn traditional and model1l sodelic~. \Ve a li'I experiencc culture lIhotJ. in our own socicty. A consc ....-::tuve. chul'Ch-goin~ o lder perwn migln fee l bcv.ildcrcd or horrilied ,,1 ,I punk rock concert. Simii;lrly. gi\cn traditional 01) Lions abOll! gl'ndcr I'o\t.-s in our c ulture. man)' ~ Illiglu he ~hocked by a wOll'lel1's martial art.!! ciJ!! with a rcmalc instnICIOI.

    cllhure~

    When immcl"M!d in an Unt'U1lili"r culture. ;1 permay feci strangcly disoriel'lled. nl'lcen;lin. Oll l ufplacc . evcn fearful. These arc all indic;lIion~ that he or sh e may be cxpcliclldn..: \\'h;1I sociologists ('all cultllre shQck. For example. :1 re"idclIL of the Un ited Slatt.'S who \isilS (enain areas in hilla and wants local mcat lor dinner may IX! SlllllllCd 10 leam that the specially is dog lI1 eal. Similarly, SOIllCont' from a strict Is lam ic cu lturt may be shocked upon first scciug the compar.ni\'dy provocative dress styles and opeu displ.l)'ll uf allenion th:n are com1I10n iJl lhe United Slatc~ and ":'lriOUS E1Iropean cu ltures. All of liS , tll some eXIl'lII , mkc for grallted the cuhural prac lice!> of OU I sociely. As :t result , it can be surpri~ing and dislUrbing 10 rc:tli'lt' th:1I othcr
    SO il

    ELlmoccntrism Many everyday Slatemen ts reflttl om atLitudc Ihal our cuhure is bcsL Wc use ICl'l1ll such as IIl/dmll'Vrlopttl. INlclwxml, and primililJt to nfer to ot.her lIQCielics. \VIt:1I "wc" belic\'e i,l a rei gion ; what "l ll e( bclit!I'c is lIupel"sLiLion and IlltthrA ogy (Spnull cy and McCurdy, 1980:28). 11. is very tempting 10 c ....;liu. le LllC practicb \~ a other cul tures o n lhe basis of our own pCl'5petlil"o' Sociologist William Gr.lha lll Sumner (l906:15-ljl coined the tcml elh"oc"-,,tr;nn to refer to the It'1ldency 10 ;L'I~Ulnc lhat o n c's cultu rc and ~-::Iy of her ;lrt' superior 1.0 all others. The I'l.hnoccntric pt'1lOI1 secs his or her own group as Ihe cenler o rdefinlll(

    80
    1'''/1f nil} ()HC.ANUJ\t . 'ilK.}.\L UN.

    "'lilI J.2 Mentol Mop,

    0/ tli t;

    1Y0rl d

    /Ww, tNLlW_

    SOU,,",,)I

    Ill' 5

    oe..,.'"

    rJ

    ~HTHT'tAp.J.w u_""

    O'N

    &""NIT,

    "

    ../IWIJI 0

    1/S '"

    (J

    .....

    ~.r-- ----

    wl ........... 19IlM!.

    /Iow Ilc
    011' (JIIIII

    u.'t IJltw

    tI., workl7 ()o wr. l

    pomt of ruhure and \;c ....'S a ll o thcr culturcs l.LS denMions from what is R nonnal. R As one lll;mircst."1I11III of t'thnocem rism. map exe rcises rcveal that

    IIIdmU in many nalions draw

    ... ,.~J-

    map~ ill ....,hich their hamtbnds are in the center or the world (sce Fig-

    homtfmltl ill Ih(' (~I/f'f" ' " a lIIap f'Xf'f'riy. a stlldml III Ih, /Jmpk's /Vpllbllf of C.lIilln lnW Chllln tu mlltnJ. IAhi/'. (aJ ,J/I(III111 lit III;J Jiprr) nil A.1I.flm/lnll stud"'l pul Alu/mlia nl 1ht'lap,

    'flit' conflict approach to suei,,1 heh,wior points


    OIIIltw elhnocentric mluc judgmc nts SC IVC 10 d e. . Jl:mu p~ and contribut c to dcni:.1 of cqual op-ponunitit'\, Psycho logist \Vallc l' Slcph a n no tes a typtr.ll t,'umplc o r ClhnocClIlli!:lm in Nc\,' Mexico's dwJub. Bolh Hispan ic a nd Nath'c Amcdc:tn cullam Itach childrcn 10 look dowlI ..... hen thc), are brine rriticized by adults. yct ma n)' R AngloM(no nHitpmKI le2.chers belic\'C IImt you should look .....-ont'in Ihe c)e whcn YOll arc beiug cliticiLed_ ~'lrachcJ'S can rl..'ellhat these students ;m.' be-

    illg disl'C')pcctiu l. nOtes Steplmn, ""h:u 's the kind or lnisl lndcnwndi ng that COlt. c\'olve into stereOlype and p!'cjudi cc ~ (Golc ntan , 199 1:C8), FIIIlCI.iona lisl$ nOl e Illa t cl h noce nlrism scn 'cs 1.0 maintain a !:lenS! of solid.l!'it)' by p l'otnOli ng gr o up plide, Yet this t)'lX! of social stabilil )' is establishe d at the CXpCI1'>C or o thcr peoples. Denigrating olher nalions .lIld cuhure .. ca n en ha ncc our own p:uri. otic rt.'eling" and belicr th.u our W") or lire is ~upt:.... rior, Of course. clhnocclllrism is hardly limited to ci tizens of IIU' United Slatt.'lI_ \li51tOI'S rrom 111"11)'

    81
    (JI,..,'HIJ -

    u ',n'RI.

    AJrican c ullures arc sUI'prised a l the disrespect tha t c::hitdrc n in the United Sta tes show their pal'e nt~, People from India may be repelled by o ur pF.lctice o f living in the s..unc househo ld with d ogs <l nd cats, Many Is lamic fund am e n talists in the Arab wodd a nd .'\sin view the Uni ted St.u.es as corrupt, deca' dent. and d oomed to dcsU'uction, All these peop le: may feel comfortt:d by me mbershi p in c ultures thalo in the ir vicw, arc sup(.-rior 1 .ours, .0

    Cultural Relativism It is nOt necessa ry to view all cultura l variations I'.'ilh an assllmption tha l .onc's own c ul ture is more humane, morc "civili7.ed ," and Illo re ;t(I\"lnced tha n othe rs, Whi lc Cl11110CCII LriSlll evaluates foreign CUltll fes tlsing the lam iliar culturc .of the .obse rver as a standa rd .of cun'eel be havi o t" cultural relativism views people's beha\~or from 1J1c perspective of their own culnwc. 11 places a pri, o rit)' Oil 1wdm((lIufillg o Lhe r cuhures, r~llher tha n dism issing tlt c m as "st.ran ge~ Ot' "(>4XOt.iC.~ Un like (;thnocc tlllism, cul tu ral relativism e mploys th e kind of valuc n eutrality in scientific stud), lhat Max Webe r saw as SO imporlant (see Chapter 2) , Cuhm'al rclati\~ sm stresses that diffe re nt social I:ontexts givc risc to difTere lll nOl'ms a nd values. Prac ti ces such as polygam y, bu llfighting. and mo narch y are exam in ed with in t.he particular Call' tex t<; of the c u ltu res in which th e), ,Ire fo und. While CUhltr.11 relativism does not suggest that wc mWH unq ucstionably acc(~ pt every form ofbcha\~or characteristic of a culture. it dops require a setioLls a nd unbiased effon to c \Paluate norms. values. and cus toms in light of the dislinc ti \'l' c ulture Qf which they ilrc a part , I.n practice. of cOu rSe. the a ppl ica tion of c ultural relativism C(lJ1 raise de lica te qucNtio ns. In 1989, a Chinese immig rant man was convicted in a New York co ur! o f h lu d geoll in g his wife la death with a hammer, Hm,'eve r, the man was aequined o r llle most serio us cha rges against him , and \-.'as sente nced o nly to five years' probation, '.... he n Lhejudge ruled lhat r ultural conside ratio ns waITantc:-d lenie nt}'. The deceased woman had confessed to having had a n ex tramarital a.fiair. :m d the judge revealed that he had bet! tl innucll ced by the tcstimony of an cxpen on Chinese c ulture that husbands in China ofte n exact severe pun ishment o n thei r wives in su ch situations. In postlrial h earin gs.

    the judge declared thal tJu' de rendant ~ t (M) k .,11 Chin ese clI llllr'C \\~lh him to lhe Unit ed Sl<ltt,' there fQre was not fully responsible for his I'illl conduct. In res po nse to this ruling, Brookl)'1 trict atto rney Elizabe th Ho lt zman < Illgrily i n ~i MThc: should be one stmldard Of j uslicc. nI)l f that depends on the cllhural background of tht fentlant, .. , Anyone who comes to th is count!) m be pre pare d la live by and o bey the 1a\\'S of coun ur" ( Rosario a nd Marca no, 1989:2), The varia lions in c ultll ra l norms a ro lLnd ....'0 1'1(\ a re read ily apparct1l in standards reg-.uu' sexual n :latioll.s beforc ma rriage, An CX h ;),l" study o f 158 socie ties revC'lled tha t pl'c mal illll W" l~ fu lly approvcd o f in 65 societies, condi1 iut . approved of in 4S, m ild l)' disapproved of ill Ii f eludi ng the United States), and f(Jrbidden ill 41 though sexual n OI'IIl:; in eJl is (0111111)' a re changt ma n)' cullllre:; might ncven he1ess lind our pu discouragemen t o f pre marital sexual r'cl at.ioo~ li cu l! 10 unde rsta nd, Similarly, tu/' may be pcrpl' by the 65 societjc-s which full)' approve of ~udt havior o r by the .1'1 societie" which forbid h. W is the "rig ht " answc r: Wh a t is "pro pe r" st:xu;tl duct: In tlti!> CHse a nd o thers, it de pc uds 011 no rllls and va l u e~ Iha t each individual or (ull accept.~ as valid (Ml lrdock, 1 ~ 11 9: Richal'ds. 1972: T h e re is an intercsting exte nsion o f culwr.'Il :ulvism , re fe rred IQ as -"l'mICi'II/n.u n. XellQcelltr;J the bcliefthat.lhe products. ~tylc s, 0 1' ideas of society are inferior to 1J1osc Ihat originate cl\e\\ (W , Wilson (:1 al., 1976). In a sense. il is lll't\e lhnocenmsm . For example, people in the Un' Su-lIes oft en assllme that French fashi ons or. ncse e lectronic devices arc supe rior la ourowo,. they. or are people unduly charmed by the hUT goods from exotic places? Such fascination BI'iti.sh c hina o r Dauish glassware Gill be dam to competi tors in the Uni tcd Stales, Some co nies h<lve responded by creating produru I SQIH Id European like Haagen-Dazs ice cream (11 in T l"aneck. New J ersey) or Nik(! shoes (produ in l\ca\'cnon, Oregon), C.onfliCI theoristS are likely to be troubled by the econom ic irnp..lC1 xc nocen trism ill the dcveloping world, Consu in dC\'doping nalion .~ frequently turn their on locall)' produced goods and instead puTtI items im po n cd fro m EltTopc or North America.

    82
    I',lffl ,,1'0
    Qff(~ ,\'It.H-!(;

    SUU,{I. IJF/'

    Artordi"g 10 IIf!

    r.xJrtJUiIITIf'

    study of 158

    S(I(Id il'..f. ",~nlfll ~ is forbiddc! jll 44. jllt/lldillg m(l/l1 rll{llIftl wh~

    Islmn

    IS

    lilt do",,,ul/lt ,.eJigioll.

    I l.Il;RE AND THE 11' 11f1);."l~I...m!,;Q!'9.<;;y'...................................


    \t t, ft'"dil) apparent. sociologists rcg:ud culture as

    hlghl)' ~i~;nificant concept. since it cmbracL"S all lc-oIm(d and shared bchavio r. Ne\'crthclcss, there ~If UUj>llrt."lnl differences in the ....'a)'S in which funetllll\Jh~t and can nict theorist" view culture. Wt! h ave \trothat func tion:tlislS c mpha~ i 'l.c the rolc of lan!tll.ll!:t' in unifying me mbers of a SOCiCl)' while conHII\ throrists fOCWl on the uSt: of language L pcrO JII'!u..tt' divisions between groups a nd societieS. \!milMh , flUlctionali slS stress that cultural integration ren('ClS agreement among nlt~ mbcrs o f a socit'I): conflict theorists COllnte r th ..n lhe IlVl"lns and ~:.ihtt', ptrpetuated arc those f:wol';lblc lO the clitcs .and Iht' powerful. (k,th sociological perspec tives agree tha t culture Jfllj,oriclyare in hannonywith eac h o ther. bUI fo ,' dl/ft'rent rea..ons. Fun ctionalists main lain th,ll smbllin rtquires a consensus a nd the Sllpport of 5oci1'1'\', members; consequently. there are strong CC Ilu~l ~'3lucsand common nonns. This view of culture hl'cJ.tn( popular in sociolOb,), beginning in the 19*,. h"\~lIg been oo.To\\'cd frorn n'itish arllJ1rQpulOf.,'1m who s.'lW cultural trai ts as all working to"rMd n"bilizing a culture. As .....c Icame d in Cha l>d

    tcr J. the func ljo nalisl view of cuhure can bc llsed 10 explain why .....ielely condemne d social practices s uch as prostitution conti nuc 10 survive. FI'OIll a fun ctio nalist perspective. a CI IIIllI'allrail or pract ice will persist if it pcrfo l'lllS fun ctio ns that society secms to necd or contributes 10 overall social tabilil)' a nd consensus. Connict theorisLS concur .....iUl functionalisLS that a commo n c ulture lIIay c xisl. bUI they argue that it serves t.o maintain th e privileges of somc g ro ups while keeping o the rs in a subsclv ic nl position . A c lllLUrc. the refore. may o fTc r ~ .. easons~ (justifications) for unequal social arrange me n ts. A.., nOled in Chaptc r 1. Kolrl Ma rx ide ntified V'.tlucs in the culHIre o f c<tpitalist socie ties that justified lhe cxploitation of UlC working class. Today. a society's cuilure may scek lO explain why PrOlestan LS e.~oy g rc.lI.c r privileges than C,ulOlics (Northern Ireland ), why the separat.e economic developmcnt of 1lIacks is hehind that o f Whites (South Africa). or why womcn can be expected to e arn less than m e n (the United States and elsc~"hcrc) . TIle te rm dorniTlaTlt ideology is uscd lO describe a SCt of cuitunll beliers .md prac ticc..'S tha l he lp 10 mainta in powerful social. econom ic, and political imcrcslS. This com,:c pl "'as firslllscd by J-Iullj:,rarian Mal'X ist Ceorg l.ukacs ( 1923) a nd Italian Mal'Xisl

    83

    Antonio Gramsci ( 1929). bu{ it d id not gai n a n all(lienee in t.he United SlaleS unt il [he:: ea rly 1970s. In K.,d Marx's view, a ca pitalist so ciety has a do minan t ideology ..... hich serves the imcrests of the r uling class. Ma rx a nd Engels wrOtC in 1845: Thc ideas or the ruli ng class a rc in cve')' age the ruliug ideas: i.e. the class ....hidl is the dom inan t material r{)I..... of sOCicl}' is at Ih <.' S3m(' lime ils dominanl i,,/dlutual rOl'cc (BOlwl1lorc, 19R3:43 1). From :t conOic t pcrspcCLi\'c, lhe social sig nificance of the domina nt ideo logy is dml a society's most powerful g rou ps and insti tlllio ns not only contro l wea lth and property: even more importa lll, th ey control thc m eans of producing beliefs aboll t reality th rough rel igion . ed uca tio n , a nd the media. For example, if a ll of a socie ly's most imporL Ilt in'1 stilLltions Icll wome n that they sho uld be subsClVielll to me n , th is d o mi na n t ideology wilt help 10 con tro l \\'omcn a nd keep th e m in a subo rdi na te positio n (Abe rc ro mbic c t a l., 1980, 1990: R. Robertson, 1988). Func tionalist a nd conflict t h coris L~ ag ree, ag;.lin for d ilfcrelll reasons, that va li atioTl exists within a cullllre. Fu nctio na lists view subcultu res a..~ variatio ns of pa nicula r social e nviro nme nts a nd as evidence tha t d ifferences can exist within a comm on cultu re. Ho\\'('ve r. co n nin theorists suggest Ihat variation oft en refl ects th e inequali ty of socia l

    wi thin a society. Conscq ucntl)\ frim a co nf1ic t perspective, the challe nge to d Oll1i llAllI social norm.~ by AfriGII1 Am er~can activists, the fcm in isl movem e nt, and the disability rig hts 1I10VCm etll can be seen as a refl ection of inequali ty based 1111 r'a ce, gende r, and d L~ability status. A g rowin g n um be r of social scientists belien: ,I\iII a ~corc c ul ture~ can not be easily ide ntified il1 ilK nited Sta tes. The lack of consensus 0 11 nation..J values, the diITusion of cul wral traits, the divC/'\i(l of o ur many subCl lllUres, and the changing vi.ewsol youn g people (refe r back 10 Fig ure ~ I ) all are dtd in sup port of this viewpoint. Ye t the re is no W"d' uj den)'ing that ce rtain expressions of values halt grea ter influ e nce than o th ers even ill so complt'l a society as the Uni ted Sta l.es (Abercl'OllIbie el ilL 1980, 1990: 1'\'1. Arche r, 1988; Wuthnow a nd Wilteo, 1988:52- 53)_ Wc see, th e n , tha t ne ilher the rll nctio nalist nOl L conflict perspcctive can be used excl ll.~i\'e l y III he ex pla in a ll as peCL~ of a cultu re. Fo r example, lilt custom of tossing rice at a bride a nd groom carl hI' traced back la the wish l O have c hildren a nd to tilt view of ri ce as a symbol of fe rtili ty, rather than I~ the powedessncss of the proletari at. Ne\'enhclest therc are cul tura l practices in o ur rodery a nd aliiers tha t benefil some to the dClrime nl of mOlm-. T hey may indeed p romo te social stabiliry and consellsus-but a t whose expense?

    arra ll ge m enL~

    SOCIAL POLICY AND CULTU RE


    MU LTICULTURAUSM

    How have c hanges in the population of the United St<Hes anected the debate over sc hool a nd un iversity c urricula? Wha t d o scho la rs mean whe n the}' refer to the "ca n o n ~? \-Vh at ro le shou ld the can on play in the edllcatio n o f ullderb d uatc stucients? ..... How migh t fu nc tiona list a nd conflict theorists view the controversy ovcr m ulticult llralism ?

    LIC

    c ulture of the United Slates can be COlIIpa rcd to <1 kaleidoscope-the rumi tiar optica l device whose colors and pau.erns are formed by pieces

    o f colorcd glass refl ectcd from min ors. As l~ vie \\'cl' LUrn s a set o f m irrors in t.he ka.leidoscopt he o r she sees what a p pea r to be an infi nite variet\" o f colo r fu l images. Similar ly. the cult ure of ,be United Sta tes is ha rd ly sla t..ic, especially wilh moo: than o ne mill io n legal im mi gr.m L~ per year and l substantia l numbe r of illeg:11 im migrants COlI' I.ributing 10 c ultu ral diversity (&haefcr , 1992), The re is litt le do ubt tha t the ra cial a nd ethnit. lIla keup of the nation's schools a nd collt'gt.~ ~ c h:lllbring sig niliGllltly. Soc i ol ogi sL~ have oft en be(tT involved in d o(;ulTl c llling tbese c hanges and au~ Iyzi ng tlleir socia l signi fi cance. In 1990. t11e entet'

    84
    1\\11'1' '/1\"() OIlC ,,"NII.I.W ;
    ~()CJiII. I.fH,

    Thnr u III,J, dQtlbi lhal In, mClIII {HId rlnmc rrwlvtlP of In, 1IlIIu1P! S Mltools IIml lol~ is rnlJPIgi"K jIKlllfillJ"'i], INdd, 11 is ~ Ih(lt bJ IIv ytor 20' 0. IM {OlflbilU'tl BI(llj, lIuJlllNll. and A.d(l" pofm/mlorlJ of IIv Utlili;d
    SIIIIf.5 rmlllJuCltiNI jrw

    47 pncf'rll of 11"

    IlflliQlI J popull/llDtI.

    illlt lil\l;(';II' class at lhc Unh'c rsity o r Ca lirl)rnill at Ikrt.tl('\' "''at 3'1 percent White, 30 pcrccnt or Asilln nenl. 2'1 I>t'.rcen t or Mexico.tu 01'" Latin American ctn.:cnt md 7 percenl Arric<U1 Amcrican. AI Slilll' ford l'ltIwl1i'Y. marc than '10 pcrcCIll of clHcli ng UIWklRlollltldtes ;ue from Arrican Americall. N:lli\'c \ul<'OC.IJI. Asi.m or Asian Amcrican. or ~'l exiC' n ... \mc-riaul backgrounds, While these ",d,,1 alld eth[Ill: I;lt~ lr~ not t.. idcnl al :111 schools a nd co1kgC5 ... XII'" lhe country. lhey nevertheless rc fl t..'Ct lo ngt.,lllKC'pitl)Ul;ltion trcnds. According to proj(.'Ction~, 11I1!M'h"aT 2050 lhe combi ncd Black. Il ispanic. and ~Il pt)pul.ltiOlls Oflhc Unit(.-d St.ltcs will account Kw 11 pt'reclu of the n .. tion s 1>OI)lIl:tlion (BUI'eau ,itMCtmus, 1993b: Stimpson. 1992:52). \~ tht rad .. l and ethnic profile of student popuI-.mlllU ha.~ changcd, there has been incrc:l...ing dt..... h.ilr OH'r the proper curriculum 1l1:lIerials th.1I Ih""!d be lI\td in school and college c!a.\Srooms, lr..nilltHtolli~IS belicve lhat it is csselllia llo rocus 0 11 .... hJI I~ ntlC1 1 c lllcd ti le C1I1I0l/ of t he hest books of
    Ilro,l('m cjl;li/lllion. including famolls ....ork... h)' \lUkC\jlC,II t'. Hawthol1lc, M c"~ l1c. I-Ic llling.....:t)'. hlll~l1('r . and others, By contrast. u'o llblcd by lhc brl that thi5 canon overwhelmingly consists or

    "hUt, In.lle :l1l1hors rrom United Statcs or Eunr plAn b;l(lgrounris. advocates of multicu/lu J'o/is m m,u,t th~1 K:hool and college curricula should be

    revised to givc grc:t tc. cmphasis to the contribu tions and ex periences of Africall Amelicans, other r:.tcial and ethnic minoritit:s. women. and lIon ....cst ern peoplcs. Cat lml'ine Slimp$Oll ( 1992:43-14 ). a former president or the Modern L..'Inguage ..\ssocialion. suggests that multiclIlturalisnl - most often . ' , me;ms treating society as the home of sc,'CraJ ''aluable bill dininc! racial and ethnic groups,While sociologists hMe not uniromlly cndorsed lIlulticululrnlism , thcy have long argued agaillsl any type or clhnOC:CllIric ....orld ,;cw, Viewed rrom a fUIlClionalist PC~ I)Cc the. the traditional canon of ....'CSlCI'll culture promoles stabil ity. social solidarity. and consensus by he-tl)ing to define lhc comll1on ,,,lues oflhe Uni loo S(;ItC$, 111CSC "grcat books- arc s,lid to speak across barriers or gender. racc. religion. and geog....lphy and to providc :1 culturnl heril:lgc Ih'H all of us share, By CQnIrast. howc," connicl thcorislS might vie ..... lhc .....elltcr. ern ca non as cc nll~11 1 <l dominant ideology that 0 sCO't.'s Ihc hllt:,'cSts or society's mosl powerful groups and institut ions, From a conn ict l>Crspcc live, the mO"C lnent in SllPP0 1'I of l1Iulticultt,lmlism I'CI)rCSCllts ~I c haJlc ngc to l ong~Ul nding inequilies based on gcnder. race. :lI1d clhnicilY, Intense dcb;ne has eOlptoo across the United Statcs in school systcms, collegt.'S. and llniw:= rsilies regarding clTo lt.~ 10 introduce or protCSI mlllticul

    85
    O IAI'n'.11 J

    cun'RI'

    tur:.11 culTicula. At Sm nford University, :t n':(luired one-rear course 011 WCS t t'nl culture for incoming students focused on the tradllional wCSlem canon. When cl;tic.'i :u gucd that lIo n-Europe:1II works should be added to th l' reading list and that suI). st,u\lial attclllion should be given to i~ucs of gender, rnce, and cla.'iS, a long battle re.'mlted. At the Unh crsity of Tex:t5 in AU<;lin , a proposal for a requircd wrid ng course, Wdling about Dincrcnce, ....'<Le; biucrly allacke(1. De re nrlers or the pro posal a rgued mal Sludent.s would sharpen their writing s\tills while le;u'ling (th ro ugh required rt:adings) abOllt cultural divcrsity. cSllCdally as it pertai ns 10 issues of race and gender. T hose opposed to the l)roposal derided it as ~Opp res.~io l1 English~ and insisted that it bro ug ht a loaded political agenda into thc classroom (Ro tJl cn bcrg. I94-,)2a; $earle. 1992: 106- 108; Will , 1992). In 1993. 1IIInter Collegc-a p:U't of till' City Uni ...ersity of New York-adop ted a dctailed and fa r reac hing muilic uilu l-:II c urriculum . To recei ...e a bac helo r 's dcgn'l', eac h stlld e nt IUUSt salisf),:a ~p lu l'alism and dh'crsity rCflllire llle n C by complcting a lhree-cred il co u ~ in e;lc h o r fou r designa ted :trcas: nonEuro pc,m clIlIlIIC$. r:.tcial :11111 e thnic mino rilje.s wilhin the Unitcfl St:lles. ",omcn's studies and issuc.... of gender and ~x 1l 3 1 o rie nta tion . and the in tc llect llaltraditions of Europe. The new lIlulLicultural requirclllcnl wa.~ adopted by the I hmte r College Sena te :aner two ),l""'" or study, discH\Sion, and debate ( M. Nt ....'Tllan. 1 ~'3). At tJle c le mentary :Uld M'condar), ", hOol levels, 'c\'> York Statc has heel! ont< of the ce nt",1 ballJegrou nds concerning lllulticulturalisl1l. In 1989, a laSk force apl)Ointcd by the stale commissioner of education released" cOlltrOvcNir.1 rel)Orl emiLled "A Curric ulum or Inclusio n." This e xaminatio n of the state's histOlY .. od social 'itudies cuniculum insiut-od that ~Mric<IIl-AlIl e l; c:lII.s, Asian-Amcric:ms, Puerto Rica ns/ L:.lliIlO$. and Nalive America ns b;we all been the viclims o f an illlelleclUal :lIld eclucational oppression that has c h:II':tClc l;7.cd the culture and institutions of tht.: Uni ted Stales and tJ IC European \\'orld Ii)l' ce nlllrie<l~ ( R:l\'itch . 1992:29 1: Smoler. I 9lJ2) . In Ne", YI)rk and elsewhere, some critia of traditional curricula have gone beyond a broad mul-

    tk ullural focus t.o ad\'OC3IC A/roce Pltrici". term refen. 1 the lIse or Africa n cuhures. 0 than solely tJu!' European cxperience. to dersmnd hllnmn bchaviors past a nd presc"nt. cc nu'icit)' would place the African and American cxperiences .. t the hean of cuhural (Asanle. 1002) . An impon4\lI t \'Oice opposi llg and Afrocentricity has been the National lion of Schola l'5 (NAS) . Founded in 1987, gani"'<llio n has 2500 members. most of them fes.<lOrs a nd many or them political Like otJlcr critics of muhiculturalism, !hr ( 1992) arguC$ th;tt r.tdic tls art: ll;:~:::l~:;;:.~: lecuml inquiry a nd acadcmic freedom ing ~politically COI'l'ect curriCU\;.I. Me mbers a nd othcr defenders of the ll';.tditional canon eluding conscrvativc studcnl new:.pal)(:r!l (Ill Cillnpuses) imiSI Ihat tJ1C d;l1>5ic western I tradi tion must. he taught ill sc hools and the United S tatc~ bccausc Ihis lI-:tdilion shaped the dcvelopmcnt o r Oll r c ullure. M,,,,,.. ....'orks by Pla to, S hakespeare, and o thers are or such high intelleclllal and artistic quahl\ the) wi ll have mcaning for all stut!ell l.$, of gender, r:ICC. 01 ethni city (Kimball , Sc:t rle. 1 992:R8; R. n. Smith, 1993:26) . Defendel"l of mul!icultur'lli<l1l\ counter I),..t tr:tditional Cl llon reflects the interests and spC<:ti\'c:. ofprivilegt'd White f:u ropc-.m largely igllorin~ the cOlllributions o f calor. a nd working people. I lclII), J r. (1992: 197). o ne of the nation 's IIlOSI gUilihed Arrican AmeriC'.tn scho lars, the ~rel l1rn of 'the' canon. lhe canon rna~tcll)ieces, represents the ret urn of a n wh ich my people \\'e ,'c the ~\lbjllg-.t led . tJlt less. the invisible .. . .~ Critics of the (".anon tha t placing the w(.'Stern c uhural a nd ;"'1<11, hed tage in .1 preemi ncnt position represenl$ ample of ethnocentrism alld nlcistll. In their a genuinely lIIulliculLUral lIpproach to \\'iI\ help 10 e mpower remale and non-White de llls while broadening o ur appreciation \If manity's multiface led cult\ll" .md illlclltwJ al tory (Rothe nbcrg. 1992a:265-266). Sociologist Tro)' Duster (1991:82) suggesu
    M

    86

    tbt' wnt(M'e.rsy over 11lulticuJturali.sm is actually a ".rruJI;Hlt o\'er who gelS lO dcfinc the idea or AmerIU, I}llurr asks!
    ""'''"'~nti;dlya n;uinl1l'.ilh a common-oral leillit d,nmUlJnI-cu!lurc 10 which immigrdna ;uld "fl1i-

    IIUritit."SW IllUJI adapt? Or is Ihis a land ill which Clh-

    nicit}' and d ifTerC'nce arc:1II .lIxeplt.-d pan ofl.hr I'.'hole;


    a 1.00d III l'.'luch wc affirm Ihr- richllt."SS of our diffcrcncc~ a nd simultaneousl) 11) 10 lorge agn.:emCIII aOOm

    b;tsic values 10 guide public and social policy?

    l'!t\IARV
    t:.Ih" 11 the IOtality of learned, 3'u cilliJv II~m!lliucd be-ba-.l"l, Ihi, dmpter c)(:lInin e~ Ihe lxlSic elcmcnts I'.'hich aW.t IIp;a ruiturc. social p~c lict."S which :lre CUll1l1l011 to

    III cultures. -and YJriatioll~ which rliuing\luh onc cullurc &om ,(.IIfllher,
    I 111\ were nOl for the- sncillllrnn~llli!i3'ioll 01 culturc. would h:l\'e 10 1 'c1I11't:1I1 Lt'lt'\'i!oiulI, 1101 1.0 flltf\MII the whcel, I \l1Ihml)<)logist Grol'Hc Mmdod, cOlllpill-d a lisl or II"N'r.li practices found in l'\'Cl1' whu1"C. including (UIoIfbInp. I.llnil), g-dmes, 1.IIIKu:IKc, mcdicine. rcligiHll ....1'W'Xu,,) rr1ilrictions. , !ootJ(H'11d req" ideml which lIt.'<"m lOO rordgu ;(! wdl ao !hllllt' "'hich are pel-cc1\1X1 lb Ihrealt' ning lu their " ....11
    tJCh~lIr'nllion

    1I Culturcrl rel(ltivi,,,, pl.lCC') priorit}' 011 \lnticBI;tI1ding o dwr cultures mtJu:r than ciismilllinF: them 'L~ str.UlHc or exotic,12 From a [t)unkl l X'r~ l}Ccti\'e. the social sigmliclllce of the cou cept of Ihe do",inQllt ideology i~ lh.1I a !IOC:iet) '~ most pOl'.'cl'ful groupl~ .md imuwUons cOlllml Ihe mC,IIl' of producing bellcr. aboul reality through religion. I':C'IU(:llioll, :md Ih(" lIIedt;t. 13 Ad\flClllt~ or mullicu/tl/rQlis", a.rgue dlat the t!';tdiliol1,11 curricub of sch()ol~ :md ('ollege's ill the CUlled SI;I1l'S should be l'e\'i~t'( l to includc mO l',' work, b)' :md aUc)llt Aftic;m t\me'; ca n~ . mlwr ",cial 0111(1 t:thuic minorities. :mrt ..... omcn.

    ,..... ,and beliefs.


    lA1If'l1J8( include~ 'pl'c<h, wriueu e h:""clt'l"1. 1111fWTll., ",nlbols, and ~nturej :111(1 other fonll~ of uon-

    ItTbd wt'nnIUJli("oIlion.

    _I""

    J !:M"'I'*'glsU di!til1KlUsh OCI...... "t:11 "OP"'"III IWO w:ws, tlw- ~ cb.Wfied al c1ther 10,.",0' ur jnjo""'(l/nonm _oru or jol"w(I,' , l1It- mOllt chcrishc-d v(l ll4n ur a cultun" w111 n ..-cd\'e dIr ht"\lt51 .o ndilm,. whercas m:tllenlO regarded :1.\ Ic!!.)

    mbl';U "'Ill carry light and illfur lllallO;lIlcli.ms, 7 "w... Kif~l Robin Willialll~ hou ulfe1'l'd:. 1i~1 ur basic ....br, or Ihe United St.1tt'.li. includillg achit:\('lu<! nl . emntflq. maltnal comfort. n.ui(lllalill1l, equaJi ly, and Ihl': ...... tllUl'V or xiellcc and rraron O\'CI f.lilh . Ii In a ",'cIHntc-gr.l1ed CUltll rc. \'ilriOlIS elcmcnts or cui Iwt "'Ill 'UPI)()n onC' allol11el' :lIld III togcthe l' well _ t (~m(,I"ollly. mcm hel's nf :1 , ,,bCl/lIl/ re IKII'ticip:.uo in Ihr d'1InlnaUl cuilure, whilc :11 Ihe .s:UllC lime cngaging In IIn"l"C :md distincthc ronl11 of hcha\'ior, fll"Ifulltne people ~ thclr own culture as supt'no. olIICl \l"~ all olher cllhllrl~ as dc\;atKnlJ rrOIll whOll

    Select IhreC' ( 1I1t\l!';,1 un i\'e l-:"'lls liolll Gl.'urgc \IurdClCk's list ,me! ;Ul:ltpC 1111'111 fnml :l fllllCliol1dlist perspecun'. Wh)' "rc tht."!Ie pl~l c lin'~ found in CH'TV culHlre? Whal rUnclions d o Ihcy )C .... c? 1 Ilrnl'.'mg on Lite: theo,;" dnd cnncept! prl'M!ntcd III lhe cha pter. "PI>I), "OClologu:al :lnalr~i!i 10 Ollt' 5uocultun: wllh ,,11Ich )'()LI arc ramiliar. t)~n bc Ih(' I\,)nns. \'aluo, argOt, alld ~U1('tions c\idenl in Ihat 5ui>culturt" 3 111 ..... h," .....ay~ is the 1I01l1ll1.t1l1 idoolob'Y of Ihe Uniled SC.I I~ (... idem in Ihc nalion's li ll.' r""'re. !IIUSIC. 1110\11.'5.. tl'lc\'isioll PfORral1ls. and ~po rtinK C\1.'T1\S?

    KEVTERMS
    -nIl." ILW nr Arrican culturcs, I~uhcl' Ihall solely the l-: umpe;u ll')(lx'riC I1Ct'. 10 bCller unde r~"lI1d huntan bt'h:I\~or~ pa~1 :lIId prC~C lIl. (p;lge 86) Argot SIK'ci:din-d lanf"ru:Igc \bed b) lIu.:mbCl'll or " group or !luhc ulLure, (78) Bilingualism The ll'IC of twO or more lanl-Cll4Iges in wQrkplac<'5 0 1 e ducation:11 fanliut.'S and thc trealment ' or cadl l:lngu;tge as C(1"all~ lcgilimalc, (f09)

    Ajroc,." ,ricity

    I.

    ,,"1IMt\.I1,

    87
    (J1,u"JoJl J ' C/ ILJ"'Hf

    A ~ubcuhu re 111<11 rc::jcct.Ssocicl:llnorInJ :Uld seeks an a ltc rnalh'c lifcstylc. (78) Culturol i n/ef"ol io n TIle bringlllg togcther of conflicting cultural C'lenlents, r('sulting in a hal'lllonious ami cohesh'e whole. (76) Cullurol rdoliuis m 1111;' \1Cwmg of people's hella\10r from the ~npct:Li\'c of tll6r OWIl culture. (82) Cu" urol "niV, r.oU General pr.tctices found in l;\'ei) culture. (61) Culture 111(" to la lit}' of lcaructl, 5O(ia ll y UllllJooI1lIH('d beha\'ior. (62) Cllllll re sll od. TIle feclill~ of ~urprise and diwric n t3Lion th"t ~ experienced when people wilI1e.ss cuhural practices difTert'lu from their OWII. (80) Diffusion T he process by whidl a cul tu r.d item is ~prcad from gmup 10 g roup (lr rociCly 1 wcielY. (66) 0 Discovery TIlt' p rocess ofmakillg kl10wn or8hari n g the ('xblcl\(,c of an a~lx'ct of rea lilY. (6~) Dominonl id llo /&gJ A SCI 0 1 clll u m,1 be l ief~ a nd pm('tires tha! h t' lp 10 mai n l<l in powe rful M)(i;ll . '~Ion(l mic. and polil ical irllereSIS. (8:\) ElhIl OC f'n/ r;sm T he lcndtnq 10 as~u m c Ih:11 OIlC'S n tlIU rc a nd WIly of life are ~l1pe rillr to otlwn. (HO) Ful ltw ays Nnnn, );O\'erning c'\'I'I)day social Iw h;wior "'hose liolauon \'ai!;('~ compamlh'1!lv lilllc' rUl\ccm . (72) Fo rmal norm" Nnnns whic h haw ge ncr;uly 1)I.'~ n writIt'll down ,m" ..... llIdl invnh'l' s,del "Ilcs fUl' pun bhnlcn l of viola lOTS. (72) In/o,,,.tJl no, ,,,s NonllS "Inch "n' gellerJUv Ill1ciel"'ilOOd bUI whICh are II0t pn.'Ci:wl)' n..'Col'd(~d. (72) In novolio" T he p roce~ of Inlrodunlli! IJew elements lOin 11 cuhure thro ugh d iscO\'('I)' 01 illvt' min n. (64) /" vlm ti on TIle combi nation of cxisli ng ru ltu ml itcm, ill10 i& foml Ihal did nOI prt....iolls!y exist. (G.'J) umguoge An abstrJcl s~lem of WQrd tnc-.lOings :lIld ')'lI1 bol ~ for a ll aspt'cl.~ of cuh,lIre. It a lliO I1lcludc~ gesIlI re~ and Olher nonve rhat lo llllllUnicalion. (68) Lll w In a political sellSC. thr- bOlly of" I h:~ Inadc by gO\Cl'Ilment for MKi('IY, interprl'lcd by thc cou ns. and hacked by the l)Ower of lilt' SI;IIC. (7'1) Material cultur~ The ph}'sicJI 0" tech nological ,t.~pcct.S o f ollr dai ly li\'(.~. (67) Mor,., Nn rrllS dcc merJ h igh ly neCC!I.'kH to the wel fhre )' ,)1' a 5ocit'IY (72) M,1I1 icuUurll/ism r ile dTo rt 10 I'Clolsr school and college curricula 10 Kll'C gre;uel cmpha~iJ 10 lhc comrii)utions and expc.:ric lICt'lI of Afrk'lIl Aml'l;can.s, o lher ~cial and e lhnic ll1inoriti('s, \'Iomell. and nOnl.'eSlcrn peoples. (85) NonmQ'~rial cllllure Cullu rnl <I(lju~lnte n L~ 10 m:tlcrial

    CO /H,/ereu llur,
    :md
    \'a luC."S

    conditions, such as custom.s. bdlcf~. pallern! of cc.. Hlunicalion. ill1d '1\'3)'5 of 1l$lng I1l;1lcrial OI~l'CU. (liil No r"" E.~Ulhli~hcd sllil1d;lf(l~ of bcha\;Of maintllrwD by if; sociel)'. (71) Son cliolls Pe nalties :lIId fewOt,.ds (or cOlltlll~1 conr~ ing a scei:11 lI unll. (73) Sapir. Wh orJ " yp& "i, A h\l)Qlhesi~ conc~nli nfit la I" mic of lallglmgC' III ~h;lpillg I:uhurcs. 11 hold. th;&t LIlt guage is cllllurall), clc' lcrminccl ,md ~~'(5 It) in/lll,_ o u r mode of Ihought. (f,s) Sor.i f' Iy A fairly large nu mber 01 r.w:oplc \<o'ho li\~ Q.mc lenilory. arc rcl;uh'dy indcpendelll of pC'IlJ*' oUl5ide h, and panicipale ill J common CIlItU!',.. illS! Sllb cll ltu f'fi' A li4:gment of socicl), which sharti a . . tincti'ic p..ll1crn of morC!l. folk'l\~"')s. land values wh-t d iffers from the pallern 0 1 1111' largcr society, (n, Va lu er Collecli\',' c.:onrcptiom of ..... hal i8 COIl'I(\rrr( g()()(1. {h:sirahll'. :1\1(1 propt'r-or h,ul. undc~irnhk.llll im proper-i n a culture , (74 ) ,'(enocftnlri,m Thl" belief IIUlI the p rodurl.\, Stylt'\... idl'as of OIU"S 1I0dCI)' :Irc inferior lU l110se l hou N1!II' mile c1scwllcn. (H2)

    11\"

    ADDITIONAL READI NGS


    Abcrcrombie. NidllJhlll. St ('ph~' n Il ill. and ISrr.l1l Il Turner (t'ds.) J)O/I/'lIfml Id~t':J. C..Imbndgt'. M& Un""11l H),lIlan. 1990. A criliqllt:' of Ihl' \olew thllll~ lI)llI! cuhurt:'~ cn1('l'gc a~ irlt'flIOJI1l-al 5}~lelll! , Bellah. Rohtrt N . Richanl Ma(bdcn. Anllt' S\o'ldI&f William ),1 . !'IlIlIh~UI , and Slt'vclI M. l1plOlI. 1I(Ji.1J 4Iflr Iltfll1: ImlwlfIU(j/i,m " .,,1 Q,ml1111I11ml In J\JIIlf'I("~ ' . lkrkclly. Uni\'t~ ...my of C..lIiforuia Pn:M. 1985. !inN .social scielltisL~ 'cam up 10 .)1I1111l1.ui7.e the cqnl""", rary p hili)l\(.lph)' of !.he peoplc of the Unlled SWtt .. renecled ill slIch '~II IICS a~ indh'ltlllalislIl and COlD" menl. Iknnan. Pilll1 (1.'(1,) , IHha{I"R I'.G.: Till C.tllJtrf1Lwt] Dlitt" I./Imf Co'T(t"I"f'jJ (jll (',o/ltgr r. "puJo'. New Y m orl Od 199'.!, This t,illlcl)' :lI u holog}' (':r<piores mlllly ;\sPIt lh e d eb,lIt 0\'1.'1 m\llli cu l wntll~m aucl IIId lld~ N'kro r io n ~ by I lcn ry Loll is G'I[ l~, J r .. 1~{l wanl Said. Catha Slirnpson , GCfJl'j.te Will . I) i l w~h 1) '50111.3, Moldl As:t mc, In 'iuK Il owe. a nd 1) i:1JI~ Ib\'iu:h. FelnheDLOIlc, ),Iikt (cd.). GloboJ Cult",.,.: NfII ......,. GllI6ahUllw". ,md MorVnu/V, I.ondon: Sage. 1990. lntlll <lnthology. social Kiell1isu Imm man)' nation! 411 .... the ~:r<l~O\ 10 whkh wc aa' wl1ne~ing a glob:llit:\lllll of CIIIIIU'(',

    88
    l',l Hr flltJ OHC"w/7JW: S (XIM. /.1,..,.

    flll.l<fo,\'lrd T., lInd Mildred Reed I-Iall. UlldlnlfHltlillK


    tmmll),/fnmm. Yannomh . Me.: In tc rCllltuml l' rcss.

    "bull.

    19911 T,,'o"/ .lIItl1 ropologists review their lifelong \o\'Ork 111:11 UhUf~ll h ff('!rcnces and focus 1)11 spc.. dlic a pplic-d' UQh' 01 how corpor.l1ioUJli operate in Frnnce. Gcnn.1ny, BId Ih" l 'nih:d Statcs. (;aI)' (cd.). Li(lmillg iF! TW(} Ul1Iglltlgd. New Bnll~id N:I.: l'r.II1'\;1c lioll . 1990. T h is COIlt."c lio n of tMaW hrillJrltogcther the research findinWl of those nl .u!ll)C".. te and those who a rc c ri tical 6f b il i n ~\I ~1 1
    cdUl.illi,Hl,

    WallCfStcin, Imm:U\uel. C.mpoii/lCf "rid ~dll"l'; 1'J'")"l on IIv Changi'lg lI'orld S,}/l'In . .Cambridgc. Eng.: Cambridge Universit)' I>re". 1991. Wallerstcin argul'$ Ihat in ligh t o f the coll;lpsc of the h'On curr.tin and the dedine of the United SIl'tlCS dUlIlimuu:c, a lIew ,,'Oriel cconorn), is emerging a lo ng "'il.h all ;Lcc(Jmpatl)'ing
    ~g !()Cullllrc.~

    ..

    Wcinslcin . Dcella. NttWJ M twl: tI Cldillml Soriology. New York: LcxinglOll . 1992. A sociologist cxalllir1c~ the suo. c ul uuc :lssl)Cialt,<I "'it h "hea,,}, Illeml" music and effons lO curtail thi$ ~ U lx:lIlt IlI'C.

    1mbi1l.1>I111.l1tl lt '/'ht' RIl14le oj.4.mi.sll Cll/lllrt'. ll:lhimort:: )oIIM U t>pkin~ University Press, 1989, f) rall'ing on ot>1fI'\7IIl1tlll rcst'an:h in Lancastcr County, !'c nns),l"an;;l, ""''bill '\u to darif)' how Llle Amish cOllli nue 10 ~ d~rite their resismnce to tC'dlllologic-.t1
    u.ci;l rd. F'r;lIlris E. and Patricia Sltarpc (<-,<!.s.). Tal... l!}l1tl". Mu/i /Ill/oll, and Adormnnlf:

    J.~~~~~~............................. , _ ,._......... _ ",,,............. ..... ............ ........


    Among Ihejournals that rocl..lS on issllcs of cul ture and language are A'IItriaHl AlIlliropologiJ/ (fOllllded in 1988 ), Crrm,Cllllllml lVSMrth (1991). C,d/I.ml SlInln'fll QuaM/)" (1977), flhll fl{ogy ( 1962), tlll..,-" tll/fJ,mljmmml of I/', SfJrifJb'lrI of L(IIrgrlage ( 1974 ), alLd Thl'Ol)" CII/IUrf, (/lul Sarir,., ( 1982).

    """".

    Tn, /HII(I/rlfn/-

    ...,..,. r.j/ht &11)111 C,lllure (md Tal. AIb.1ny: Smte t..:n iI'tnil\ HI New York I' ress. 1 ~}92. T"'o professou o f anlhlllpulogy :u1(1 wom t:n'~ studies consid er the manflC'I' in "hieh '<lrio us cultures and subcuhtu'cs d eal with land .utt'I') the human body.

    89
    r'JIAI'ICR J ClJUl'HE.

    ......................::::::::::~:::::::::::::::I .................... .

    SOCIALIZATION

    1HE ROLE OF SOCIAUZATlON t:n\ironmcm: The Impact of Isolation ntt: Innuenct: of I lcredit)
    St.riobiology

    AGENTS OF SOCIAUZATION
    Family

    School Peer Group M<U5 Mt:diu

    TIlE SW AND SaCIALlZATION ~Kioll>gical Approach~ In the Self


    Cooley. l..ooki ng-GI;L"'~ Sdf 'l(';lId: StagCl' of lhe ~ Ir

    Workpl:ace
    The Srate
    SOClAL I'OUCY AND SQClAUlATION: T HE NEED FOR CHI LD CARE

    Colfman: Prcscn tation of lhe Self I'wchological Appro.-tche! 1.0 Ihe Self SOClAUZATION AND T HE LIFE CYCLE "yges of Soci;llilA11ion Anticipatory Sociali.,:nioll and Re!JOCi:tl iLOltion

    80XES

    Ik ha\;OI': Imprcssioll Management by SludcrHlI a(II.. , Exam~ 4-2 t:\'crym.y Bch,1\'10r; Soci;lliz:uioll in Mexican American Families
    4-1 .\'(,I)'d 'l)'

    91

    Children have l1wre need of models than of critics.


    JOHf>" Joo,,"
    PtTISin, 1771

    LOOKING A HEAD
    \v11;11 would happe n if a child was I'ca l'cd in t01<l1 isolation from other people? Will identical rwin s show similarities in personality lIaits. behavior. and intelligence if real'cd apart? HO\.., do we cOllle to deve lop sclfidentity? What stages of sodalization do we p.w through during th e Iifc cycle? HO\'I' clo the fa mily. lhe school. the peel' group. the mass media, the ","orkplace, and the state conuibllle to the socialization process? What are lhe social implic ltions of placing young children in child care centers?

    acob ;me! his family are part of the Amish com mUlliLY in Lancaster County. Pennsyh'ania. The Amis h li,'e in a manner quile sim ilar to their nint... leenlh<c nulIY ancestors. They reject Illost aspects o f modemi:r.ation and cOlltempOI'3J)' technology; consequently. the), shun sllch convenie nces as e1cc Lricit)'. automobiles, radio, and teie,iltion. The Amish mainrnin their own ~c hools and clo not want tlleir children socialized into many nOI'lTlS and values o f the domiuanl o l llUl'C or the United St'\tes. A~ onc example, they arc lXu:ilisLS I..'ho oppose all fonn s of ""~.lf under any conditions. As a I+)'ear-old Amish )'ollth, J acoh is in the final year of his schooling. Ovcr the next fcw years. hc will become a fu ll timc ""'orker on his fami ly's fann , taking breaks only for the three-ho ur reli

    gious scnrices held each morn ing. On nights. .I acob ''I'ill attend tlle conn."",,"" Msi llgi n b~'" I,,' hel'e he will meet young Amish sing songs. and enjoy refreshments. ( Accordi~ the norms of Ihe Amish . ho .....ever, there is no of Illusical instruments or playing of recorded. sic al these singings.) When he is a bil ol",J ..... may bting a d,lle lO a singing in his f3mB)"s drnl"'1l buggy. But he will be fo rbidden to dme onc o utside his own Amish community and man')' o nly with the consent of his deacon. J acob is ",,'elkm"are of the rather differem life oftlle ~ English ~ (the Amish term for Inon',''''kI people). O nc summer, he and his frie nds hiked late at night 1.0 a nearby town and movie. His parell l!i learned of h is ad\,(,Olure, like most Am ish they are confident that " ",;;, ""'ill choose to continue living in the Amish munit)'. Indeed , more than 80 percent of children choose the Amish way of life as Give n such data, it is likely Ihat Jacob will gl'O\ll creasing]), uncomfortable with his ~Et1glish" hors and will acccpt the Am ish view of the and evils of tlle outside world (Kephal1 and 1994:28-3 1). As was seen in Chapter 3, eac.h culture and culture Ilas a unique char.lcter which shapes ues and behavior or iLS members. S"oI',, U.. ,';_" the pl'Oces." whercb)' people leam lite allitud~, lies, and .. cLions appropriate to ;"~~.;,~~' :~~,:~~,:;:3 bers of a pa n.icular cult ure . J list as domiu'Ul I cu lture of the United Stales are ized to accept use of eiecuici ty. aUlomobill."l>. television as M nonllal. ~ J aco b and other

    n",nl,,",,'

    92
    ",IH'I' lWO OHCANIU.w: .W'.lAJ. Uf'!!.

    Amuh JII/mllt'!>

    III IJ"'III~v/lJ(lnw l't'fl PIlt)$l mprr-b v/llloon'niUl/IOtl arul (Olllnnpomry 1"lInolog)'. CC"YfJIII'fIIIy.

    11"'1111", \tuh ((/IIVt'l/ln/{,f'..1 IU ,("lnnIJ. mdonwb!ln, TtulilJ. and


    r,krll\ltl/I

    ""Ir.h \uh{llhurcs art' socializcd 10 accept hol'scdnYtn hw.UPt~ as 0\ COllllllon mcans of \l';l/lsporU\. bun Ami -'IIIj.,riIlWt without recorded IIHI"jc 01' 11111' ... ;d I\l\UUmellb as a familiar c uhural C\-'CIlI. ".<,~ltr.lljlJll occurs through human inlCmcbill \. \h' "'ill. of COUI'SC, leant a great deal frum UwN' I'mpl,' 1I105t impOft:lnt in our li \'c~-inlllll.'" ~I" 1.111111\ member.;. beSt friellcb , ami lIadlcrs. Bu.,,'!" JI.... ,I("'dm from people wc see on lhe streel, IIfIklo,\''ilIIl. :.md in lihm ;lI\d lIlagaJ'jne~. From a 1IIIff(N.II t<,II~luJ ~1'5pec:li\'c. !IO('iali7;ltion helps us dnt'I'\'('1 hIJ" 10 beh;l\~ ~propcrly" and ... h;1I to nprtl hUII1 (\thcl'!i if wc follow (01' c hall(' ng(' ) \0~I\', IInn!" and valucs. From a nmcrosociologicai prfllX't ltH', 50dalization provides for the p:t~illg ilIl'~,I ,,,hure and thcreb) for thl' long-term COIlhIlUJ1I11" 01 a \Odet}'. ~1I\Jht.. til)fl affects Ihe rn'cI,11I c ultural practice)' .... "N.lrll-lIld it also shapes Ollr scif-images. For rulhpl. III the Uni tcd Sll.ltt.'S. a persun who is nt""A'tII \ "ilK. hea\'( 01 100 5hort dOes 1101 COIlIIlJI 1111111' idf',tl cnhural stMldard. If he or she is Mlllnl!' judged umttlraClive. the ("valuatiun Cim
    M M

    . This c hapter will exa min e Ihe role or sociali~...1 tion in human developme nt. 11 will begin by ana" ip.ing the debalc cOllcellling Ihe interaction of heredity :Uld t"lwlrOllll1enla l f.. ctors. Panicular allentioll will be givell 10 how people develop pcrceptions. feclillgs, and belief... ahom themselvcs. The dmpler will explo re the lifelong nalure of lhc soci:llil.;uion process, as well as imponanl agents of socializ.llion. among Lhelll Ihe famil)" schools, and the mediar Finall}. the social policy ~ction ",ill focll.\. on group child care for ,'Oung children ;as a sociali/;ltion cxpctiellce.

    TI:!.'... ~Q!d>.. QE ..~QG.I~.I .,I?:~T~Q.l>I .......... I

    m.m

    Illnu~nce the 1)C~on '5 sclf-t.~ leelll . In "l('ialiaHioll cxperil'nces ca n 11;1\(' an im .... r "ft Ihr ~h.lping of people's personali ties. In 1"/UVI1.1I 'perch. the terlll persrmalily i<; used to ..efrr IOJ pt'NIIi'S tvpica] pallCI1IS of a Uilmlcs. n ec d~, twrJ' Il"n,u(~. and bchavio,.

    """11'"

    "".r\l.UtIIl

    Researc he rs have traditionally dashed over the rela live importance of biological inheri tance and ellvirollmenlal faclOfs in human dc\clopmclIt. This conllicl has hccn called thc ,wIllri' lllT.ruS nur/Ifri' (or hm_ ' llily 11/'7'$115 f7lvironI/lNII) debatc. Today. 1110.'11 s0cial scienlisl,<, bavc 1I10ved h('yo nd Ihi ~ debate. acknowledging inSlcaci the ju/e11lr/io7! of these \':IdabIes in sllOlping human de\'elopmenl. l-I m:c\,cr. we C'dll beuer ;Ippl'cciatc how hcrcdital)' and ell\;ron-

    mental f:IClOnl intcr.lct and influence the socialil.'tion process if we finll examine si tuations in which o ue factor operatcs almost cmirciy ",ithoUL the IIther (1I omam. 1979).

    93
    (JH /'llIll 'tOCJAUlATI(),\'

    Environment: The lml'act o f Isolation ........................................................................................................" ....


    For the first six \'can of her life, l.s.'lbclle lived in alII10St latal sech~ioll in II darkened room. She had liute conlaCI widl other people with the exception of her mother, who could neither speak nor heaL lsahcllc's mother's p:trcnL<; had been so deeply al);hamcd of ISllbcllc 's illegitimate birth that they kcpt her hidden away from the world. Ohio authorities finally discovered lhe c hild in 1938 whe n 1s.;.lbcllc's mothcr c!!Capcd fro m her pare nts' home, laking her daughter with he r. When she was discove red , despi te being more than 6 )'Cl\r:s o ld , IS.lbc llc could not speak. Her on ly communications with her mother had been by sim plc gc.."SLUres. Verbally, Is;lbel\c could merely make I";UiOIl5 cro.'lking sounds. Mane Mason ( 1942:299). ;, ~peech specialist who worked close ly ""itJl U1C child. obser.'cd that Isabdle
    , . , wa." :lppal'cmJy unaware of relationsli ips of ally lc.ill(l. When prcsclllcd with a hall. she held it ill the

    Yet, without an o ppot'tunity to experience ilalioll ill her first six years, ' lsabclle had h:lfdly human ill th e social scnse wl,<" ""e .." discO\ercd (K. Oavis, 1940. 194 7:4~5-437), babelle's experience is impon:lIlt bec.au<;( arc relatively few cases of children i real'ed in isolauon. He r il1tlbility 10 a l the lime of he r disc01'cry-dcspi lc her and cogniuve potc ntial to Icarn-.md her able )lrob'TCSS o\'cr the next few )'e"rs~:<~;,'I~;: the imp<ICl ofsociaJi....'llion on human cl Unrortunately. in other cases ill which havc been locked away or severe ly ncglcCtI"d. have not fared so wel l as lsabclle. In "";;"';"'~M the consequences ofsociaJ i50la!,ion h:l\'e be much mo re damaging. For example, 1 3-}'e"r~ld Californian named Genie was cred in a room where she had heen confined

    f'l GUR.E 4 1

    Gtm i e',

    Skclch f!~

    pOllm of her h:md, then rcachc..-d our :md lilrokt.-d Illy


    f"cC' with iL Such hchavior is compamhlc ICI thal of a

    child of SIX months. She lIlad(.' no auc.'lIIpl to squeeze it, throloo it. or haunce il. 1 !\:lbclle had been largdy deptived of the typical interactions and sociali7.aoon expel'iences of c hildhood. Since she had actually .seen few people, she initia lly showed a strong fear of !otr.tngers a nd reacted a hnos! li ke a wild ani mal when confromcd with an IlIlfamiliar person. Asshe became accl ls!olllcd to seeing cenain individuals, het' react ion changed to o nc of extreme apathy. At fi rst, it was believed that Isabcllc was deaf, bm she soon began to rcacllO nearby sounds. On te.~1S of m:uun !)'. she ~orcd .u the Ic..-",el 0/'''11 infanl rdther than a 6-}'C'oU'-old. SI>eciaiisIJ developed a :system.lIic tr.tining program lO help lsabelle adapl to human rcl'ltionships and sociali ...ation. After a few days of tr.lining, she made he r first aHempt 10 verbal ize, Although she stllrted slowly, Isabcll e q uickly passed through six years of de\'c1opmeI1L In a liul e over tWO months. ~ lt e W"d.S speakin g in cornplete $('l1tences. Nine lIIomllli later, she could identify both words and senlt:ncC$. Before lsabellc reached the age of9. she ""as rcady to attend .school with other c hildre n. By her fOllrLCemh year, she was in sixth gr.JCle. doing .....e ll in school. and was cmotionally well adj usted.

    'I'Im lit"lch w//.j 1II(j(1~ i/l 19JJ., (;,rli,,-a girlllllUJ h(lll /xwt

    fqr most afhnfint 14J1f1n


    wtJj

    d/..J('(/lJl'f't ", aNtIwntto ,.

    I"

    her drlfunPl Iter ''',,"'. P"""

    t1v kjt)

    plaJJ tlw pJnrlll


    WIJj

    iislm.i. GDlII' Ihis piltll~

    18 r.M

    94
    PANr ', ut} 0RGI..I'11J." G SQ("J,u l.Ill-.

    RJI/!lllS nu:mkep disp/fry (/ 'IMf for sonfl/ illl('7'(1(liOIl Whnl IM)' dillg 10 mO', nn, lrrry ,lbih -JlIl!!otiluk mDl~. 'rhl lIl()7lltry hf'7l' is muhjllgfur mjlR on fI "mQ lh" - mflflt of bm-, II!j~ whiil

    '~III(j itlillg ()7l t/~ rlmh "wl"~. "

    dw oIW' 0[20 months. During he r year.; of isola tio n. 00 lanuh member had spoken to her. nor could
    . . 00

    W he,u .Ulylhing othcr than swearing. Sincc the re u:I(:'oU1on or mdio in he r home. she had arwf liblt'Jled (0 the sounds of normal human ~h On~ year aner beginning exte nsive ther .,.. (ofoil"s gr.tmmar rese mbled that of a typical IlWnuutlH)lrl child . She made furth e r advan ces as hn thrrap) COlltinued . but was unable to achievc Ww.Kuageabilily (Curliss. 1977:274. 1981. 1982. 19L').lt~I09: Pint. s. 1981 : Riglc r. 1993: Rymcr. o 19I1b. 1992b. 1993). Tht ca~c !udics of Isabcllc and Genie document Ihr adl'l'~ impact of e xtreme dcplivation . Inma.,jIl)(I\ , rcsearch e r~ ,lrc emphasizing the impol' tIDIt',1I folrl) sociali7 .ation c xpericnces 1 1' human s 0 ..... ~)I'I up in more no mml e nvirOllmCl11S1 h is IlO\l rn"'WlilCd that it is not e n o ug h lO care fo r an Wlnl'l phV!;ical needs; parenLS must also conce rn Ibmtwll(~ ~ith childre n's social d e \'clopmc lltl If dlildtTn.tre diS(.oumged from having frie nds, they trill hr dtprived of social inlc r.lctions with pec rs lIIII;ut criucal in their e motional growth. Srud~ofanimal5 raised in isolati o n also support tbr mlportAZlce of socialiJ.a.lion on developmellL Ham lIarlOl1' ( 1971) , a researc he r al the pl"illliltC

    lalx>f<l.Io ry or th e University o f Wisconsin , COIIducterl tcsts with rhc~ lI S monkeys that had bec u r' liscd away from th e ir mother.; ,11ld away from C Olltact with othe r monkeys. As was Llle casc with Isabc l1e , tJlC rh t.>s U nlOnkc}'S raised in isolation S wcre fo und t,o be rearful a nd easily rrigllle ned. 11ley did not malC. and the fe males who .....cre a rtificiall y in~ e minated became abusive mothe rs. Apparentring ellc ct on the ly. isolation had had a damab monkcys. A cl'e:lli\'c aspect of Harlow's cxpe rimenwt.io n W"dS his use of M artHicial mo the rs." In one suc h e x pc rim c m . Harlow prese nted monkcys raised in isolalion with two ~l.Ibs li'ute rnoth c rs- -<m e cluthcovc red re plica and Onc covered with wire wh ich had the a bility to o nc I' milk. Mo nkey afte r mo nkey we nt 10 the wire m o the r for the Iife-giving milk , yet spe nt muc h morc dme clingin g to the more mothcrlikc d oLll model. In this study, artificial moth e rs who provided a cOUllo ning ph ysical sensation (con"cycd by Llle lerry d o Lll ) were m o re highly \" dlued than those who pl'ovid c d food . A" a result, the infanlm o nkcys de\'cloped greatc r social lluachmCIl r.s from their need for I'.'<mnth , comfo rt, and intimacy than from thcir need fot' milk. Harlow round that the ill effecr.s of being raised

    95
    CJ IM'"r7iR 4 ' ,iiQCJIoUlATION

    }
    J
    ~

    "
    J
    ~

    in i5Olalioll "'ere often irrt:"\cniblc. I-I Owl. 'er, h'C ... need to be caUlious 011),11\ drawing pa!":llIds bt. .... lweC/I .milll,II,lIld human beh vior. lluman parenb arc not cowl'cd wit h cloth (or fur); lIu:,) use m O I"t! bchadOI,lllIIc;ms u t o;ho\\'ing affection for their off spring. Noncthl'lcss, Ilal"lo""s research s lIgg(:5ts that tht' h:muful c OIl-'>t.'(IUCIlCC'i of isolation cm al>ply to o thcl primates be"idl'~ hurnarls (R. W. Brown , 1965:39) .

    ..................

    The Innuencc o f HcredilV........................................ ,. ..-................................... - ... ~I.

    T he isol;tt ion sw d ics discussed above lHay seem to suSgc1\I that inhcriulIlcc ca ll be dismissed as 11 fa cIOr in the soci~ll dc\'clopmclIl of humans and 'lIIi mats. Il o\\'c\'c,.. th t: illlcrplay be twee n he reditar}' and c m;r()lllllent-a1 faclol'~ is evident in a i'asciua l' ing stml), invoh-ing pairs 0 1 twins. Researchers at Ih e Minll csolll Cenlc" fur Twin and Adoption Rese;lrch .u-c snad) ing p;til'$ 01 idcnticall\\;II~ rearcd ap<u' to dClcnnillc "h.ll silllil.u-

    nies. ir :UI~', I.ht'} ~ how in perso llaJi,), u-:UI!. inl', ;md illu.-lIigllIcc. I hu ~ r.lf. th e preii, resullS Irolllthe lwailablc l"in studies indic,,1t both Kt'I1CL '<lCIOI'S alld :'UCi.lli/.ation c:xpc i<a rc IIllhlt'lIti:t1 "' hum.1II dc\dupmclIl. r l hamctcrbtics. such :as twi ns' te mpe ramenu. pallems. and nCl"\'ous It"bits Ippcar 10 IX' \tIl ~ illlil.lr <-,,- e n in twillS ""areel apan. then'!, \ ing that th ~ (1U:llitit."I mOl\' be linked lO hI: C.tuse~ , I IO\\'C\'cr. there ~Ire flu g reater dillc 1>C(\\'CCII iclentil al twins r('ared ;Ipal'l in u:nm tiwd(..'S, , .llues. t)'pe:, ot malCS clu)SCn. and drinkill ~ ha bits . In examining c1usttn; or it}' L rail'i .Inlo ng such twin s. Ibt' MinnCMIt<l han' tuu ml l11arked silllilati ties in ulc,r ({" toward iL',ull,... hip or dominance. but ~ig tlifrer,-'n(l.'~ in 111t.-it' need lor illlinmcy. comf, ,lS,<;iSI:tI ICC, ReS4.: ardu:n. h.l\'t:' .. 1-.0 been impresosl si1l1i lal S(..ores on illlciligcllce I(:S~ or ","Ill.' O'i IXtrt, .Ilthuugh in rough I)' similar social Must ..I the idcllliC'dl lwilb regilller VOI('\

    1\"

    . . th.an tho~ that \\'o uld be expcc lt~d if lhe __ JX'1'Y1l took a test twice. At the 'l;:unc time. ~, Idenucal twins brought lip in dmmll/;ullly " " ..nri:d environments score quitt: differe ntly .. tuwlllJ(C'lIc~ tesUl-3 finding that supports lhe tIII,II" , .. \U(i;lli1;ltioll on human dt..'\"Clopmcllt ...., rt .11,,1993; Boucha rd. 199 1; R~'11 C and I'ar..,Imj lIorgan , 1993}. III tmt\f\1I1g the studies or twin p:'lil"ll and other R.'Starch. onc should proceed wilh a sigdcgrC<' or caution. Widely bl'oadca.~l findflpWOhfll been based on extremely SlImll $am ... ~ ptcliminal)' a nal}'Sis. For example. o ne _loot inmMng twin p.1.irs) was rreqllently cited ,m5mung genetic links with bchavior. Yet thc ftCIRik'~ had to retract their conclusiollS after anpW "'015 incr~ased rrom 8 1 to 9 1 cases and _01 tht original 8 1 cases were rcclassilied , After .... change in the study were complc ted, lhe in;IIndinl(" "ere no longe r valid . Critics add that fir tllId iN on twin I)ail's ha\le no t. provided sat isfIann illlunnJtion conce l'ning the ex te nt to which . . . tr'p.!rJled idcmical (wins m ay ha\'e had COli~ ..th I'J(h OIher, even tho ugh they " 'e re ~r.t iscd ~: SuI h int.cractionli-csptd "lIy if Ihc)' were ~t'-(t)uld call il1lo qucMioll the validity of IIIrnnn'\IIldits ( Kel~ c t al .. 1989) . r.b,)II.gi51 Leon Kalllill fcars 01;11 o\'crgcller tIaDR from the MinneSQt.:.1 twin rc!!u tl.~-a ll d too much impol1:'U1cc to the impact or """t,-mAY be. used 10 bbmc the poor and .....undckn ror their unrorllllHltc condition. ru. . . drb.llc OWl' nature \'ersu~ nurture COIll;l\lIC5. can ft' ltunly :t.llticip;t1c numerous l'eplic lI.io ll Jllr',atth drofts to clarity Ihe inlerpl;w between JImiIW'! ;iud emi romm.' utal r,lclors in huma n de1IiopaN'nt (llorgan. 1993; Leo. 1987: I>lo mill . !Ill: "~I". 1987,67) .

    iilnat

    awnt

    ...-mx

    ~~...................................................
    pi" of thc continuing debate 011 the relal ivc in-

    lIfocn.ol heredity and lhcen"iro nm c nt . thel'c ha!! tkft ft"IlntI'f'lt inte rest in sociobiology in recent
    is OI l! !o'\'S tCIlI:.ltiCstud)' 01 Ihe bi ..... bl~ or sociallJeha\;or. Sociobiologisu /).1..... If'I1t\ naturalist Ch arlt.~ 0 .11"';11'5 principles ., ......aI \t'I{'Ctjon to tile s tudy or liOCial beJ\a\ior.
    ~Std.6io/Qg,

    They assulIl e Ilmt particular fOflllS or bc haviol' become gen e tically lin ked to a species if they contribute to io. fi rm'ss to sU f'\;ve (\'an de n lkrghe. 1978;20). III iL~ c): trcllle rorm , wciobiology fesc mblt..S biological dc u.'nninislII by suggesting Ilmt all ' be ha\;nr i!l lllt.llI" th e rC~lIh (If genetic or hiologic",1 raCtOI'5 ;\I1d Iha t social ilHe ractin n ~ 1 )lay 111) role in shaping peo p le's conduct. Socio biology d oc~ not seck to describe indi\< idual beh:t"ior o n the level 0 (' ~ Wh y is Fred more ag grcssh'c th anJilll?~ R.1.ther. sociobiologius rocus 0 11 how hum,m nature i'i affected by lhe gene tic composition or a group or pt. Oplc who share cenain " ch ar.&cteri.suc5 (suc h as men or wome n , or me ln-bc~ of isol;ued tribal b.lI1ds) . In ge neral. sociobi ologlslS have st ressed the bas ic genetic herit.age that is shared by all humans .lIld ha\'c shown liuJc interest in specula ting about alleged differenCe!! be tween racial groups o r nationalities. MallY social scie ll tists have strongly auacked the maill te nets of sociohiology as cxpl'esM!d by Ed wa l'd 0gist at Hal'~ O. Wilson (I!l75. 1977. 1 ~)78). a 1.001 ":Ird University, Some researc hers insist that intellectual illlcrest in sociobiology "'ill o nly deflect sclious st U(h' o r the morc significant ract,or influ e nci ng human bc ha\;o r - sociaIi7.alio n , Yet Lois Wladis HorTman ( 1985). in her p residen tial address lO the Soci('I" rol' the Ps)'cho logical Slud), o r Social Issues. argut.'d that sociobio lo&'Y poses" valuable chOlllengc 10 social scic lllj~1.S t,o bette r docume nt Iheir OWI1 resc<lrch, Irllt:rdctionisLS. ror example could show how socia l bcha"ior is not J>J'Of:,rrammcd by hum.m biology bill instcad adjusts con tinually to the anilUde:l and responses or others. Tho: connicl perspccti\'C shares ";lh sociobiology a ret:ognition Ih:al human beings do not like to be dOlllin.:ne:d, yCI there Ih e similarity e ndll. Con Oic t theori.~l~ (like rtlncti on ali.~ l! and interact,ionis!s) belit.,,c I.hal SOci:ll realily is d e fin ed by 1 O ple's Ix >t..' ... h:wior r.tthcr tha n by their gene tic 5tnlc tu re. Conseque ntly. con fli ct IheorisL~ real' that. the wciobiological "I>proac h co uld be used as an argumen t against clfo l'l~ t,o assist disadv,lI llaged people. such as schook hildrel1 wh o arc nOI compet ing success-fu lly (A. Capl3n . \!)78; M. I-larlis. 1980:5 14 ). Wilson has argued Ih:lt th e re , h ould be pa ....t.Ile l studies Orhuma ll beha\'ior \\;th a rocus on both g<"nelic and social C:IlISCS. Ct: rminl)' most social scientjSlS would agree lhal there is a biological basis fo r

    97

    social bch:wlor. BUI Iherc i~ I cs~ support 101' the more extreme positions taken by cen.tin advocates of ~ iobi olog)' (Gove, 1987: scc "Iso A. Fishcr, 1992: Lopreotto. 1992) .

    THE SEf..t'

    .~'10

    SOCIAUlATIO

    w~ ,,11 h:wc \';llioll~ perceptions, feelings. and belicls aboul who we arc and what ....c arc like. 1-10\\' do .....c come to devclop these? Do they change as .....e .Ige? Wc ....ere nOl born ....;!.h these understandings. Buildingon the .....ork ofCeorgc Hcrben Mead ( l 964b), MXiobio logists rccognil'c tha t we create our 0 ....'11 designation: the self. The sdf represenlS lhe 'iUIn total of peoplc 's conscious perception of their own identit), as distinct from others. II is no t a static phenomenon, but conti nues lO devclop and Ch:U1g(' lhrollghoUl our li vc~. Sociologisl!I <\l1d ps)'('hologisl:i a like havc expJ'('ssed interest in how the individual develops alld modifies a sense of sclf bc(;au!iC of ~ocill l intcr.u:tio n. The work of sociologists Chm les I-Iorlon CooI<.y ami Gcorgc I-I erbcrt MC:ld , pioneers of the inle.-.tctillnisl a pproach. has becn eo;pccially lIseful in furthering OU I' lII11iel'Stall(ling of Ihcsc importan l iSliUCS (Cccas, 1982) .

    A crilical bul subtle aspeCt of 'it'll' i!lo lital the sdi results from an M imagin.tlio n 0 1 hO\.. others view him or her. resuh .....e can de\'elop selfidentities based on correct per(,eptions of ha....' others.sc..'C us. Ill") rt"acl slrongly lO ;t le:achcr'" criticism and cide (\\'1'(H1gly) Ihal lhe inSI,'u cIO' view.. ,h,,".'" as stll l)id . Thi... rnispc.'rc(.plioll ca n ea.~i l ) he \'crtcd into a neg:u.he SC Iijf\l"lI il) Ihmugh Ih" lowillg procc$.): ( I ) till' le:lchel' criticized me. the Icacher ruusl think tlrat sllIpid, (3) I pid. YCI scJfidcntilic.."S arc a lso subjecl 10 tI,e slU<lent above received an "AMat the course. he or sill' might no longer feel stupid.
    g l ;LS~
    M

    "m

    ch,,,,,<J

    ~.".~i?I?~.c.'-"..~.!'.p'.~~.~.!:",..~? ..~.~...~~.I!...... ..._


    Cooley: Looking.G lass Self In the e:lrl)' 1900s. I-Ionon Cooley;,dmnccd the belief Lha l we learll ..... ho wc arc 1' illlcr.:lcling with others. Our \;ew of o u rsc hes. then, comes nOI on l)' from dire<:t t.'o lllemplation of our 1>C1"i01l:11 qualitiL'lI. but also from our imprcss i on~ of how othcrs perceive w . Cooley used Ihe plume IDOki1lg.gllUS self to ernpha."Ii7.c that Ihe self is the product of ollr social int('I-:'lction8 with othe,' people . The Ilfocess of devcloping 1I seU:idell til)' o r se lfconcepti h:l"l llrrcc phases. First, .....c imagine how we present o urst'l\'cs to o tllcnl- lo ,'clati\'cs, friend s, c\'e n slI':lngc l's on the stree t. Then wc il11al;.';lIc how Ol/ICrf C\''dlualc us (attr.lcli\'c , ill tclligelll, shy, or '';'~c-:) . Finally, wC develop some son of feding l al t ollrst:lvcs, .such as respc.."C'l or shame, a!i a re!ill of these impr<.-ssions (Cooley, 1902: 152: M.. HOw:lrd, 1989:249).
    Cha rl <.~

    Mead: Stagrs of the Self Gem'gc I-lt:rben ( 19W:706) acknowledgt.tJ to Cha rles Horto,d~ Icy t.hat ht wtt'i M prorolLndly il1debtcd~ 10 "insighl and conMructivc tliOllg1 .M\'\'<" are III u indcbtcd 10 Mead ro,' cO,v illuing Cook1"s ration of irHCr-:.lclio nisl lhl":o,), and for hi~ billions to -)ciologic:t l lI11dCI'St:tllding or tht Mead ( 1934, 196<1,,) dc\'eloped a useful du: proccSlt by Id,ich the self emerges, d<fin'rd~ liuce distinc t st:lges. OUling tile prt"/lOmtqry 5Ia~, c hildren 1Ilerd\tatc the people around them. C51 >cciall),famih hers with whom the, con linuaJl)' illter.:L small child will b'lIlg on a piece of ....'OOO wl',il'.~ en! is e ngorged in work i ll a ball if;111 ol{kr sibling is doing so nCOI ..11)o As lhc), grow o lder. c hHdren become """".

    ca'l>CIIII)'

    01' . . 11) In

    at usillg th<. gesturc.1i, objects, and I to bDb are

    ~Ylllbols conHnUl~;~,,:;,,::c;:w:.;;::tI;"~f.~~~ ;~

    forlll the basis of humltn 1 tcracling .....ith rc1:tti\'cs and friends, as well w;uching cartoons on television and IIIrt' oouks, c hildre n begin to , uf s)lnl)l}ls. Ljkc spoke n languages, from cuhul'c 10 culture and evcn bctwttn H,res. "Th um bs lI p Mis not a lw:l)'5 a no dding lhe head up and down does /lflt yes." As pan of the IlOCi;Lli t;.",": ,: , .~:;~,:: ,o;: drc n le;II'1I Ihe symbo ls o f their p I (Ek rl1<111 ct :.1 .. 1984).

    po\iliw:

    mean

    Me:ld ...... IS among sociaJi/.alion. lionship ors)'lnbo l ~ tothe veloJ)skill in commun icating gT'.td u:llI)' become mOl'e :n..-art:

    fiB~~:',O~:::;~:~~:~~

    98

    Dlm/lg /h,. prCp;lr.liory smgc Ikscri/Jt(11Ty GtrJrge HaIxrl M f'{ld. c/lildlVl imllllr(' I'" fNOIJk MOll/ill then, e:!/JMully family 1Mmbn's with whom they aHlli ,wlIlIy ill/eruc/,

    "nll\

    result, during thc I,'ay stage, the child b.:..... ilhle (0 imiulIe the actions of OtJ1CI'S, inJudillg ,1duhs. Just as lU1 actor ~bccomcs~ a rlUf;lttt'l", ,I rhiJd becomcs a doctol" parcnt, superMtI. Hr IllIp caplain. \11':((1 Iloted lh at an importll nt aspect of tJ1C play 'Ilaj(t' i.\rolc taking. Role tnk ing is the proccs.'i of mtntJlh ,L'iSlIllling thc perspective of a no thc r, Ihrrrlr. ell,Lbling onc to respond from tJlat imaglord \ic'''''poinL For example , 1I young c hild will lJilIltlJIl) It'3nl when it is iJcS I 10 ask a pa re nt fO I' ~ 1'. U the parent usually comes ho m e fro m work n ~ 11,111 mood, the child will wait until ancr d inI1C'f Jl.hl'n the parent is more relaxed ;:md app'tr,llhahlt'. Although for children role tak ing llIay I/IltW,( {'Onfonning to the be havior of others, for Illulc-xl'nl5 and adul ts role taking is mo re se lective lIIdut'JUn' (R. Turner, 1962) , In \Irad's third stage, the ga"'~ Sillgt', the child o f thout M01 9 years old bcgim to consider several LDb~nd rc1:HioIlSh ips si rnulwn eously. At this poi nt mdtlclopment, childre n g rasp not only their OW I1 wxUJ ptlSititms, but also those of others aroUlld tMm I ~lIIs,der a girl or boy of tllis age who is pa n 1'I.l'llUuIlroopout on a weeke nd hike in the 1II0unCIIIl\ nu~ child must ullderst.. mcl what he or she is npnlrd 10 do, but a lso must recQbrn ize the re 'fuINh\lilies of other scouts (as we ll as th e le'ld rr.). nli.~ i~ Ihe final ~tage of developm e nt und e r'
    .\).I
    (1II1lI',

    Me<tci"s model: the child ca n I\ OW respond to nu merous members of the socia l e nviro nmenl. Mc,.d uses the tenn gerJern li:ed otherj 10 refer to t h t: ch ild 's O1W" dreneSS Of lhc attitudes. viewpoints, llnd expectations o f socielY as a whole, Simply put, this concept suggests that whe n 0111 individual acts, he o r she takes into accoun t an e ntire group ofp eo-. pl c. For eX01 lllple, a child who reaches this level of development will n OI aCl courteously mere ly to plcase::;t particulm parellL RatJlcr, the child comes to unclcnll... "lnd !.hal councsy is a .....idespre ad social m lue cndonit.'d by parents, le achers, and re ligious le01ders. At this developmental stage, children can take a mo re sophistic01led view of people and Ihc socia l environment , The}' now understand what specific occupations and social positions a l'e and no longer equ01te Mr. Will iams only with the role of "librarian" 0 1' M5, Franks o nly ,\tj lh "principal." It has become clea,' to the c hild that MI'. Williams can be 01 libr.trian , a p01rent, and a l1mratho n runner a l the same Lime ;lI1d that Ms. Franks is but o nc of many pli ncipals in our society. Thus, the c hild has re01ched a new level of sophistication in his o r her ObselYdtiOI1S of individua ls and insti tutio ns. Me'ld is beSI knO\\'I1 for this theory of the self, According to ~o{ead ( 1964b), the self begins as a prh" ilegcd, celllrdl posi tion in a person's world . Young c hildren picwre th e mselves as lh e focus of evel)'-

    99

    thing around them and find it dim w it to co n ~i d cr the per~pcc ti\'cs or o thers. For exa mple. \\'hen ~h own" monn"" '"!in seem. and asked 10 dc.."SCrihe \\,hat ' .111 o lue rver on the o ppositc side or the mOI/IIl.,in SCeS (suc h as a lake o r hikers), roung c h ild re n nev ('nh(: l c~s describe on ly objecL~ vi~ ihl c from .hdr (m'll van tage po int . Th is c h ildhood tende nc), LV place o urselves at .J11: celltcr of even ts never cntirely di~ppears. Wlwn ;111 instruc lOI is rC!'.id y to relUnI tcnn papers or examina tio ns and mentions that cer min students did cxceptionally well , \\'C often ass ume that we fall il1lo tha t selec t group (Fc nigslein.
    1984).

    As people malure, the selr c hanges and bebrl ns to rdlcct greater COll cel"ll about the reactions of oth cl's. Palellts, fri ends, coworkcrs, coaches, and leache rs are often among those who pia), a m;yor ro le in shaping a person 's self. Mead used the letm sig" ifica llt others to refer to those indi viduals who :lI"e moSt imporlan t in the development of tilt' self (Sch len ke r. 1985:12-13) . In some instances, studies concel"tling signific<llll Others ha\e gencr.ltcd cono-ovcrsy among re !lCarc hcl"!i. For cxample. it has often bee n argued that Aftican AOlc lican adolescents ale: Illorc "peer o ricnt ed ~ than th e ir White counte rparts bcGlllSC of presulTled wcak.ncs~e!l in Blac k f~\l ni l ic s, I-I o\\'evel, rece llt i n \"c~tiga ti ons indica te that these hasty CO IIcl usio ns were based 011 limited s tudies focusing o n less amUcnl Blacks. Indced, there appcars to be Iittic differcnce in who African Americal1~ and \Vhiles tram sim ilar econom ic backgro unds reg.ml as their sign ific.'"! nt othe rs (Giordano Ct aI. , 1993: jllha. 1., .. 1989).

    Erv",C C.oJl. "fH/ (1922- 1982)

    rnnd, (I diJtinrtiw
    rtlntribu /ioll /0

    JocioWID Irj
    popu{an"zmg {/

    parlirllitfr t>YH' of
    inl~mrtllmiJI

    kll/;lIIm /Lf dmma/urf{JlIl apjlllJ(lfll.


    I~

    m~lhod

    Goffman: Presentation o f the Self As was ~ ChOlptcr l. the intcr:ictio nist approach, which/,.. a gre:.u deal 10 IXlth Cooley and Mead, cmph;c Ihe micro ({)f l)llIall--'l."ale) level of anal}"$i\' ThII thi .. socio logical pe rs peclive is especially 5uilt'd an examination 0 1" ho \", th e se lf dc\'e l (l p~. ~'mIII CoITmall , a I'ccenl sociologist associated with intcraction isl pcl1lpcc li\"c, suggested thal Irlam o ur dail)' aClh~lies involve allell1plS 1 com('\" 0 prcssions of who wc <tre. Earl)' in life, lite indi,~dual leams 10 slant It. he r p lcsentalion of the sclf in order to c("(ale un Clive appe;lI.Hlces and It) sati .~fy particular aut clIces. Coffm an ( 1959) rcfers to this altering nI prescntation of the scl fas impression nla" agnMI Box 4-1 provides an everyday example of lhi.\ cCpt b)' describing hm", smdents eng:tge imJftll gio n manageme nt after e xamination gr'''d~~ bce n awarded. In examining such everyday social inlerac CoITma n makes so many explicit parallcl~ /(I theater that his view has been termed the lurgicaJ approach . /\ cconling to this pcrspt people can be seen ;IS resembling perfortn(ft. action . For example, cle rks may try to apJX3r than the)' actually are if a supenisor hapJ>Cm. It) wa tchi ng th el1l . Waite rs and w:litl"csscS 11);11 ' sccM:t CIlSlOmer who wanL~ more cof1"ee ifthn o n a break. Face -work is another aspt.'CI or the selr 10 Comnan (1959) ha~ dr.MIl attention. Main the J>mper image c:m be essenti;llto C Ol1linlltd dOll intcraction ; laC('-S;LVing beha\'ior mUM he OIled if the selr suffers because or c m bal"r'o,s.~IIJtnl IIOmc fO lm of rcjec tion. T hus, in response In~ jeclion a t a singles' b. n, a person may l'ng-.. face--work by saying, M rea ll)' wasn 't feeling \'itR I W<\( o r ~111 ere isn ' t an interesting person ID e ntire crowd .~ Conman's approach is generally regarded. insightful perspective on everyday life. bUI it ~ with o ut its critics. Writing from a con fli ct pt: live, socio lob';SI Ah~ 1I Gou ld ner ( 19;0) SCd Iilan s \\'ork as implicitly rcaffi mling the status including social class inequalitk-s. LSillg r ne r's c ritiflllc, onc might ask if women aJld norilics are ex pec ted to deceive bolh lhem a n d o t.hers \\'h ile paying homage to 111054' In I

    In

    d'"

    IOU
    l'Am /11'0 0Hr""''''1J\'(: 'tIJ('JAL OH::

    IMPRESSION MANAGEMENT BY STUDENTS AFTER EXAMS

    S'II'IC,logllIb u ..."t .\JbaJ

    l>',U1id

    AII),1~

    ;and

    (1988) dfn. UPOII

    .l'\ln~ GoffRQn', COlIccpl 01 mlplt....o manaR~mclll 10 ~x;lInin(' Ibr t1r.1lt~'ft 111011 colkoge ~lUdenl.) nap.,., 10 Cr('llf: dc:s.irt'(1 :IPI>f:ilr~~ ,u1l 1 w:W" ha\c been ' ...Ndrd and tt"unm;IIIQII papers ftllUlll'tl .\llxu: and All>.:" dwide lhr..- ('1I(()tmlel"'l i11l0 Ihree Clle ROl1n Ihn~ bctW(C'11 5IUden ls who Mt' .. Ulcu'Iu!d lugh KI, ulcs (Ace. Al. r!llUUnlcra), IhO'lC b('I"'eell "udrllh IIlw h,l\e n:cci""d high ... W ',.... U1d dlu,\(' who Imw Icccived low nr 1'1'e1l liliUll.ll grades (Acl'Rllmill'l "IlCOl/l1tcn) , 1 Ilu,~ lit.. 11.<1 ftlTt'n ""d('nl~ who h[wc :.11 n .. ,rl\,t~l hilt KY'.l.des (Bomlx: rnwubcr rncO'lItnlrl') "'(mm/If. occur ill it ~('I "1'"' .1unospherc IK-cau~ tbn .. III wrnrol1 in shilring onc's 1rirh nurk "'ilh IIII01h('r 1111(" h IS C'\~II arc~ptable to .;ua.- tlwo noon uflllodeslv ;and bmg . ' ~I~ Oth('f Act'S, since, ;a~

    Ollt' )Iudenl admitted, ~ 1 l'5 much easier lO admil a high mark 10 q)IIICOIIC who ha., dom: benef ..hall }'Qu, or al Icast as well.,\ rr-80'''M mroullin3 :u(' often scnslliw _ numbers gencmlly .1.1 tcmpl 10 3\'oid .such cltchango be cause: ~you , , , emerge looking like tlle dumb Ol1e~ or w feel Iil.. e you are 1;1l), 01 1II1rcliable.~ \VhclI forced imo imeracliolIS wl lh Acc:s, llumbers work 10 apl>ear gmciolls alld cl)lIgr.lI,ulatory, For lheir parI, Ac("~ ofTer ~)'lTIpalh)' and 5uppnn

    ,,, "I"

    fuf' I.hc r diss;iti~ficd Bombers :U1d C\'t'lI r.Ulollalil;c their own ~luck ( high scores, To help BombcNl ~it\'e 1 ;ICC, Aces may cmp ha.~ile the dimcult), of Ihe Cl)urse :I.lld unr.'inll"'l5 of IJle ex;m.,

    pily thal Ihe), Ihcm'Jf:I\'t,,;\ call ~pit} pal'lj ~ - Fan"Sl\,ng excuses :are dt"\'dopcd fO I Ihe BoU1JxI'S' poor I>c:rforumnccll, such as ~ I WaliI1'I feeling ...cll all wet' k or-I had lour ex>ull) and 1"'0 l)apeD due 11l.l.I week.w lf lhe gr.llle dilltribulion in a d;us included particularl) low S('oret, l\ombcn ma), engage in 5C:apcgo,'ling the prolCMUr, who " 'ill be ... tlu:.ked ,IS ,I ~;Idi'l, d ...1,1\'tdrin'r, or 3il1lpl)' an incoml>Clelll leacher. As i~ cvidcnt from lhc!IC desclipliOtl5, s lud('tll! ' Inlpn:ssion.man. ilJ.\C IIlCI II ~1 1~l l cgic~ arc conslr.tillt;'d by sockty's ini'nfmalno1'lns re~fdrd ing 1II0dcsl)' (11)d ClImidC!'alion for 1('1os ~uccl:lIsht' pt'Ct~. In rh,,~sl'Q()m k'lIill!(5,"'" in lh(' ....(lIkpl,lce and ill
    W

    _'*"'I'f

    /Jmnh,.,.IJo",M' I"Ilfmw/m u~ lId to be closed, relle ning th(' group !'f. lorl to wall ofT lht" feared disdain of Olhl'~, Y(,I, ..ithin the sUel\ of IhC!Se e nCOUn1 e l~. Bomlx-rs ol>C:III} shdre thcir di~ppoiunllelH and en gage in cx prcssionll of mUlual self-

    uthe l 1)'lll's 01

    !tutU,1lI

    IIIlcl';Jc.uous.
    lUanag~l1lenl

    ,-Ilo ns :u h1lPI'(,55ion
    ;u-':
    l1I05t
    lc:rt:lIlial~

    illiell.lot' whcu 5tattl.'> dif a rt' IllOSI prouounced,Cl iu ellcuunlers btI..'Ccn lhe highIClln"H Ace<. ,Ult! Ihe Io..-st:unug Bombcl'll.

    MtICt'fl'tl.'r. AS ditCu~ in !lox 12 ( rcfcl' bac k to "':!~1. \O(lologi I ('';lroll1l'ool.'\ Cardncr (1989) ha "'JI)('''tt'(j that GolTmall's view of inter.1Clions 11 pubht pl.1t~ gi\'e5 iOSl,fficic ll1 .mcntion to WOtnnl\ ",dHuunded fear of Ihe sexual harassmcnI, IIIYuil. .uul rapt' t h o can occur lhere, In comidU rrill imprl's~i(ln nmnagclUelll 0111(1 the o ther con dndnpcd by GolTmall. sodolob,;slS rn USI relIIetulx'r 111.1\ hy dW:l'i/;;"1! social reality OIlC is nOl 1Iftt'!tSaI'il) cudol'sinK its harsh impact 011 mall)' indhiduah .1lId groups (S. Willi~Hns , 1986:357-358). (.uUm.m\ work rcprcsclIlll a logicd progression ci lhe "'1f1"logical cOons begun by Cooley ilnd ...,,11111 hnw personality is aC{lIlil'cd lhrough sonuUf1l1O Jnd how we m:m.tgc Ihe prc"C lltaLion

    our self 10 others, Coole;:y stres~cd Ihe;: pmccss by which we come to creale a st'lr: Mead tocused on ho ..... Lhc self dcvc::lol>S as \\'C IC:l1'II 1 illtcrdcl wit,h 0 others; GolTman c mphasi.tcd Iht, wa)"i in whic h wc consciously crcale images oursel....es lor olhcl'l!I,

    or

    .I'Sy'~.~~.1 ~.ll!~~. ~I'I'~.?~.~.~.~.~ .. ~~.. ~.~...S.~I! ........... .


    Psyc h o logisL~ have shan'd Ihe interest of Coo lcy, Mead, and Ol.her soc iologi~ls in th e development uf the selL I!arly work ill psychology, suc h as thal of Siglllund Freud (11:156- 1939). SII'cs.<:d lhc role of inborn drivt.- s-among thcIII lhe dl;vt: tor sexual grdLific:ttion-ill channcling Illlln:m bcha\'ior,

    or

    101
    U IlII"n.R" SOCJAI.JZAno.\'

    Othc r ps)'cho logiSIS, such as J ea n Piage t a nd Lawren ce Ko hlberg, have e mphasized the stages thro ugh which humau beinW' prug n::ss as th e se lf devdol>S Like Charles I-Io n oll Cooley and Ceorge Hc rbcn Mead . Fre ud believed that the self is a sodal product :.me! that ~peclS of une 's pel'SOnalit)' arc influenced by o the r.. (especially o nc's parents). Howevcr. unlike enorey ami Mead, he suggested that the sclf has co mpo T\t'nts that art' :llways lig hting with each other. According to f rc ud . people arc in conSlalH connic t be ,wcen their nal1lrnl impulsive instinCI~ a nd sodt' Ial conslraint~ . Part o f liS see ks limitless pleasu re. whi le ano thcr part seeks Out ratio nal hchaviOI" By il1lcl'lclingwith o 'h e~, we lea rn the expectations of socie ty and the n selec t heha\'io r most appropriatc to o ur own culturc_ (Of course. :IS Fre ud W .S well-::lwan:. wc somctimcs disd to n I'cality and behave irrationally.) Rcsea rch on newborn b:l bi es by the Swiss ch ild ps),chologistJean Ph,ge t (lS96-lgSO) ha'! underscored the importancc of soc ial illleJ'anio n:. in developinga sensc o f sclf. Pi:Jget found that 1I('\\'I>orns haw 110 self in th e sense of:'1 loo king-glass image. Ironical ly. tho ugh . they :Irc quite sclf-c:cnlel'ed ; th e} de mand tha t a lt allcmio n be di rected lo\,,"rc! ,hem. Newbo rns have nOI yel se para te d themselves from the uni ve rse uJ'which th ey arc a pan . For th ese babies, thc ph ~ Myou a llclll1c" has 110 meani ng: they unde rllland o nly M me .~ Il owever . as Ihey mature, childrc ll arc g ra dually socialized into social relationships cven withi n u lCi!' mthcr seJ!cente red worlt!. In his well-known cog1litive th fJ. ory of develop",ellt l Pinget ( 1954) ide ntifi es fOl ll" stages in lhe de\'c!o pment of c hildren's lho ughl processes. In the firs t, or .(DUorimolQr, slagc. r u ung c hildre n lIse their senses 10 make discoveries. For example, throllgh touc hing uley discover that the ir hands arc actually a part of the mselve.'1. Dur ing the second, or j/~ t'Jper(l.li(J1lat, sl:lge, children begin L use words :md O '!ym bols to distinbtuish o l~i cclS and ideas. Th e mileSlonc ill the third . or (Om:rf!it' operaliotwl, stage is that c hild re n e ngagc in abs lract thinking. They learn that if .. fo rmless lump ofctay is shaped into:\ snake, it is still the same clay. Fin;,lIy, in th e fourth, or [or"lilt ojH'1'(lIimwl. sInge, adolescents arc capable of sophi~ li ca ted abstract tho ugh t and Ca n deal with ideas a nd va lu es in a logica l manncr.

    Piagel has suggeste d that mor,d dcvelOplUl'l1t comes an impo rta nt par I ofsocia lilalion as chi beco me able 1 think more absu-actly. Wht'n 0 dre n le arn the rules o f a game such as checkc:n jacks. they a re learning to obey MK:ietal 1\ Those under ~ rears o ld tli~play a rather ba5l( of mOl~l li ty: nll e.~ are rults. and th e re is no ((). of "cxL nuating c:irctl m ~ l a n ces." However, ..... e maLUIe. c hildrcn become capable of grr:Jtt'1 IOnomy and begin to cxpc den ce moral dilto as to "'hat constitutes proper behavior. Accord ing to J ean Piagel. chi ldrcn'~ d menl is based 0 11 social intenlctio n. As thc), o lder, child ren g ive incrcasing attention Iv othe r people 'h ink and \\'hy ..h ey act in pan ways. In order 10 d evelop iI disti nctive per50l each of us ne c d ~ opportunities IQ intc1':Ict "itl! en;. As we saw e arlier, both lsabdle and Cenl, de prived of IJ1(' chance for no rmal social im lions (Kil.chc ncr. 1991) .

    SOCIALlZATION
    A!'IQ. II :f!ll"lfJ::~y'q,~..

    __

    .~.!.~.S.~.~...~.~.~.~.~.~.~!~.~~.~~................_ _....... _ ...


    T h(' socializllLion process CO ntillucS th roughlJUl stages of tJle hUlIlan life cycle. In cultu res 10\ plcx tha n our own, s tages of d cvelopmcm

    marked by speci fi c ceremo nies. Many societlt." d efin it e rites fJf passage tha .. dmlllatize awl datc ch:lIlgcs in a person's status. For exam young Aboriginal woman in Auslralia ""iIl bt' o red a t a cere mon y (11 Ihc time of her firM SU1 lalion . Dming tJlese fes ,j'~ l ies. her lint. tin daugh te r is ~trolhed to a grown man. HenCt expft.'Ssio n is heard that "there is no such !h' an unmarded wo man ~ (Coodalc, 1971). Fur Aborigiu e.~, the re is :, sharp d ividing line br c hildhood a nd the res po nsibilities of adult hIe. This is not the case within o ur culture. hUl eral psych ologlSL~ and sociOloglsl'S h1l\'e nOllet assigned panicular labels to van o us perio(h tI ciali/':'Hio n. In examining tJ1C socialization in the Unite d Statcs, it is impomuu lO uncll' Iha .. wc do not necessarily move fro m om'" a no the r in U1C dear<lI l \V:I)' Iha , we are pro from Oll t:! grade in sc hoo l 1.0 anorhcr. This ma~

    102
    PIINT 111'1) (}RGM'/7.JNC SOCIAl 1.11'''

    "nUlIlt' illllhiguity and con fusio n as wc dc\'dop o ur.\1 ~ cen '1in age a nd Ic\ d o f ma turity. arc wc rtukirt'n or adolescents? Al anOlhe r. are we adobrnls or ad ultll? Thl' l 'llIt(:d SliILes does bear some resem blance 10 "mplcr r.ocieties such as tha l o f th e Aborigines m Ih.l! \n: have c"ents mar king th e assumptio n of ""' r..le\ ;and sta tuses. T h e wedding repre~ ntii a "'" "I ')j"'h~e in our .society: yet. there ~ no onc tt'rnllflll\ th.11 cle-MI)' marks the shift from c hild1'1.Idulthood. IIl!llead. \\'C go through a pro~I IM'riod of tra nsi tio n known as (ldol,.Jfl'1lN'. TIll' lI all ~ ition \';\rics dcpellding o n certain soci.ll t.KIOI"'l. especially socia l class. A pe rson fro m a PII')I had.ground may nOI have an y a ltc l'luuivc!t but IQ ,,"ul l hLlI time a t a r.uhe r early age, Bt..-caU!tC of thr nem 11) conui bute lO the family income o r tu bt"cufl1t' fil1 ancially self-sup porting, such a }ollng pt"'lIl 1I1d) nOl ha\'e the luxury of de layin g c ll1 r), mllllht lal)(}r fo rce by cO lllinuillg his or he r e du1('1\1":

    "'"od

    l;ttioll

    I:;wn Jllt'r thc al tain men t of adulthood . a pe rson WlIIIM throug h ;t series of d c\'elo pme nt:11 stages, nu the h.u is of research illm hi ng m:lles in the l nurd >'WII'S, psychologil>t Danie l Lc\'inson ( 197B) .Rntdi('(.\ thret' m:yor Ir.:msit iona l periods tha t ocnil ,Iunnlt men's life time .., O nc o f tileS{: begills at JhulLl "lit' 10. Men in the U ni u;d States o fkn exprJlf'I)U' a nressful I>criod o f self-e\'alu<ltio n . com"RlI>. I.nrn-in as the midlife c,.is;s, in \\hich they f\'ab/" Ih41 they han: nOt achic\'t'd basic ga<t\s and .hr.ltr'lh Jnd ha\'t' liu le time left to do 50. T h us. 1."111""11 11 978: 199) fou nd tha t BO pe rcent of me n WOl.'t',II'\I>t'rienced tu m u ltuo us m idl ifc conlliCls II1thin Ihl' '\CIf and witll the cx tcrna l \~o rld . 1~"lJb(ltl \ fo mlula tio n was dc \" eloped 10 detent.- Iht' hft" cycle of mn. in the United St.Ht's, "'bill- hi\ conclusions an' relevan t for some wnml'lI-e~l)(ci all y those who fo llow the tl':ldibOrIal l dn'l'1 paltcnls of !lie n - they do not nccesW rdlrn the typ ical lit e f.:yc1 c fo r \,Ollle ll . A key "'11('(\ of Lc\'imoll 'S work is th e n o tiOll Ihal. as VlMllh. mCll have a dl'eam of what the adult .....o l'ld "bl.r-A \i~ion tha t crcates t'xc itcl1lcn t a nd a se nse at p...."hihty. Yet. until rece ntly. \lIost womc lI were . . I,;,..hlm illlQ visio n .. of the rUlUl'e cent,edltg cm IIIIfNKt' ,lI1d child re n I":Ith('1' than achic\'em c n ts in tht ~ l.lOOr fo rce, Mo roover, m ost wOllle n carry Ihr mlt III -mother Ihrm lg ho lll the ir livc.s; this rolc
    M

    TI" K/II(I !}('fIJ'" of IM Congo 1'/#'111 /HUt as '''t mi(lf Dj dt(/I". A ~ (l I(m/,lm/ml

    0/ pm:1(I~ mlO (ui!dlhfJfJ(/, fldobstnll main /N,in/ fkm~1I'lI bI/~ 10 ITf/'lboIlU' /M ,lmflr of dllltlJrood \ 'rI1tr,;m mm prtlnld nlll 1f11W'fJg711~
    III~ "1J,t,d - ~oul/u 1111/11

    "'I'

    )lI./m"...J 1111" tJ" mll/ rOHlpkll'd 11 "/IUlI /l'tj/lJjorml/I;OIl ;"/0 (Il/U{/$.


    IlItnr.)lmgiy, IU (HI IlrfOml/lIK(llIroll /0

    "'If"

    '''rr

    "Ill'

    IR{)(/rnl
    jHUJIIgr

    "/1111 Afn(Q, thIJ

    NHlI nlf'Df
    (Iln

    nou, /llAl'.l !IU/(#' wml'ldllll Inln'


    (ump""t

    /11 lift.lO l"fll ymlllg HI(lkt tirnr p"I,lIf ul.ooImg.

    has Irad il.lon;,lIy bt,(, ,, "i l'wed as more timeconsumi ng a nd m orc inrport:! l1t th a n I,he role of M thc r" is fOl' mcn . \Vh ile ~uc h pa lle rns a rc c ha ngfa ing, a... \\c \,'ill scc in C hOlpl('J's I) and 13. expectatio ns a t d ilTcrCIll stage .. or sociali/.:tlio n :l l'e 1I0 t )'CI tIll' s.,me lo r me n a nd .....o me n ( Ra m c h e t a I., 1983: sce a lso 1'. Brown, 1987) , Some researcJl('~ m aill lllin Iha t th e midlifc c ri-

    /03
    l'J/Wl'f .R4 ' '>OCJIIU7/i1IO.-'I '

    sis is clearly e\oidcnl in boIh scxcs. In ber books P(I sag'.J and Pailljimin3, Cail Sheehy ( 1976. 19SI:6.!H fOUlld tha t wome n in the United St<t tcs experience fear and confusio n in their Illidlife years :IS they C1 1COUlller g'.IpS betwecn their YOllthful iIIw,ions and thd l' daY'lo-d ay livcs. Shcchy's Sludie.'I suggesl thnt midlifc t.urmoil may begin som e\~ hal earlier for wome n than for men. ollen a l aboll lllge B!',. An imIXlrtalll factor in the midlife crises of ....o lllc n is the fact that they typic:tlly OI lIli\'e ma le cunt e mporark'S, including their husb.md... Conseque nt ly. as she rcaches rnidlife. a woman faces a fU \III'1: in which she may eventually Ih'c alone and Illay become d epc ndc llI on her children (Baruch et al. . 1983:23824 1; Roscnfe ld and Smrk. 1987:64. (6) . l.s the phenomenon of the midlilc clisi5 unique to the United States? In some cuhu res. peoplc are glvcn specifi c goals duri ng childhood which they a rc able 10 ach ieve early in life. Howc\'el'. in our society people have unusual ncxi bili,y in selecti ng o bjecti\'e$ :md aspi ..... tiOl1s. This has an unimc nde d conseque nce: il leaves a greal dea l or room fOJ'indecision or e\'en failure . Some or the most difficult socia li :tatioll challenges (and rites o f passage) a re e n counte red in the lalc r years of life. A'lScssing o nc 's accumplish, me nl.S, coping with declini ng physical abilities. expClic ncing retireme nt , and fdci ng the incvitability of death may lead to painful adjusl.IlIenl.S. O ld age is furt her complicatcd by the negalive WoI)' ill which the elderly arc viewed and treated in mun)' societies. including the Unitc..-d States. Older pcopk 's selfimage may weaken if they a re inllue llccd by t.he common ster eotype of th e elde rly as hclpl cs.~ and d ependc llt. However. as we will explore more fully in Chapter 12 , mallYolder people contin ue to lead active. productive. fuUiIlc d lives-whether within the p.'lid laOOr forcc or as pan of reun!1ncnt.

    Anticipatory SociaJization and Resocializatioll


    The development uf a social self is liter.lil)' a lifelong trallsfonn auon which begins ill lbe clib and conti nues as one prepares for death. T ....o types of !K)Ciali7ation occur at ma ny points throughout the . life cycle: anticipatory soc iali7.auo n and I'esocializa(io n . Pn'paration fur many :lspecLS o f ad ult life begi ns willl a ll ticipalOl), SOCi.lliZiltion during childhood

    and adolescence and continues throughout. JiVL'S as \~'e prepare fot' new responsibilities. A.h ipalory sociol;zolitm refers to tJ1(' processes ur cia li/.auolI in ..... hich a person Mreheal'lies w for fut pusitiolls. occu patio ns. and social rc l atio n s h j~ c ulture can fUIII.:lioll more e ffi cienLly a nd SIIlOUI if mc mbc l'S becullle lIcq u;lintcd wiLl l lhe Ilonns. lies, and bchaviOI' assnci:ued ....;Ih a social ~iti before actually ass\ll1liug that status. The p roces.~ of a nticipatory sodali7"ltion h dent in LllC fiunilics of snakc rs (a tcrm tht'y prr to wake clwrlllm) in India. At the ,Ige uf' S 01'6. son of a snakeI' will begin to tOllch the sna):.eli be has observed a U his life. The boy will won Iram how to catch !makes ;md ....iII become familiar lilt! the habits of each species. In snakeI' families. LI ;J maner of inte nsc pride whelL a boy follo ..... in the $ lootl'ite ps of his rathe r, his grandJrnher. and "OIrL ma le a ncestors (Skaflc, 1979). Occasionally. ali wc assume new social and c)((1t': patio na l positions. wc find it nccess.uy to ullltalllj our previo us orienta tion. Resocia/itation rdt'1\ the process of discarding former bchavlor pall a nd accepting lLew Olles as pan of a Imnsitioll one's life. Often resociali:wlion occurs when th is:1II explicit efl"on to transform an individuaLb true in reform schools, therapy groups. pdsolls, litk.,1 indoctrina tio n camps, a nd " cli giou~ COl sion scttings. Much 1110 1 so man socia lilation 11 'C general or even anticipaTOry socialil<ilion. process of resociali/.<ltion typically invo l ~'$ lOR erdble stress for the individual (Gccas, 199'.!: 1 Rcsociali7.a tion is particula rly eHcc tivc whru Lt C lLr~ within a total institution . Erving (',u/Tm& ( 196 1) coined the terOl total jrrstitlltionS(1J tu institutions. suc h as prisons. the milil;tty. nll' hospitals. :lIld COIl\ClIIS, which regulate aJl :ut ora ]>CIWIl'S life undel' a single authOrity. Th(' tal inSlilLltion is ge nerally c ut off from l.he r'-"l socie ty ~lIld the refore provides fO I' aJl the llt'tdI ,ilS members. Quite litt.:I'''II)'. the crew ofa nl~'r vessel al sca becomes part of a total institUlion elaborate are its requireme nl.S. so all-encom <Ire its activities. tha t a total institution ofl.Cn n .scnts a mini:nurc society. ' Collman ( 196 1) has idclLuficd fou r C (1I1 traiLS o f to tal insti tutions. First. all aspcclS of 11ft corLduc ted in the same place and arc undcrthcl tl'Ol o f .. si ngle authority. Second . an)' :rcfil; within tlte insli tulio n lire conducted in the I

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    t'KU"'''', IlJ
    Inll

    n lull/llm/illlllml Ill/urn ''f'gUI/'~ (Ill

    ruJWrlJ

    J tifo. iI,

    lIIilll(l'1")I)/, "/JooI

    ramp- /or jirJ/-JIIIV

    n ffrmlm

    ill CtlltfOfflI(l. )OIlI1g "''', fll~ 1I,/lI".,oug/l, "IJwRl"MnISl'w dixriptlll'.

    ,.111\ ul ullle", in thl' same cil'CIIIIISl;IIlCes- for ex .l1IjJlr nOI;cn; in a com'e nl or army recruil~ , Third, tJw Authorities de\;q! rules and schedu le ;lc Li,iLics ... huUl ICl/lSulting partid,J."lIlLS, Finally, all a.'lJX'Cts fir hI! IIlthin a lotal insliWlion art! designed to ful fin lilt purpose of the organi:r:ltioll, ' nlUS. all <lChlUII" III a 1ll0n3SICI) arc centered on pr.l)'er and 'Hu:mllnitlll with Cod ( I);wies. 1989: P. Ros(.' et OIL,
    1'J79.~21-32"l ).

    Imhlidu;tlil) is often lo!>! within total inSli lutio ns.

    and li fclon g socia liz:ltio n process involvcs lIlany different sociOlI forces which illflucnce Ollr Ih'cs and aher our !1f.imagcs. The famil)' is lhe mOSI imponam agem of soci:lli/;ltion in the United StalCS, especially for childre n . Fivc other agents or sociiLIiUllion will be given particular allcntion in this chaple r: U1C school. the peer group, lhe mass media, the workl}lace, and the state. The role of religion in 'W>Cial il.ing young people into society'S noml ,lIld values will be explol't.'1:I in Cha pter 14,

    to t'Ulllple, upon c lltclin)( pri<;(m lO begin

    ~ do

    Ill: IIml' ,w J person ilia) expcl;cnce the humiliatio n ..I .. dtgradolion ceremO"Y :1 he or she is strippc..."(1 5 .,j dnthil1J.l,jl-v;chy. and OLlwr pcrsonal posscssions III t ,arfinkd, 1956) . EVt'1l the Pt:I'lIOII'1'I self is wken m. I" .... mlc cxtent: thc pri~n inmate I~es his 01' ha' rt.IlJlt' .liul becomes knmm to :lIItho rilie!l :t. " \0 727111. From this point u n , ctail) roulines arc "II('1'lul('(1 ",;111 liuJe or 110 room lor pe rsonal inilulll(' I ht" instillllion is ex pel'ienced as all ovcrhl"M111~ iltlli;LI cnvirol1TllCIlI: the individllal bC(tIlIIC:S ..tnnrLm ,llId mthcl' iTl\'isibl('.

    Famil ....._ L ............ _ _ ........ .... ...................................................................


    Thl' family i the institlllion most closely .lSSOCiated with 1l1e process of wciali/"llioll , Obviously, o nc of its plimary fun ctions is Ihe care ;md rea ring of chil{h'ell, Wc experience social il.;!tion intl :L'i babies :md infants living in fami lies: il is hL' re thllt we develop an in itial sellS<.' of self. Most IXlrents set:k 10 help their clli lcl l'ell bec(lnl(.' compe tent ado lescenL'i :tnd sc lf'-sl.lflidClll adul t'!!, \\'llkh Illeans sodaliling them into IJIC norms and v.tlucs of both lhe family and lhe larger rociety. Inlhi.. pl'OcellS. adults Ihclllsch'cs experience sociali1.atioll as they adjust to becoming spouses, parents, and in-laws (C<.-cas, 198 1). The lifelong p l'OCe'lS of I(',..... ;ng begins sho rll)' after binh . Since ncwool1'l'l can hear, sce. sme ll , taste. alld fccl heal. cold , and pain , Ihey OI'ient thcllI.l>Ch es 10 the surrounding .....orld. Human be-

    AG~ ~S

    OF SOCIAUZATlON

    :\, .... h,n't,' 'K'('Il, the culturc or Ihe Unite d StalCS is "'hllnl Il't ralher g11I(\l1al 1ll0VcmCIIL" from one r nl ialil.alion 1 Ihe ncxt. The con tin uing 0

    105
    UIIf"1}.JH ' 'iOClA/.J1A71O\

    ings. especi:tlly family me rnbcrs. constitute all imponant pa rL of I,he social env;ronment of the ne wbom . People ministe r 10 the baby's nceds by feeding. cleansi ng. and carrying the baby. The family or a nl,.'Wbol'll and othe r careta kers a re not concerned \\;lh leaching.social skills per se. Ne\,ertJlcless. babies :tre hard ly asocial. An infanlentcl'$ a n o rg-.mi7C:d .!IOCie lY becomt.'lI part ofa gcncr<uio n, . and t-wi call yc l1te~ ilHo f:.unily. Depe.ndingoll how they are tre"<llcd . inf<ll1lS can de\'e lop 5trong social ,Illachments a nd dependency on o thel'3. Most infants go through II rclatheJy fomlaJ peliod of 5OCialil.a tion gener-Illy called habittraming. Schedules :'II'e imposed for ('ating and sleeping, the terminatio n of breast or boule rceding, and the a c... celHancc or new foods. In Ih t.'~c and o ther ways. infa nts can be "ie""cd a" objt:cts of sociali ..atiOIl. reI they :tlso fUl1 c tion as sociali7el'5. Even as the behavior of ,I baby is being modified by interactions wilh pe opl(' ;mci the c llviro l1l1lt'llt, the baby is c:ausing othe l'S to c hange thei r bdlavio r patterns. He 0 1' she convcrlS adul ts into mothers a nd f;uhel'5, who , in tUn!, assist the baby ill p''Ogressi n g imo child hood (Rht'ingold, 1969) . As bOlh Charles I-Io rton Cooley and Ceorgc f-I erhen Mead noted , the development of the self is a c ritkal aspect or the early )ears of o ne 's life. In the United States, such social de'o'elopment includes exposure to cuhu.-..I assllll1ptio lts regarding gende r and race. African Am erica n parents. for example, have leamed tha t c h ildre n ;lS young a!I 2 years old can absorb neg;llh'e messages about S hlcks in children 's books, to)'S. 3nd Leleo.ision sho'" - all of which are designed rrilm.lrily for White consumers (J . Whilt:, 1993). ..... Child,en al ....) .. re influe nced bycuhuml messages regarding gender. The term ge ndf!r roll!$ refers (0 expectatio ns regarding the proper behavior, ;ntiIlIdes, and aCliv;lies of malt"S a nd fe males. Fo r ex a mplc. M toughn css" hall been traditionally see n as m asc uline-and desir"ablc un ly in m e n -while "tcnderness has heen viev.'I::d as femin ine. As we wi ll scc in Chall ler 11 . o the r euhures do no t nece5$llrilyassign thesc (lualiLics to each gender in the way that o ur culture does. As the primary agents of childhood socia li'l.atio n, parents play a cri tical I'o le in g uiding c hild,c l1 in to those gellder roles dee nl('d appropria te in a socicty, Other adults. o lde r siblings. the Illass media,

    ,I

    and religious and educational hl.Sl itutions also h;M noticeable impact on a c hild 's socialil.atioll into re minine a nd \Il:t.!ICuline norms. A cu ltur~ or subcu lture may rcq uirc I,hat o ne scx o r tJle Other ~kt prim:lry responsibility for SOChl1i1.ation of c hildr~n. economic support of till':' family. or 1'(.'ligiow or inldlcc lual le;rdenohip. Sociali1.atiOI1 within Mexg American r:lllliliel'-including sociaJi1.atiOIl UtlO tmditio nal gender rok-s-i!l exa mined in 8ox ....'! l' sycho logisl Shil'ley We il1 ( 1977:60- 11 0) has ut gested that diffCl'cntiltl treatment of children t., adults is an in nucntia l Ol5J>CCt of gender-role.!'iOCWinuion. Let us consider a h ypothe tical ex:;unpk rI differential II'C01llllcllt of chi ldren "'hich begin!i", the fa mily. ROll ;mcl Loui ~ arc twins who both shw a n unusua l interest in ~ien cc al an early agc, Fnr hi~ birthd:l)'S. Ron is given chemisll)' sets, lelf. scopes, microscopes, and the like; howC\'e r. dcsphc asking for sim ilar gifts. Louisc is given miniaturt do ll ho uses, beautirul drcsst's. ami dancillg ICSSOUl Wh e n the twins a rc in junior high schoo l, teachers t:lkc nou.' of Ro n 's lo\'e fo r science. They courdge him t.O do .51)t."Cial projects. t,O hdp ~iIk their labor.lIory ",'ark, and 10 joi n tllC science clair. Louise is given no such e ncour':lgeme nl; in facl,ont tcache r considers he!' fascination with asU'OIl ~strnnge" for a girl. By the twillS' high sch ool )'eiD. Ran is known a.s a "science wh iz." The gui coullsclor suggests that he atte nd a college ",ith stro ng science program in order L achie\'c his O u f becoming :t biologist. Loulsc hall rcalized she would like 1.0 become an astronomer, bUt U. coul1selorand her parents prCS5ure her inlo pn: ing for a C'.Ireer ~LS an earl)' chi ldhood te- hcr dc career whit"h they sec as morc suilable for a ","onl4 During the ir' cullege YC;II'5. Ro n and l..ouisc mi develo p selr,ill1:lges ,LS "scientist" :l1ld "tcacher: .5pccli\'e ly. On the other ha nd , l..ouisr mig ht get college. switch her majo!"' a nd become .HI tro no mer de~pite c,eryone" opposition , Neilhrt thesc young people is a :tssh'(' acto, who ",ill ' ev;l:tbly rollow lh e tr-;,ditiona l gender roles 01 Unitcd States. Ye l il can be extremely d ilTIcult pursuc :1 Clreer, or ;lilYo tlwr type of life choice onc's parents.le.rc heJ'lli, and ltOCiety as a " thole 10 be: telling you umt yOIl :m~ Hu nrnasculirut or" reminine" for doing so. Without (1IIest,ion , differential socialization hat I)()werl'ul impac t 0 11 tht!' development of fe

    m.

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    I'~ H'T

    I1ItJ OHGA ....

    w ....c. $(JCMI

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    1987, San Antonio mayor tlle firsl Hispanic "rl 10 $e11'C as chief cxecuti vc of a UI.Ij,lfdlY in the United States, anI'I<n)ntro tha t he was dropping o ut '~~le r.!ce for governor of Texas. Ih, new son was ailing from birth ,fdKl'I. and Cisneros felt thal his 1.#1111\ mponsibilities precluded <Lninll; acthe in politics. Many oir 11"('1\ 'laW Ci~neros's d,d~ion ;\, ll'J!ICillvl the high v,il ut;' that Mt;'x"-'Ill Anl('licans (also k.nown as Chi""'~) pb,e on !.he fami ly (SehaeIttll /y Ci.~lIer05,

    11

    1rI,I99:tW3).
    Ulrt

    Ml:xiC'oIn Americall subculhas long emphasized tlOld iI ~I~I gender-role soc i alil~'l t ion, 'il1h ~1 bdllg socialiled to expen !AIk' duminance while girls pre(toIlr 10 focu~ on the needs of their 1II1If't' families. An important rite 'I (4 IJoWagc (or Mexicm Amcricul (In_ to known as the quinremiem. \\'lull 'IO!IIe traditions of Mexican 1.111<11\' h;l\'c been discarded by f hlf'Jnll'l. lhis ceremony-marking Ihr n:ul>iuoo from gi rl to WOlnallIw llrcllffil' mort' popular O\'er lhe *1 :Ill r~ars. AltllOugh there are gn;uj')l11 ill Ihe quinceanera. Mex0Vl American gi rls typically panicIpllt' ill ~ Ua)'long religious retreat, m..s..'. !Id an elaborate (and 1'~timt'5 verr expensive) dance wtil!ion. The I'.'eeke nds bcfo!'c thr tldOC~ are fill ed with prepara-

    nl~

    tory rehearsa ls ill volvillg many family members. Duling the dance itself. a Ca tholic bishop often will make an appcal"oI/lcc and a!':ce pt contributions frum lhe girl 's father (GarLa, 1993). In socializing male child ren, Mexican culture and the r.lexican American subculture emphasize mochismQ,,, te11l] wh ich refers to a ~('n~e nf viril ilY, 1"'rsflnaJ "flr'lh. amI pride ill o ne's maleness. Machismo may be demo nstr.ued in man y dif~ fering ways. For some me n . bold challenges or success in fights ma y eS lahl i~h virility; o thers may simpl y altemp t 10 be a tlractive to women. Mexican Ame ricans are :11so believed to be more familistic than other subcultu res. Fomifism refers 10 pride in the eXlended family expressed thro ug h lhe maintcllance of dose ties and stl'Ong obligations 10 killfolk outside Ihe immediate fam ily (5. Wallace, 1984). Neither machismo nor familislll is unique 10 Mexic;!!] Americans and O<:lIll may be found ill other cultures and subcultures. Research data 1I0W suggest that machismo and fami!ism are ill decline among Mexica n Amcricans. T he femin isl moveme nt in both the Uniled Stales and Latin America has challe nged tntditional genderrole socia lilatioll and has cha nged the wars in which men and womc n

    intelOlCI. Femin islli argue ulal Chimale~ havt: fu lsdy glorified mach ismo, thereby giving lhis aspen of Mexica n c ulture more attention than it desel'\cs. Moreover. as a result of industJialization, urbanization, upward mobility, and assimilatio n, the traditional values of machismo a nd familism arc likely to become more of a historiral fO(llnole with e;lch p;Js~ing gel1eration. Like othe r imm igran ts fl'om Europe and A~ia , Mexican Americans can be expected to graduall y adopl the no n ns of the dominaJll culture of ule United Slales regarding fami l)' life (I\ecena. 1988; J. Moore and Pachon. 1985:96-98). The distinnive socialb:ation experience of Mexican American children also includes a n unfurtunate and sometimes biller aspect. Like brirls and 1:JO}'s from other racial and eUll1ic minorities, Mexican American YOlllhs will t:xpcrience resentment, pn jud ice. and discriminalion because of their appearance, language. accent. i11ld customs. Along wi Ul pal1.icipation in school, religious activities, sports. ;md dating. young Mexic;m Alllericans will learn how 10 confrOIll, manage, and cope with the particular difficulties of being part of an iden tifiable minority withill the dominam culture of the United Statt:'s.
    GHlO

    aDdllUln

    In

    rhe United States. Lndeed, the gender

    roInfir.;( cl1coun lered in early c hildhood are often Uctur III drfini ng a child 's popularity. Sociologist. Pnricia Adlcr and her colleagues ( P. Adler ct aI. ,
    1.!19'}) obscJ'\'Cd elcm ent.'lI'Y sch ool c hildren and

    found thal boys typically achieved hig h status on

    th e basis of thei r athletic ability, "coolness," toug h n ess, social skills, and s uccess in relatio ns hips with bri rls. By conlr.tst, g irls ga ined popularity owing to their pare nts' economic bac kground and their own physical a ppea rance, social skills, and a cad e mic success.

    107
    CI/Ay/'EH
    ~

    S(X;jAUZATlON

    t )'OHng prople may !level" recei\'c Ih.n \\ould qualify them for ollr so;l.ml lIIost prestigiolls jobs. T Ill:: 111(' funcLion:llist and conniCl l'.'iIl be discussed in more detail

    Peer GroUD ................. " ... "' ...~~."...........-......... - .............. --~...-,-" ..................
    c h ild grows o lder, tlte r.lOlily becomes somewhat less imporl'lIl! in his or her social development. Instead, peCI" groups increasingly assume U I C role of Ceorge l-l erbcn Mcad 's significan t ot hers, Within the peer group, )'o ung people associa te \\IiU1 others who a re approxima tely the ir own age a nd who oftcn enjoy a simi la r social Sl at US. I)ecr blTouI>S, suc h as fli e ndshi p cl iques, youth gangs, and special-i nterest d ubs, frcq uel1lly assist ado lesce nts in brain ing some dtgrec o f indepe ndcnce rrom parents and other .lUthority figures. As we will sllId y in more detail in Chapte r 7, COIIfomling to pcers' bchavior is an example or tlt e sQCializ.:nion process at wOIk. If all of onc's frie nds have successru lly battled for lhe righ t to stay out until midnigh t all a Saturday nigh l, it may seem essential to fight fo r the same privi lege, Pec l' b'l'Oups also p rovide for a ntici pa tory socializatiOIi into new roles tha t thc young person will later assumc. Tee nagers im it.'1te their friends in pan beca use tile IX'f: r gnJ/lp IIJ:1;nm;ns .1 meaningru l system or rewards ilnd punis}lI1lCIlU, Tlte group mny ~nCO Il r ag<-" a young pcr:o)oll to fo llow pursuits that society COlIsider~ "Id m irable, a.~ ill a ~choo l dub engaged in \,o[ulHee r work in hospitals and nursing ho mes. On .he other hand , the group may encourage someone t.o violar.e tJle c ulturc 's norms and valucs by driving recklessly, shoplifting, e llbrrtging in acl.'i o r vandalism, and th e like, Gender d il1ercncl's arc notewonhy in tilt: social wod d of adoit."S(enlS. M.. J arc more likely to spend ' c.s time in groups of males, while females art.' morc likely to inleract with a single othe r remale, TIl is pauem rcnL'<:L~ differen ces in lel'els of' emotional intimacy: teenage males arc less likely to dC\-elop strong emotional ties Ihan arc remales. Instead, males arc more indinL'<i to share in group activities. These patterns are evident among adolescellL.. in many societies besick>s the Uni ted States (Dornbusch, 1989:248) , I)eer groups serve a valllable function by assisting the u'a nsition to adult responsibili ties. At home, paren ts tend 10 domi nalC; at school, the teenager m ust co ntend with teachers and administrators, Bli t. wi thin the pC;!cr group, each member ca n assert himselr or hcrselfin a V.~dy thal may nOl be possible elsewhere, NC\'cl,theless, almost a ll adolescents in ollr culture remain cconomic<lUy depende nt on
    As;1

    \Iudenl'l the \~dlues and customs of M-hools in the United SliUt-S have -I children il1lo convcntional Pt(lI~1'$ of cducaLion Myr.1 &J<lkcr SldL-1 (1985:5<1, 1994) nOle that ~a l brlit'\'t:' that classroom sexism disapnrh '70s, it hasn ' t, ~ Indeed , a re po rl I~ In' the AtneriClIII Association of

    !I

    ~::;::~~2.~~;~:I:,::;:n:: that schools in the u IIl1ariI.Cd 1331 stml I I


    f.l\ur ho~'5 O\'er girls.

    .. , ,,,h,, repon, girls show a disturbing ,


    __ """/ illtt"lIertual mobility compared m ull ing rrom dilTercmi:u trcau nclll I"eachcl'$ pmisc boys more than 16.10"" more academic a~$ isl:mce , Boys IlIr tile illlC}lt:cUI:lJ COIlft'11l of ,IIei,.

    101 ""'""

    ":~~;~~~~ morc likely to be pmised for ~ rcv.~lrd boys for aSS('rtiw'! ness {;tiling out answers willlout mi$ing _hlle reprimanding girls for similar ',girlsortcn are flOt expected or enh;'gher.Je,c1' mathematics or sciThe I'('porl concludes that gil'is arc dwllk'Y" to reach their' academic polru.i~t ~ that the ~sys tem must chitngc~ AsSIx:-iation or Univt:rs~ty Women ,

    well , schools serve soc:ia1ii'.,aOuting the 1980s. fo r example, Ipa"""'" and ctlucalors were distressed to lhildren I"ere gradually losing the \\iUl chopsticks (which seemed to to sociali ze a nl::\\1 generation ~" ;. ,,,., traditional nOllllS and I':llues). ~u ccd by spoons and chcescburgeould not use hllShi (chopstick..';;) , schools were chosen as the 10 r~lIledy the situat ion . Whe reas of school lunch prognurts provided in 1975, ulis figure had lisen lO fill pe r;tlId to 90 percenl by Ih e c nd or the I 1988).

    1""i1 ",,~

    dS

    109

    their parents, and most a rc emotionally dependent as well.

    Mass Media
    In the last 75 ),ears, such technological innovmio l1s as r-ddio, motion pictures, recordt.."<I music, and television have become important agents of socializalion. Television , in particu lar, is a critica l force in the socializalion of c hildren in the United Stales. Many p:lrclHs in essen ce allow the television set 10 become a child's favodle "playmate": conseq ue ntly. chi ldren in our society t)'pical1y watch o\'cr threc hours of television per day. Rt'markably, between the ages of 6 and 18, the avcrage )'o llng person spends more time watching the "tube" (15,000 to 16,000 hours) than working in school (13,000 hours ). Apart from sleeping, watching lelC\ision is the most time-consuming aaivily of you ng people, Rchltivc LO other age nts of socialil:tlion discusscd earlier-such as fami ly members. schools, anti peers-television has cen ain distinctive c haracte r.. istics. It permilS imitation ;lIld role p l~l yi ng but does 1I0t encourage more complex forms of leaming, Watchin g t.e1evision is. abovc ,.11. a passi\'e expcri. encc; onc SiL~ back and wailS to bc e ntc nained . Cri,in of ll'Ic\;sinn are furth e r alarmed by tile:' JlrtF gr.lmm illg lhllt chi ld rei' view as IJwy sit for hOllrs in fronl of:t telcvision set. 11 i-; genentlly :Igreed d ial c hildren (.IS wel l as adu lts) arc exposed LO a gn~lI dcal of "iolcncc on television, By llge 16, the average tclt.-vision \;ewer has witnessed some 200,000 acts ot television violence, including 33,000 li elionallllurdef~ (MUlvilree. 1991: \Vaters, 1993) , Like other agcOls of socializ:ttion . tclevision has tl':.ldilionally portrayed and promoted conve ntional gender roles. A conten t analysis of c hild cimr.lcler:s 011 prime-lime television rc\'c;t1ccl lh:u boys are shown as significantly rnor'c active. aggrcssivc. a nd rational than I,rirls. The t-wO sexes arc also s hown as dinering substantially in th e types of actjvi ties in which they panicipate, Young gi d s o n pri lllt'-lilllC television talk on lhe tele phone, read , and help \I'ilh housework. whereas boys play sporlS, go on excursions. a nd get into mischief. In tenns of socialiZ:llio n . television 's porlJ"a),<l1 of child characters is especially significant, since these c hal'actcl'S lIlay be the mosl meaningful for )'Ounger viewers (lcircc. 1989), The \\';1)'5 in \"h ich 1e1C\ision misrepresent'i

    the realit ies of clay-uxlay life in the Uni ted StttG a re explored in Tablc 4-- 1. Even c ritics of the medium gCllcrally conceG' lhat t.elevisio n is not always a negatil'c socializingill' tluence . Crea tive programming such as &fmllLSI.. can assist c hildren in dt.. 'eioping hasic skills ... tial for schoolin g. In addition , teIL-visioll progr.lI11 'lI1d e\'cn cOlltlllercia ls expose young pcoplr III lifestyles and c ultu res of \"hich they arc ut1a",oll't This entails not only children in t.he United 5tatG leaming about life in "faraway lands: but inl1er<ity c hildren It'arnin g about lhe Jives offa~ c hildren and vice vena,
    TAl1l.E t I

    .... "'"""'" T.......


    PROPORTION Of

    a..r.cten...- a.Ir.r
    All PRIMETIME
    TElEVISK>N CHAAACTERS
    Of

    u.s

    1'OPIJIAn::N

    Mol.

    63%

    .,..
    51

    Female
    Children, ages

    37
    4

    0-12
    Older people,

    ages 60 and over


    White Hi5ponlc Wear glosses Ate overweighl Drink oleaMlic beverages Smolte cigorelltt'
    Hove been crime

    "

    B.
    2

    I.
    10

    ,
    7

    ..
    of l~k...

    7' ,
    38

    17

    victims

    18
    ~l\"ty

    " "
    'i,'(l".
    ,,"./,ri,';m, .,. .4
    ~lgnifi((Jnl

    (~"'l1l, ~U>i\ I-/""""hutd Sll"~, Nauon:d ~1;o"'HI NC"pI;&/l<r , lOntlltutM'"' Sun.,.... ",Ol :f._. Ad:ol'l",1 r.....m G;.ht ... 19930.. t99.' h.

    ,,,,'0"

    0"' . ~'L 'p'''d Ih''' ' I/SA '/lob"

    Omlnll alltll)'fir

    p.ogmms Juu"jound

    diJ""IHllldl's bt/Wel'll 1I1I~"::::"::1 of IJarimu grollPS on 11. " Ihrir aCiIlnl .riu within 'N! ~

    If'"

    IJOfmflllio" of'hI' Unj,td 8111'4 1'"

    amnpU, White "1011.1


    f1tIIl'm,/Ire$(!lI/l'ti
    (1/1

    wl,illlllQlIIl''', Hi5ptWIG\, ,wilt (hddrefl, (lIId oItkr fJI!&Pk""


    IIIUft'r'f'l'fJrtVtlkd.

    p",,,,,.,; '''''''''11

    a~

    ll O
    /'AHT 'tWO (J//r;A,'I'I1JNC, SOOill.

    un

    cI~)('~

    iIorh>o,,, rhangel\ in self-ide n tity. Rcse.m:.hcrs


    RIcans, Mex.ic.m Ame ricans. C uba n

    television educate viewers abolll (llher cuhures and subcul tures. it may

    rlUl1Ullelllcc:1 the st rong diffe re nces be~

    ;tnd other Hispanic peoples.

    YCl

    the

    or

    1\\-1)

    nationwide Spanish-language
    t.:nivision and TelClfl undo-

    nt:l\<lu,~.

    ~:III~;~:;:"~~~' While minimizing certai n st ll~


    ~:;;';:::"':O~I (Mydans, 1989 )
    I uU' p O.....c lful
    I I

    IWJ9 by three-fourth s ofaJll-lisp.ulicsthe'\(! dislhlctions so m ewhat and Ih(: common ide ntity o f these mi-

    television a ppears to be having II1flllt'I1CC on lhe IllttiOIl 'S g rowin g: I-lisimpact o f tc!c\;sion , rl('\'I'\o ping countries have at-

    .,

    b) ron\("y specific SOddl m essa ges. Fo r ex (:Odl Cnno a t DaUJn c ncour:lges \~ l


    ~ Mloplt 11l0dl"

    A II mqUl' /ffll lll jS/ txmnp" 0/ IJUI'/Klliotlnl wnalwll/f)II looN pltlff '"

    ':::: ::,:~:;;~:;:~~~ :~ O('I:::o ', :n,~ell. O n e surw :: vie\,'crs ' Iprl


    ot !Ill:
    1II(' 'i. .gt.'s 1

    11 agricul tural practices. while \\'t l'tf~pk) has promo ted ra m-

    beillg d,..:tJl1:11J/c"lJ jn 111,,"

    BrnwlI ,uld Cody, 199 1). h,(\I' focused 0 11 television as a n agent

    All ril I 'i9J. a ll (I "Tllb Dllr lJll llgl!lm III \\'0'* Oay, - orgt!mud Iry Ilu~ Ms. "'mu lI/aliIlTJ /()t' W Olllt71, 1Il(Jllu~n fl rri1I tht Ill/film 100 fMI dmlKhftTl IQ Ih",llJO>itlliatn 10 Ivl/llllnn iJ,lkr (lIlt/lnlmlll till'''' mQlhm' QfrulJ//lw rn lIIul r(lrtm, j;f(h{'fI 011' d ;lh J'ml Cl!? t'mnpllg l' 'm,j" , o/H'r(/ll)l' (whll Jrr"ntJ 9/ / mfls)

    .w."!"'''l. it

    1..\ importlulI to no te tha t simila r Ik'('1I rdised l'Cgn ('ding th e com e nt of DUbi! h.>lOpecially rock music and I -dp"). , ,md motion pi ctures, T hese fonns of
    M

    (/lid"'" dllllglJln'.

    serve as powerfu i for many :~.:::':~.1;:I;I:k::',o:U::Ie\ision,re, yo ung people inl .)tatt.'S and elsewhe There has been
    11 the cont(' 1Il of nllL'; ic, ,';!n" ..,,'" <I films- sometim es le adi ng 10 cc ltoun hatllcs-a.~ certain paren ts' o rg<lIl iI religious groups cha lle nge the inl11.Inll'di,l into the Jives of c hilrlre n and

    .. ",,,I,..,.;,," ,

    ;hpect or h uman socia Ji zalion inheh<l\'e appropriately wi lhin all In rht' Llnilcd States, working rll ll time . "Honl;", ,ldult ~talU.s; it is a n indicauo n to onr h:t~ l>asse<.i out o f adolescence. 111 a into a n occupation can re prc;I h:U'50 reality (- I hm'c to work ill o rder
    .. It)

    ~=::;,~

    to buy fOtXf :.In(1 pay lhe re lll ') :md the reaJil.<uiol1 o r an :un bitio n (M (" \'e ah\l<lYS \\I<I nted to be an airline pi lot-) (W. Muorc, 1968:862). O cct1 pmio llal social iz:llio n cannot be se parated from the sociali1.ation experiences that occllr du ring c h ildhood a nd ado lescence. \Ve <I n : m ost full ), exposed to occupatio .ml Iol c.~ lhro tlgh observing the wOl'k o f Ollr 1 l<II'CIIL\. of peo ple who m we mee t \"h ile they afC pe rfo rmill g the ir duties (d oclOl's o r fi refi ghtcrs, fo r exam ple), :md o f people ponrayed in the ll1edi:. (preside nts. professional ath lc tes, a.nd so fo rth), Th e~e obsen 'lltio ns, along with the subllc Illes."tgcs we receive with in :, culture, help to shapc-;lnd oftcn lim it- the type o r work we may consider. Wilbc:l't Moore ( 1968:87 1-880 ) has d ivided occupatio nal sotialization into rour phascs, The fi rst ph ;lSC is ra"tercJwiu, which ilwol\'cs sclection of acadCln ic o r vocOltionaltr.liningappropriatc fo r the d4."sired job. If onc hopes lO become a p hysicia n, o nc ')' mllst take ccrtain courses, slIch as biolo b a nd

    /11
    CJIAPn.,.R
    4

    SOCJ.M.J7AUQN

    c hemistry. which are I'cquired ofapplicanL'i to medical.school. Ifo nc 's gOOlI is lu become a violin maker. il will be useful 10 work as an apprentice for an exper! p'-dctici ng Ihat ( mf.. The next phaore idcntilicd by Moore is ""tiriP,,Iory s()('UliiuJ/um. which may last only a few months or e,uend for a period of ),:;1.1'5. Some c hildren in the United Slates "inherit" thcir occIII>ations beca usc their parents mn fanllS or~ma and pa" stores. I n a sensc. these young pcopk are expclicncing antici patory sociali7. nio lt throughout childhood and . adolescence as they observe their p.uc nts a t work. " In addition. some pcople tlm(/~ o n occupatio nal gUll!, Ilt rclntin:lr enrly ugell und nt=vcr W'i l\'cr from tlleir c h oic(:~. A young woman or man lIIay resolve LO become:l dancer at the age of 1I or 12; the ellure adolescent period may focus on training for that fUlure . The Ihinl phase of occupational soci;llizationconllitinn;'IC fIIul rom lllifmr lll-occ urs while onc actually occupies the work-related role, Cmlllilionillg consists of rclu ctanLly atljusting to the more unpleasant aSI>ccL'i o f one'sjob, Most people find that the novelty of a new daily schedule quickly wears ofT and then re;\lizc that paru or the work experience arc r.\thc, tedious, Moore USCll the te rm [011/m;lmmt lO reI'Cl' to the Clll.hlL"iasL acceptance of ic pleasurable duues tlmt CO lll es as the recruit idenufies the positi\,l' tasks of an occupalion. In Moorc.5 view, if ajob pro\'cs to be ~tisfaclory, LlIC person will cnt.er a fOUI'Lll stage of socializmion . which he calls ro"/;'lIlQl/f rommilmrol, At this point. the job become an indi,linguishable ()ar! of the pel'5On'.5 .self-identity. Violation of proper conduct becomes unthinkable. A person may choose to join professional as..'iocialions. unions, or othe r grouJ>!i which re prc~c nl his or her occupation in the la rger society. Oceupalio nal socializ.uion can be most intense immediately afl.c r onc makes the o";:msitiOIl from sc hool lO the job. but it continues through one's work hist.oT)'. Tec hno lugical advan ces may .. ILer the requircments of the position and necessitate some dCb'Tee of re!f()CiaIi1... tion . T lllIs. aHe r ye;u" of work. ing at typewriters, .secretaries may find lhcmsckes adjusting to sophisticmed word-pl'Ocessing cquil)melll. In addiuon, man y people change occupaIjons. e mplo)'ers. o r places o f work during their

    adull years. Therefore. occupational socializ continuc.s thro ugho ut a pcrwn 's ye... rJ in tJlt marke t (Mortimc r a nd Si nullo ns. 1978:440-44 see also Becker e t al.. 1961 ; Riu.e r. 1977).

    Th.~!!:~....... "... ,..... ,........ ,........ ,~ ... _ _ ... ..........._ _


    Social scie ntists have in c rc:;l.~i n gl y recognized importallce of the sta te-or government at levels-as a n lIgcm o f socializaLion because of' gro\\;ng impact on the lifc cycle. Traditionall)'. ily members ha\'c sen'c<1 as the prinMT)' car
    in n ,,,' ... ," ....~" h,,, in , h" ,"""' ,,Ii"'III ""nh,flo'
    f~uuily's pro lccLive fun c tion has steadily been lril ferred to Oll\sidc age ncics sllc h as hospitals. tal health clinics. and imur.mcc com panit!'l ( burn and TibbiL'i, 1934:66 1- 778) . MallY of th agencies arc 11111 hy the govcrnme nt; the rest art ccnsed a nd rcglll:Hcrl hy gO\'crlllllcnUlI bodies.. U1C social policy lIcctioll or this chapLe r, wc ....ill that the sWtc is undcr pressure to becomr prodde r o f child care . which .....ould gi\-e il .t and direcl role in t11(> sociaJilation of infa nts young child re n. In the past. th e lifc cycle was influcnced most' lIiricalllly by heads o f households and by I groups such as religiolls org'lIlizalio ns. H()\o'n'tt, the 19905 the indhidual as 1I citizen and iUl nomic actor is influe nced by national intercsts. ex... mple. boor un ions a nd political parties ~M intermediaries be tween lhe individual and Stale. The st:lte has had a notc ....'Orthy impact on life cycle by rcirt.5UtUlillK lhe riles of pas.sag1! had disappc:a rcd in agricultural societies and III riods or ellrl)' industrialilatjon . For exa mple, c mmenl rcgulllliol1s r;;upulatc the ages 'H \\'hich person may drive a car, drink alcohol. \'Otl' in tions. marry \\'ilhout parcntal permission. overti ml'!, and relire. These rcglllatio lls dO!lor c lItiLul e stdCl rites o f passage: most 2 1 -ycar~lds nOl "OlC and most pcople c hoOse UJ(~ ir age of tirement without refe re nce to governme nt di Still. by reb"ul:ui ng thc life cycle 10 some dcgrt't. . Slate shapes the sociali1<ltion process by iofll ing our ...icW.5 of appropri:'llc behavior at partku ages ( Ma)'er and Schocpflin, 1989),

    112
    PtlRT nil') ORC;.A..V,J.....c ,'iO(' .H l.lfl: _ J

    AND

    EED FOR CHILD CARE


    I """.,hle
    nt'ot 111

    expose youn g c hildre n to the

    influl"nce of day care?

    or ('Onnict theorists, wh )' d oes child [iuJe govcnllne nl suppo rt? (0li!S of d ay care progr::ulIs he paid b)' ""n~'''I. hy the pl'ivaw !reClOr, or e ntirely b)'

    illcrcascdjob o pand the need for :lddition;l1 t~rur",I~,,, all propelled 'lIl incrt!asing num,.....,,~ ()r ,o"ngchil dren illlo the paid lahor
    I

    ' I~ )r \\1)ll1cn,

    Ih" Lnltcr! Stale<i' (see Chaptcr 11 ),

    :,7 pcr(;CIII of alll1\oth( l's wilh child re n of 6 were fOllnd in the paiel laOOr the number eithe r working o r looking (XIK'<:II.>d to reach 70 percc tll by the yea r thell, \\ill take care of the c hild ren 0 1 dllring work ho urs? Fo r tWO-lhirrls o f ~....,,, III,~ror who m natio nal dall-l ar c now ' 'IOlulioll has become g roup c hild ca re Oa\' cart' [enlers han! become the fUlle""",,'I,n'l of the n uclear fmnil)'. pe rfonlling ntllt wing and sociali:t.."llion functio lls handled only by fa mil y mcm bers (Beck,
    Agt'

    . I!J<JOb).
    indicate that childre n pl aced in high-

    quality chi ld care c:eIllCI'!I arc not adve rsely affected by such expe rie nces: in faCI. good ( I;t)' l.'a re be ne-. fi ts child re n . The m luc of prcschool programs ....'iIS docllllle nted in 11 comparison of full -lime ~'l il w;llI kee p reschoule l's with a ~ non- n urse ry" gro up. Those chi ldre n ,m end ing 111 e preschool progmln fro m agc.'i :i to 6 }'c a I'S showed sib "lific:uu ly greate r' la nguage devclo pmcn t and grcon cl' gains ()n achicvcrnell1 tests tha n child ren in the non-nUl'SCIY co n trol gro up did . In add ition , resea rch cond ucted in th e las t fe w yClt rs ill d ic.:ales I.hat childre n in day care or preschool progl';lIl1Sarc m a rc self-sulJicic nL They react \\'c ll to sc par.lIion from their pa rCllIs and Icmito h a\'(' m a rc stimulating interactio ns whent" gClhe r. fin ally, il appears fro lll recent stud ies th a t children llIay be bette r o fT in cente rs with we lltrained carcgivers than Ciu'ed fOI' full time by th ose mothers who are de pressed and fnlSlra tcd becausc they wish to work o ll l'iide lhe home (Calinsk)', 1986; Ca rber a nd I-J e rbcr, 19i7; Shel l, 1988). Eve n if po l icym ake rs decide that publicly fund ed ch ild cart' is desirable, they JIlust d<'le rmi ne the d e-. gr cc to whic h taxpaye rs should subsidizc it. Anum" ber o f Euro pean nations, incl uding Ihe Nedlt!r lands a nd Swcde n , provide preschool care a l mini, mal ar no cost. In 199 1, aboul half of all Da nish ch ildl'c n under the age o f 3 a nd 70 percen t o f chil d re n ages 3 to 6 a ttcnded publ ic child care pr"

    113

    gra ms, Parents pay a max imum of 30 pcrcent ofda), care costs, In Fra nce. vi nually all c hildre n ages 3 la 5 atlcnd free schooling, a nd free after-school care is widely availa ble. However, p rovidi ng fi rst-I.t.le child care in the United St.Hes is an ythi ng but ' cheap, with a cost o f S4000 per yc-.t.r nOl unusual in u rb~1n arca.~, T hus, a nationally financed syslem of child carc could lead 10 st.-.ggerillg COSts (New York Times, I 993b; Topo ln icki, 1993), Fe mi n ists echo the co ncern of co nni ct th eOlists t ha t high-quality child ca re receives li u lc gm'em" mcntal llupport because it is n::g".t.rdcd as ~ m e rely a W"d)' to le l wome n work." Nearly all c hild ca re work.. ers (94 pe rcent) are wome n: ma ny fin d the mselves ill low-status. min imum wage jobs. T he average salllr, ur l..hih.1 l..:trt! WorltC1"I1 h I llm Ullil.cd Stales III 1992 was on ly S I5,488. an d the re are few fringe hellefits. A child care teacher with a college degree earns only 45 percen t as m uch as a sirnilal"ly educated woma n working in oth e r occupations and a ni), 27 pe rcent as much as a si mila rly educated man. Alth ough pare n l!S may complain of ch ild ca re costs, the:: staiT are, in elTeCl, subsidizing c hildren's care by working ror low wages. Not surprisingly. there is h igh lLlrnOyer among child care leachers. In 1992 alone. 25 perce nl o f all day C""dre teachers (and more than 40 percent in metropolitan a reas) le n theil' jobs ( D. Blau. 1993; N. Carroll , 1993). T hus fa r. rew local commu nities have passed o rdinances to en coll r.t.gc ch ild ca re. Wha t abou I the pRivate secto r? Compan ies a rc ill creasi ngly recognizi ng thal ch ild care can be good for busin ess, si nce many e mployees view it as an impo rta n t fringe be nefit. Be tween 1984 a nd 1987, there was an increase o r 50 perce.1ll in the ntJlnbel' of compa nies thal a lTe red subsidized child ca re. SIiII . even with this increase, as of ] 990, o nly 13 pe rcent o f maj o r corporations sponsored ch ild c u e centers alar near their job sites. Even rewer companies offered d iscou nts or vouchers for c hild cafe (F, Chapman. 1987: P. Taylor. 199 1). Ma ny policymakers be li evc Ih at pa rc nts- ratJ1Cr he tha n govcnunent or L priva te sector-shou ld be solely respo nsible for th e cost.s or day carc progmllls, \'el paren!.'> ofte n rcly on c h ild cart' because they a re a tte m pting to in crea.~e ramily income, Unless rees a re ke pt to a minimum , the ex penses or . day ca re will wi pe out the additional W"t.ges eam ed, As limited as child care is acl'Os.~ the Uniled

    States. it is no r equally avai lable to all e nL\ in \\'cal[hy neight)()I"hoods have all fin di ng dayeart' tha n those in pomo,w,,,\l,,,.. commun ities. In researc hers Bruce Fuller and round wide d isparities in tJlI;: cal"e, In the richest commu nities. then.'. preschool teach er fo r every 45 children ' 5: in t.he poores\. commun itics, tl [ere is one ror evt:!), 77 childrcn. Viewed f!"Om a connict perspccti\'e, COSIS arc an especia llyscoous b"", rlc n fod''''''' fa milies, who already find it hm'd to take or limited job opportunities. Moreo\"Cr. cult), (If fin ding aflordablc ch ild c.-.re h:L'i 1 lI ly 5Ct luusl lllj..lIlGul0l1S rUI IIIUUICIS whu < wish 10 work) outside the home. Even the p:lid la bor rm'ce, m Olh Cn> lIlay fi nd tllrir peri'onnance and opportuni ties fO"';n:~'::~ h inde rcd by child care di flicullics, Si is com monly Viewed as a woman 's (given the persiste nce or traditional " .. working mothers rather tha n working cspt:ciall), iikel)' to bear U burden of these le l)ubl ic support for child Glre has risen in the Ia.'it Iwo decades, In 1987, national showed that. 80 perccnt of ad ults fa,,"(Ire<! t.-. bli.~h m e nt of morc day care scrvices for (comparcd with o nly 56 percen t in 1970), Slu'\'ey, two-th irds of paren ts with child ren ~ea ..s of age agreed tha t gove rnme nt has g-tltion to provide chil d care assistance, cent of these parcnts sta ted t.h at c "'pl: oy" n~ sil11i];l r responsibility. But.. to date. lIIe nl officials and leaders of pri \~.t.te c" '''n'';' lin uc to I,>l\'e low prioRity to tJ1C issue nr,>lW, T his is ironic give n tJle importallce or , hood socializatio n to the intelleclual .,l ",dO "elopmenl of future gener.ltioru in jhe States (Morin. 1989; S. Rebell , 1987). In 1987, tbe Act fo r Hetter Ch ild Care the ABC bill) was introduced in Congrt.SS ' c hild ca re morc alTordable fo r low-income

    "ri,,,.

    and 10 increase tile a~~~: :~':~'~;:I~;:~"~~;~:'~ care for {jll r.-.milies, The a focal point of d iscussion for policymaken nally was app roved in greatly mod ified as tJlC~' Ch ild Care Act. Consisting of t.WO act provided for bor.h grants a nd tax

    .:;; ;

    w,d",,,

    114
    I'AI(I" 1111'") - ORGANI?.!.\'(: ,'iOf'..IAI 1.1ff.

    ""loiId rare:. A lotal o f $2.5 bill ion

    w:t.~

    autllo-

    grants lO the Slales over the year~ .II~~' . \\;111 m o.~ t of this funding inu:ndcd to
    Iow-iucome families in obtai ning c hild care The new taX credi15 would allow parents oUI-.of-poc.ket c hild C3l'e expenses from

    tlleir income taxes. While this legislation provides much less fin anci,,] supporl for child care lhan had been proposed years earlier. it nevertheless es!.... })... lishes a precedent for direct fe deral subsidies through tll C states for child c-.a.re programs ( Holmes. 1990a; RmTlcr. 1990).

    11 By regulatinK the life: cycle. lhe Sl;lle shapes tile sodali/.<ltion process by innuend ng our "icw~ of a ppro-

    ;~;: the proca, whereby I~ple It'arn tht' al. ,lnd actions appropri<alt' to indi \;dua ls ;IS
    .1 panic"lar cuimre. This Chapter cX'".tmine5 tOCWIJ;auon in human d~'el oplllenl: th e: ~~d)' ("Iplt' dC'\~l ol) perception,. fedingl. and be~ thtm,eh,CI; and the lifelong naltlre of lhe

    priate behavior 3t l)articular agC5. 12 A!! U lOre aud mort' mothers of young children ha\'c e nte red the labor market of the Un it('d States, the de nl iUld for child care has increased dr.ulIalicall),.

    .5IJruIlr.tuon ~n'c1.:ls th e overall cullu l':ll Pt,U't.lcc~ of .IJ1n It aiM) 5h:lpes tlle illlagc~ that we ho ld of

    "dIt'rarlv 1900s, Charles 1lorton Coole)' :.dvOInced dl.1I we I~am who wc: are b), 1I1tC'r.tcting wilh

    i~~~ lIerlxrt Mc:ad is best known for his tlll."Ory


    11( proposed that as pt.'o ple lO:ttUrr, their In ITI1I their concen! about reactions from
    (~nman hall \ hmm thal lOan)' of o ll r d ;lil)' ,",tlhe llltempt!i to cnn\'CY distinc t imprcssi{llls

    Sh o uld soci;II rcse:lrch in 3re:t.~ .such as socio bio logy be conduc ted C\'cn th ollgh m;lIlY in vcs ti g;lIoo belil'\'t' that this lIn:tl)'!iis i. pote miall), dctritnentallolargc numbcl'5 of l>eople? 2 Dm",ing on Fnoing Golfman'! dr;HIl:uurglcal approach , discuss how the following group! engage in imprell5ion managctnenl : .uhlelf!5, college in~tnlcton, parents, ph)'Sid:uu, polilicians? 3 HO\\" "'"i>uld runctionalists and eon nict theorius diO'er in their :lIlal)"iC:' of tht" mass media?

    KEY
    laltlll b Ihe most imlKl rtant agclI l of 5OCiali/.adw- LllIted States, especially lor (' hild reu. pnmary age.nt.s of 5OC.ia li ~tion, p..'\renu pia)' . .~."'''' I intQ th O'le gender rolu

    TER1It~

    AlI,iciPfI'ory lociolito,ion

    lOdet)'.
    ha\'e an explici t mandate
    10

    the Uni ted States-and especially


    "',-"""lIle nom\! and ,-:Uut.'S of o u r culture,
    ~nups frequently assist aclole~cc nts in !rAini ng Ioj"""flfindcpendence from parent! ;1I1c! other

    ..

    !::::

    fiRurl~.

    t encourages child ren 10 fOt~lk(' hurn,m rur IlOIiSl\'e vit",;ng. In' m051 fully exposed la occnpational roles

    11I:a1 been criticized as an age nl of welal;

    I'roces.se. ofsociali ution in which a pC:f50n - reiu:arses- for future posit.ion.s, occupat.ions, and 'IOCi;!1 rd:UlolIship!. (page 104) Cogni,jve 'ha,., af developmen, J ean Piaget's theory explaining how children's th o ughl progre5sc:S tllrollgh four Sf:'KC'!\ (102) Degrodo'ian cerll"'tJIIJ An aspc!C! of th e 5ocialil.at.ion process "'~thill 1of:ll institulions, in wh le h peo ple arc subjectcd 10 hum iliatin g ril.llals, ( 10.1)) Dr","o/lIrgicfll approflch A view of social iute nlction, popul"ri1.c(\ by ErvillK Go mnan , uncler which people arc examined It.~ if they were lh catric... 1 perfn nnel'5.
    (100)

    parcnl~, of IX'"Oplc "'hile lhey are l>erfonning their du ties, ........ por1Il1yed in tll(' tIledia.

    '-mng the work of our


    IIIrt'1

    Face -war" A lenn usc.'(i by Erving Goffman to refer to pec:tpl~'s dTofl'l to maintaih tile p roper image and Fo", ili,,,,
    a\"Oid tmb;UTaSSITlCflt in p u blic , (lOO) I'ride in lhe extended famil y,
    expr~

    115
    rJ/AYf1:.1l4 SOCIAU7AT/OV

    through the ulaimcnancc of dOM: ut.'S and slI'ong obtiglH io lls to kinfol k. (107) Gend(lr roiu Expectauon! T<-1fd fd ing the proper be" h:lVior. auitudes, a nd acu\;uc.:s of llI.lles and fe mah:s.
    (106)

    Reverse locioiizotio" The process whcreb) nOl'flJaJly being socialized arc at the ~ me tinll' Ri'es of passage
    izing their SOCilili...ers. ( 108) R i l\l;i l.~ ma rkinK Ihe S)'lIi bolk uon [mm o n c socia l posi ljon lO anOlh('r. (1(12) Raltl la.illg rh e process of m e n tally :lSI>uming tbfl ~pc.'C l i\e of another. the reby elmbtillK (lIIe IU from Ihal imagincd viewpoint. (99) Self According to Gcorgc i-Icrbcn Mead , the SUln of pcup l c'~ conscio us perception of lheir Idtnf dislillct fmlll others, (98) Significan, othen A tcml Ilsed b~' ('.eo~ I \1('nd III tcft'r I!) Ihu~e intii,iduul, 'tI hu IlI1' m"" por la llt ill the del'elopnwnl of lhe self, SlIch.lS I
    friends , :lI1d teach ers. ( 100)

    G"nllra/i:tld o/hrrs A tenll u.'it:d by Gemge I'h:rben


    Me:ld to refer 10 the child's aW:U'l IlC.'1i~ of the atutudes, \icwpoints, and expectations ofsodclYa~ a whole . (99) Imprnsia" mallag(lme"l A lenn u~ed by Erving ('.00: man 1 refe r' to th e altering ofllll: IJreSe f\t;ltiorl Ofl hc ,0 self in order 10 create distinctivc :lppeal';H1ces ;lIld salisfy partic11lar :mdicnces. ( 100) I nnlti "S'flI" " ~" f .\ I'hf<l~" p ..1 hy '-'1"'1'1'''1 1-i "fI"n (;0011:)' 10 cm phash.t: thal the 1IClf is the prodl1cl of Ollr social intCnlclio ns willl ol1le rs. (98) Machismo A sense of virility, pc n.unal \\orlh, and pride in one's malctJes~ . ( 107) Midlife crisis A .~ll"(."SSful period of 'l(' l f-<"~lhmtiol1 , oftcn nccun'i n g lxtw.:en the :Iges of35 lll1d 50. in which a person realizC!l tJlat he or she ha.s HO! <lehic\'cc! cer taill jlj!T1IOJlal gO;lls and ;c; pi1~lIiolls "rid Ih:n tim e is rtUl' !l ing OUl. ( 103) Peflollalily In cl't'.l)uay speech. a person's lypic:lI,><ll' ler n5 ofattirudcli, ne~ds, c h:u,U:lc riSlit:s, and bch;wior.
    (93)

    SOC;o/iUlliall Thc process where b) I>cople learn


    lilUdes, \~tlucs. and aClions :lppmprillh: 10 ind ,I~ IiIt'lIlbers of:1 panicular cultu re, (92) SociQbiology TIlt~ s~~Lt!mati r Sllldy of the. hir ba~s of ~oc ial hc haviol. (97) S}'l/Ibols The gestures, o~jccts. a nd language ji">!"m the \.l3si~ o f homan CUlILlllUuicntion. (98) Total ill$lillltiotu A [cnn coiuc(j by En.'ng Cnlf refer tu in ~litutions whic h regulate all :lspecLSola 1>011" life under:1 single aUlhori lY. such .b prulJl'Ito lIIilimry. Ulcntal hospitals, :Ulc! COil\'ents. (10-1)

    Resocialha,;o/l The procCSll or diSC".trding fo rmer beh:l\;or IXlllerns :lIld accepti ng ne", (Incs 3.\ part o f a
    InHlsitioll in o nc's life. (104)

    116
    I',vrr /lIV OIrGA.\UJ,\G !iOCIM,

    un

    ~~:~_;':";'~I~G:"'~~:'~~d~!Hl'Indcl. "IvNew York: Ran e.ll/id and Soci~1 (5th cd,),


    Ihe wcial.Kicncc 0fI ."uah7~'ltiol\, cIIO:!.mille5 agenu of soci.dInd 81"1!S 5pc'cial emphasis to gcndcr-rok llm book
    ~ic""s

    Lott. Ikm icc. WOmnl j Lulft: 7"hm1n flnd l'nrinliOlU ill Cot'Fltin IA/nung. Monlcrcy. Calif.: Brooks/ Cok. 1987. An O\'(:n;cw of the 5OCializatioll experiences of women in
    lhe Unit.e d StalC!i. Schlenk.er, Bar,), R. (cd.). 1M &If and &ri(ll uf,. New York: foo lrGr:Iw- HiII, 1985. Social scicntists, primarily p,,),ch(,\ogi-l1>. examine the concept of thc sclf:tS ;UI expl:lIl;ltiOIl bchil.\';or, Tobin ,.Jo5C'JlhJ .. \);lVid Y. I-I. \Vu. and Dalla H. D;lIIidOn . ' 'rf.Jfllool m 'I'llrtf' o.l{III,.,S: jflpa,., Cllmfl, lwd 1111' U"it~ Stal~. New 11:l\'cn, Conn .: Yale Uni\'crsity l'n.$S, 1989, ' A coml};U"';lli\'c look ill formal eady child hood education in threc !lations, drawing upon me views of paren ts, leachers, alld adlllil\ istr,I.(Ors.

    or

    f..nlnR rltr Ilrtwr/n/wn of SdI In Ellf'ry(/(l] uft.


    1959. CQffman clel1lotlst r.I'C$ his ItheoT)' dllU the self is managed in t."l't:.yIII much Utc s unc way that : 1 ,hcalric;.1 r .Irrw\ nUl a stage role.
    ~' /Mn'ltIg IQ 1 ..IJI'f'. New York: B:.II:IIII;III:. LY""",,--;'' I illustrated book dcscril)d the 1;!I!d-

    ..I i)(oh,J\ior conducted :tllhe Primate Re.. ,,,",,~'''t the Uni\~n.ily of WiJComin .
    (;'01'(1011. TA,

    Drlxru

    Of"'"

    GluUl

    ea,....

    J.~_~~~~.~ ~. _ _. _._. __, , , _ _._ ~. ._ _ .... . .... ..... ...... ......... . . .... .
    Among thejournals tha t d eal "'ith socializa tiOIl i~Ud arc Adol4rnl" (founded in 1966) ,j()urnal of Pmollflilty 11'1(1 SoriIlI '~y(ho1ogy ( 1965), a nd )'Ollllg Chi/tire" (19.15)

    1\Qnnltll'Of1ltJi AnalySiS. Albany: SGlIC Uni\;t"\<I VI)rk I're55. 1992. A ixlckgrolllld view of

    " '.n""

    III

    the United

    SllIlcS.

    117
    CJIAVf1-.H 4 ' SOG!oJJ7.A1"Io.V

    ...................... c:::=5:~::::::I .................... .

    SOCIAL INTERACTION .............................................................................. AND SOCIAL .............................................. .. - ......................... STRUCTURE


    " ,_

    SOCIAL INTERACTION AND REAUTV


    Drfining :Uld Rcconslrucling RcaliL)' NcgQli:ltcd Order

    SOCIAL STRUCTURE AN D MODERN SOCIETY Dur khcim' s Mechanical and Organic


    Solid:l.Iil)'

    ElEMENTS OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE


    Sl.llUSCS

    T6nnics's GerWil/,Ic!lIIjI and Q u /lschajl


    SOCIAL POUCV AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE: THE AIDS CRISIS
    BOXES 5- 1 Current ReSearc h; '11C 1 '1'01:<:5$ of Role Exil 5-2 Speaking QU I: Savage Inequalities in Public Educ:ltion

    As.c:ribed and Achic\'ed Slams M,lSIer Slams


    Social Roles
    Wh,lI Are Social Roles?

    Role CollniCI Croups


    Social inslilutions
    FunclionaiiSI View

    ConOict View
    imcr:lctioniSI View

    119

    All the world's a slage,


    A nd all lhe men and women. merely players: They have their exits and their en.trances; A nd one man in his lime pla.)'S many parts.
    IVillinlll SlJaHesflalre As YQTI Uht If, /599-1600

    LOOKING AHEAD
    How clo wc rede fin e reality th rough social intcn\cti on? '-low do sodologis15 use the tenus s/(ll ll.~ and
    roll!~

    Wh}' are social roles a signifi cant componen t of

    social strll cture? How is ~ n e t \\'orkin g~ helpfu l in finding em ployme nt? How do the family, reJibrion , and government contribut e 1,0 a society's sunriva l? '-Iow do socia l i11lcractions in ;., preinduslrial vi llage ditrer from those in a modern urb(l n center? How has the social structure of the United Stal,es been affect.ed by the spread of AIDS?

    S eventy male swdellts at St(lnford Uni,"crsity were asked to panicip'llC in an experiment designed by socia l psychologisT Philip Zirnbardo ( 1992; Haney et. al. , 1973). The slUde n15 were paid to give up their vacation lime and become part o f a simulated prison experience in the b;L~e m e nt corridor of a classroom building. By a Ilip of a coi n, half were arhitr<lJ'ily designated as prisoners. \.h e o thers as guards. The guards were instructed to es tablish their own rules for maintaining law, order, and discipline. Wirh in a shon lime, the guards began lO act ~gllardlik c. Some attempted to be tough but fair and held suictly LO th e prison ru les. But about 0 11 (. ...
    H

    third o f the stlldclH guards became cnlel and alii sive in lh eir treatment of prisoners. They shoutd commands. took pleasUl'e in imposing arbr rules, and u'ca ted th e prisoners like animals. In case, a guard ordered a prisoner into "solitary finem ent" and rorced him to stay overn ight iI small dose!. Soon after the ex perimcnt began, the p . became depressed, apathetic. and helpless-or rebellious and angry. Some cried hystcrically, siwalion bCC(l me so intolerable that Zimbardo h is colleagues were fo rced to abandon the prison study arter on ly six days. It seenled \11 cal to co nlinue because of the anxiety and d ~ evident amOllg the student prisoners. Zimbardo's study demo nstrated !.hat college denLS adoptcd predictable pa tt erns of social i action {those expected of guards and priso when placed in a mock prison. Sociologists use tenn social interactiOlllO refer \.0 the waYlI in'" people respond 10 one another. These illlCfal Ileed not be face lO face; fricnrls talking O\'l'r tclepho ne and coworkcrs communicating computer arc engaged ill social interaction. In mock prison experiment, social intcracliolll tween prisoners and guards were highly im pe Prisoners were not addressed by name !)lIt u by their prison !lumber. Guards wore reflcCtOf glasses which made eye comact impossible. As in many real-life prisons. lhe simulated . at St:mford Universi ty had a social stnlctu which guards held \~rlually total cOnlrol over oners. The term social strllcturl! refers \0 thf in which society is organized into prcdinablt

    120
    l ~tl/l'

    1WO OR(:A.NI7.JNG suaM UPI-;

    The 'IOCial stnlCHln: of Zim bardo 's pmun influc:nced the imer:.lc liOl1s bc t w~eu FlIi' ilntl prisonen.. Zimbardo ( 1992:576) . . , dlJ! I1 \\-.t~ a r('".d prim n "in the minds of the )IIkn ..ml tlWlr ("Iplh es. ~ Ilis simulated prison expcmnt"rll \\,j~ 1i1. . 1 conduCLed 20 years ago blu has l\l'llt~ been re peatcd (with similar findin gs) boch In !Ill' l'nllcd Stalt.'S lInd in o the r countries. Tht (C1U(t'l'l~ of !IOCi,,1 illle raclio n and social cruelllf. IOohic" arc closely linked lO eac h OI lter, 1ft m1ll,II III 'o()Ciological slUdy. Sociologi!lLS o bp.t11l'I1~ CIf bclm\;or closely lO undc nmmd "lh[uIIJld ~ describe the social intel7lclions ofa UUtt'l ur \!ICielv and the socia l slruClure o f th,\ hdIJ\;o r i~ a P......I. nw. ch,II*r lx-gin by conside ring ho w social in III ,h'lr.li~ the \<loa} \<le vie"' the " 'o rld al'Uund Intrl.Mllfll\\ invo lve ncgolia Lio n, \\'hich results 1Itru't .. h,mging forllls of social organi7A'l lion . rh(, hIptn \'oil! I"uts 011 the foul' 1 ><lsic demc lllS oLso.utKwu': ~1;ltllst'S, social roles, g ro ups, and in11' )inc(' much of o ur behil\ior OCClll1l in ,...,.. .11. \11.al pan th:ll g ro ups play in a .socie t)"s . . . \Ullflllrr "i ll be emph:lSiz.cd . Socia l instilll,.. to ... die amih , religion, a nd governmc nt luon.IlIlC'lIwl aspec:1 social structure , The "Ill (U1Ilr.lS1 the funcuo naliSl, connict. :lIId JmfUfll! n"t JpprO<lches to tlte sUldy o f soc ial ill-

    ~III)I,

    slimlio ns. h \\ill also e~a min e the \)pologie den'laped 11)' .sociologists Emile Durkhcim and Ferd ina nd T on n ic.-s fo r comp. ring modem socic ties "'ith , sim pler fo nns o f social Stru CI Ul'C, The socia l poliC) sectio n will conside r the AIDS c risis and its implica tio ns for Ule social instillUions o f Ihe United St.'lles.

    t\ccol'd illK tosociologisl I-l e rbc n Bllllllc r ( 1969:79) , the distinc tive charac teristic o f social inte rac tion amollg people is tha t "human be ings interpret or 'defin l" each o the r 's a cLions instead of me rely reacting to eac h OIhcl"s actions.M III o Uler words, o ur rcspo nse to someone's bcha\ior is based o n the mealli'lg y,'C a u:tc h to his o r he r actio ns. RCOIlity is shape d hy o ur Pf'IT f"plion s, c\~,lu ati o l1 s, and de finilions. These meani ngs typically rcnecl lht' IlUl"ln s and values 01 the d o minant culLUrc and a liI' sodalizalio ll experie n ces within that culture.

    or

    P~.~!li~g..~~_~~~~,~.~'!.~~. ~~~,~.~....., . ........


    How do wc defin e o ur social reality? As an CX,III1 ' plc, le l LIS examine how abortio n clinics a n e lllp' to present lhe lll.\oel\'es to thei r clic nlS. Two d ill'e rc l1t

    I II 1 'llIlip li m/xlTt/{) :' jrllrUIII.' mlJt'lr l"iwlI t:rf~III'.fI/, 7(} I/m/,."II ,,1

    ,/Ill"

    Sum/OIll Uni utnllJ tL'"l' MIRlfllnty dl'$lKJI(ll1fi /u pnjQII#'J'l or gtllm/J. Th,. sllId, hilt/ID IN {/barutmlld {/firr (filly
    W(

    days lxm'Uf

    IrMl llU'7rl

    of J6~ guard.s ' mitt of pmOllnl, AJ 0 t'Xnmpl,., ""


    1 0

    K" fmi.J rt'I/" /rtd p m tJlIC'l rot_ wllholl i b/m,.,b. ,

    Jlotl

    OIl

    121
    ("JIM".,.:R , * 'i(IQ ,' 1\ ,.,..RAr:TIO.\'.,\'OM)(JII \INI

    ('n 'HJ,

    sociologisLS examined abortion clinics: o nc in the 19605, when abortio n was illegal, !lIe oth e r in the lalt~ 1970s afte r lhe Supre me Court's landmar k 1973 decision assuring a right LO abortio n under most circumslances (sce Cha pte r 11 ). Before abortion \oJl\S legal, cli nics atte mpted to reassure wome n by e mphasizing medi cal professio nalism and crea ting an inte ntionally sterile a Ullosphere- rnllc h like tha t of a d octor's o ffi ce or a hospital. However. hy the la te 19705, clin ics had begun to deemphasile th is cl inical focus and instead t.o stress I.hat they we re olfe ring "pe rsonalized ," no nlradilional care. Atte lUioll turned to relaxing the clie nt. offe ring her elUo tional support, a nd e ncoulflbring cliscu$sion o f an)' d o ubL~ or fears. In each time pe riocl. a bortio n ~ : i ::; <.:; - l J:fli.l ;': ii <.u J l.iy iJ j ( pi Hll llliig SULml ~ Ull t LUre-atte mpt,cd to p roject and de fin e a parLicula r social reali ty that would he lp wome n to feel mo rc comformble in se(.'king o ut t11eir services (Ball. 1967; Cha ro n. 1985:154 : P. M. Hall , 198 7:6-7; M. Zimme nna n. 198 1: 15 1). By the 19905. howeve r. 0 PI)(m e n ts of abortion were po rtraying clin ics as killing centers. T he milita nt gr'Oup Oper'rtlioll Rescue tried to shut dowlJ abortio n c1iniCll lhrough pickcting an d harassmen t of heallh care pro fessio nals a nd patie nts. In 1989, forcxample, 11 ,800 people we re arrested across Ih(: United Sta les fo r blocking access to clin ics (Hancock, 1990 ). Des pite the ex plosive atmosphe re O LLtside ma ny a bortio n cl in ics, lite cli nics cOlujnued to e mphasize tJlal Ihey offered a supporti\'e (;.' 11\;rOI1Ill e nt fi)r their c1 i c n t.~. Th e ability lO defin e sodal reality clea rl y re n cc t~ a group 's power within a society. Indeed , O Il C of the most c rucial aspec ts of the re latio nship between domina nt and s ubord ina te groups is tht' abi li ry of L e rlolllinant or m<tiority gro up I Q d efin e a ~c; i h e lY's \':l ltres. Sociologist Willia rn I. Tho mas ( 1923: 4 1--44). a n early crilic of theo ries ofrrtcial a nd gender di ffe re nces, saw that the U clefiniti on o f the situ a tion ~ could maid th e thinking a nd ptm.o nalilYof th e ind ividual. Writi ng from a n intcractio nist pcrspeClive. T homas obseryed tha t people respond no t ' o nly 10 Ihe objecun _ features of a pc rwn o r situation bUt also 10 the meaJl ing tha t the person or situa tion has fo r t.h e m. Fo r example. in Philip Zintbardo's IIl OCk. prison ex perime nt, stude nt "b'uards~ a nd up rison ers~ accepled Lhe defin itio n o f the siI-

    mHio n (incl uding the tradi tional roles a nd be ior associa ted wil h being a gm! rd or p risoner) acted < !ccordingly. A5 \Vc Itave seen th roughou l the last 30 yean first in the ch; 1 rights move ment o f the 196(k since Lhe n among such groups as women. the do de rly. gays and lesbia ns. a nd peo pl e with disabit. Lies- :ln important aspecl of tJle process of'iOCill c ha nge irl\'Olveo; rede finin g or reconstn,cting . reality. M em bens of subordin ate groups begin challenge trad ition al defini tions a nd in stead ~ ceive a nd expc!;ence realilY in a Ilew way. For t ample. Ihe Black aCl iviSl M alcolm X (1925-196.; an eloqllelll and cOlllwversial advocatt" of Bbd powe r and Black pride in the cad)' 190011, recalled U m lli t~ IccHii gs !ilii:! pcrsp-eCl.lvc cr-i:iiigccl Clrnmallcally while in eighth grade. His English teacher vised him tJlal his goal o f becoming a lawyer '!Gl wno realistic goal fo r a nigge r" a nd e ncouraged hill instead to become a carpe nt er. In Malcolm X (1964:37) words:

    '*

    It wa5 then lhal I began 10 change-insrde. I drl'l" away trom wlt t\!" people. I C"olrne In class. "nd 1answcrf4 when called UI)()lI. [r l>ccanre a ph)'S.icaJ stra in simllll

    1 si! in Mr. Omowski's cI.bS. I e re "nigger 0 Nh

    II",j

    sliPI)C(j o rr m)' hack before. whe re\'Cr 1 heard ir now I 5tQPI)C(j and looked al whoever said il. And tJu:y loo~
    surprised th at I did.

    ""as

    Viewed from a soc iological perspcCli\'e. Malcolm X redefining social realit), hy looking much m~ crilic:. lty:at tJle l'aeiSt thin king a nd terminology Ul a1 restricted him a nd otJ,c r Afri ca n Amclicam (Charo n, 1985:'1).

    ........ 9. ..................................................................................

    Nevotiated Order

    A5 wc have see n, people tan reconstnlct social fto ality thro ugh a process of i.llle m al ch.lIlge a'i" !.het take a diffe re nt vie\'" of evel)'da)' behavior. Ye t fX(~ plc also reshape reality by negoliating c1m nge! lt1 pa tt e rn .~ o f social inte l'3ction. The tcr'm 1I ego/i. ri oll re fers to the alternptto reac h agreement \\-ilh others conce rning some objective. Negotiation does 1I 0t involve COercion : it goes by ma ny namer., including bG./gainiltg, compromising, trading off, ." diatjTl~ t1:chnng;ng, ~whetllllg (md tfeali,lg, wa nd collwioll (A. Str"auss. 1977:2: see also G. Fine, 1984).

    122

    l'inLwJ from a socIowgwd ~pt'r'i"" ,''' H1atk n(tilJl.St Maloolm X rwf,jinnl M1rial rtality by loo/lll.g ""uh ml)U

    rri/lrally nllhl' mnll Ihmkmg mu' lmItmology Ihlll rtllrir.tnf hHn ami elM Afo(al! Ammr.(JIu.

    Nrplluuon occurs in many ways. Some social sit- - . (I)("h as buying groceries. involve no medi........Iule other situations require signific....u '-'111\ (If negotiation . For e"ample, \\'e may nepur ",'ith others regarding time (~Whel1 should ~pa('e (~C. wc have a meeting at )'o ur '\Il hnuwi"), o. ('Iell assignmelll or places while W"ditlnJ(llIrt"!ln(Cr1licket.~ . Burglars cOlnmonly b;lrgain lI11h lip'If'1'li ,lhOUI how much t.he lipSICf5 should be fIIid fOf Ihe rnlormation thal Ihey provide-usu ;a IlJI 11) lM!rctnl or the g l'Os..~ p"occeds of a ....... l~hO\'er. 1973). In lfifllhlllldl KlCielies. impending marriages of: InIhd to ot'gOljalions between the ramilies or the t.tand .md ",ire. For example, anthropologisl Ray

    WIm\"n,

    Abl'ahams (1968) has described how the Labwor people of Africa .mange ror an amount of property to go from the groom's to the bride's family al the time of marriage. In the view or the ubwor, such bargaining o\'er an exchange of cows .md sheer' culminates not o nly in a marriage but. more important, in the linking or two clans or fa milies. While such family-to-fami ly bargaining is commo n in lr.lditional c uhures, negoliation ca n take muc h mo re e laborate fonns in modern indu<;lrial socie ties. Consider the tax laW5 orthc Vni l.ed States. From a sociological perspecti\'e, such 1 :1\\'5 arc formal norms (reflected in federal and stale codes) thatconstitllle the rrJ,mework in whic h negotiations take placr concerning legitimate tax deductions. Ir audited, taxpayers will mediate with lIgents or the Internal Revcnllc Service. QlangC5 in the taxpayers' individual situations will occur through such negotiations. On a broader levcl, howel'er, the en tire tax code undergoes revision through negotiated ou tcomes involving many competing irllercsl~, including big business, roreign nations, and political action commiuees (sce Chapter 15) . The totX SlnlCIUre of the Uniled States can hardly be viewed as fixed; rather. it rcflecl<; Ihe sum of negotiations for change al any time (Maines. 1977:2'12-2+1: 1982:J. Thomas. 1984). It is imponant to understand that negotiations arc not merely an a.~pect or social interaction; the), underlie much of o ur social bchavior. Most cle ments or social SU1.lcture a rc not Static and arc therefore subject to cha nge through bargaining and exchangi ng. For this reasoll . sociologists use the term 'l~lQ'ed ordUlO underscore the faclthat the social order is continually being construc ted and a hert.-d through negotiation . Negotiated order refers to a .social stnlctul'C tJ13t derives its existence rrom the social interactions through ",.. hich people define and redefine its character. Wc can add ncgoliation to our list of cultlll'al universals (scc Chaptcr 3) bcca use alt sociclic..-s providc..guidelincs 01' nOl'lllS in which ncgoli:llions take place. NOI all behal'iOI' involves negotiated order; after all, there arc social ordcrs involving coercion . Ne\'enhcless. the rec urring role of negOliation in social interaction and social struC(lIl'C will be appa rent as we examine stalUSCS. social roles, groups. and institutions (Strallss, 1977:234-236. 262) .

    /23
    Cl IAYU;,( , 'lO UAI 1. "'Jcnav A,\1) SOCiAl SfHI ICn'H} "

    FIGURE 5/

    Sociat Statut e,

    Predictable social relaLionsh ips can be examined in te rms of four elemenlS: stalUSCS, social roles. gro ups, a nd social inuitulions. These elements make lip social structurejusl as a IOund. tion. ,,"'ails, a and ceilings make up a building's slrucLUre. The ele ments of social struCture arc deve loped through the lifelong process of sociali1.atioll described in Chapter 4.

    o...p.

    - ~t~
    Mo

    20 Y'D'"

    HiIJlGlic

    Statuses
    Whc n wc speak of a person's "status" in c;tSual convcrsation , lhe term usually CO IH'e)'S connotations of innlle nce, wcalth, and farnc. However. sociologislS ' use $latus lO refer to an} of lhe full range of s0cially defined positions within a large gro up or society-from the lowest to the highest posiLion . Within our society, a person can occu py the stams of president of the Uni ted Stales, fruit pic ker, son or dllllglncr, violinist, tee nage r, resident of Minneapolis, de ntal technician , or neighbor. Cleari)" a person holds mo re than onc S\..I.tUS simultaneously. Ascribed and Achieved Status Some of lhc sta llL <;CS we hold are viewed by sociologlslS as ascribed, while other.; are categorilt!d ;\.'1 fUhit!lN!d (sec Figure 5- 1). An ascribed status is "assib'llcd" to a person by socie ty without, regard ror th e person 's unique talen lS or characteristics. Gcncnl lly, this <tSsignrnem takcs place at birth ; thus. a person 's racial background. gender. and age are all considered ascribed sll:tluses. These ch,lractcrislics arc biological in origin but a re signil:icalll mainly becau.se of lhe social meanings that they have in our culture. Con(]ict theorists arc especially inte rested in ascribed SlaIlIse!o, since these statuses often conre r privileges or renect i1 persons membership in a subordinate group. The social meanings or r,ICC and ethnicity, ge nder, and age will be analylt:d more fu lly in ChaP'" lC"S 10. 11 , a nd 12, respectively. In most cases, there b little Lh:n people can do to chan ge an 3SC.ibcd status. But wc can auempt 10 change the traditional conslrai nlS associated with such 5I.alllSCS. As an example, the Grn)' I'antiu!rs ho pe 10 l'eStnlClure social r~ll ity by modifying .s0ciety'S 1l. plivc and confining stcrcotyp<.'S regard1 ing o lder people (sec Chapter 12). Ir they are suc-

    C."- ?l~

    Achieved SIotuSM
    T/u' ~" ill this jigrm- "m.!-(J('cup,t.l many f'ru. tiollJ. in torid]. Md oJ which invoim dul",rt Malu,w.

    cc.ssrul , the ascribed status of ~se l1ior citizel1~ ....ill not be as diln clI1t for rnilliOIl~ or olde r people ill the United States. It is important to emphasize Ihat an ascribed SW IllS does n O I necessarily have the s., m(! social meaning in every society. In a crosHulUlral s lud~, sociologist Ca'}' Huang ( 1988) cunfirmed thl' lo ng-held view that respect fo r the elderly is an iIllPOI'l:UH cullural norm in China, In m a ll )' case&. th e prefix "ol d" will be lI1ied respectfully: calling someonc ~old leache r o r ~o ld pcrson" has a sin;. ihll" meaning to calling a judge in lhe United SUlI.es "you . honor." I-Juan s poims olllll1at positive age-seniority distinetion s in language are absent ill th e United Stales; conseq uently, th c tenD oM milll is vic\,\cd as mOT'C of:1II in sult than a cd e bnHjo ll of seniol'ilY a nd wisd om. Unlike ascribed sta lllSCS, an af!hieved slatus is al llljncd b), a person largely through his o r her ~tt effort. Both ~ bank president" and "prison guard
    ft

    /u

    as are ~ Iav.)'cr." ~piallist," Mad_ and ;'social workt'r, Om.' must ..im.lI, 10 acquire an achie\'cd SI;UlI'.-go to Itarn :I .kill, establish a rri('lIdshil', or inan. product
    "I"fUU\~,"
    M

    n~tu'lt'S,

    se..
    .,,~

    Each person holds many dilrerenl "unt' llIay connote higher social pO.. iliolls 10Wl'r positions. I-Iow is OIW\ ove", 11 po--

    ..1"". . '

    h)' (JIhcf'!l in light or lhc~c conf1ictillg Sociologist EverclI Hug hes (19'15) obIio",~" '1{)delie~ deal with such itu':; OllsiSIt'ncies , ..",.IIK that certain statuses arc morc illlporl"!Clte", A mader stallu i'S it 'SI;IIU' thal . . ."" others and thereb)' determines "it perpo5ition within socielY. For example, -who dlcd 01 Al U~ III I WJ:i, hMI a re~~Ik (;lrCt'1 as a tcnnis SUlr, bllt ;u Ihe end or hl' ftatu5 as ;. person with AI DS nlol) have o.lIri!!h,d hi\ statuses as a reti rcd III h klc. ;m :1lI"political Activist. As wc will sce in Chal> NUY people with disabilities find that. their di~bled" is given undue \wigh t, and ovcrtht'lr actual ability to pcrronn 'illcct'!<osfully

    liuch import,met' in ..-irt\thal tilt.,) orten domin;lle onc's lifc. 1nl......' .,,' iUCribetl Sl.:mlCS innucnC'(' achieved St..I,. wc hii\C :.cen, Malcolm X foulld tl.... t his po.u a "Black man (ascribed smtu~) \\';IS :111 tt) his dream of bccotl1itlg a lawyer "~rI ~tatu~). In the United States. ascribed ~t:! _06 rare .tnd gender can runction as masler .st:!... mal hJ\c an important impact 011 OIlC 'S 1)0..aJ to ;u:hie\~ .. desired prorcs.~ion:ll and social

    ~""~""ill'.U' employmenL Ibrr Vld gender are gi\'Cn

    ular role ('xpecl.11 iCJII~. 1 -lowC\cr. <\Clll.I l pCl'formallce "'-tries rrolll illdhidllal 10 individual. Ont' );(.'crel'II)' may ;IS!IUllle cxtcl1~i\c adminisu-.tli\c respoll'iihililies, while another may focus on cleric.11 duties, Sunilarly. in Philip Zimbardo'li mock prison CXlleriment, 'iOIUC ~lIId('1I1S were brutal and s,'Idislic a..<; Sll<lfds, bUl Ilthcl''! WCI'C nOL Rtl\t.S an' a si~nifk:tn t componcllt or ..ocial ~trtlC ' lure. Vie\-,red frum a fllnctionalist perspectivc, roks contribut e 10 a ,nciety's stabilily by enahling members 10 anticipatc lhe bclmvior of othe rs and tu p'Hlern Ijlcir own actiulls accordingly. YCI social rolt.'S can alJl(l bc d)~Ii.lllctiona l by restricting pCOI}le '~ intt:ra.ctiOlI" ;",d relationships. If wc \;Cv. ,I 1)('111011 (mly as a -polic:(' omcer~ or a ~supcr"\isor; ;1 will be rliITkllJt In rl'hw' 10 Ihi~ p(rsnn .I!' a rnt'ncl or neighbor. The dcm.lluls ;1Ilt! reMnClion'i or ccn.lin rolc~ contribuh.' 10 llll' I)roces" or discnb"'g(!IIlC'llt knol\ II as rofe ~xll (.!ICC Box 5-1 on page 12G). [n the quotMiol1 at t,he beginning nf, hr ch:'pt cr, Shakc~pca rc lISl'S lhe lhc,uer a~ at! :ltIalllro' lo r Ihe wodd as .. wlllllt- ami t'or the human expericnce. Actou obvinll.~ l y I kc on roles, bUl50 do the resl of us. We learn hllw 10 rulfill a social rule by observing the bch,lvior and interactiolls of" others. Role Conflict InMgine the delicate sitllllljoll ora wUlllan v.hn ha~ worked ror a dccule on an a.\oSClll hly line in an dt'clrical plant and ha ... recently 1 X'('n namcd sttp(:rvis,w of Ihe unit, she .....olkcd in . Ilow is Ihi s wuman l'xpcctcd to relate to her [on~lime rriend ... :md cnv.'nrkcrs? Should she sti ll KO Ottl 10 lunch with thelll, a_~ she has done ;llmOH d"il)' ror YC<lrs? I low ~huuld she deal with the workers' resenlment or an al"Tog<U1l supervisor \\'ho i'l now her equal ,md colleilgue? Is il her responsibility 10 re<:01l1111el1d lhe- firing or an old friend who C"allllQt keep up \\'ith the demands or lhe assemhly hne? Role cQnflict occurs when incompaliblc exp{'cuniuns .tIi~ fromlwu or more socia l positintn held by the same pcr!4on. Fulfillment or the rnles ",ssoc iated with onc' sta!tL~ may direCll)' viol.11C the roles linked tU.1 !4l'f'ond ~\:lttts. In the example ahow, the newly pl"Omoted ",upclvisor will cxpcrlc::nc{' :t serious conflic t bc!\\ccn certain socia l and occu l><'lional role ... As a rriend, she shou ld lr) to prOtect her rormcr cov.-orkcr. as a supervisor, she should repol'l. an 1I1l",HI$racton' employee . Rolt." conlliclS call ror imponant cthical chOICes.

    l.1"""

    - __
    ~.

    . ..... 101.. ................. .

    _._._........__.............
    Througholit filII' li\"l:s, we

    ... Are Social Roles?

    1ft' qlllfntK what sociologists c,,1I ,I(}("jrll rofl',\. A

    IIIUI roll I.s 11 set or cxpectatiotlS ror pcopJc who


    tUp\' a gh'cn social position ur lltatllS. Thl.l~, ill Ibr rnited Slales, we expect lhat cab drivcrs will
    . . . hclW 10 gCI around a cilY. thal \Ccl"t'larics will ... rtlublt' in handling phone mcssaftc.. , and th:u poIn oIliccl"S ....;11 take action ir tllt."Y sec a citi7CII .... I.hrnlcned. Wilh each disti n clh~ social SUltII-....btther ascribed or acbit. ed-come panic...

    125
    UW'fl,H , Wc/M

    1 .\-nMcnu." ,',SI) ~JU.\I

    'irHl nt

    lit

    flC n whe n th ink jug a social rule. we foculi on lh t:

    \\'~

    ora$.~Uln
    10

    preparation and an ticipatory socialiatioll ilial a person url(l~l'g(l(."s in becoming read)' for Ihal role.
    This is Ime if a 1 >el"SOn is aboll l

    become an altorncy. a chef. a ltpouse, o r a parcuL YCI, until r l'ccull}', social !lC"icmisls ha\'C given
    less attention 10 lht' ;1(ljustm CIU$ involved in Ittl1'mg social roles. Sociologist I-lckn Rose tuch" t:b.1ugh ( 1988) dc\'tJnpt.>d the term role exit 10 de~cri he the process of disengagement from a role 1.i1'\l is

    The IllIllS wcre unwi lling feminists bilek thell ill that they ....'cre the only educaled rok' Illodeb " 't h ad.~ She ldell R~ . spelll 1I yeaf1i as Sister 1 but while ",'orking 011 her dOClordle at Co\ulIlbi:1 Uni\cnity. she Oclfdll questioning het religious life :md reali ~ed she fe ll:1 slnlllg desirc LO oc married and h:wc chjld ren
    (ilartlell, 1!l88:C I).
    I1\QlIt!i UI tille

    exit: the action stage or departure, Ebaugh found that the \'lISt majority o f her respontil'IH.'> identified ~

    to onc's sclfidc llIity amI rcc5I:tblishmC!l1 of an identity in a new ro le. Or;lwi ng o n intc"iew!i with 185 pe<tp!t'-:ullong them exCOIl\;l:IS, dh'Qrt('d men and women,
    rccol-e.-ing alcoholia, (');-flun$. 101"-

    cc nu~ll

    mer doctors, rclirecs, lint! trnnSSt:x11:11s-Eb.1Ug h studi ed the P"O(;I:SS of \'o iunmrily exiting from sigmficant MlCial roles. Eb;tugh's interest in role e:o,:it grcw out of he: r own b;lckground 3!( .111 ex-nun. She recall,: ~ I grew up ill 3 ~ mall C.;uh nlic. Cerman community in Olfell, Tex:L~, whel'c at IH wome n had the choic.e o f gelli ng 1II;lI'o<:d or joining the conven!.

    Ebaugh h:LS offered a four-slage cd\. ThL 11111l Mugc begins "ilh doubt-:ts the person experiences frust l~ llion . hu rnout. or ~jlllpl y ullhappinc~ ""'illl an <lCt'lISwtl1NI status a nd the role., as, 01 ciated Wilh t.hi~ roei,, 1 position, This dOll ln le:trls 10 ....h:1I Eb.1.ugh calls ,mcrmuious fW'IIIg, which was e\idcnt in the COI\\elll ill the hai rsl)'les of /lUllS, In Ebaugh'.s view, lhose 111111$ who let their hairl{l'Ow longer af'l<i I U1'I1 ('d to fadtiouable hairstyle! were in the initial stage or rok- exi!. "hc sec:ond lILlgC i ll\'oh'~ :\ MM.trch foraitern;ltivc" A person 1111h:'pp) "ith his or h('r career mar take a leave of :Ibscnce: :10 unh:lppily married COllplt- ma)' begin wtlllt th ey sce :t_~ a Icmponu)' M:par:llio n . 'nll:~ n comes th e t.hird stage or rolt:

    clear turning point which made them feel it Will! esscl1lj;11 to take final aClion and le,wc their johol, end thcir marriages, or eng:.lge in olher lypes of mle cxil. However, 20 per cellt of responden ts IilIW their fOItexits as a gradual. c.:\'ol utionaf pmc~ I.hat had no si ngle tuntins p....;1'! The last ~Iage of role exit ill\'oh'O the creatiOIl of .. lIew idcnut\, Ehaugh points oul: "11 is importallt to lIlaint."lin contaCt with some proplc in Ihe old rolt-, lQ kcep some
    bridges.... h '~ : 11.0;(} illlportalll to he able to lalk 10 someone about whll onc used to lle!," Conscquent.!), whilt- ~he is now a socwIOb"sl. \life, awl mOl.her ..,f twO children, Eh:mgh has nOI blocked OUl 1'\(., lIlelllories ..,r her )'ears in the (011' \'el11. In r:ICI, ill 1\lS8 she <l!tended ....'h"l would have been her t\<o'en\Vfirth anni\cl'Sllf')' :.., a flUII , had :!lIt

    relll,.ined in her rdil.:ious order, 'It W;I~:I wonderful kind of closure ror II\C,~ sa)'ll Ehaugh (lbrtlell,
    IYSS:C I ).

    III the examplej usl ghell , the new slIpcrvi'i(lr has

    to make a dimw it decision abouI how IIIlLch allegiance she owes her fri e nd. Ou r culture tdls us that sllccess is morc importa nL than liicndship, II' friends arc holding us back, we sho uld leave them and pursue our ambitions. Yet, at the same time. we are told that abandoning o ur fricnds is conte mptible. The SlIPCM$Ot' must decide whether she will I;sk her promotion OUl concern for her frie nd ,

    or

    During lhe Second World War. Christians lhin~ in Na7.i Germany had to choose be tween t.ryingto PI'olcCl J ewish fri c nds a nd associa tes and lUrning thcm in to Ihe allthorities, Remcmber that thr Third Rt:ich had d e fined J ews as ene mies of lht SI.lte. Protecting slIch people "~.lS considered uu. SO il and was dangerous for the person who offcn.-d p l'otection , 011 lite othe r hand, the policies orl.b,. NaLi regime, no wbly its biuer and imllional hatrrd of,l c\\'s, vio lal c d Ilumanit~rian values, If German

    126
    PART 111'0 UI/GItNI7J.vC -"<JCJAI

    uw

    did not act L assist Jewish rric ndsO irutrad decided (0 IlIrn Ihelll in- Ihe J ews 1'10 I)( murdcred, Cle.ldy, iflhe)' .....ished J social roles of fricndship or being nfl~hbor5," non:lews in Gcnllany \yould '~p"lid to assist innocent ,oiclirns of the Na7.i

    .~~~.~p.:!........................

    u ... .. .................................... .. ....... ..... .. .. ... .. .

    lhe individual "bout coninterested in how a Hitler'sThird Rcich devised ("J.mpaiglU to discredit and slan,lI1d 10 cncouragc cili7ens to support the 1JI'I'oCCution of .Ic....'lI. De~pitc such propa.".lI' ;ndi\idI1:l1~ (lIuch :t!J Osk'lr Schindler) thl'lr role connict by ,nakll1g brJ.\'t' ami r!~:::;~' choices: dley opp(~erl thc N'lli .. openly ~ In prolCCl :md hide JC\\'lI. Howe\,cr. Illost ,!=::;Chmti:uu sUPlxll'lcd the nation's leaders \ iutads on t: uroperm Jews. In th(' process, 1M1Il~t'\\'S turned thcil' hack., o n the roles ~ wilh being rri end~ and go!)cl ncighoors (:;cc jiI.C~,,,,, and Olincr. l!)R9) . In 'lime inst:lI\cc$, cha\lgiug gender roles h;we role connict. Suciologi!>1Tr:lcey Wat1I'1H7) ~tudicd lhe ....";1>'" in \\hich fcnmle :tlllU ~porlS programs resol\'e Ihe conllicts b, tWO traditionall)' incongrucnt idcntities; IItlTlliln and ~ing all :lIhlclC. On the b.'\Y (uun, the idcnlil),ofMathlctc" isdcarl) domkif II~ collegc sludents. According to an

    ~~~~~~""~~~~5;::':~;'~

    ~:';;:: :'~;;~~no ma~eup is worn during g-.uncs.


    ~

    kne~ pads and Ace.' bandages :Ire auin-. 8)' COlltr:lSl. "hen dressing honoring collegt.' :1lhlele5, these Pfl'\('lIl a COIl\'c ntiOIl .. 1 feminine image ..... ith ..... ;w.tunllucnl and I1llikeup. Otark,IhN women rcsoned to imprcs.!iion mall-

    a.~ TracC)' W:uson oh~e,,'cd. the genpopulation look litllc lIo.ice or suc h irnfIIIIion lIlanilgelUl'nl and instead stcn::'I'ypcd the!il' JIIIIIetn ..., decid(."(U)' unfe m inine. This stcreot)'Pi llg Tt'11Iinder that while UIt: I'e ha!> been II siSin the United StOltcsC"Vidt-1I\ III dr..llmtlic incI'C:L';oC in girls' :U1d ~.",,~'. p:lniclpation ill tcpol1s-tradilionaJ as~,thllut femininity and masculinity remain .lIBunui.t1 p..1n or our cuhurt'.

    !~~'~(~d~~rihCd byco nm Cl~CofTman in athletes, El"ing Chaptcr the rol(: of ....'OlIlen

    In soeiologicaltenns, a group i~ any numberol'pco-. plc with similar nonm, \~!lUl'S , :md expcctaulJn$ \~'ho regularly and consciously inlcrl'lcl. The members ora \~'omcn's college b:l..'lL:e(ball team, ora hospital's business office, or I)f a symphony orchcslrn constitute a group. I-Iow(:\'er, thc entire st.1ff of it large hospital would not bc.' considered a group, since the staff members .... relv inter-Acl with onc anOLher at one Lime. Perhaps the on ly point at \\'hich they all come together is the annual winter party. E\'ery 50Ciety is cOIllI)()S('d of man) groups in which daily social intt:r:.lction t;lko place. Wc c;c:c::k OUI 8!"<}IIP" to establish friendships. 10 accomplish certain gO:lls, and tl) rulfill !!QCi:tl roles thal wc have acquirecl. The \~lriou", t)'pe~ or81'Ollps in which people inl.e.-acl wi ll be explored ill d e tail in hapter 6. where .sociological hwcstigat iUI1!( of group behavior will also be exa mincd. Croups play a vila l pan in a !locicty's !lodal sU'uclure. Much of 0111' ",ocial inter'a nion takes place within groups :md be innlll'lIccd by the norlllS ;md sanctions established by gnu' I>!)' Iking a tecnager or a retired per.lll t:,kes nlll'l}t'ci:lllIIeallinb~ as individuals intcract wi thin groups dt'signed ror people \,,;th thal (lOlnicular ..mill". The expeclations associated .....ith many sod.tl roles, including lhose accompan}ing the \I:IIU!>d or bl'Ulhcr. ~i$tt'r, and student. become 1110:;1 clearly defined in the context or a group. Croups do not lIlt:rcl) sent: 10 define other elell1enlS or thc social strucwr(' , such a.~ foie and Staruses: Ih'-1' <100 arc an illlcrmediate link bet.....een lhe indhidual and the larger S()('icty_ For exalllple, Ulembers or OC'cltp'llion;ll or social groups may be acquainwllces r:Hher than close rriends; con5(. .... quent l),. they ,II'C likely tv COIH1CCl olher members to people in different ~ocial circles. T his connection is known as a social t/ etwork-tJl:u is, a sclies ofsod:tl rclatiollships Iilallink a person direclly to othe rs :md thcrcrore indirectly \() ,~ till mo re people. Social nc twork.!! may conSll':lin peoplc by li mil illg thc r:.lIlge or their ilHCrnctioll~, )'(: t these nelworks may empower people by making available vast resources (M'II'Sdcn, 1992). Invoh'ClllCllt in M>Ci:.1 I,ctworks-commonly known as nrtllJorlrillg- prO\ides a \~tal social re.source in slIch tasb 3.'i findin g employment . For cx-

    127
    UI,'l'IlH j , SQCIAI 1N1'F1C1'1O.... 1I..\7) SO(J11 SfH'JCI1 'HI

    111 th, U"'ifti SW/t!. gr'OIlfJS /(Ikt nJl forms. Slumm m.,. IflnIIiJns of lM PoI6I
    Bmr CJllb /al/mg {I Wtrltn" dIp ill IN ig walnl u!lhr A'/(lnflt OCl'MI, mem~ 0/ fI u'Itlmut:r.J' dub, IInd till
    ~$ulm

    0/ all A/mwl Amniclln

    """"~.

    I~"'KI'

    "'10 . OR(;,t'lll,\'{,

    128

    'iQClA/ 1.11'1

    . ' II'hilt looking for a job o nc )'car Olfter tinmK w-hl)()l. Al ben Einstein was ~ucccs..~ful only .tw-n Iht' f.llher of a classmrue PUI him in touch WIItr h. lullUC employer. 111ese kinds of COlH,,U:LS, ' nt1IlIra a/Id distant contacLS. CIIl be cl"uci:.1 in NJbIt'hiuli! 'IOCi:.1 networks and facilitating tr.ms.-on III mfonnation. According to onc 1989 sur jl) }K'rCCI11 of rcspondelll~ teamed about elllpkllnll'llt Ilpportllnitics through person:! 1 COl ltacts md v.cial nc(",-orks...... hile only 1'1 percellt did so 1II'lIIu.:h ;Khcnisclllelll'. Yct. :15 conflict Iheodsls hl\t" rmph~itcd. networking is nOl so (';lSy for P!It nl(\j\'jcluals or groups aJ for olhel'S. In comJYf14f1l11l1th WOll1cn, men lend to have longer job bill IIIt"\. iI fact ",hieh leads tl) larger net .....ork.' .twh roll! he used III IULdUlIg mpIO)'lllellt oppor tIIIIItiM. Mcn arc beuer able to utilizc \.. hal is liter.th ~n 'old bo)' net.....ork.. (K. Carter, 1989;J. Mont-

    1IDfDr,""I9CJ2).
    !lclti,)klgisl Mclvin O livcr ( 1988) used Ihe COlinf fllttf,1 lit/work to Ix;uer understand life ill Vri,AIl .\merirall Ilrban neigll borhoods, whidl are an \ugm,uiled as chaotic. Oliver intcl'\~cwed . . ~ ulultll in thrtt areas of mcuupolimn Los AnRfit'. If) \lIIdy Iheir rriendship and kinfolk lies. iop,JI1drnts were 1101 found to be socially isolaled: ~nrral~ had liule difficulty identifying mem~

    *'

    bers of their social netwo rks. O li\'c "'s dam COnlradiet the stereotype of such neighborhoods ,15 being Mdisorga ni zed~ or cven -pa lhologicll." Instead, :, picture unfolds of an elabor.ltc organi7~,\lion ofpcrsonal social nCI:""OI'ks Ihat tic people together \'I';thin and olll~idc lhc Black. cOlllmunity in hands of concern :lIId support. A \cry differcnt Iype of MriCUl American sociaJ netwOI'k is evident in Ihe U.S. Army. In 1975. a group or African American senior ofliccrs rounded Rocks, an ~tSSOCialion named aflel" Brigadier General Roscoc C.,\11wright, who had been killed in an ail'Plane cmsh the year before. Cal'lwriglu, better known ,lS "Rock," was an esteemed role model and mentor for 1ll;1I1)' Black officers who entered the Army during 1111' 19GOs. Rocks does n OI \;ew itself as a pressure gI'OIlP; it is dedicated (0 ll1entoring junior Black officcrs. Unlike Mdca" AmCI;can associations o utside the milicu')'. Rocks and its me mbers lell(l lO distance thcmselves rrom any social agenda thal vie,",,'!! recognition of past discrimination as cell trallO Black achievement. In their political conscl'\misl1l :md discomfort with viewing Blacks as \'ictim5, senior Afdcan American anny officers diner in an import.mt way from the types of mCIlIOI'S and 5OCi;11 nctworks found among Blacks' chi lian leadership (Mosk.os. 1991).

    I'iJ/lllllrd in 197' by a group of Afrirtm AlMriroll lnlioroffim'$. RlxJts 1$ an IlJ.S6ofill/IOfI dfua/id '0 ""n'on", j1H/jar mack officm In ,h, U.S.

    _Ilia".

    129
    rJ I""IU1' "OC/H 1\' /ENA.C170N A.\D SQrJAJ X/HI C'1t/HI,

    g.~J.~...~',~.~!.~.~~J.!9.E..........._.............................................._ . ...
    T ilt: mass media . lhe govcrn melH, the economy, me family. and Ihe health carc s)'l'itcm are all examples of social jnstitlllio ns found in ollr socie ty. Socia l j nstillltions are o rg<ulized pauerns of beliefs a nd bchavior centered 011 basic social needs. Institulions an: org-<mi7.cd in response to panicul:tr needs, llLlCh as rcplaci ng personnel (the family) and preserving order ( the govenllllcnt) . By ~Iudying social institutio ns. sociologists gain insight into the 5lruclUre ofa .sociely. For eXlample, the inst,itUlion of religion adapts 10 me scgmelH of U\r;Pl V ,h ~, i, ~"lVe'. Churc h ~'o rk has :1 very different mea ning fo r min isters who serve a slid joW area, a naval base, and a suburb<m middle<lass community. Rcligio lu leaders assigned to :t $kid row lIlissio n "'ill focus on lending la the ill and providing food ;md she hcl'. By conU'"'dSt, clergy in affluent suburbs wil l Ix: occ upied wi ll, counseling lhose conside ring marriage and di\'o"ce, anallging youth activili es, a nd ove rseei ng cultural cveIlL~ . Functionalist View Onc way to undel1lland social instilUlio ns is 10 sec how they fulfil I l."SS(:ntial fun ctions. Amhropologist D:wid F. Abcrle a nd his colleagues ( 1950) and sodologislS R.'l.),lllo nd Mac k and O l.h'in Bmdford ( J97Q: 12-22) have idc mified five m:yor lasks, 01' fun Clio nal prcrequisites. Ihal a sociecy or ~Iati\'d)' pennanent group must accomplish if it is to survive (SL"e Table 5-1). Ikplllnllg J>tncn"I'i, Any 50Ciety 01' group must replace personnel "the n lhey die, lea\'e, or become incapacitated. This is .\lccom l)lished through immigrat ion , annexation of ncighboring grou ps of people, acquisitio n of ,1:1 \'es, o r no rmal sexual repr&dUClion of members. The Shakers, a religious sect found in the Uniled SlatC'i, a re a conspicuous example of :1. group that fai led to re place pcJ'SOn ncl. The Shakers' religio us doctrines forbade :l.Ily physiclll contact bClWCCU lhe sexes; therefore, the gl'Oup's su rvival depe n<icd o n recruitin g new rn e lll~ bel'S. At firs t, the Shaken proved quite efl'ccow,' in atll; lc ting members; howeve r, their recruitment subseque ntJy declined dramatically. Despite this facl, the Sh:tkers m:lin(;l.illCd lheir commitment to celibacy. and their numben ha\'e c\'clllually dwindled 10 ani)' a few IIlc ml)C 1'5 today ( Riddle, 1988).

    Replacing perllOl'lne!
    Teoching MW rec;ruih

    Fomlly Governmenl (immig'ObOI4

    Ed...cotion

    '<OOOm,

    Fomily (ba.k: 5killtl

    Religion (socr:I
    Producing ond dislributing gooch ond

    GoYe!nment (regulolions

    Fomily '_my

    (food ~

    service$
    PreMtVing order

    regording COII'IlMI'c.l
    HlUIIIi t UII

    .,tlen

    Fomlly (child rearing. regulation of ~


    Government

    Providing and maintaining 0


    &en",

    Religion lmorall' Government (patriolhlllj


    Religion

    of pvrpoHl
    &ri(lllll.l/il ,1I10P art orgrltlnal /S pat/mu of ""Ii~ft (lnd bt~ pnftn'lll fundlOPu nfffWIryp .. IMttyJ $u".';ool.

    2 Tm(hi"g "tu! rUnlilS. No group Gl.Il , unw, man)' of iu me m bers rejecl the eSla blished ior :lI1d responsibili ties of the group, As a finding 0 " producing new me mbers is not cient. The group IIIU~l e ncourage recruilS and acc~pt its values and customs. This . take place fonnally with in schools (whe re is a ma nifest fun clio ll ) 0 1' infonnally lemcuon and negotiati o n in pee r gro up" structiOIl. i~ a lale nt fun ction) . 3 PrOtlrlo"g amI dislIllmJjng goods ami "'''''~ ,. rcJati\'ely permanent group or society mUM a nd dislribmc desired goods and .selvices rOt me mhers. E'.;tch society cstnblishcs a set of rult~ the ;llIocation ol'finan cia l and othcr cc,o"",o.] g roup IllUSt satisfy lhe needs o f most "'~:.:~~~;: least to some eXle nt, o r it will ,isk the p di!\Cont e nt and. ult imludy. disorder. 4 p,.tstmitlg (}'ft/IT. The native people a large island J U somh of Australia, are St ducl. J)uring tJle I BOOs. they were dcstl'O)'c<1'"

    orT,,,,,,'"

    130
    I'ANT

    mu - OIlGM,IlI.\'C; S(JCJAI. I.JFI<

    hllnong IMnies of EurOpC~U1 conquerors. who 1M'W UpOIl the Ta.~ manian s as half-hum a n. This ,unilulation underscores a critic;11 fu nction of C"C I)' r;rllupor Ioociery-prescrving order and prOlecling !Udf fmm auack. When faced with tht' more dr.d"prd I:.uropcan tcchno logy of wufan:, the t.bUW.Oiaru I'.cre unable to defend theltlS('h'es and ." .-nbre people was wiped o ut. S Pm.wltIIK and mwnlUillillg (I $f!lIjf! oJ pllrj>osf!. Pc.'OJIk' nUhf lcel mo tiva ted tu comillue as m embers of ~ ...wry in order to fu lfill the prc. lous fOllr re... q urnnrots. The beha\lior of United St,llt:S prison '''01("01-<11' (POWs) while in confi ne mc nt during the w-.u in \lcUlam is a testamen t 10 Ihe importance of ouUllJining a seue of purpose. While in prison c.unp", o;ol1lC' of these mCll mentally madc elaborate ~11"n.\ f(n marriage, Family, c h ildre n, reun ions, and rlt'WClll"cl"S,A few (."\'cn buill II UUSC~ in tlwir minrl _ I1gh1rlul'.n to the last d oorknoh ur wate " faucet. By hnltling OH 1 a sense of purpose-their inte n se 0 dnirt' tll return to lheir hOllldand and live no rmal I,,"-me POW.'! refuscd lO a llow the agony of con flllMllt'm LO destroy their mental h ealth , \I.UII' aspecu of a wcic ty ca n 'l.Ssist people in d ektping and maintaining a ~n.se of purpose. For .. 'lit' people. religioul> values 0/' personaJ moral ufln, arr most ( nlcial ; for o lllen., national o r tribal kio-uuues are especially mean in gfu l. Whate,'cr these ,ldl,ft'orn, in any society there remains one CO Ill $41 illd critical reality, If an individual does not 1!.I1lt' d ~n~ of purpose, he or sllc has liule l"e<bOl l Illulllnbute to a society'S sUI"\'ival. ThL\ I~t of functional prc rc{luisitcs does nOl spechvll- a socie ty and iL'i correspo ndi ng $OCial ins tiI ~ \\ilJ perform (Y.\('h L.uk. For exam plc, o lle ~1l1I:~ m.ay protect ilself frolll ex ternal attack by IlI.Ulluining a frightening anwn al or weaponr)', ",hik another may make determined clfllns to reInJ.ln neulr.lI in world polilics and to promote cooprrJtr.(' rehuionsh ips wilh iu, neighbors, No malI~I II'hat iI~ I>anicu la r Slratcgy, any sociery or rruti\t'ly ptnnanent gro llp mllSl attempt t.o s.."tt isIY III Iht'\C functional prert-qu i.!tites for sUI"\i\'al. If it 1/11\1111 t\tn onc condition, as the Tasmanians did , ' ',licitlY nUlS tile lisk of extinction,

    Sh(mlPt IS FMm) iJntha I.iHdstry of 'M Shalt" f'tI",mrlrlrlJ nr CaIl'nUt/rv, Nrw


    IIlImplhrrt. Th,. Mw/un' rotltl1lrmrg rom",I'".,.,,' tl) It/lMCJ luu 1,,"rIM Ilmr mnulm"rl, find tMay Ilrtrr or,. fnll MaltI'D "ft in IIr,. UtIIl,.,1 SI"'h.

    r.ocillicc
    .l~l

    View

    the

    fun ctio n a l i~t

    Connict theo l'isa d o no t conc ur approac h to socia l instilu-

    lions. While bOlh pt:l"spt.-cti\'cs agree that institutions ,Ire organized 10 meet basic social needs, conmC I lheorins object to the implication inherent in the fun ctio nalist view that tJle ou tconu,' is necessari ly efficient ;md dL'Sir.lble. Ccmflic l rJleorists concede the prescnce of:a ncgoti:ucd o rder, but they add that nmny segments of our wdely-a lllong the III the homcles.'i, the disabled. a nd people with A1DS-arc nOt in a position to negotiatc effec tively, because th ey lack sul1idcnt po....'e r and rcso urces, Fro m a con fli ct perspective, the prese nt organizalioll of social institutions is no acddcll t. Major insti tutio ns. suc h a~ ed ucation. he lp to maintain tite privileges of the most l)OwL'rful individuals and groups \\lthin a society. while contributing 10 the po\\'crlessne'iS of olhers. As onc example, public schools in lhc Unil ed SUtlcs J ue finan ccd largely lhrough property taxL". This allows mo re "lnuent

    131
    I H ...Nl.H' ' 'o(XJAL I,WOOCTlo." ANb VJClAI. rrnIJ(..71 'Ht.

    SAVAGE INEQUALITIES IN PUBLIC EDUCATION

    t"JiJUfI/(}r j 01UIIJlIlfl

    Kmd

    Umrtti Ilu
    ",III1J

    panIlT' .. h 's \'1:1)' d;;[

    n",,, 10

    ,,~

    Unitrfi Sll'lltS find /QlJluf IIU1/

    pl.bllr u hoo/.s acrou Ih ~ (m /jOlt ",." lit m /lfy juflitlg aptlrl. Kmo/ mlPhfl~iu$ Ihlll w"il~ 1//(111)' $llldnll,l ill (ifJlur", $fllQO/ riislf'lrts '"ffl'iL'f' (/ llig" .qrlflliry

    pubil"dIICUlioll, Ih,. mm, is h" ,llly /111' /11 Ih, follou,tlg eerfJl. Krr..ol ( 1991; "8- "9} dt!Scriks Ihl! rlmd,liOlIS 11/

    IQ" 51lul",ts in Ww-i","(",~ fln"I'U.


    Nf'ljJJnvy~ puhfir lrhoolJ:

    in thc'w conditio ns. Al [rvingLOIl Higll " '''.',,~ grm SUl(kn L~ h:wc no , ho.,." b"l'1ll is ll ~~' d h)' tip to scven ; \1 1 ti mc. To shnot Onc ba"t~1 1 accorclillg to ,he CI>:.I( h , a \\11i LS ror 2() minutes. 'n",,,,,'I working lockers. Children portlluilit-s 10 balhe. lllC\ O\'e'f ile ms lefl ill lockers the) lock.on llles

    .,. o.'crcrowrli ng in NewJcl'scy. ru; in I i:l rlcm :and the Bronx. is a con stant rC~Hurc or the SC hOO\5 IlIa r St'f"C the poorest child re n . In low.

    T,I:;;;~~~,[:'~~::~;,'"~, ~:~I

    of thing\ lIml for gmnled i n

    income Irvinglon, fo r insl:mce. where 9-1 percent o f studenu arc nOl1whi lC, 11 classes in o nc school (lVII ', even have the lUxury of classroo ms. TIl l:)' share an lIudi lorium in wh il:: h Iher occupy ;l(ljaccI\I .seclions ofl hc stage and back$l"Kc aI'ca.\ . ~ 1 1 's very dimcult,M Silys th e musir LC;jchc r , Mw h :Wl: COHce rt ft' hcoll'll.'115 \,;, h I.he choir \~ hile tell Ilther cI :l ~es try t,o stud)' ill the Soll!)t: ~ pare . "Oll\~oll'I }'." she says, "there is a prublern with sound . . . ." "1'111 housed in a coal room," ~I)'S
    M

    lockers, space and lime 1 0 Cl Se-( re;llC~ thc ovcrheated 1 that :llso C:IllSCS trouble
    j (}1)(lllum

    ",,,,';" --" ""'4

    Kuw/.

    strcets.

    a rr.lding leacher m anOlher school in Irvinb'1O Il. "I Ic;u; h ," ~'W" I1 music

    teache r, "ill a JowI';ige room." Two o lhcr clas.~c:s, thei r 1I':ll.hcl1l say, art ill COlwcn cd cnal bins. A guidallce cOltnsdor says she holds hcr parent mcctings in a r l ('l~t:l. "My prohlem." saVli a cOilllX!ll(aLOI1" re;ldillg leacher. ";\ Ihal , work III a

    h'TOW d irt} a nd il likc who the), are :l1ld h;we beeome. The crowtiing of lhe school n"'CL~ the cro"'ding of lIle . becomcs slIikillJ(.- "'1)"5 a ;Uluuu-r urb;1Il rlisttiet. "hOl'o' lhl'SC schoob rdlc~'1 "" ,d ';,," tics, :t.~ iflhc " hool" 1 prcl),ll'e :i child 0 the bom \0 " [ I It.tfdl), SCCffi.'l

    TheSIU(d',~':";.~":~:~~P~~

    dllly n flhe
    for

    < .,m"

    llrc:LS lO pl"Ovidc the ir childl'CII wi th beucr-eC)uipped schools and beu e r-paid teachers tha n low-incom e arc:\5 can afford. Chi ldre n fro m prosperous COInll1l.lnilies will therefore be better pre p.tred lO compete acadc lnicalJy than childre n from im poverisllcc\ commull itics. The slrllclufl' of lht! Ila tion's cducll, io na l ..)'Ste m pe rmits a nd eve n pro mo tes su ch 1l1'1 cqu:11 Irea tmen l of schoolch ildre n . In Box 5-2, wc arc rc minded that children in unde tiinanccd sch ools arc d cfcnscless againsl the in cqui'ie~ of <;()(icl),. Conllicl thl"t)risL'I l.lrgu c Ihal social institutions sllc h as cducalion have an inherently con sC I,'alh'C"

    nature. Witho ut question , impleme ilY- I,thcther o ppo !'lullnt educatio na l in Ihe "rca U(;'lll011, school desegregation , sl udents ,vi,h disabilit ies (sec Chap, er 16). perspectivc, sod:11 change can fun c tional, since it ofl c n I{'ads 10 instability. ever, rrom a connict vic\\'. I" h)' sho uld ~'C Ih(' cxi..,illg social SlrUClllrc ir it is unrair c nlninmory? Socio logist I). Slan lcy Eitzcn nOtes a basil' dox Oritll illSlilllljons: Ihey are absolute ly

    rCfonns~!.,:~,.~a:,:':~:~r:'~~~

    funCtionalist

    112
    /',urr 'n m 0IlC.1 Vl7JSC YIf'JAI
    W '!

    ol ~Llrcr- of social problcms. I-le mlds bn;ome lashion.lbl~ lu ltllad .)()d'll ill"Kh ." the family and tlte go\cnl1llcnt. In Eit1.('ns I;Cw......e .. hould not forpl'OpW (kpelld on institUlion!l fur MSl.lbil~..;""" .... ag-dinsl chaos (I978:5..Jf,). We that ~ial institutiollll arc cl>sCllli:tl rqprd penmUlcllcc .IS a justificalion .11111 i1tiuslicc.
    M

    ~l,,'II" \<oe arc (hiving dO\<o'11

    aITcct OUt' thc Sll'Cel shopping line. our c\'t.'I)'day social imtilutiollS. for cx-

    ;~:;:'::::~:;';)~::~~;;'~;; orJ)Chavior .....ithin At"1 and U'O"',.,I tJf Ill, OntJ()mlit,. .111 impulsi\'e
    I\!UlIcr (197701:36) by a lOp cx"H.lIIIlt'iy \tcwct!lIS :111 onler ,Ind ollcn
    Rcl53.llel,1t
    ~1;lIcnWIll
    \~hcn

    ~ I OS5

    :11 a luncheon tJlal bc was ('.n ror h i! daugtller.:I lowcr-le\'t'1 exIt'tl. a purchasing agent 10 mkt' 011 the t1(C' ,hail1llan 11,1(1 no ide .. thal this .....as twI he known. hi' probably would nOl ",...'l'<l. 8111 an innoccllt re-mark. b)' SOntt.... tnp of an organiz,uio,,'s hier.arch) can 10" ,," L, an uliimatlllll . rJft lhr- inler.lcLioni~t Ilf'npcct i\c. ~i "'M.... 'nlOmpson sUldit.-t1 Iht: day-tu-d.lY CIf .-c'lIIbl}' line \\ork('''''' b) cOllductlltR tlwl'\aLion research ill the "'laughof it h("trproccs.~illg pl.ml in llie lIIill~~I.(l' (1983:215) IIOU''! thal "working in work. not only in tht: li lt:r::11 IRo;'lR 11""<1';,,, wilh perspir.uion and becl' III lhe ligur:ui\'c ~ lI se of pcrfol'lu-

    ~~;:::~~":~i':'': i<l~,;" nllccc..!.ary anio n by sub' lite vice c hainnarl or


    1

    communicate through :ut ('xt('mi\'c S)1;ttm or 11011vcrbal s)11tbo l ~ , including CX.lggt' I~lIed ge\lurt.'.., shrill whi",tic!>. M thlllnbs lIj)M .lIld Mthumbs dO\\IIM signs. and the danbriltg of knh'cll agolinst lit.links... sleel t:Jblcs:lIlcl tuhs. Thomjl\()\l ( 1983:233) SII~'HCM~ thal Mill a \Citi ng \~hich WlI\lld app:II'CIll!)' clilllinalt it. tht" WOI kCI~' dl'sire for sodl! illlerac tioll \\,(111 out and illlcr:lcuc)n 1l0urishe d . Inter.'U:lioni.<..1 lhcorisu cllll)hal>ile Ilmt our SOC'ial bcha\~o r is conditioned by tJ1(' roles and St.UUliC\ which ....'t.' accept, Ihe group.. to which ....e beluu",. and Ihc inSli llll ions wi thin I\hit.h we fUllction . FOI cxample. the "'ocial role .. ",sodllted wi lh beillg a judge occur wilhin lhe largc l cuntext 01 the c rillliIl::tl juslice S)'StCIIl . The strulls 01 ~judge" stands in rel:.ltioll 10 OIllel' Slll(USCj. 1I11(h .IS attorn~. plaintin'. dt.'fcndanl. :md .....i01Cll.. , .I!I .....ell .L$ to the social institulion or gOlcrnmenl . While thc symbulic .IS" i:k:dll 01 tullllS .111t! JIIIS. ttll l'X.tlllpll', :tl l' ,IWUUrJ Il, Ihe j ud icial "yste m deril'cs con tinue d Sig-lIi1icIII1(" rl'Onl th e ro le.'" people C::: II'1')' O ltl ill sodal in le rn,tion~ (P. Ikrger and Lucklll:lIl1l . 1UG6:7<I-7f1).
    M

    SOCIAL STRUcrURE ~.!>... MQJ:).~.Q~.r!l.IY ............ _._ ..


    A '0111/11011 fe:llur(' or lIuxleru s()cietics .....11t'1I COlitfasted '<lith carlier 'iOCi:tl arr:mgcmenLS is th(' grcltu;.r (,olllplexil) of contcmlXH,U) life. Scx:iolugists Emil( Durklwim :lIld fcrdiTl.Incl TonnH.~" ofrered I)'pologi('s for cuntrOl,-'iting modem ScX: lelll" ....;l11 simplL-l fonm of !>nci.tI stru(,ture.

    Durkheim's Mechanical
    and Or~anj c Solidaritv ................... :'?......................... _.....".(. ....................................................
    1 his J)/1/;JI(m of U,'/Or ( 1933. ori).;illa! edition I 89!i) , .11 Durkhcim .1Is ued that sodal ~truc lllrc depends UII the levcl of division 01 labor in ,\ sol'icly-in othcl wo rds, 011 lhe man lier ill \\'llic lt tasks arc PCI'fomted. Thu.~ . a task slIch :L.. providing fOod can be carried Ollt almost totall), b)' OIa' indi\;dual or Gill be di\ldcd ,1I11nng many people. 111e I:tlter 1).I\Lent l)'pically OC("lII'~ in modern sociclics; cuhh.llioll . pl'Oc('ssing. clisu;bulion , :tnd rctitHing of a singl(' rood ite m <Ire pt'rfol1l1cd hy litl'I'<llIy hUlICh'('Cls of people .

    ~':~~:~.n.luttnC,
    ~

    sfK.'ak ....ith 011(' cm the 3.S!iClllbly linc bCC<lIIsc of extht 1It'~d fof' earplugs, OIl1d the isola",.,.,.."" \<o'c)rk iUC;LS. NC\lcn hcll...'SS. WO I kt'I'lI
    .....01'1..(0110

    :~:~':~~~':~~,Z~ ;lslIbllc tJlclll'iCh't.-'S. of unit), as tJlt:y alII


    MnS<.'

    and dcmcaningjob. In ~dirly.M work in this pl:illl i~ IUnlxhaulIling. Tll!IlI1p50n lInd hi ~ lud to h:lUK. bl'llnfi . a nd bag betwcen no!) be~f tongucs in ,Ill cightchollr shift..

    133
    (II.IY"~H'

    - 'i(X.J.M ,,v11:.1/A(710.\ "'NI) VJ(:J,l,L

    ITI// CIlIU'

    III SOCiClic!i in which l)ll~re is minim:\1 di\'ision of )'Ibor. a collccti\'e cun.scious lH.."lb devclops with an c luphasis on gJ"Oup solidarity, DUI" kheirn Ic nned Ihis mechanical solidarity, implying lhat all indi \'iduals pctfonn tht same task.... No nne nceds to :I ~k, MWhat do ),OUT' pal"el1L~ dO?M since all arc en gaged in inli l:.r work. E.'tcll pcrllOll preparcs food , hunts, makes clOIhing, builds home5. :lIld so f.orth. f'eople have fCh' nl)lioll5 regarding what to do with thei r livcs, SO Iherc is little COllcenl fa r indi\;dual nct..'tIs, In .~tr-ad. the gwup will is the dominating forl'c in society, I\o th ..od... 1 in teraction a nd nego. I.i:ll.io n :\T(~ based on clo~. intima le. face-tQ--face so-cilll Co tl1nt: l~ "i,,,, rlll'r,. i, lillle ~p(:ci ali ....a lion , thcn." a rc few saci.11 ro les . As societies beCOIlU.' more advanced Icchnologi c:;.III) , greater dh~~ion of l:tbor takes place, The per son who cutS d O\"'1I limber is nOI the S<UllC person who puts up }aur roof. With illCfcasing speciali ...<\. lion. Illa n y dincrC llt tas","" IIlll!>! be pClitJ!'me d by dillcrent individuaIS - C\'l'll in lll fulufacludng o nc itcm such :l.":1 !';ulio (If ~ I O\'t;. III gc llt'r.II, social in, U'I'<'Clio llo; ~(,OIllC less pcrsonal lI111n ill ~ i c t.i es charaCIc.' I;1..cd 11)' mcchanic.t1 solid;II'iIY Wc lx:gin n..... . lOlling 10 o lllcrs 011 lllc Ixc.is o i".hcir social positions ( Whu IChc.r,~ M IIIII"iC - ) r.:ll.hc l Iha n their di!'tinclh'e

    hwmU\ qualitics. Statll!>CS and soc.ial col" .", i'j pCLua l nU.I( as lhl' ovenlll ~1Cial struc tul'C of det)' continues 10 change . In Durkhe ims t lrm ~. organic solidari IJi ;! collect ivc COlliCio llslless resting o n the cicty's me mhers h:wt' for one another. et)' becomes more complcx and I,hc re ;, 10> '''" vision of 1"lx )!', no individual c m go Depe nde nce on o thers becomes essential sUI"i\'a l. Durkht'i m c hose the tenn .~ra'''(JOi ,tl. 'Iinec, in hi5 \;ew. illdi\~duals lx'Com~ lK:ndcm in muc h 111(~ 50Ime way as org:ms man bod),.

    Tonnies's

    and

    Socio logisl ferdinand r o nnies ( 1 855- 1 9~) palk-d b)' the n5c of all industrial cit)' in his Germany during the late 1800s. In his vi~. marked a drama tic c hangc frolll thc idcal cklsc-knil comm unity, whirh T6 nnics ( na l edition lSA? ) lermed ermeillsr/l(lfl. to iml)c 1 1IOnal m;\ss '>OCiCty known as Cr..ltflsrMft. '1lc Gemeinscha/t (~gllIH" I"y...s h ofn nity is t),pical of rural lire. It i)o a 5111311 in which people ha\ c !>imilar .

    I
    "If r, 1....

    "I';

    like 10 Ihi,,1 of 10U ., ,erso",

    mjob to thi,., of ,

    'DU .,

    ",.,o,.,.el."

    D , bu, .

    it',

    Isr 11 Gescllschafl . ~f'." to "Imf' ID m~ fHwlh~ ill thnr fOI.rJ (a tlvr th(m ,,,," IIIllrvid,m/ barllgrmmdl.

    134
    l'AKr 71\'1) OR(;.A. ....'IIJ.W; 'J'NJII. Uf"

    Urbon life IypIlies !his bm.

    iIo~:'~;':::::::' community which results 'i and Ijfe experiences.

    from

    People perceive little MlnMl of CQfTllT"lOfllllily. Their

    differences In bockgfOUnd appe<lr more striking than their similarities .


    Social interoclions, induding "l!I90tio tions, ore more likely

    ........... mcluding nagOllo tions, are in timate orld

    to be task-specific. Selfinteresll dominate.


    The !ask being performed is paramount; relationships o r. subordir.ote.

    IrIIphosJs on individuol privacy.

    Privacy is volued.
    fonnal social control is evidenr.

    IIICioI aII'IlroI predominates.

    There is greoter kIIeronc:e of deviance.

    There is more emphasis on ochieved

    S!aIuMI.

    IIlalively limited.

    Sociol chonge Is very evident-even wilhln 0 gen8fotiol1_

    Virtually evci)'onc knows onc another. (including negotiations) are JJld familiar, a lmost as onc might find There is a commiLmcnl lO lhe large r l(tOo.p Ilnd a sense of logclhcmcss among members, Therefore. ;n dealing W ilh .onl rcl;}t(.'S 1 them not merely as "derk~ 0 hut, rather, in a more persollal ""rAY. more pcrsanal imeraction comes less pd 1ft know more about evell'one. !uciaI rol1tJol in the Gemeinsr.hajl commu nity is ~:::;~~ through informal means such tL'i moral go~ip. and even gestures. TheM! tt:ch""-Irk effectively because people are genU1llct'mcci about how others feci toward hidl change is relatively limited in the the lives of members of onc generaquite similar to those of their grAndronh-oLSl, the Gesellschaft
    (~gllh-ZEI.1.-shoft~)

    IVriti"g;1/ 1887, I"tI"(/j,wml Tiitmirs two ClmtraJting 1)11'.$ of Jorial Jtnuturr: Ge.mcinschan ami Gl'5C:lIschaft.
    d'.Jm~/

    "pe c1mractcristic of modern urban life.


    ,,;111 other communi ty residents. , art- gO\'emcd by social roles which ......., immediate wks. such as purchasing a anauging a business meeting. Self..... d<)min",.:. and there is gencmlly liuJc con-

    '':I:::;li':7r

    pcopll'" art: strangers and perceive liule se nse

    sensus concerning valucs or commitmcnt lO the group. As a result, social control must rcly on more formal techniques. sllch as laws and leg-..tlly defined punishments. Social change is an important aspect of life in the GI'Sf'f/,ldutji: it can be strik.ingly evide nt even within a single generation. Table 5-2 SU lllmalizes the differences between the ~mtiTl.sclwfl and the Gesellschafl as desclibed by Tannies. Sociologists have used these terms to compare social structures stressing dose relatio nships wiLh those Ih:1I emphasizc less personal tics. It is easy to view Gnne;'lSchajl with nostalgia as a far betIcr way of life t.han th e ~rat race" of contcmporary existence. Howevcr, with lhe more intimate relationships of I.he CemPillSclwjl comes a price. The prejudice and discrimination found within Gemeinschajl ca r.. be quite confining; more emphasis is placed on slIch ascribed statuses as f.1rnily background than on people's unique lalents and ac hievements. In addi ljon. Cmu:inschafllends to be distrustful of the individual who seeks 10 be creative or just to be din'e ren L

    /35
    CiIAY/Vi , SOCIAl I,Vn-:RAC110N ANDSOCJAI.
    ~7HUCIVM

    The work o f Em ile Durkhcim a nd Fc rflinand T o n!lies shows that a major foctts of sociology has been to identify changes in social sU'uCtlll'C and the consequences for human behavio r. At the macro Ic'cl. m e)' both orrcl' descriptio ns of societies shifting to more adwilced fomls of tcchnolog}'. In addition, they iden tify the impact of these lIocic tywidc dmnges at the micro level in terms of the nalure of social interactions between people. Durkheim emphasil.cs the degree to which people can)' o ut Ihe samc lask!.. Tonnics directs our a ttention IQ

    whe the r people look out fo r their Ol\'n intt' for the well-being or the larger group. Nel'cn there is a great deal of simi lari ty 1 Ci:1l )CI\\ polobrie!l o f tht,se European sociologists. Thl'\ that iU social structure becomcs mort (' peoples re l ;ujon~hips tend 10 become m( persolla l. transient. ilnd fragmented . In the policy section which 1'0110\\'5, we 1"iIl cxamint the AIDS c ri si~ has transfonned the 50cialst of our complex society.

    T HEAlDSCRISIS
    Ill:Is AIDS alTected the lIonnal funcl io ning of social institutions in the Unitcd StaICS? Why is there such a stro ng stigma :tIt,le hed 10 infectiOn wi th th(' 1-1 rv vinls and to AIDS? How mig ht sociologis ts influence resc;u'ch on AIDS and AIDS-relat.ed issues?
    1-1 01'0'

    his no\'cI Pfagut, Alben a nlUS ( 1948) wrote: MTherc have been as many plag ues as wars in histOlY, yct always plagues alld " '< Irs mkc l)Copie equally by surprise." RCg"J.rclcd by many as t.he distinctive plague of the modern era, AIDS certainly c"" gllt major social institlltions-pani clllarly the govcrllmclIl, the hea lth care system, and the econo my- by surprise. Th e first c;1--.es of AlDS in the United States were reponed in 198 1. By 1987,50.000 C'L-.eS had been reportcd; by mid-1989, 100,000 cases. A'i o f September 30, 1992, 212,000 C:lSe'i of AJOS had bel'n reported in the United StalL"!>. and more than 160,000 people had died of AIDS-related ca uses. Around the world, abou l 350,000 cases had been formally I'eponed as of 1992, but it. is e~litn;ued that more than I million people actually have AIDS ( R. Anderson and l\'lay, 1992: CelltcJ'S fOl' Di.~ease Contro l. 1992b, 1992c; sce Table 5-3). AIDS is the acronym for m;qllirr.t/ imllHmetitjirimry sY1ltirome. R::uher than being a distinct disease , AJDS is actually a predisposition 10 disease callscd by a Vil' US, the huma n immullodeficie m:y \'inl5 (Hrv), that destroys the body's immune 5)~ l e lll , Ihel'eby leaving lhe c:uTicr \'ulncmble 10 infections such as

    In

    .,.,,~

    pne ulllon ia \Jmt thoS(! wi th healthy i;n"'nun"~ gcncmlly n"Sisl. AIDS is not t I through tOllching, shaking hands, sh ari n~ drinking from the same cup. o r ot her I)'pet; line, nonilllirnale co ntacl in the home or place. Transmission frolll o nc person lo pears to recluire cilhel' intimate sexual csdmngc of blood or bodily lIuids (wl""'"1 comamimtled h)'l>Odennic needles or tr:lllsfusion.s ofinfecu:d blood, or 10,,,,,,,,,;,,,,.1 an infected mother 10 her c hild before or birth). The ,\llc ntion give n by health to me thod s or tr-<Ulsm iltillg the I-IIV rect I'csuh of the absence of a V;JCcitll' or AIDS. Since there is currently IlO W,IY Iv AIDS medically, it hi essclllial 10 reduce tilt' mission ofl ll e vi,us.
    C;1Il

    'JAIn .r So:i

    1981 1983 1987 1990 1993 199.5


    SOll" I).ta I..... 199.5 and 19!k> .rO' p"~ .... ti,,n . ..... "':t " r~IILLd .,,<1 IU/><'I. 19'J!I:90-91

    ,
    35 797

    2.417
    5060 7288

    Thu t(lib shQWS 0" ro,"","'" dramatit"SI' III A1J)S (f/.$/j

    of OhIO

    f/Vt'T

    tAt /lmlJti J "" . ' "

    136
    IWO I'WO OHGi,,\'17J.W;SOC/AI UH

    brtn \\'t-U publicized. the high-risk groups IIHian"cr of cOlltracting AIDS in Ihe United homlJ~cxuaJ ,md bisexual men (who ae~hOUI 60 pel'Cent of all cases), intl' I\'C nous u.o,tn (~ho account fo r aboul30 percent (JM"I). and their sexual partners. Rccenuy. M heen increasing evidence that AIDS is a ..."",,,"~.,,,for the urban poor. in good part of ttan5mis"ion via IV drug lL-.e. Whereas ~~~:lispalliC5 reprcseJU about 20 pe rcem of l population , they constilute 48 percent In United SL.'ltcs who have been III haIr AIDS in the last twO yeal1l. Arollnd . \',lImen are bccominFt" infected with HlV ruttll as men. According' 10 Dr. Michael .... 11"" of the World Health Organi7"'nion's prt.lgr;lIll on AIDS, I.he "AIDS epidemic is beht'tl'lmcXUai e\'c rywhcrc~ (L. Altman. (.('I1Il'~ for Disease Comrol, 1992b: New IWlb) . III 1\1':13, more than two-thirds of all tompathe United States \\;th at leaM 2500 e m"''tll all nearly onc O lll of every te n had an employee with H IV AlDS (Pog-.i.sh. 1992). Th e s t~ ggc ling '" >JUS '.l"" has affected the nation in a proliarvC}' Finebcrg ( 1988: 128), dean of .. H.,,,.I School 01' Public I-iealul, has obscrved: c.xtends lO C\'cry social institution, from ",II(M)ls and communities to busi n esses, _.", I", Ihe rnilirn.I')' and Federal, state. and tWIl"'""""'"'" The strain on the health care btrome increasingly obvious, as hospiI by the dema nds or car.. paticn L'i and lhe despe rate need for btd, j(I meet the rising AIOS casclo:tcl . IIIlfl'O k'\'C.1 of !IOCia l inl eraction , it has ~~~ lOrt'ClSI thal AIDS I'd" rcad In a more qoxual climate-among bOlh ho moh('\crosexlIaIJl-in which people will be t,UUiOllS about involvemcnt \-"ith new Vt'1 It appears that many sexually acLive in tht' l"lIited StlltCS have not heeded preabout "safer sex." According to the 1990

    mt':

    AlVS oclitJisl orglmi:.atiulI S bill!!''''), chow. Ihm public Molth tjJarts mill govmlRWl1 fundingfor AfI)s.rri(lIt'1l
    m~(Jfch IlOut oc"n I,'TOSJly illmtrqlUllt.

    E.Jptri(J11y vjsib/' (//1(1 ulIl.ljxJtnl i'l Illif if/rn1 IJ Ihl' ",J)S (})a/iliall 1(J Vllkash Pm"", (ACTVI, JhOlUII ""' ill a "lilJoi n "lu dram(JIi:~ dmlh.ifmm AIDS.

    ~:~:,,;\O~"::":,:h:,:Risk
    ~

    Beha\-;or Sun'e)'. only hair ',ancl onl)' 40 pcrc.:en l of re males I , ther or their partner used a cO lldo lH Ih,-ir l;ut l'ltp<'rience or sexual intt:rcourse for [)ise<lSC Comrol. 1992a).

    In the 1990s, the label or-person with AIOS- or orten /"unc t.ions as a master SI'3LUS. Indee d , people with AIDS or infec led with the HIV virus face a powcrrul dllal stigma. Not only arc they associ;ju_d will! 'f !el/ml ;md contagiolls disc/lSe: mer have a disease which is disproportionatcl), evident in alrcadysligmatized gl"OllpS, such as gay males and elmg uscrs. TIlis linkage \.;jlh stigmatized groups delayed recognitio n or the sevc lit)' of thc AIDS e pide mic; th e llIed;;, LOok link inte rest in tht: d isease unLiI it seem ed 10 be sprcllding beyond the gaycoml11unity. Viewed !"mm a conflict perspective. polic.. ymakers havc been slow 10 respond to the AIDS c risis lX"cause those in hig h-Iisk groups-g'''Y men and IV drug uSt:l"S-are companuivcly powcrless. As one health ca re consultallt pointedly asked : k\Vho
    " I-II V-positi ve~

    137
    rJI,wn:Jj , - 'i(J(.'JAL lNn:llA c nON A.NI) 'VUM. S7Rf/{:fllllf;

    speaks for lhc drug abuser in our SOdel)'? Who's in favor of lhem?~ U. Cross, I 987:A I 6: He rek and GluTH. 1988; Shilts, 1987). Polling dam show how the stigma associated with high-risk groups affecL" people's feelings aOOm AJDS. ACCQl'ding to a nation(ll SU IVt..')' in 1991 ,85 percent of rcsponde llu. sa id Lhcy had a "lot of sympath( or ~solT1e sympalhy" for people WiLh AIDS an incrcase from lhe 75 perC<:1Il \\'ho anSWCI't:d the same question this ....':Iy in a 1988 sun'(,.')'. Yel onl}' 39 percent oflho.~e questioned in 1991 indi cated that they had a 101 of sympathy 01' some sympadl)' for "people who get AIDS from homosexual activity," while o nly 30 pcl'ecrH expressed such sympathy for Mpcoplc who gel AIDS from sharing needles while using illeg-.d dnlgs,HThe disCI'cpancy in these data reflects a t,c ndc ll cy 10 blame members of hig h-risk groups for contracting AIDS. Indeed , those who gOI A1DS \"ithollt engaging in homosexual bl'h:wior o r drug use. suc h as teenage hClllophi liacs. arc often spoken of as "innocem victims" -Wilh the implication I.h;\I others wilh AIDS arc ~b l am:tbl e \'icdms" ( Hcrek and Glum. 1988:888; K.'lgay, 1991:C3), III this c1imalc of fear and blame. tJlCl"{' has been increasing hal1L'iSlllent 01 homosexual male!J. Gay lights leadc l'lI bt.-lic\'e t11:1l the conCe pt of homo sexuals lIS "di~easc. carders" has contributed to \iolent iucidents directed at people known or suspeClcd 10 be gay. KyVhat AIDS has d(}lIe,~ .. rgms Kevin Iknill of uIe National Lesbian 0'111(1 Cay Task force. ~is simpl}' give biguts alld bashcr.. the justification ' 0 aLl.a ck g<"1Y"" (0. AlUll~n. 19Rfi:5S-7/); D. j o hl1son, 1987:r\l2) . Fears .. bout AIDS ha\'c led to grO\.... ng discrimi nation within m:yor social instiHltion~ of the United Stat~s, for CX1 I1Uplc. pt'uple with AIDS have 1 :lced discrimination in employment. housing, and insur.mce, Yet the legal system has hardly taken the le;td ill fighting such discrimination . According L O a reporl issued in 1992 by the National AJDS Program Office. which coordinates 'he wOrk of~lI fedcr..t.l agencies deaJing with lh e disease. II courts seem guided more b) Slcreotypc~ amllc;a , than by scientifi c e\idence- h'hen Ih ey I'll1e on AIDs-\,dated cases. Larry Coslin , a pl'Ofcssul' of hl"a lth l;tw 1l11d a coauthor oflhe repon . points out Ul;)t some couns have cxacerbatcd public fears of the disea~e by plac ing "Do Not TOllch~ .;igns 011 AIDS-rc1ah:d e\'i-

    denee. by having defend.tnts with li lV h"ear gloves. and b)' Ic\ying harsh pt:'lla!tics 01\ with AIDS for biling or spiu ing <It oLhers, sists that ulcse situatio ns po~c minimal tl1lnsm issiOIl :lIld tltat tlte COll rt decisio ns ~n} face of a ll lhe public health ....'isdoll1 aOom (M.trgolick. I992: 16). Any ~lIch dramatic. crisis is likely to bring certain transformations in :.t society's social ture. from a functionalist perspective. ifesta social insUludons ca!l not mee l a crucial net-d. social nelworks are likely 10 emerge 10 fulli1\ fullction. In the case of AJDS, self-help especially in the gay communi tics of Ill~orct have I>cen (:sl;lblished to caJ'c~ for t.hc sick. ed the healthy. and lobby for mOl"e responsi\'e policies. By J993. O...y Men 's Hcah1I Crisis (C New York City's Iargesl privatc organizauoo viding AIDS services, had a paid stalT of 2j(j morc tha.n 2300 Vohllltl'el'S typically \\lork.inR -buddy s),stcm with those amicled with AIDS. 'hough initially G~lI-iC's clieJ1L~ h'ere almost sivcly White homosexual men , today 10 per clients are female. 44 percent are no n-White:. llIany ale he terosexlllll. CMHC opc:r.ues a phone hot line. sends a dvoc'llcs to hOSpitab sist on beuer care for patients. and runs legal financial clinics as well as therapy and 51 groups for I~>opl e with AIDS and Lheir 10\00 (Nav'"<lrro. 19(3). G;\11-IC and other groups conccnlcd v.itlt argue that lhe proper socie Lal rC$ponst to dead ly di5<.-a:;e incllldes (C, sting of new dlllgs tu : hat AlDS, ma.'l..i\'c public educiltion campai garding tJ\e need 1'01" ",safer .~ex.~ wide disui :md proper IISC of condoms, ilnel elTectivc co ing and suppOrt services fOl those with AIlJS I-IIV iufeclion. AJDS acti\'ist organizaliOlu bI charge that there has been grossly inadequate' crlllnclltal funding for A1DS-rclated n_"Sear(~ public health efforts. Especially visible and 0 ken in this cn'ort is t.he AIDS Coa lition 10 U Power (ACfUJI) ......hich has conducted con sial prrucstS. si t.ins, and "zaps" in the hall! of CJ'nmcnt. at scicntific confeI'CIlCl.S cOllcemcd " AIDS.:II New York Cily'sSL Patrick's C:uhednl. <111 W':lll Streel. ACTUP h:.1S popularized the it views as the crucial meSS<.lge of tile NOS
    H

    138
    I'ART

    nro .

    OHGANrlJ"'G waAl. I.JI.1:

    'Sdl'!\{t:.
    11t\,

    Dell lh~

    (France, 1988: J. Gamson , 1989;


    use their expcni..c 10 assist

    t ~J89).

    Itnll ran

    ~iologist.s

    tn J~nding

    to lhe A IDS crisis? In an address be-

    H ow d oes an AIDS ~fo lk.l orc~ emerge, and how does il become inlcgJ1ltcd in to a cOll1llltUlity? Why do ccrla in communilics and individua ls 1'esist or ignore scientifi c infonn:uio n abOlll the dangers of

    Cur tht' Amcrican Sociological Associatio n , Ca nadloIn ~:.clt'logit Barry Adam ( 1992:5- 15) expressed UlJl(nn (hill research on AJOS has been largely \ IiluC!oo b) biomedical sdc nt..i sL~. Adam argued

    AJDS?
    H ow arc med ic;l] and social sC ly ices made a\~<li l able 10 people with AIDS? Why ,we these se rvices often denied to the pooresI pal.icl1Is? H ow is hOlllophob i a (fear of::md pl'cjlldice agajnst hOlllosexualit)') relaled lO fears conccnling AJDS? In what \\~<lYS does homophobia cOITclalc with

    t/lJ.t sociologi51S can m ake a n imporlant co ntribunon IDAJOS-rc]atoo research; he out line d fOllr dim;tion$ for such sociological research:

    other forms of bias?

    11o" i!inlonnation abo u t AJDS p l'o duccd and distnblllctl,~ is the d isldbuUoll 01 in lormaUoii alibi!! heM to hart Msafer sex." being limited or even ccnred:

    ,rllltlRY
    ltti,/ illlrrlulilln refers 10 the \\':1)'5 in which people r("-

    'PJ!ld I" unr another. 5Qria i strlll:lllre refers 10 th e way In "hldl ~ "<tlt'itl), is ortpnizcd inlO prcdictahle n :I,\liOllnIt. thaptcr cx;ulIines t.hese concep ts, \~hich an:

    /.lltll VlCiologica1 study.


    fltllll"sponsc 1.0 I>coplc's Ix:ha\"ior is based o n th e

    "'''< \fit al1<1rh 10 .heir actions.


    t nlf ahi1i~ It) define lJOCial reality c1l":IrJy rcnecL~ :l Il""'P' pwCI ,,'Ithin a socie ty. S \n alCl"ibtd itallu is gCllcl1IlIy ,lSSigncd 1 persoll 0 I~nh "hcreas an Ci (hitllt d s/a/IU i~ ;tHai ncd I:lrgd) ~~ljIfr-tjljt" uwn efforl. , In tIIr l"niled States, ascribed sta tuses of mec :H1d kl ~Jn hmerion as mas /er sla luses Ihal hal"e an imJol"U1I1lmpilcI on oue's potential to achicve a desired ~'Ilal and .social S laIUS. 5 \'tllh f';l('h distinctive st.atus-whClhcl" ascribed 01" 'I<"lt!l-~o)U1e lYolrticular social roles. 6 ,,, ... h 010111" p,"mcrned bcha\"ior la kes place wit hill .U\!l ~ inflllclICI.'rl by the norms and s;mclions csW!!.\l,rt!1n KrOups. T IM- tn;~\, mrdia. the gO\'crnmCIH, tht, ccotLomr, tht, wrm. J,ud Ill(' health Gl f e syste m 31"C all examples of "dill/lion. found in lhe Uni ted St:ltes. R Ol1r \\01\ tQ wtdcrstand social illslit\ltion~ is to sec j!JOj Ibn luum ~~l1tial flmctiotls. sHch :t.\ replacing pcr Inrl.lr.ltlltl1g new t'eCrtliL~. and preS('I"ing u ldcr. t Thr conflkl pt:~I>ective a rb'l.(l"S lh:..t sodal insti lu

    ,I

    tions help to 1113111 1.;.1.111 ItlC pti\1leges of the powerful while contributing 10 the J>Owede.ssneu of others. 10 ImcraClionist theorists elllphasize that o u r sod,,1 beha \'iol" is co nd iti u ne d by Ihc roles and stat uses tha t wc ac ce pt , the grou ps 10 whidl Wc bel..,tlJ,:, atld the institutions \\ithin which we function. I I Ferdi nand Tunnies dilltingu ishcd tl ' t": close--knil communi ty or Gemeinscltaft frol1l thc impersonallll;I.'Is soci ell' known as Gesellschafl. 12 The AIDS crisis has affected C\'cry social inst itulion in the Unltccl Statcs. includ ing the !::'mily, Ihe sdlOols, the heailh care system, th c eCO IIOTll y, and go\'cnllllc ll(.

    .<::.IlJ.!~.~. !1i.l.r-I.({Jr-I.'?.RlJll~:r[().r-I.~..
    Anal)'"l.c )'clur college eomlH ll1Iit)' <IS :111 cxample of:t I1cgoli;lwd o rd e r. Wh at typcs o f negotiations arc co mmon ill the day-to-day intcf<\ctions ill titis social inSlitu tion? 2 People ill certain profcS!.ions secm particularly susce pljbJco \(I rolc co nlli ct. Fur ex:unple, jutl nmi isLS commonly experience I'ole conflict dU li ng tl is; L~lcrs, crimcs. ,md otl.e dis trl'~si ll g sitmuiolls. Shou.ld thcy offer m.si!ptallCC to l ie need), or cOI'er brcakilt~ nt'W~ :L~ rcpol'lcrs? Select tv,:.b Oljler professiolls and di !>t..t's~ lhe ' Y P(''lI of role co nOi cl''i:hc)' miJ,: h t expe rience. 3 l1w fUl1('lionalist, co nll ict, and imcr'":tetiuniSI per
    sp~'cli\'cs

    ("_'1
    ,.n"

    call all be l\Sed ill :malt.r.;nJ.: M><.ial ;nstit wions. What :Irc tIll" ~ trcngth~ 0(" \\"t'akttl$st":~ ill cach pcrs pective's ltllalysis 01" social institutions?

    139
    r.lIAI'I"I-;U, - S.:J"L /NIJ:/lJlcno,'V "NI)MX:/AI. ~nwc/'/JI<f.

    .gY..TI.BM~........ _...................................................... .
    Athitfltd s'ahlS A 5t)Cial position :It~i m'd b) a pCBOIl 1 ;lrJ:;eJy through hi! nr her u\\'n drOll. ( p;tge 124) ASC'f'i bed .rtal/.., A wclal position -assigned- to a per~ SOil by socict)' without r~g.l rd for the PCI"'OIl'5 uniCJuc t:l1t: 1\ ~ or ch:u~ l cri5 Iic5. ( 124) .IC CemeiNsclrojt A Icnl1 lucd b) Fcrdin:lIld Tonnin lo d ....... !lCrihoc dose-knil cOlllmllll;lid, oflcn found in mml ate..~. in which strong penon.l l bo nds IIniu: members.
    ( 134)

    Soci al rt dU/o r"


    :t

    serics of pel"llOlI din: cLl ) W othcn ami therefore i ~ull more people. (127) Social ro le A 5('1 ut cXIX'ctll.iurls or 1"01,1 . 1" 000"111 , ab 'l\CII social \~i tiCl n or SI:tlU5. ( I Sociol stru ctur(l TIle \\~Iy in .",1,1" into p rcdict;lhlc rcl:I.I.1onl!hip~. ( 120) Sto tu s A tenn I~I hy.soci04ogisu 10 '0'"" full ra nge o f socially dclin(.-d posiliuns 1'I;lhin a group o r sociel)'. (12'1)

    liOCial '~:;:,I~;:I:I~~~::::':J

    !>CI""" ",,,,,,,,4
    ,"r"

    "tItoI

    CeullJ(:haJl A !.cnn used by "'cnlinand TOllllies 10 describe communities, often urlxm. that an: I;uge and impersonal. wi th lin le commiUllCl1I lO tJle group 0 " con$t:mi1l5 o n ,a1l1cs. ( 135)

    Dgau . Mary Jo. :and Mk hacl Il ill (ed5.l. I\'MIIt'II


    Symbolic fntn'tl(tioll. Winchcster, M.w.: Alien o'Uld win , 1987. A \-arit-d and lIJC.'ful colle<tiOIl or dr.t",;ng o n lhe intemct1c:lIIist PCrsl>CCU\"(' to the role of gender in t.'\CI)-day lifc. Duncicr, MilChdl. Slim', Tnbll': UncI', U~llN"tnbifif), MllJnlfi"ity. Chicago: Un il't'rsityofCh icago Press, \

    Grow"

    AII\' n UIObcl (If people with )imilar lIonm. val

    ues. :lIld cxpecmtiOlls who rl.."gUlarl y and co nsciousl y

    inter...c.. (127)
    fhmlOph obia

    Fedf of ;ulfl prcj ud jl::c.o :'gai nsl hOlllmexu-

    ality. (139) Mlu ter $Iallu t\ SI:I UlS th at dO lll inmeli Ot hcrs and I,he reby d e lenninc! a person's gell eral pOSition wi thi n SOCiety. ( 125) M erhanirnl solida ri ty A tenll used by f-mile Durkheim to describe: :1 society in which people gencr:ll\)' :111 per fonn Ihe smile t..s]..s and in l'I'hich rdalion ~ h i ps arc close ilnd intimau:. (lM) N~&otia' ed arder A MK"ial structure th:1I deri\l'S its Cll.istcnce from Ihe .wei:l.] IlItcr.u:tion~ Ihrough I'I-hich J"L'Opit (klinc and rcdclinc ib c har:lctcr. (123) Ne,otic tiort The atte mpl to reach agrccmcl1I with o lh ers conam ing liOffie objectl\...,. ( 122) Orgcrtie solida rity A te ml. ulioCd by rnlllc Durkhcim 10 d~ribe a socict) in which membcl'$ arc lIlutually (it'pendem and in which a complex di\ision of lab!)r cXiSLS. ( 1 ~1) R o l~ t'onf1 it:l mlTicul1ics th:lI occl.lrv.hen incompatible expectauons an!lC' 11'011\ IWO 0 1 marc "<Kial pmiLions ' hdd b)' the Silmc pCf'JOn . ( 125) Role uit The p(l)(' 6,1 of d isengagellu:n L from a role Ih:lI is centr.tl 10 Olle'~ selr.idcnut)'. and recsmblishII1CIII of an idclllilY in :l new role. (126) .'IlJcial i nstillltiQlI1 Ol'glHl ilCd paltel"tls of belicfs a nd behm'iul' centered un hasic SQ("bl nccc\,~ . ( 130) Social in te ractiOIl 11lc ways in wh ic h people respo nd tu OIlC another. ( I'.!O)

    This stlld y d escrilx's t'\'c IJ d :l)' socifl l rela tio nships bCI\'rcel1 Whiles a l1d Africul in a .small diner on Chic;lgo's SoLHhside. Ebaugh . 1-lclcn R~ JolIc h~. lkttlmil.gan Ex: 7>,P"".1I Uok EnL OliGlgO: Unin'l'$it)' of Chic-.tgo Prcsa.. As described in 1.\4)): 5.- 1. sociolOboi~t Ebo' l.l.Igh;::;:~ the proce!\.~ of disclIg;.lging from a significant an d t"stablishi ug:1 new idt:nliIY. Hubcr, J O:UI, and Ikllt t:. Schneider ('.lJllwxt of AIDS. Ncwhury Park, Gtlif.:

    ; ';",~':~'~:::;;,:~

    antholog)' addn.'S~M :1 \OtrielY or w uc.s a.s'-~:~~~:~ A IDS, including race, gender stratification.
    a nd ~l"Sistt'nt IX I\t'fl) .

    Ikph.u-t. WiIlialll M., ,11Ie! WilliiUlI M. Zcllncr, "'. ..o-j II(Iry Groups: Itn Exmn;,wtllJn o} Unrorlllrn/ionaJ (51h cd.). Nc-w York: St. M:min s, 19\14. Amollg gl"Oup~ deK rilx'<\ in thi5 "cry readau1c book Ami! h . Ihe Oncidot cOlllnlun il)" the MonnOIlI. Jc~,JchO\~ h '~ Witnesses, a nd the ROIIIMli lo",,~ .. knov,1l. as GyfJjiQ). Majors, Richard, and J,II\C\ M'IlIOnl !kI150Il.. CMI 1"111' Oilnnmru of IJln'* Ma"lwod i'l "'",cun. Ncw Lcxi llg lOlI. 1992. An Afric:m American h alld :I White 5ociol ogi ~t :lIIalY1e UII: African American lldok'SCCIlI maId present in cvel)"<l:ly life.

    140
    P.IHT

    nu)

    OHCoANI'IJ,W,

    ~M

    un,

    MirrruoriolOJO':

    l)iStOllfY, t:moliOIl ,

    and

    CIIic:.aI!O: Uni''enil)' of ChiGlgo l'rcM, 199'1. "';" I 01' sociological Ireanut'1lI of self :md H'O mt:rI and , York: Ballantinc, 1990. A popbook that pfO\idc5 an I)\'cniew of how ..,ofllen in the Unilt.'d SIales diffe r in thei r'
    '1 U"dt'nl(llld:

    Journals .. _... _ -..............._ ........ ....................-...............,... ,.... ,' .... ,' ... ,..........-.......
    Among Ih~ journ:tls that focus Oil issud of lOCi ..., interaction and MKial struc ture arc.follntal of ConlcnpOrtl'1 EJhnogmplty (formcrly (!rhon '4r, founded 1971 ) and Symbol/( "rl~fU'/lm ( 1977). Scl'~r.ll relcl.... m publications have dC"ol('(1 special issues 10 the bch:,w ioral ill1pliGltions of AIDS. including Arnmcan l~dwlogl$l (&1'tembe r' 1988), snnr/lfir Ammrml (OclObcr 1988) . :1I1d Sodal f'robknu (OclO1>cr 1989).

    141
    O I....''"J-.H. 1 soaM . I.' 71:JC11O... A,\7)SQ("JA'. fTHl'C'1VHI.

    . ...................C====="Ir :::,f=====:I.. .... .. ..

    GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONS

    UNDERSTANDING GROUPS

    T,pn: or CroUI>S
    I'rim;uyand Seconda ry Groups

    h..croups and OUI-Crollr>S Krrcrence Group!i


    ~lIIhil1g Small GrO\J I)S

    Si'U' of a Group
    r.oaliti0l15 Ml\'sical Environlllelll

    1~"'IIIIJ)'Inml JJa ~1 all Ttthltiml QllfllijicQliOlU llureaucr.ui1.alion :"IS a 1l'ocd.~ Olig;ll'ch)': Rule by a Fcw Ilw'c:lUcracy's Othcl' Face Volulllary Associations OI'K'.1ni7':ltional Ch :lIlgc Co:II Multipliclltion (;0;11 Succ(.ossion

    UNDERSTANDING ORGANlZAll0NS f'onnal Organi/.:ujons ;md BlIfcaucracics l)CO;dopmcm of )." onnal Organiz:uiolls Char.lCtcrinia of a BurclIuc m cy I DmwOIi of tAbor 2 IIJmmlrj of AulhonIJ ; Ifriuf.I'! Ru lts ('wd flrgu/alilms 4 J.pmcrw{ity

    SOCIAL PO U CV AND ORGANIZATIONS: SEXUAL HARASSM.ENT


    BOXF.5 ()... I Cun-cm Rc.sc:lfCh : Multicuhural Small

    Croups
    &-2 evcl)'d:l), Ikh:l\;QI': Selr. Help Groups

    143

    Americans oJ all, Ggt!S, all, stations in life, and. all types oJ disposition are forevtr fonning as.sociati011S. ... In euery case, at a~ head of any new undertaking, where in France ),ou would find the government . .. in lhe United States )'OU are SU're to
    find an association.

    LOOKlNG AHEAD
    How do sociologists distinguish between various types of groups? How does cu ltural diversity affect the performance of small groups in the workplace? What are some of th e positive and negative consequences of bureaucracy? How impo rtant arc informal structures within fonnal organil,.lJ.uons? Why do so many people in the United StaleS join \,olunt.1ry associations? How common is sex ual har.15Slllen t within organizations in the United States?

    IShaklee was] :1 remarkable mall . He W"5 of his time. He developed VitaLjne first product. :t year berore the word \i~min' evcn coined . H c's [had] a special place in 1nl (Iligg-"rt. 1989: 142).

    m,""."

    E\'cn watching (Mary Kay] on TV is real hard I j ust get this knot in my stomach whcnt:\-ct I or listen to her wlk or anything (8iggan, 19i~ I'. These rounders are successful :i:"~',~~:~:~~:'~1 I n izational ideologies that are n ler. DSO employees genuinely believe that clients will be beuer people and "liO)' h.,pp' '' ' by using DSO products. I n most DSOs, the sales fo rce is female. and iIlany of these sa lespcople arc makers. Sociologist Paul DiMaggio poinu om DSOs providc these homemakers with hance their marital power. and offer a .""". ~ munity. Nc\'Cnhcless. DiMaggio ( 1990:210) eludes that DSOs are ~ prcfelJlinistR becau." ideologies arc supportive of male ~\"Oille n sho uld vicw selling as nOI quite husbands' permission 10 enroll, DI"c.llu:olt. caree r, or, when finns recrtlil spouses as backsl.a.ge rol<:s .~ Pco ple in thc United States arc joincn, they join direct-sclling org-dnizalions, ch,..nixT sic groups, strect g'dnb"S, athletic teams. stiulti ons, or professional organil.ations. ask, R When is the'llex t meeling?~ almost as we ask, "What should we have for dinncr?W . poilllcd out in the earlie r chapters, social tion is necessary for thc transmission ofcullu... ,

    o ' miI ",''''h

    M any of us know or have been visited by somconc cmployed by a dircct-selling orb",nil.a lio n (050) such as A1nwd)', Tuppe .......ue, Shaklce, o r Mary K.... y Cosmctics. These sales people o flen go door 10 door or arrange ho usc pa n ies in an a!.tempt to reach polcmial custome rs. Involvement in DSO work is an intense experience; the gatherings of DSO e mployces have becn compared to rcligious reviva l mcetin gs. After cond ucting a study of 42 DSOs, sociologist Nicolc Woolscy Biggart ( 1989) characterized DSOs as ~charismatic because of the awe th ey arouse in c mployees. The strong pcrsonal appeal of OSO foullders accounLS in good part for the intense and passionate tone of gatherings. DSO employecs speak of thei . companies' founders in tcmlS no t usually applied lO corporate chief execu th'e officers (CEOs) :

    144

    /" IIW.JI diff etselling orga niza tio ns

    (DSOs). tllII Sfl ~ fora is O"i!nwMimmgly f t/MU. find I/UlIl)' of Ihe, ;tJ J(lk5fH:"/JU <
    iHi
    1W"II'1,jIl~rn.

    5/iiffijij

    jj all Atkm

    .Iahs

    f'r1JreJr.tl(fltUIt! visiting a humf

    ;,1

    Budaptsl, fllmgnry.

    Ihr runllll of a society. Our li\'es are fill ed with re lmudum anc,i inconscqllc nlial ime r' lc tiol1s, !lUhtHoolcrsalions with cashiers in stores a nd suprtmMkcb. liowever, many social intCf"dc tio ns arc pbnnl'd or anticipated. We rclate to ccnain people brr.IIN: lit' like them, they have some thing to o fIn Ut. the)' are working to accomplish a goal we iIwt. or we have no othe r choice. Th~ rhapter wiU conside r the impact of groups and orgiUli/.ations on social interact.ion . IL will bcpo hi noting the distinclions be ty,'ce n lI' trio us types . .lflJlJpL I'ilnicular allention will be given lO small ~,md 10 theanal)"Sis of illlCrac tioniSlthcorists Irprdillg the dynamics of small groups. How :md fUftrl,d organiz..'u ions came into c xiste nce 1"iII brrumineO. and Max Weber's model of the mod rru hurraucracywill be desclibed. The lendency of ptup!r in the United SL.1.tes to join voluntary assoallI"'I\'\., ol, noted by Alex.is d e Tocque ville. will be dllr:Ll'IM"d. The social policy section will focus o n the ~ul ~1Cual harassment . wh ich has beco me a malOOCf'm of both go\'e rnme lll.al and privatC'tt{lot urg:mil.ations.
    ~l\'

    as we noted in Chapter 5, in sociological tc rnlS a group is any number of people with similar nOllns, values, and expectations who regularly and con -sciollsly interact. College sororities and fraternities, dance companies, te na nts associatio ns, and c he.'\.S clubs arc all considered examples o f g roups. It is imponallt to e mphasize that me mbers of a group share some scru;e of belongin g. TIlis Chaf"dcu:ri!llic distinguishes groups from me re aggrega ll'.$ of people. such as passengers who happe n to be togc the r o n an airplane Highl. o r from mtegvrles \'o'ho share a commo n feature (suc h as being retired) but o th c rwi.se do not act together. A college de bating socie ty is t)'Piedl o f groups found in the United Stales. It has agreed-upon \'alues and social norms. All me mbe rs want to improvc tllcir public speakin g skills and belie vc that inro rmed de bal.e on issucs or public policy is an essential aspect of democracy. In addition. likc many gro ups. the wcie ty has boUl a fornm} and an infonnal stnrcture. It has monu11y meetings, run by elected offi cers . in a stude nt union building. At the sam e time, unofficial leadership roles are held by the club's most expelicnced debaters, who orten .uding debating strategies coach new me mbers relr and lechn iques.

    l UERSTANDING GROUPS
    ID n'f'ndl,' speech, J>COI> use the tenn group to le dncribr an) collection of individuals. whether Ibm: 'Irangers sharing an elevator or hundreds ar o1.111ttling oflhc Tuppcrwarc sales force . Howeve r,

    !1P~. .?~...~.~?.'!p..~.............................................................."..
    The study of gro ups has become an important part of soci ologicannvcstigation because they play slIch

    145
    Clf.tI'Tt,H 6 CHOIJPS ....NlJ OHC...N I1..i TIONS

    It, wdologJlaL tmfts. a group 11_ rwmbt:r of ~ WI/h UMliar


    oo/IJG, and o/JutallOfIJ

    ru\o

    and ronmOlUl] mtmut. $AowIt


    AuonallOll

    of IM Full GOJpd M_ HI Piano. TIX/U, nr ,",MIwrl of IhlS g1T1IIp typtftl/lf p~


    _bm

    lUll/tU IN/Ort SiI/lI1g Old 10 tMlIK' hl'lp lIrrmd('(/ mo/om/s, cll1d ~ gm/Itl. 7'M bfAm Inlllllll] InA .:1

    moloriJts about tJrnr IJWtOrtyl'ltt .. Ihnl flm Ihi' (O"vt'rlI1IIQII kI "fbtr


    tOPI C lu,h tU Mw 1 ~mJtI'Y dJ f, 0 /trml flu' hl~rh/if(/y 10 hI'li W /M 10 IIN/lH'II. ~

    :I

    key role in the 1r.lIIsmil'sion of culture. Sociologists have made a number of lIscful dislinctions beIw(.-en t}1>C.'i of gmups (sce Tablc ~ I ) . P ri mary and Secondary C!2!PS Chari(."S Honon t'.oole)' ( 1902:23-57) coine d tJ1e u..rm primary

    group 10 refer 10 a ~1II;t 1l group characterized Iw lim:lIe, facL'-lo-f.,ce ;L~i:Hion and coopc' '111e members of a '!treet golllg cOnstilute a pri group; so do members ofa famil), living in lhr
    h Olll'Cilold , as well as Msisters in " college sor l)limaJ), group .. p ia), a pivotal role both in tht ciali7.3.Uon pl'OCCSS (see C h apter 4) and in tM "eiopmellt of roles and statuses (sce Chaptrr 51 deed, primary groups can be instnlmelllAl .. person's da),-looa), exislence. Studies ha\t' for example, that ndghbors, dOS(" friends. and pccially kinfolk pia), a viml role in assisting to follow comp li c~uc C\ sched ules for laking scription medicincs (Kail and Ulwak, 1989). When \,'e find o u rselve identifying clO5C" grOllp. it is prob.,bl)' a primary group, U(J\fo people in the United States participate in groups which arc nul chardclerized b)' c1QSC of friendship, sllch :IS la rge college dassc:t and !'less ass()ciation~. The term $f!co" dflry grOIl~ 10 a form"l, impersonal group in which lhrrt ~ lie social intimac), or mutual understanding Table 6- 1), '111C diuinction between primV'" secondal), groups i nOl .tlwa)'S clcar-c.ut. Somt tcrnides or social dubs become so large and personal thal Ihey no longer function ;u pri
    grOllp.~,
    M

    " \81.1. 6. 1

    Generolly

    WTI0U

    U.wolly Iorge Short duration, temporory


    litHe iOCiol inlimocy or mutual UIldeUlanding ReloIiOlllhips generally superficial
    Mere formal and

    Relalively long period of


    IIlIeroction Jl1Iimole, foce.Woce ouocloliOll

    Some emotional depth III relotloll"'il

    Cooperative, frleodly

    imperJOnOI
    In du/inguiJiling
    ~l

    1yf'e5 of

    gmuPJ,

    JOlIoIOgUll hmv

    "vial thl'

    dlffrmlfc INlwtf'fI ,,"mary (md M'( tmdmy grfm/Is,

    146
    PART nl'O ORGA ....'Il.J"C,SOC1AI UH':

    11

    ~r.,~out~roue.s A group can holdspelor members because of its re lationDlhcr groups. People sometimes Ice l a n 111 or threaten ed by another group. if the group is perceived as being differor r:l.C'ially. Sociologisl.'O identify these feelings by using two tenns first cmi I CrAham SUlnn(' r (1906:12-13);

    OUI--group.
    ("'.In be defin ed as an)' group or catpeople feel they belong. Simply PUl, ~'e l)'one who is regarded as "\o,'c" or may be llS narrow as onc'.; fam'~r""

    broad as an enlire society. The vcry exis-

    " .JIO Ill-group implies lhat there is an out~"tl <l.~ -Ihey or - them" More IOl'mall}" ' .lM......pis a group or C<llegol)' lO wh ich peo"7._--' ._.. 00 not belong. mme United Stales tend 10 sce tht- world . and Oll l-groupS. a pcrce plion \'cry groups 1,0 which wc Ix'does )lot have those sexual
    go
    \,0

    church every \vcck."


    " So lo"t. Bdl. ThiJ is "')'
    dN~.

    ID'!I""'"""

    In ~uppon Q lrOOI>S in lhc Pcn;ian Gulr." UI' nQ! explicit, each of th(.'Sc declaratio ns "hu tllt' in1,fToups and OlU-gro Ups are. rYpical consequence of in-groul) mcmberJ frt'ling of distincli,'clU!sS and superiority \,oJ1O sce themselvcs a.~ bellCf than m tho: out-group. This se nse of supcl'iorit), 1' a double standard maintained of the ill-grOL1p, Proper behavior for is s.imultaneously viewed as unacccptfor Ihe OUl-grOUp. Sociologist Roberl 119IltH8I}-481}) dl.srrjbe~ JJJ.i. ~/XtC(.'.!i~ .:J~ ~m"" ol["-g"m'p~' ''''.,, [nlO "outi-fTOUP

    Yo.

    ~.II'I

    come '"."

    :=;

    IUlh J double standald . If Chl'isuans lake tl'riousl) , it is seen as ~co nunend abl e"; if Ih",m"',, il is a sign of~hackwardness" and tIJ enter lhe twenueth cenlll!")'. If Chdg.. 1io,1ft\" other Christians as friends. it is "un-:~~~;;,[~J,: prefer other Jews as friends, " bei ng Mdanni s h . ~ T his view of lhrm- can be destnlctivc, as connic t theo-

    po""j" IIf certain Christians toward J ews iI-

    ;:;~:t~~;:A~1 tl1e sa me tim e, it promotes


    li 191\9)

    a sense of belonging (Kar-

    Referenct. Croups BOlb in-groups and primary gToups can dr.lmatically influe nce the way an individual thinks. and be llavcs. Sociologists use tIle tenn reference I...tTf)UP when speaking of any group that individuals use as a standard for evaluating them selves and th eir own behavior. For ("xample, a high school sll1dcl1Iwho aspires lOjoin a social circle of p11nk rock dcvot ce~ will pattcm his or he r be ha\'o io r after thal of the group_ The stude nt will begi n dh;fJ,9: i"6'"" "l,i(:" dk3'C~ ,ft!e1'r,- 1,!i~ flTirg \0 l((C saIn t! record albums and COs, and hanging out at the same Slores and dubs_ Referen ce groups ha\fC two basic purposes. They serve a normative fun c tion by seuing and cnforcing standards of conduct and belief. TInls, the high school student who wants the approval of the punk rock crowd will have to follOlv the gro up's dic tates to at least some cxtent. Reference groups also per form a comparison functi o n by se rving as a standard affdinsl which people ca n measure the mselves and others. A law stude nt will evaluate himself or hel'llclf against a referen ce group composed of lawyers. law professors, and judges (Merto n and Kilt. 1950) ,

    147
    CJIAl'1Jo:.R, 6 - CROUPS AND OR('.A.NIZA TlO"'~

    MULTICULTURAL SMALL GROUPS

    The growing dh'crsi ly of the paid I:lOOr fOl'ce. especially in EI1l'Ope OIl1d N(}I'UI America. is .....ell d OCl1l11el11cd. Wlmt impact will this dil'CI'5ilY have on dccision making within (ll"gani1.alions? How doc..~ cuhlll'al di\'cnilY a fTecI Uw pelfo rmanee:' of small groups in lhe wOl'kplace? Since 1 >olic1(.'S and prOCe-"" dLtrell :U'(~ t)Vic-.lIly developed iu meetings of rcl:uh'ely mod(.~1 s;iJ:c. slIIall-group rl.."l\earch can lx' cspt-.... cially uscrul in hcll>ing us unde!" Slaml thc impac I ordivcl'sity wi lhin org;:lniZaliQns. In lIlallYe xpl!l'imClllal swdies.:1 Sfllll ll gmup i~ Cl'calcd and then as sib'llcd .llask or problem to feM)I\c. Thc ovcmll (nnclusion or ~uch reliC3rch is Ih ;l[ h('tcr(>gcnoous small groups (including cullllmlly di \'cnc groups ) produce SOIUlio lb of higher (Iualit)' than do homogcIlI..'Ous gl'O ups. In f"ct, w; a gn)uI"s composi tion becolllcs 1I10re di verse, additiollal altcl1Ialivcs .. re prol}(lsed th;ll e nhance the quality

    of de chion 1Il<lJ:.ing. T he likcli hmKI that a group \\'ill ofTer mallY ideas and proposals is paniclIl;lr ly atlracti ve ill light of llle C(I['re!ll 1 demallds on mallY o lg;.lIl i't.:llioll~ 10 be morc inllO\'ll.live and crc:Hh'c ( Kirch. 1Ilt.'yer. 1993: Ruhe :ll1d Eallnan, 1977). This general fi nding a bo ul LII ,,<kant.ages of d i....t~il)' ill SIll:llI group.-; has been lelJlpe n~d by thc f;I( 1 thflt such gnmps 00t:1I r.. ;1 to bI,'llefil fro m the IUliclue pCI'S pCCtiw~ of members frol11 racial and eth nic minorities. Rescfll'cheu r(.. ... P'OI'I Ihal 1I1inllrilie! :lre It"I,\ ll Clh'c participants wiulin SllIall Kruups and ;Irc ~ I;g htl r le'!:'! CQllllllimd w the gnlllps' clTorl\ thal1 are ,'Iher

    members.
    For example. one C':lI1adiall study rocu.scd on 45 sm:lll gtnUps ill \\'liich 1ll(r.;I millOlil} P:lrlid l);IIIIS were from Asi:ln backgroundli. In j4 oflhl~e 45 gnJUpS (76 PCI'C(llI ). Ihc m e lllhe r who cUlltribuled leasl fl'crjllcnu y was;] millorit} gro up

    member ( Ki rclllllC)'e1' fllld Cahn, Igc.J2: lit!e also Kirchmc},er, 19911 Such stud ies faise two sobennc questions for IJrWkni~Jt1i o f\: (H How do I,he d )'mlmics ot ~l1Ial g-rnups iml>cdc Initlority partl('i~ lion :111(1 (2) how C,HI organizau, assist and bend!1 fmlll empllllM wh o In;l} be rcluc t;llI1 to partid~ in 1I11l1l1l-group d(.."Ci~ioll makin;oti Viewed fro m a connitt ptf'ill'l> live, th e apparclI1l} subordilUlt 1'01 ofmc1al .. nd c .:: :limit millllrlUtt within small gro up5-like VU!. ordinate role or !'cmall'S in coo\lT' Slllions wilh Hmle! (ke Chllpl~ 11) - remind~ lIS that lhe powttrril lions of Ille largel' sucicty infllltl melllbcfll t.f snwll gruu ps \\ithin .. organiuliOIl, So long as in~l. based on gcnder. met:. ,md eth,... it}' is e1:idCI\I throughout ow '10.1:" Ny. it will inllucllce pcoplr' Id confidence :lnd their :abilitl III exercise leaderslli l' within a _ group.

    In mall)' cases, people model their behavior aflcr groups 10 which they do not belo ng. for exam ple, a college student majoling in finance may Icad the Wall Slrwl j ounlllJ. s tud y the a nnua.l rcporL~ o f corporations, a nd lis ten to midday slock market n ews 011 Lhe r'a dio, The student is engaging in the proces... o f amicipalOl), socializatio n (sce C hapler 4) by using fin ancial experts as a reference group to wh ic h be or s he as pires. h is imponalll to rCCObTJlizc I.h a l individuals arc often influenced by t ....'o or more ,c!e rt:llce grou ps at lhe same ume. One's famil)' me mbers, ncighbors. and coworkers shape different as pects ofa I>crson's

    1;:\tC executive who qlliLS the r.n race a1 ag(: l'l ' become a social v..o rker \"ill find new rer~ grou ps 10 use as slalldards for c\'aluauon, Wt''' reference gruups as we take on dilTerent ~tlllllll during our lives.
    Sludvin~

    , ......... 1. ;.,.9. ....................................., ..., ......., .............. _

    SmaU Groups

    In an unus ual example of s m a ll-group r~~u~ social scic ntiS L~ .ex;~min cd . the co mlllllJlica~ processes and socl:tI ,n tCldctlo ils bc lweClI merllhdj
    ofairiillc nigh t crews. Onc stud) conduCled fur. feeler.11 go\'emmenl fou nd thal 70 percent I~

    scl f-c,llIual ion, In addition. cCrlail, reference group allachmellls ch a nge during the life cycle. A corpo-

    ch~I-;l\'ialion incidents during a fi'C!1'car ~ were :Htlihumblc 10 human enur, JlI;lmuil" Mt_

    148
    I'AHT nI(J (}/(f./l,\'UJ,\ 'f> 'i(If'.JM. IJIJ,.

    improperly transmitted ti'om OtiC 10 ;H\or.hcr or was not transmitted at 11) rychologisL Roben Hel m,'jell, a numbt'r of airline accidents arise from fail ure to work .....e ll "'~ .1 1C'.lIn. Vel i I i.~ difficuh to achieve in large ,.irL pllOI5 and copilots frequently fly with 1Imln..,ro; \\'hom they have ncvcl' mct before
    W,\5

    11""'",.1962). ~"~:I ;;:;;:;:;~OUI"S is an important aspect of


    (scc Box 6-- 1). T he term Jmall to refcr lO a group small enough for In ilucrJ.ct si multaneollsly, that is, to I be acqllai lllcd. Cer, groups, slIch as families. may also be 'l\ Imall group-'. IlowC\'Cr, IllfHl)' sm!lll ,.puiIrTt'r fmm primary groups in lhat they do I\f'tn'ilnl) offer the inlinmle personal rel,,~ d'Jrartl'rh(ic of primary groups. For ex.... imanll(OIclUrcr may bring together its seven,...&In Ifgiruml salel; still twice a year for all 'iIIIeIaiw ,".h~ (nnrercnce. The salespeoplc, who 11 dlfkrt'Jlt cities and rarely see one anOlhel" .-aJlr 6 ~ IIMII 'lCcond:uy group, not a primal)'
    ~

    C.n7rum ~oriofogiJl Gtmg Simmd (18'8-1918) f!imlmnJ '" IM slud, of


    SlIItll/.grotlp bdw' lior mid dl'Vf'~

    think of small groups as be ing informal -.:aun ued; yet, interactioni.. t r(.'SClIrc hers ul,Illhere are distinct and predictable . , I I Cec:i1ia Ridgeway ( ha,~ shown, nnnwrl);11 bchavior plays a rol t: in a perS<IIl 's

    (1ft/IrfHUMs la l~ formotlQn of lOOlitions "'hill! (lr~ :;tiU iLJtd todtry.

    f\'l'cQlltactanci all upright, forward-lean,11'(' able 10 be more pe rsuasive withoul 1",,,1," """e,ni" g ","";<eni"g. Moreover. Itrg:UII61Iions-which will examined r~:~~dlf rhJ.pler-smaJl groups have a defini te I (8Mk. 19tH; Nixon. 1979).

    ~=::','::: innuence in a group. People "'ho c m~

    "inK

    ~r:~':~~;,,~;lt is nOIbecolllesclear at whal 10 be exactly poinl people too large


    If there are more tha n 20 II1t:Wfor individuals to interact reguin.i& dirt and intimate manner. E,'e n witllin to 20 people, group size can subs tanquality of social relations hips, ForexoH the ntlmber o f group participants in m~1 active commun icators become IMfI' ac-ti,'C rel;ui"e 1 others. The refore. a 0
    I

    ..._ me

    person who dominates a group of 3 or 4 members will be rclalivcly more dominant in a IS-person group. Group size also has noticeable social implications ror members who do no t assume leadership roles. In a larger gl'OlIp. each me mber has less lime to speak, marc poin ts or view la absorb, a nd a more elabor;uc structure within which la function . AI lhe same time. an individual has grea ter freedom to ig4 nore certain me mbers or viewpoinl'i than he or she would in a smalle r group. Clearly. it is harder la disregard someone in a 4-pcrson work force than in an offi ce with 30 e mployees or a high school band witll 50 me mbe rs. Genuan sociologist. Georg SimmcJ ( 1858-1918) is credited as the li rsl sociologist la empha..~i1.e the importance of imcntction processes wi thin groups. Re necti ng o n group size, Simmcl ( 1950:87, o riginal editio n 19 17) suggested tha L smalle r groups have distinc tive qU:'llilies and pa n cms of in te raction which inevitably d isappear as they expand in size.

    149
    O/,v'7l:Rb GROUPSANDORG/lhru.110V$

    Larger groups, in Simmers view, develop Jlarticular forms of illleraction which are unnecessary in small groups. Subsequent research has clarified the social significance of group size on beh.nior. Researchers in ule United Slates ha\'C givcn spt."Ci:d auenLion 10 cOlllparisons ofS-person and 12-pef'SOn juries. State Icgisl:nures have shown an interest in I'educingjur)' size 10 S,:l\'C moncy and cxpedite courtroom proceedings; social scienLisLS have explored how this might a(fect ajury's decision making. In one study of criminal cascs, the size of a jury had no impact on the likelihood of comicLion when the defendant appeared not to be guilty. J-Iowever. when the defendant's gui lt seemed more obvious, 12-person jurit.-s were more reluctant to convict than 6-person juries ( Hare. 1992). Thc simplest of all social groups or rel;llionships is the (~od} or IW(>'lllembcr group. The convenlional marital rcl<l tiollship I>Ct\\'CC ll a wife ;l11d a husband is an exalll ple of a dyJ.d, as is a business partnership or 11 sillbri ng tcam. In a ely:ld, o nc is able to achieve .1 special level of intimacy thoU C'dn nOI be duplicated in larger groups. 110....'cvt'r, as Si nllnel (1950) noted, a d),'ld, unlike any other group. can be dc.!slIO)'t.'<i by the loss ora single member. TIlcrefore, the thought of tcnnin3lion Imugs over a dy.ldic relationship pcrhal)S more than o\'er an)' other t)1>C.

    Obviously. the imroducLiOIl of onc: addll)' person 1.0 jI dY.ld dramaLically tmnsfonm the aCler of the small group. The dYde! now 1xr thret"... membcr group, or triad. The m..'W 111 has at IC'LSI thrt."C basic W:I)'S of ime'-dCting "'ith inOuencing the dynamics of lhe group, Tht person may play a unijj-j"grole within a triad." a m:u'ric...-d couple has it... first child , lhe babr. sen'e la bind the group closer together. A cOllier may also play a mLdi(Jti"g role within a ID I>crson group. L two room mall'S in an apa f are perpetually sniping at each other, tht' roommate may attempt to relmlin 011 good t with e:lch and arrange compromise SOlUtioN problems. Finally. a memocr of" triad can ch< to employ a djvid~nd, nd.,..sLra(C::gy. Thil is th~ forexamplc. with a coach wh o hope tOg'din cOlllrol over t .....o assistants by making them (Nixon, 1979:9- 13). Coalition... A.s groups become the size oflriaru larger, coa litions ClllI be expect, d 10 dt!\'tlop. c coail'li01l is a te mpordry or p,.:rmallcm allialltr \\"ant a common goal. Fo!' cxamp1c-;ln 199~ Congressiollal Black C1.UCUS in the Hour Represenlitti\'Cs-firsl organized in 191P eluded 38 IkmocrdLS and I Republican, Ib )'car, tJlis coalition used iu voting l)QWC:r t(l spending CUll in progr.lI11ll lhat bcnt:fit poor

    A coalilioll i.J I'i lemporary Of' fJn7Mnml allumu lowt,"l/l gaol. TM CongrmioruU BIMi In tM HOWl of IV:fnr:MmUJIwa, P. argnmud In 1970, is /In nsllf/llt., roa/llion.

    150
    I'Mff nH) ' OllG'Jo,'11JSCsot/M
    /.JI:~

    famili es. including many African families (Cullningham. 1993). do coalitions work ....;Ihin a small group? that Elena Ri\'cra. Frank DiStefano, and hoping to become editor-in-chicf nc .....s paper. nle cditor-in-chiefis seVOle of the 15 outgoing cc\itol'S. cieClion . it al)pcal"sthal River", fa\'Orilc. She is eslimalt. d to ha\'c sc\'e n while DiStefano has fhe . and Smith

    mOI'C leadtrs ....'Quld e me rgc rrom lhe tw~pc rson side. This w.l.~ becausc panicipants on the twOperson .side would ha\'e eas), access 10 three bTfOUP members ac ross the table; those o n the threeperson sidt would have cas)' access 10 on l)' two group members. The dat.a later confinned thesc predictions: 70 pe rcen t Of th e leaders emerged from the t .....C)-'ICat side. e\'cn tJlough it accounted for o n I)' 40 percent orl..hc p.,rlidp;tnl5. TIIlIS, ph)'llical c nvi ronme nt ran ha\ c a clear impact on the dynamic... o f small grolll)!i (M. Sha\\'. 198 1). The cITects of group sil.e. oali tioll, .and physical environment on gToup d)'lIlunics arc but thrce of the lUany :tSpcc15 0 1 tJ1e $111;".11 group which ha\'e been studied by sociologists. Another arca. confonnit) and dc..'\iancC'. is gi\'en particular a ttentio n in Cha}>" le:r 7. Of COUN.!. whilc it is de"r lhal slllall1,rroup
    cnct)HlIlf'" h:l\'I' a
    ('nn~irl(r.lh'l

    ..

    "':~:;'~:~~~pSmith have the option offonning


    Ri,cra. For example. Smith could of the COlltcst and urge his supponc rs to for DiSlcf.mo. In relLlm. DiSlcfano might

    ..

    ~;;~(i~~~~:~~S.milh as his assistant or losomc Such a coalition miglu be p.\t.


    two candidatcs h,I\'C some id,:ol,o,i.-.I bond o r some COllllllon rcato keep Riven. from becoming
    th~ Qlhcr halld. a different type of coalitiun bt dcveloped. In order 10 .lS),ure her \'ictory, could try 10 make a deal with Smith. If she the support of his thret b:..cl:ers, he r e lt.'Cbe assured. Thus, ill any political. org- .. or small.group $Cuing. there lire nuW",.IY' In which <:oalitifJll c;an be Cl'eated. experiments b\. ~j)l"i.tl ACielllists confirm ....01<0< of coahllUl~ lorm'Hio n (C'.:lplo ....., \haw, 1981 : 107-114).

    illfhwnrl' 0 11

    "~Ir

    lives, we a rc also deepl)' " rrecled b), m uc h I:II'ger b"'O ll pil l g~ of pcople.

    .... _ ........ _ .......... 2.:;;............ _ ............................ _ .......__ ........ _....... .

    Formal OrP"anizations and Bureaucracies

    ,,,,"w,,

    Snmll groups do

    n OI I"UII C-

    TIle), meet and interacl within

    !!<ol "";'" """.,, " wh ich ha\'e implica tions for dVII':lIl1i~ . Rooms. chairs (;I.$ Oppos(:d 10 and e\'C1l the shape of a la.ble call innu~~I",,'P': j>erformallcC' and cxchang(:.s in imFor example. ir a gro p i.. scated .H a table and is allowed la discuss a IOpic ",mb<n across the mble rrom cach ol her comments to ot le a nOlhcr morc than
    arrangellle n ts can a l.:;o inn uellce leade rOne controlled experimenl in\'oln. tl '

    It;roups scaled ~II a rcctangular I:Ible, mtlllben on onc side of the table and .... "(",,,. Since interactions a re more likel), "'( OM the mble. resea rc he rs cxpectcd thal

    Ouc poigmuu Ill(s.'~"gc of rece nt decadelo has been the Ixmer ;uul pc rv.l.~i \'e l\t!os of l.II"g('" orgalli/;llions . SLa t e lllent.~ suc h a.<; "Yo u can ' l ligh l city haW I.,.vc undcniCorcd tht [l'lISlf'dtiOIlS .md dC~I);lir of the: loncl\ indi\idu;tl in opposing the to\\cring structures of gO\'CflUllcnt or big business. In a mock rom mcrci:tl. the tdCI)ho llc o per.ttor Ernestinl' -a dmraclc r lIcated b)' lhe cnmediall LiI)' Tomlillpl'ocl:lims: "\-Vc d o n ' t care: Wt dUll " ha\'(' 10. \Vc'rt' tJ1 C phone COml)aJl ),I" Our li\'eS arc increasingl) dominated b) large second.11)' ~rOllps which take the ro rm of ronllal organizations designed fOl" a lipecilic pU'l>ose. 1\ for mal orgllll i:.a tio fl is :t speci al-pul1>ost: group designed and s lru(' rlln~d ill l!..le hncrcst" of Illl"lxim um efficienc),. Org:Hliza tiolls \~try in thcil' sil.c. specific it}' of &oals. ;lnt! degrec or c l nci c ncy~ hut afe <;trut:tured ill SUCh .i way liS to f:lci lit;llc tit(' 111:111agclllelll uf1arge~:llc uperations: Thc) also ha\'e a burc:mcratic form or OllYtllil'llio\l. \\ hich will he described l.. t(..'1' in tJI C c1ll1plcr. '11c United St:IlCS r ostal Selvice, the Boslo n Po p)' nrc1U:Slra , and the

    If!
    (.J('II'n.H" (.JH '''11,\1) ORC"'M/A IIOX.,

    collcge ),011 a ue nd arc .111 exa mple5 o f forma l or* g<lnizations. El our l>ocicty, forl1101I orgallizaliolls fu lfil! an enormolls varict), of personal ami socict:11 nceds ;"ld S-hare thc Ii"l.~ of C\'crr pcrson. In fac t, fonmll f)rgani/.<!.ti(lItS h,l\'c bc.come such a d o minant force Ihal wc must c reate organizations to SllpCrvlSC othe r fJrg"d ni7.<!.l io IlS, slIdl OIl> Ihe Sccurilic:<; llnd Exchange Commission (SEC) and olher federal regula tOT)' agencies. 11 ~lInd~ much m orc exciting to say that .....e live in the ~s pacc age" than th,\! we li\e in the "age off0 1111011 orga ni 1~'lljons"; hm.,rcvcr.th e la u er is pro bably a more :U :CUI'i.\!C desaiptinn of the 1990s (Azumi and lI age, 1972:1; ElIioni. 1964: 1-2 ). Deve.lopment of Fonnal Organi7.ations I-I ow a nd \\hy have 1 0rmal ors.,rani7.atio ns come in lo exiSlence? The fil"'1,t lilfgCltlc fonnal org:mif.:nions seem to haw' 1'lIIcrged , I ~ r(' ltll~ 11 gl)\'('rnnlel lt.5 became tH nrc comples . FUlln:, 1 urgan izations beca me illl'vir:tble in ,socie lies which had stalc<o rHro ll cd irrigation nc t\\'ork ~, "lIdt liS E~,'}1) 1 . MesopOlamia. In* dia. C hina . ;mrl Pcru u nder th(' Incus. Cen u-dJi7.cd rll'd,;inns hacllo be mad e about waler disllibmio n , ,mrl nCl work.~ 1'('" fat rying out such policies had to b(~ l'stahlishcd. T he growt h of fOll11al o rgauilalions has been closely lied to til t" c lllt'rgc nce ofindlL<;lrial societies. Earlier socieues had not developed largt."'SCale 0 1 '~an i T.<!.tions to their fullesl extent 1)cC-dUst' their thnolog), w'd..~ rclad\'cly underdeveloped .. CoI15Cqueml)'. t1lere " 'as nn nced tu accullIulate pr()fits 10 invCSI in machine l')'. As mechanica l iIHIO\'ations 'e ('\'olved . 1110 1 sophi.'l tic.lted lllanagenlc nl e me lxcd to m aximi~t' production in order 10 ser"e new marLe tS brought about by improved tr.lIl~porla ti o n nel* works .tncl increased consumer demand . To sec how ,I formal o rganiza lio n can d evelop, let us consider Ihe cs'l1uple o f a carpe tllcr ill colonial New England , whom wc call James V",ooley. Wool!')' began his adult life as a sc lf-('mp lo)'cd arti,san ..... ho perso na lly pcrfnrm cd a ll r,he ta,~ ks o f his trade. Hc cu t the lumber, sawed it, m:tde fu ntilurc. :t lld sold his pnx hlc ls himself. Generally. he \I'o rkcd alone in the building Ihat served as his shop. slort!. a nd home. Ni hi ~ villagt' and business g rew, Woole), concl udcd that he.' had 11101'1.' customcrs tl1:m he could

    personall), SCI'\e_ Atlil1ll, he hired a si ngle: ~ A few )'t!3f5 lat('r. as he was ..bit" to r~I)()I1d mand in nCighboring "reas, he began to e small gl'o lll) of workers. Earh of them s in II specific aspect of furn iture mak.ing and ad"l.11ll'age of new lool" and iIH1 0\'i.IU w: tc.'chniques. O nc wurker cu t Ihe wood, Ollt' bedposts. onc W;L~ in charge of staining, .urd other nUl the store. Before long, a carpemtt become the managcr of a small fumi lUrt (Stark Cl al .. 1973: 1-15) , Woolcy disco\'elcd Ihat b)' coonlin:tl ing the o r sc\'cml ill>~h t;lII l~ elTkicntly. hc could p furniture more quickly and with less cxpc n~ ever, lhis c(J11Vcn\ioll from a one-pcr.;on 0 10 a small asse mhly line illustrates mort' th.aa ply a changc in p roductio n It.'Chn iques. It the c m e rgcnct. o f a dramatic ll1), different I organization , known as burl'flll rrary, that ha" signilic.::a nce for pco pl c'~ imc l'actions and !I lalionship to work, ~realU:r'a CY i~ a c,?m of formal o rga nimtio n illwhich rlllc~ and rhical mnking are u.;cd 10 achic\'c dTicielln.

    f-

    -,

    Characteristics of a Bureaucracy When wr.Y (lft he teml irnrfflllcrury, a , ... nc IYofimagcsunpleas., nt -comc to mind. Ro " 'S of rlcsLs b> seeming ly faceless people, e ndless litW'l ' fortn~, iml>O\'\.<;iblycolllplex language (seeT ,md fmSLraling e ncounters with red ta~-iIl ha\'e combined to m:tk.e Imrmu.r.rtl?adirr, an cas)' targct in politicdl campaigns. As a ft.'w peoplc ~o;rnt lO ide ntify their acall ~bl.lrca uc rat" despite the fact that nil of U~ vanous bureaucratic t..'lSks. Ele mcnts o fbuf'(: arc found in :tltnoSI eve!'}' OCCUP;ltiOI1 in all trial socie ty such as the U nited Statt.'S. 11 is important t,o em phasize th:1I complalUlf bure;IlICrdCY arc nOl limilcd to the United . 199!i, the bllrea' l c l~lti c n:lIltre of the Unill.'fi, ' hlll11a nit.II;<1 11 d ]'orts ;n Somalia came unfit,t CI;Ik.>4 no ted thal th e five inte rnlllio nal agC'1! . Ignaled to rUIl relie!' efforts in Somalia had than 12,000 c mplo)ec.'S, of who III o nl)' 11 6 ,",' ing in thc impove rished , "'ar-tom African Moreover, like llIallY bureaucracies, the mid ra lU.~ 1'o'aS slow in dcaliug with a drastK: pn the wmds of:l former United Natio ns ....

    152

    toying off of 20 percent of laying oH of 19 offidols AdvertiMlI'IOnt of uled cors

    won force

    Workers wele dedored "duplicotive" CoIled 0 "refocusing of !he company's 5kills MICoils
    the~ COli

    "pr_n!oYed" cors

    Inslitulioo of new job litle for drivers who deliver piuo

    Drivers now called "delivery ombonadars" Ca lled


    0

    Collision of !wo plones on the ground Death of 0 patient 01 molproctice


    (I

    -runway inCUl'1ion"

    rewlt of mediCClI

    A "diagnostic misadventure of 0 high

    mognitude"

    pe~n lakes days to a I.),.... 3,000 pt."Ople can die in 15 days" lip"""' 1!J!J3.9). 10 dC\'clop a more useCu [ .md object ive ::::,:'::h.:;u;~,,::a,( crncy, let u,: co nsider writ91 7:333- 340, original editio n n ib pitmcer of sociology, who was in troJl<jlill ,rJ". "" I. lirst dirccted rescllrchcn to thc p of bureaucratic structurc. In all imlWKiolugical ad\'3.llce. Weber e m phasized simil:trity of S!.fUcture and process foulld dissimilar enterprises of reiibrion , ___...n. education, and business. \It"\1t'd bu reaucracy as a form of o rganidillc,relll fro.m tbe family-run business. "''''p'd,HI ideal type o r bureaucrncy. which most ,haraclcrlstic aspeCts of al l h uma n -:':::'~~I.Slnce perfect burcaucracies arc Iii no aClual o rg'<m ization will corl'(.... n.vtlv 10 Weber's ideal t)'}>C (Ulall and 1 ~: 1 9-22). Nevcnheless,jY,.ebcr argued tmrt',lUcrdcy-whelher its purpose is 10 wro<m.ti<",. o r army- will chardctcrislics, potclIlial , conL J i' ...",,1 in Table 6-3 o n page 154 .

    11lc .m:rngc U.N.

    1 5

    77w Quarterly RJ ...i .... ... r 1 'lnl,hh"",W';,k. n /mbliralbm of liu Na/IQlmf (',ollt/rif rifTrachm of English. ItgldmlJ jighiJ imLgtlGge polllllion by publishing
    t'X(/lIIpflJS

    of bumlllcrtllir

    ~dollblrfl)t(lk ~

    us

    t.he

    fiesiK'ltd 10 mislma fx.OP/~ al/li lllallipulatr sonal rrality.

    ,.,.Ih<",;"

    of Lobor Specialized ex pcns are emin t"h posilion 10 perform specific tasks.

    tbr pn.....idclll of the united Slates need not

    be a good typist. A lawyer need lIot be able to comp lete an income tax fonn. By working at a specific task, people ,u'c morc likely to become highfy skilled and c:uTY ou t a job with maxi m um efficiency. T h is emphasis 0 11 speciali zauon is so basic a parI of o llr Jives th::lt wc may no t realize that it is :t fa irly recent developme nt in western cu lture. Analysis o f d ivision of labor by intcr3ctionist rcsearchers has led to scmuny o r how various cmployees at a work place interact with one another. For example. rtfler a c., rdiac patient is brought into a surgical recovery room. n urses and technicians independclHly make 10 to 20 connections between the pauellt and ' '''rlOUS mo ni lOring dcvices. Lmer procedures. by con trast, are mo re likely 10 involve the coo l>CI~lI.i\'c efforts of two or more workers. T h rough these lask-'1. med iad personnel gain pr~ Iicic nC)' in delicate and essential procedures (Su-auss, 1985:2) . Although division of laoor has ccrtainly bct.: n bcnelicial in the pe rronnancc o f many compte,," bureaucracies. in somc cases it can lead lO trained ill capa city; that is. workcl'S become 50 specialized th at they develop bli nd spots and fail 10 no tice ob-

    153
    Cl IM'n;R

    6 CNOUffl M..n ORGANflA'II(J,\'$

    NEGATIVE CONSEOUENCE

    POSI1M
    CHAAACTfRlSllC
    <XlNSECIO..<NCf

    fOR M INDIVIDUAl.

    re< THE
    Produces 0 norrow peflpttCli...

    [)jvisio4'l oIlobor

    Produe;es ~fficiency in IorgNCCIIe corporation Clorifies who is in commond lat workers know whot is eJCpected of them Reduces bios Discouroges Iovorilism ond redUCfl perry rivalries

    Prodl.lCeS troined incopacity Deprives employees 01 0 voice In decision moking StlR Inllioti... ond e Imoglnolion Contributel 10 feelings of olieflOlion Discouroge, ombition 10 Improve oneMlt' elsewhere

    Hierorchy 01 outhofity Written rules ond regulotionl ImpeuoflOlity Employment bosod on technical qlJOli!ication,

    "po"".

    vious pro ble ms. Even worse, they may IIo t a lrealXHll what is happcning next lO them on the assembly line. Some obscrvers believe lhat , through such de.. "ciopmc nLS, "'orkers have become much less productive on Lhe job. Allhough trai ned incapacity has negative implicalions fot' the smoolh running or org-.mi7.. -1tions, it is especially dis:tslrollS ror the person "'ho loses a job du ring a layoff, An une mployed \\'orker may have spen t years becoming pro fi cient at highly tec hnic"l work a nd yet may be tOlally lIlISuited for other positions, even lh ose whi ch are direc tly related to his o r her ro rme r job. As an example, an a utomolive machinist who pushes bullons on an automobile assembly line in Michi&"'-n will lack the proper tmining and skill to \\'ol'k as an oil industry mac hinist in Texas (Wallis. 198 1). In some instances. the division of labor (as renec ted in U1 C fmgmentation of job titlt."S) may actuall)' cOlltribmc to sex discrimination by c re.tling unn cces~m ly and inappro priate diStinc ti ons be .. tween re male and male employces. In a study of 368 businesses in Califomia, SOciologist J amcs l3aro n and Williarn i3ic lby ( 1986) found that proliferation o f j o b tilles tended to increase a.~ men and women reached parilY in their level or e mployment. Apparenuy, scpardtcjob tilles-ostensibly designed 10 renect" dh~sion oflabor-werc actually being used lO prcsclVC Lrddilio nal occup"lional segregatio n by gender.

    flllrtll!lcmry /1ZI1/tI1ult/llo
    /lOSifirH' (lS/ltfi.f. M ort! jriCllistJ lwrH' ducrihtd lilt

    conuqUl!tlaS (or hrlrtllUCTIICJJ ;=~,J;:'i::

    d~~;;:::~.7.
    . I

    ..

    within

    r1~ 0:

    andfot""

    iJUrt(Juf7ary .

    2 Hierarr;hy of AuthorJ.!y Bureaucracies the prin ci pl e or hie rarchy: uml is, each unde r the slIpelVision ora ure 6- 1). A proressional b".scl,,,n team is run owne r, who hires a general manager, who hires a manage r. Beneath the manager coac ht.'S a nd last the players. In the Roman church . lhe pope is ule supreme .u'h,ori'~; hilTlllrc cardinals. bishops, and so fonh. medical group pr-dCtiCes have boards of ex(:cutivc committees, a nd admin isU<1lOrs et al.. 1985). Social science research suggests that cics may be a positive e nviro nme nt for the lo,..cr but not the upper echelons archy. Political scientist KaJ.hy 1984) observes that many traits l,",d;,:l.. ated with the femipine gender role-such ing wann. supporti,'e. cooperauve 71 ~:::= are conducive to participation in a

    "n,.

    154
    "ART ntI'J ORGA,\"f7J"'G ,\l}("JAJ. lJN-

    IICt1 , ., Organil ation Charl of a Govl!nmlllm l Agency


    National Aeronaurics and Space Administrotion (NASA)

    ..... .......... .
    :"

    H...... R Edua;;..,

    ",,_and

    Spo<e
    Communlwtioos

    SpqcaFlighf

    TI~ fQ17Iud $lnuf1jrl'

    of a I,'vvt'nlment

    orplua.ion. Ilowever, upward ly mobi le women find m" ir career progrcss hinde red becaLl.$C Ibn fUlltUoIl more as fadliwlors than as innovaan. And then ,Ire not viewed as aggressive enough "" f\l' in higher managemcnt posts, COnst.. .... IjIIrtllll" olhlwugh .mditional feminine valLlcs may hr fUlluiollal for wom en in the lower levels of bnrrJucrauc stnlClure, IIle}, appear to become d}'s iunUlon,ll a.~ "omen aspire to grcater po\\'c r and
    prNlI!(',

    (lgnuy is faill), etJ5] 10 asm1ain. J'',tfUall)' iml}{n1fHlt, bur les5 appafmr, is


    tl~

    infonnal rll(l;n of rotnlll(llul.

    J It'rilltll Rllles and Rl!gulalions Would n' l it be

    nice if a ba nk tc ller cashed your c heck for S I 00 a nd deliberately handed }'ou six $20 bills, saying; "You have such a fl;c ndly smile; he re's a n cxtra S20~? It would ccnainly be a pleasant surprise, but it would also be "against the rules." Ru les a nd regulations, as W~tlJill.QWI arc a n importHll characteristic of bllrcaucracie~. Ideally, th rough such procedures, a bureaucracy ensures

    155
    ClIItI'17:.R

    6" GIiOu/'S AN/) OHGANllATm."'S

    III fin o:nmpk of goal disfJI4u-L London l 'rml$/X'rl IIJOI"kM (till


    {(fuse chllllJ'
    HI ,'"

    JUUvItJJ ~u. lo!

    5Irir'(~ IUlhm"g III fill

    JIJ!tIJ Wd
    MJ ~

    rrguiOliolls (md t~1!j JlfrotllIHl(.


    ILSe of (my .UlUu'fry tar flrfll trivial d,prl.

    unifOl"lll pcrfonnanee of every task. This pro hibits U~ f,'om recei\ing an extril S20 at the ban k. blll it also guara ntecs us that we .....ill receive essentially the same treatme nt as othe r customers. If Lhe bank provides them with special sel'\'ices. such as monthly state ments or i!l\'esunent advice. il will also provide us with those selvices. Thl'Ough written I'llles and regulations, burcauel'leies ge ne mlly offer e mployees clear standards as to what is conside red an adequate (or exceptional) performance. In addition, procedllres provi de a va luable sense of contin uity in a burea ucracy. Indhidllal workers will come and go, but the smlcture and past records give the orga nizatio n a life of ilS own that o uui\'cs the sc ....'ices o f ,m y o ne bureaucr;u. Thus. if you arc broughl in to work as the nc\'o' manager of;. bookstOre. you do nOI ha\'c to St:lrt from scratch . Instead . ),011 can study the store's records ;md accollnting books LO leant about the payroll, financial dealings wilh c\isuibutors, disCO llllt policies 011 "sale~ books. ,md other procedures. Of COLLr5C .nilcsj!!ld regu lations can o\'ershadow the larger goals of an o rganiz;llion and become dysfunctional. Ir blindly applied , they will no longer serve as a means to achie'~ng an o bjective but instead will become imporulIlt (a nd perhaps 100 imponalll) ill their own riglll. This would certainly be

    lhe case if a hospital cmergency room ph} fail ed 10 treat a seriously i,uurcd person bt.'OIlM 0 1' she had no valid proof of Unitcd Stales d ship. Robert Menon (1968:254-256) has u~ tcnn goal disp laceme,,/ tO refe r to o\'cnealoos ronnity 1 official regula tions. 0 In somc instances, raulcr Illan blindlyapp !'ulcs :lIId regulations. employees may am.((iwm g<lgc in goal displaccmcnt. Sociologist O'DOllnell ( 1992:275) obsel'\'cs that BJitbh unions often have their mcmlx:n ~wo rk to (pclf0l111 all ulSks strictly by tllC regulativn.ll bring manage ment to thc bargai ning lable. For ample. London 's mmsport workers can ql cause chaos in Ule subway sysle m by suicu) ing to all safety c heck regulations ;Uld th~n'b! ven ting the use o f an)' subw:ay c<lr that h~ trivial defect. I1 is widely believed liml the n.lles and reguLr of bureallcl, IC)' lend to suppress or destroy thr dividll:llilY uf employees. However, sllldi~ ductcd by Mdvin Kohn ( 1Y78) suggest lha! reauCl1lcies often encourage intellectual fI tolcl':..Ulce for no nconfonnity, and willingnffilD CCpl change. The complexity and dh'ersifi~ sponsibiliti{!s or most bureaucratic jobs aPJd play a n impo nam role in promo ting Oexibihn opcnnes... lO change _

    156
    Plllr 1110 0IICoA.\11J,\'(. MJU. II un

    hfcrrolftl/ity M.ax Weber wrote that in a bu~~~~\\'Qrk is carried Ollt sint ;ra f't slurlin, ~wilh or passion," RurC:lU crdtic non-ns clicLilte perform their duties without the per C'Onsiderntion of people as indhiduals, This 'lD1rnded 10 gual'antee equal treatme nt for each ~; howc\'cr, it also contributes to the often ... and lIne-dring feding associ:ucd with modern
    ~tion.\,

    rence J. Peter. According t.o the Peter prim:iple. /::\'C I)' employee with in :1 hier:t rchy tcnds to I;se 10 his or her level of incompetenct' (Peter :lI1d Hull, 1969:25), This h)J>otitt."!lis. which hml not been directly or systemal ica ll) Il'''ted. rcllf'clS a pUSloible d)'Sfunctional outcome of struc turillK lIdVanCelllclll 0 11 the basis of mcTiL Talt' ntcd people recei\'c pl'Olllt> lion after promotion until, sadl). they flnall) achie\,t: positions th;tl they cannot llandlc (Blal l and Meyer. I 987:l! I ; Chi no)" 1954 :40-41) . BureaucraUl-auon as a Process As st:lh.-d ('ilrlic!'. Weber's dm l'aC lcri!>tics of blll'caucr.lcy should be seen as describing all ideal type ralher Ihall as o r fering :I precise definition of an acnml bur'eau
    er-UT. Socialogi_~t Aldfl CQuidncr ( 19!i0:53-5-l)

    r,..... when .....e think of impersonal bureaucmIDlcre:uingly, during the most tUI'blllc:nL years )%Os, Ittudem aCLivisls around the world bit*'n""",.cd the bure<lucratic mlture of the uni'"'I. CtnenfTht" ~m hn) ~ ftfdw fn'!'spN'ch mOI'i"rhe UniversiTy ofC;llifomia at Bc rkel ey was computer card which st,lIed: ~Stude lll at . Du IIOt bend, fo ld , or Illuulate. ~ In the view If;_d"",s, the uni\'ersit)' had become onc lIIore flatdess, unfeeling hureauc r:'lc)' whic:-h cared the uni(luenes..<, of the individual CP.Jacobs ~l....,,, 1966,2 16--219).

    Wr trpically think of big government :Uld big

    Tech"ical Qllalificatiolls lfiring is based on tcchnical I rather than on favoritism, and perU measured :lgrtinst spccific st:lIl dard,~,
    01/

    Based

    10 Pl'Otcct burcaucrats against arand to prmide :I IlIcasure of secui a rc dictated b) written pt: 1 ...anncl :md people onen have .. right to appea l if bt~ that pilrticul;lr rult.'5 ha\'e been ,io. ." " procedures encourage loyalty I() the or-

    ~E:~:!

    ttm ~me, the "impersonal" bllrc;ulcmC)' call


    rmprm-emeru O\'er nonbllreallcl"'dtic urganiA fcoderAI bureaucrat in :t civil ~ervicc pofor t'xample, has ideally been scleClcd on the " ' ' ' 'm. ,r i"not because he or she did fa\'ors for ' ..""'" machine, Abcwc a ll , lhl' burea ucracy is to value technica l and professional COUl""hich is es.~elltial in the day-to-day fllncof .. complex, indll~ u'ial 'Xic ty ""ch as the

    5<>,,,

    1 personnel decisions within a blldo not always follow Ihis ideal pattern, =~::;,7, \\ithin bureaucrac), ha\'e bcCOllll' wel l , p:tn.icularly hccau.. of t l ie work of UlI<;('

    notes that not every formal o rgHnil.:.ttioll will po\-sess all or Weber's charactcrislic~, In l'acl, the re call be wide "'....i<ltioll a lllong aCllla) bureaucr.uic organil.aLions, Stanky Udy ( 1959) compa red the struc ture of forma l orgolni/Ol lioll$ in 150 nonindll<ilri:tl sociedcs, Like their coun tl:I'parts in modern induSlria l n .. t;o ns, th ese o .. ganizatioll~ posse~scd many of-hut not IIcceS-SaI;!Y all-the bureaucnttic chamcteris-tics identifiefl by Weber. Similarly. Richard Hall (1963) teSI,eel Webcr'~ ideal t),pe agai n'!t ID 1 'ol1n:.1 orbrani7.. 'llions wilhin the United St..II(.'S, including a hotel and a lltock brokerngc finn . Ilis findings con cu!'rcd Y,ilh those of Udr: bureaucrac)' mus t b.~ \;cwecl as a mallcr of dt'grcc, Iltllt i~, a... more. llr less, bureauc ratir, Tht'I'lfore. in dC'iCribing organi. 'laUons, y,'{, need to apply the Webcrian lIlodl"l carefull), with the- IInrlel~tanding Ihat all organization can be more or It:ss l'ule-orient('cI , more o r less hierarchical, and q") forth (NicLino\'k h, 1992) _ Sociologist.'i h:l\c used lhe term bllreallcrafi:o(jo" to refcl' to the- procelts by which ;l group, or&,llIi7:.1tion, or social move llle nt hccoll1c~ increa),.iogly bureaucralic. Earlier in the chapu'r, we saw the bcgillnillgs of this procc~s as c:upelUcr Jam {'~ Woolcy bec;lme lhe I1I:Hlagcr of a sma ll flll'l1itlll"(: fano!), in colonial Aml'riC:I, Wnnlt,y,,, faClory , ('\,(' 11 earl) in its oprr.ltion, took 011 at least t\\'o 01 Weber's c harac teristics of bureaucracy: divbion of labor and hierarchical authority, Ir, he factory COIItinued to grow-and Woolc\' took on morc anrl 'ltio n IHllllrI UIl mo re emplo),ees-his organi7.. doubtedly become 11101 e impersonal and he would

    15 7
    O/ II'1'I,H" ' CR()(,I~ .....\71 OHr~Ij,\I~ ~I'IIO\'\

    probably develop morc rules and rcglll:ujons 10 e nsure efficiency. Normally, we think ofburcaucrath.ation in tcmlS of large organi7,.:llions. In :l typical ciUZI.'IIS niglllmare, o nc may havc 10 speak to 10 or 12 individuals in a corporaljon or gO\'crnOlcnt agency 1 find ,0 OUl which official ha.~ ju';sdiction over" particular problcm. Callers call get transferred frO Ill one dep"lI"UUCnl to another until they finally hang up in disgust. BureaucrntilauOII also takes place within small-gronp setungs. Children organi;";ng a school dub lUay clect ,IS many officers as thc::re arc club members and mOl)' develop \'OIriOllS I"IIles lor meet ings. In addition to V'drJ'ing from socielYto society. hureaucratizatiQn a lso lien 'es as an independent (or c."lusal) mriablc affecting social change. Conflict theorists ha",! argucd that burealicr.nic orga ni7.alions tcnd 10 inhibit c hange becausc of their emphasis on reb'lll;uion!> and security 1(11' officcholdCl's. As one example, some public (lSSisL<lllCe (or I\< dfare) caseworke rs aIe so preoc( upicd with the required fonns for clien ts that they fo rget to scC whethcr people's bitSic nee ds arc being !>ad1>.iied. Pa per becomes marc meaningful than people; tHUnbers take precedelll'c ovcr neeck Oligarchy: Rule by a Few The burcau(ratizing influcttcc on social 1Il00'cmcllts ha.'! also been a con ccm of connicr thcorisl.'!. German soc iologiSt Rubcrt Miche ls ( 191 5). in studying MlCialist panics alld labor unions in Europe before World War I. found that slLc h organizations were bccoming increasingly bun::auC I' II.iC. The emcl'gillS leaders of th e~c organil.ations-evclI some of the l110st nIdi COli -had :I vcsled interest in clinging to power. If they 1 their leadership posts, they would have to 0Sl I'CllU'1l to fulltime work as manual laborers. Similarly. a team of sociologists studied burC".IlIcrali7A,tion in Mcrisis cclltcrs.~ These urganizations. born in the c(lulltcrc:ultufe o f thc 19605 (see Chapte r 3), were eswblishcd to olTer counscling and Slippon to people expcricncing divorce, de:Hh of a family member, dnlfl, and alcohol problems, and other types of e motional c risis. Despite their initial commitment lQ leM bUl"e;llIcratic. nonhier.trchical Stnlctures. c.risis CC llIel'!! increasingly tUnled III writ le n job descriptions. o lgan i:t.ation charts. and writtc n po licies regarding trealmcntof cascs and c 1icnt~

    (Senter et al.. 1983: fOI" a different VlC.'W, Roth.schild-Whill, 1979). Through his n .Sc:U'ch , r"lichcls origioltlt'd ' idca of the iruII law of oligarchy,undcrwhida a democratic organi lation will develop into. reaucracy mice! by a few (the olig:lrchy). '" oligarchies emerge? Peo pl e who achievc lead roles usually have the ski lls. knowlt..'dge, or mm,ic appeaJ (as Weber no tcd) to direct. ifnnr. Irol, others. Mic hels <lrgues that lhe rank md of:l movement or orbrani/':luon look. to lea direction and thereby reinforce the Pl'OCeMtI by a few. In addit.ion. me mber.; of an o liga stJ'O ngly motil~lI ed 10 maint..'lin lheir lea roles, plivileges, :lI1d 1>D\\cr. Michcls' insighlS continue to be rclcV'.III1" 19905. Contelll!lOr.try I:I00r unions ill the r Stales and westenl Europe bear liule resell to those organized after spOlllancous aclivitl plo ited workel's. COIlOict th col"isl.~ hal'e t'lI: co ncern about thc longevity of union leadrl'\ arc nOI alwap rcspomil'c to the needs andd of membership. As Mic hels lIoted in his iron oligarchy, leadcrs may become more co will1 maint."l.ining their 0\\'11 positions and III At least one recent shldy, howel'cr. r.f&\ liuns about Michc ls' vit'I\'S. On die basi5 of sea rch on orbran il;tl.iuns active in the Mpl"lH" social m(I\'CmCIlI, which cndoJ'SCS the lighllll abonions. s.ociologl.~1 SU1..anne Stagsenborg I di~plltcs the assertion th,lI foml .. 1 organ wilh profess-ional leaders inevitably ooCOIIW se n~ dtivc and olig;:lH:hical. Indeed . she 1 111t'" 1l1:IIIYiormal o rgani7.aLions in Ihe pro<hoii t ment appear 10 be more tiemocr.ltic th;\n 11 groups: the routiniwd procedures thul thM make it more difficult for ie,lders 10 achit-wsivc po....cr (scc also E. Scou. 1993). It should be added that bureallcrnciC1i ut' wa)'!> a conservative force within a sociell. scielllist Grcgol1' I{.:m.a ( 1987) studied regimes in Japan (in the period 1 937- 1 9 1~ ) ( 1968- 1975). and Egypt ( 1952- 1970). lit that the c ivilian burcaucmcies s("Mng thnt tolt)' go\,cnuncn ts llctually promoted rad ical For example, Eb'YPtillil bureaucrats in .1iwl!eping land refonns that redisuibuttd ce nt of all land suitable for cul tiv'llioll to Iht try's pC;L<;ants. In c ritici zing previous ....'(lrl i

    158
    I'ART TWO ' OIlGltNllJNG .*JCJIII. UN,

    l-'lfllHlIlIg btlYfl ml Ihl h,Ulum matw/1Ji


    /N'I'f/ltllit jQ('lIY.s
    {ltiJ/"fli!JII .

    {notmtilJllj', and nmll;olllll

    011 WQlhm'jtt""gJ, /"1" JnI,

    If""

    rr.lUnaLif CQnscrVlltislII , KaSi';1 elllpliasil.cs tha l d ifIrttnll\llC~ of regimes may CIlCOIlr:tKt radic:. I, libtnI. or coll'leJVali\'c bmcallCr.uic policies. While Ihe "iron law" llIay ltOllleumt:s help us to UDdtrol2ud the concentratiun of formal autholity withlll organizations, sociologists recognize that Lhtrt .tn' a number of checks on leadership. Ltuup-. ()n~n compete for power within a fannaJ arpnllllJ<III, :u in an :mIOUloti\'C corporation in _11 rll\;sioll! manufacturing hco"y machinery oIDd p.n IlKt'r cars COIll IK!IC agai nM each olher for I'L-..rarch and de\'clopmcllt funds. Man.... IIIIn. mfimnal channels of comlUUlIICtUon and CIJIKf,d can IIndercul the power of top officials of .~.mir.lIion . This is bUI'C'HlCr.ICy''' "other facc,"

    _"I

    ~5

    Oilier Face

    Ilow doc~ b\lreaucrati-

    lIQ\.'n ot!I<"Ct thc ;wcr.tge individua l who works in

    .. ('1J:L11IlOuion? The early theorists of fOl'l na l orp!1t,jIIHIIS tended to lIeglcet Ihis <jIlCSlio ll , Max Wr-IJI'r, fm e)(amptc, focused 011 m;magclllcLll peramelwidlin bllreaucracies, bi ll he had litlle lO say ilbllIlI 1I'''I..e"" in indust ry a' cle rks in go\'crmncnt
    ..,n~,

    pr..tlHlh.

    .\I;wrdinK 10 the dassic:a l OHIO,., o f lannal oral'IQ known <Ul Ihe sc:ie1l tific: matlage.., .~"rQ(Jclt , 'II'Orkel"ll are mOLi''aICd almosl c ntirrft bot t'COllornic rewards. This theory stresses that

    product ivi ty is limited on ly by lite p h ~ica l consll-aints of worken, Th crcfore, workcrs are u'caled as a resource. lIluc h likc tlte machines Illat have Ix.'gun 10 replace them ill thc t",'clltielh celllu'1'. Management a ll Cm pL'i to achic,'c maximum work efficicncy through scientific planning. established pcrfOlmance 'iLandards, and (OIrclul slIl>cnrlsion of \\'o rkcrs and production. I'tanni llg undcr the scie ntific managcmcnl lIpproach imol\'cs dme and moLion studies but not studies of work en' allillldes or fce ling'i ofjob sollisfaclion. It ....~<lS nOI until workers organi7ed unions-anel forced InanagemcllllO recogni/ Iha llheywel'c not objects-that theorisLS or fonn;rl Ollfoll1i~lions lx.'g:1Il 10 rc\;se 111e classica) a pprO<lch . Alo ng l'I;lh management and adtllinislr:llors, sudal SciCllUsts becamc aware that informal group, of workers have lln imporlall l impact o n ol'gani7.m ions (I' errow, 1986:79-118), Onc !'I'SUII "''as OIn,t!t crll;ttivc Woly of conside ring bllrC;tllCI':'ltic d Y lmntics, lhe Iwmarl relatiollS app roacl., which c mphasil.cs the rolc of people, commu nication, ami partici pa tion wilhin a bureaucracy. T hi, type of "\lalrsi, rcnccts the inlcrCSl of illlcraclionist lhcOIist.s in small-grollJl bchavior, Unlike pla nning under lhe scicmific mau agcmCIll approach, planning h.'lSCd 0 11 the human relations perspccU\'C focuscs on workers' feelings, fmstrdtions, and clllOtiOlml need forjob S<llisfacLion,

    159
    (;JHPll:Rb ' GROUP$A\VOIlGANI1.lltKJ''l

    TIll' g l~ldual 1Il00.'e :"",.IYfrom d )Ole focus on ph)~ jC11 a:.peus or gelting rhe joiJ done-and (o\\o'a r (l the concerns ami needs of WO I kNs- lcd advocates of the human I'c huions appru;lch to su'css the less fom\Oll ,tSpects 01' bureaucl~dlic ,tnlctun:. Inrormal stnu:-tllrcs and socia l network! \\'il1lin orlr-UliZ<ltions develop panl)' as a rt:sull 0 ] peoplc'~ a bility 10 CH.'" att' more direct fonns 0 1 COllllllunicaooll than lhe fonnal ~U1.lcturcs m;mdatc. Charles Page (1946) has uscd the Lenn burnlllmuf s ofhl'T fim 10 refer to the Ullulficial lIctj"jt ic!I alld ilH cl~l cti o n !> which are such a basic part of clllily o rg-.tniZlttion.tl life. T\\'Q slUdil...",-one or a r."u' tory, Ihe ulher Of':1 law CIlrurcelllcll t age n C)'-i ll u~lrate the value o r the huI\l , Ul relations approac h. In Chaptet' 2, we looked ;'11 Lh" I-Iawlh o rne s lmlies, \\hich alerted :.ocio l ogist~ tn the laC! Iha l re-.earch .. ubjeclS lIIay a he r Iheir be hal'lor to ma tch the e!\pt' I'i melll e r 's expcct;ttiulls. This m ethod.. u lugic.tl lindin g IIUlwi lllstanding, the In'tio r fo cus of the Ifawlho m c ~tu di es was the role of ..udal f.1C~ lOJ"'i in Ilorkers' Pl'oouctivilY, 1 one aspect o r the \3 re~earch, an in,e\tigation \1'<lS made of the switchboartl-b;mk wi li ng room, where 14 men were mak ~ iug IMrt!\: of :.wi lches for telephone equipmen t. T hese men were found lO be producing far belml their physic.\l cotpabililies, This W;15 es-pecinlly surprising because they would eam mo re mo ne} if they I>rodllccd morc 1 l.'"IrtS, \\1,v wa!> there such an lIncxp('cted restrictio n of OUlput? ArcordillK 10 the da.ssiral thcol") , prod uctivi ty sho uld l~ lIl.tXim i7.ed , sinct' workc,.. rs had been givcn a IinanciOlI illcellti\'e. HOI\'el'CI", in practice the men \\oCI"t- cOlrerully $ub\'cning this .schcm e to boost productivity_ l1ley fcared that if U1C produccd y s\\'l tch parts al a fa.slcl' ralC, thd r pOly rate mig ht be reduced or some mig ht luse their jobs. As a resu lt , this gl'Oup of workers established their uwn (unoffi cial ) lIorlll for a pt-o per da)"s ""'Ork. T Il('), ('fe.lled inlu fl'lI:!1 r ules, sanctio ns, and tlrgOt terms to e llrorce th is sUllld., rd, Workel'!. wh41 produced -' too mu ch" were clllk'd "speed kin gs~ a nd ra tc \)lIs t eI"S,~ while Iho:,c judged to bt.~ tOO slow \\'t:re "c'-hiselers." WOI-kef's who I'lolatl-d this agreemCIH \\'rC Kbi ll ~ed~ (... Iuggtd o n the sho ulde r ) by COWO I ke rs , Yet nran a~t- m enl. was unawlIre of such practil.cs lIml had actually come to !>eliele tha l the men wefe "'orki ng as h;,rd :tS tile) could ( Eujoni_ 19&1:33-34; Roclhlisl>t'fgcr and Dicksun. 1939).
    M M K

    In anOlher study of intcractio ns within bl Pe t('r mall ( I \)63) observed agclllS "'01' in a fede ral law e nfo rce me nt agc ncy. Thcir work ' voil'cd auditing books a nd records and a lso in viewing c mployee" and cmployer.!, If agcnL\ cou lltcred a problem or proce dure that tllf.:y c not handle, they we re required 10 COIlSulllhcir pcrior (.. MafT .Inolne)') rather than ask C'.lCh otl H owt....'cr, man)' "ere reluct.ulI 10 follow lhL~ ... Iisht.-d policy for fear tha t it .....o uld adlersel)' ani Ihe ir job ra tings_ Therefore , they usually so guid;U1CC rrOIll ot her agents-even though dearly I'lolated the official rules. How does o nc gi~ t advice withOIll asking for To put it allotlwl' 1 v;'IY, how does o nc officially ~pcct ;\ poliC)' while ;n 1 :ICl subverting it? Typi when faced wi th this problem . all agcllI would sclibc a n "imCfcsting cllse to colleagues. slO\\I, towing th eTII to illl c rrllpt. Liste ne rs wou ld rem" llle ageTlt arnew chlta that might be he lpful or gcst other \\'ays o r lIpproaching the pro blem. of course, the agent had ne l'c r asked-at I di rct:lly- Io r assistance. The!ie maneuI'C1'5 pe ted I:IW e nrorCC IIl C11l agc lI lS 10 maintain fact', GolTman's leflUS (sec Chapler 4), "'lth both !la cO\\orkers and tlte ir superiors, Both the Hawthol1le sludies a nd Stau 's r~ testily 10 thc impo rLance of infomml StnlCID" within fo rma l or~;'Hl i:/ations. Whenever \\-e examiall sufficielllly snmll scgm e nlS or such org-dniza~ we discover pall.crm of interaction that cannot accounted for by Ihe onicia l SlI'UC[Ure, TIllIs. \00 a bllrC:Hlcmcy m ;I)' establish a dear hicl-arch) wcll-defined rult:!f and Sl.<Ind;anls, Pf!ople can get around uleir superiors. Infonnal unde~ in~ ;ullong workers can redefine official policies'" a bureaucrAcy_ Recent fCSC,lI'ch has u ndcrscored the impact inlo nnal structures within organinltions. Soc' g isl,l amt's Tuc kc l ( 1993) SUlflii:cI e,'eryday fonm n::sisUltlce by tempol':ll)' e mpl o),ee s working iI' sho rHc rm positio ns. Tuc ker pOillL~ OUl that h_ ma l socia l nctwol-1.,s ca ll olTer advice to a te mpol1Q employee on how to l}lIfSUt: II griev.tncc. For ~ ample . ;l fern.llc reccplionist working for an mo bile dealer was being !>ex ually harassed phrsically :utd l'cl'i);llIy by .. male su pervisor, cOnsuitt.'d other female c mplo)"ces, who were a of ule ~lIper\'isor's behavior :lIld suggesled lhal
    CIdC)"
    H

    a.

    160
    1'\1". nlll flllt ,i"'O\ G VKJil UN

    , ,~""'''n 10

    the manager of lhe dealership. AI

    the m.mager said that th e "c wns liule Ih1:l1. 1 dt), h(' apparclllly spoke with lbe supc nfi 1 [; ~l the hardliStnCIH slopped. We will examine h<lm5SJnc.nl within organizatio ns in the so-

    poIia K:Ction allhe: cnd of lhe c hapte r.

    inrlc.pendc nt prcsidcmial candidate appeared all Ltm., Killg Livt! and was . . .1 ~ a C:1l1er if he belonged 10 a ny social clubs ncludedJl'WS or Blacks. PerOl re plied . "Yes. 1

    1!J9<~,

    All Ill) Jewish friends in Dallas, they've had a dr~l or fun wilh me over t.his. If it bothers immediately," Perot's mCl11be~hip \vliiiilary associaiio ns- ille Brook
    Club and !.he Dallas Country

    11 ....

    Blacks and Jews on his staff. kw days of the lelecast, he resigned his ,.hiijh in these cJlI~ (Ce rio, 1D02) . ., 11J9'!, mere we re morc tha n 23,000 volulllalY . . .", ,'" in the United Slates-an increase of I ()\'t'r the 1980 figure. Vol 'lII lnry QUOan' organil.ations establishe d on th e basis I~_ .'nn,"n LlllerCSI, whose membe rll volullleer 0 1 ' ~... "" lIJ participate. The Cirl Scouts of Amer .\ml:rican Jewish Congress, the Ki ....-anis
    J

    'OM Sllmoo dubs (p' M~rlJ(){Jb M of Nw de jlllu:iro, Ilmtil. (In: 1lOI'"l/ary


    (is.Iunlltions Ihal romp'f.11 during mrniIHIII;"" in Ihe StlllliHul rotlU! br/O" IUlIldmu (I/lhmUfllldJ of ~/"rlalllrs. T II
    ~rom'

    1~::::<~::',~:';~':::~~~~,~::;7
    \~)luntary
    , I

    associations; Voters lireare CO I1eso, too, all th I r'bsoriatlon of Aardvark Aficionados, the "-Imps Study Croup, the Mikes of Amcl"Ibr SC\\ York Corset Club. and the WilIia m rrltm."'Ihip. The nalion 's largcst volurmuy

    rllf/II/pitm iJ li1r.1' wlllning Ih~ Wodd ,WIII:r or I/If Sulwr Bowl in til, (l"ilni 8Iul" .

    American the smallest, ,he School :;::':'i,~,':\:e member.!; A"lomobile Association,


    M.:ulllfaclllfcrs Insti tlU.e, has o nly 5 (Burck,

    ciatio ns. In ;J sense, belollbring to :I polil ical party or a uni on can be a cond ition of e mployment and
    not gelluinely vulul1wry; ncvcrth e lc ~s, politiC<lI parties and ulliolls arc \J.~ lIall y included in discussio ns of \'oluma!)' associat io ns. Participation in \'Olumary associatio ns is no t unique to the United Slates, This texlbook's senior author auc ndcd a carnival in London feamring bungecj ulllping. at whi ch participants were expecled toj ump fro lll a height of ISO feeL Skcptics were given assurances of the attraction 's safety by being told that the proprietor belonged to a \"01Ullt..." )' as.~oc ia[ion : the nritish Elast.ic Rope Sports Association. III a crosKultural swdy, three Canadian soc iologists examined membership in \'olulltary a.s..o;ociations in 15 COUlltries. Re ligio us mc m

    "",,,"" m,m,,

    1I>'''''gori"of-fonnal organi7A1tion" and "\"01 .\c)(ia.tion ~ are not mutually exclusive. ~"od"tio,,, such as the Lions Club
    I

    At the same lime, cersuch as the Young Me n 's (YM CA) and the I'eace Corps, and educational goals u.sually in \ululluuy associations. IIHC,csting ly. the ...,,""' parly and the United Farm Wo rkcl"S considered examples of voluntary as.~

    161
    r;lItI/"llR " r ;H/)U/':!i ANI) OIlI;ANI1.JI'l"lONS

    bcrship!; were found to bt, pl'olllinClI1 in the United Slalt.'s. Canada, lhe Ncmeriancb.. Ireland. and Nonhcm Ireland. By cOlltmsL, union participation was highcs", in Great Britain. Norw.ty, and weden. While people's count ry of residence llI11y influence the types of \'ohull.ary 1lSSoci:llions they join, memJh:L1ihip in such org;mil.OIljons is clearl)' a common ((" soc~t1em (Curm cl al.. 1992). Voluntary associations can prmidc ~UppOI1. 10 pt-"Oplc in preintlustrial societies. During the poSlWodd War 11 period. migration from rul"' 1 areas of .. AfriCA 10 the cities WOlS accompanied by a !,rroWlh in o \OIUIII:'II)' associ;uions, including trade unions. occupational socic1.ic~. and mutual aid organi7.al.ions ?,. developed aJolIK old lrib;,i lie,. As people moved from the c,m,;"schrifi of the countryside to the (Agllsdwji of the ch) (refer back 10 Chapter 5). thcse VUIUllliUY a.\.'>OCiatioIl5...J!!:ovided immigrants with substitutes fur tile extended grotllll; or kinfolk that they had l1.Id in !lIdl' villages (Unle , 1988). A com mon voluntary association in nonindustrial societic:s is the milit;I')' association. "'hich may be com pared 10 our own American Legion or VeleraIlS of Foreign Wars posts. l1lf$c associations uni te members through their experiences in the miliLa')'. glorify till' acti\'itie~ ofw-Ir, and perfonn certain services for the coml1lllllit). Membership in 'Iuch associations is lIsually \'OIIlI1(;\ry and based 011 the achie\'cd criterion ofpanicipauon in.1 war. Among l.he North American Plains Indians. slIch military societies were common. 111t.' Che,enne Indians. for example. oligil1.tlly IMd ri\'C milit,tI")' ;tS.'K)Ciations: the Fox, the Dog. the Shield. the Elk., and lhe Bow. string, Although these associ;Hiolls leatured distinctive costUIlICS. SOllgs. ;wd dances, they ,",'ere alike in Ihdr illlcrnal organil.'Hion , Each was headed by four leadcrs. who "'cre amung the Chcycnnc's mosl illlj>ortalll w-.tr chiefs (Ember and F.mbcr. 1993:359-360). R(.'Sidcl1lS of the Unil('d St."ltes belong to \'ohm1<11")' ;tssocialiOIIS lor:, rcnt;lrkabl~ variety of ,'casons, Some join 10 sh;lI'c in activiti es. :mch ,IS mcmbers of a co ll~ge dc bating society or " scnior Ci li z.cl1l; hiking club, Fo, mhers. \'olunulI")' a.'l!)ociauons serve as <t pOlelll political lorce. :'lIld they Illay join naUOIml lobbying groul)s such as the Anu:ric.tn 0\;1 Liberti~ Unioll , or tlte Nauonal Righl 10 Life Committec. Finally, mallYpeople join ~se lf-he lp groups" 10 deal with per..onal problems that they cannOl handle alone (sce Box (.-2) , there is no I}'J>"

    ietl volultlat")' associ:ltion; the si1(~ alltl of slIch groups Vllry dramatic!II} , Mcmbership ill \'ohll1mry associations is ItOI dom, Th(.' most cOII ..i"'CIII l}n~dic1Ur of "","Od", tion is socioeconomic st;\tus-thal is, it come. education. ;lI1d occup;uion. Peuple ,,", . . . sociO('conomic Sllltu~ ;uc lIIorc likd:~'~O~;~~1 alld P<l1"liol'alc acu\'CI)' ill .o,lIch 1':'lrtly. this rcflccb Ihe CO'lt of group which may exclude: people with limited frollljoining (Sills. 1968:365-366;J. Will I I ,.rn,", 1973). Reflecting thc occl lpatio nal patlerns o["h,l... socicty, \'OluntOlI) :ts.'Iociatio lls in the United arc largely seg.egaled b} gender, I-hllf of thcIII cxclush'ely fcmaJe. ~lIld o llt"-firtll arc aJl-m:tIt.". exdllsi\'cI), male ;15Sod:l1 ions tcnd to be larger more heterogeneolls in lerms of ~: .~~~,~~:= members, As noted in CIIoIplcr 5. 11 a ll-male <\.~SOdll li olls hold .. llIort promise for illg desil, lblc business conwcts lhall "">c"nt~"'rn, all-fema le groups ( Mc Pherson and 1986), Although participation varies across ulauon oflhe Uni lCc! Statc,.., mOSI people al leaSI onc \'oluntOtry a~iati OIl (sec

    co'''''''''1

    0""""""

    FIGURE 6-2 Mt'mbet',hip i" Vo/.mlory Anol:iolions, 199J

    .... 11("'

    ,Ok(~ I~: '"

    Mml IJNfJIt- '" IIv U,".I &',,"""


    10 ill ImSI /JI't' 1/OIlw/a? ""'~ .... /lbtml IJ/,...jol.lrth mtlll'ltillll fA""

    C y. learl

    mr>ll(ln\h'llf,

    162
    PMrt nIT) ' e)HC"v,'IIJNf.o;o(JMI.IH

    AnonynIOU$,

    \lib., Lo\-e Too Much,

    ShoPFn. Child~n of hrmlS, FundamenGllist!


    Intot
    Sun;\'OI'lI-

    all members in la rge cities, and AA has become much more accepting of openl}' gay lII(':mbers tban 1I '''.is

    in Ihe p;t5l. Mthough il maintllins a national he"dquarters. AA i5 remarkably decentralized and basi

    I'll"""'"

    but

    '\IX

    of thousand!; of

    III which about 15

    III the United Stales A ,dJ-hIp group i~ a

    .''''''''"P -in ""hieh I>copk


    a common concern or
    (ulTlt

    together l'OhIl1l3r-

    cally comins of r.llher aUIOllomoU5 local groups. 1111:: AA modd of group proccu includes few rules. liule hierarchy cxcept for no minal group leaders, and a common purpose of rc:'cU\cry which ol'ercomCll
    an)' traditio nal dhision of I"OOr (Leehrscrl. 1900, N. RubCIIWrt,

    ,. .""'" ~upyort and prole-

    ~:~':;:,,~:'::;,' instead asthrough ~er sU I)an""'fl.I988: I).

    That' groups, thtir ncal'reiigiolUl fC I' t meet wi th out .m y

    19M) .
    Sociologist No rmall De lll_ in ( 1987, 1990) has dra\\'Tl upon the irHc l~ ctionist a pproach in his ex.. amination of Ihe ~~I f Story tclling~ that lake, plarc in AA and other self-help groups. DClllin 5UggOt.i that :1 fX'l'SOn who becomes :Icl h~ in AA is M)Ciali7.ed into Ihe group's noml~ . ''<illu:,. al ld disl.incl.i,c al'g ot; :u a resull, duo indhidual1e:t.n1.S 10 ,;ew a nd exprCM his or her life ~tory in a manller slnlctun.'d b) Ihe group. As an cxample. Oclll:in (1987:1'1&) quoles a lIIan who h:1Ci been in AI\ for 1 0 )'cars; .... N('\'cl thoug ht I'd lIlolkc iL Rem('mlJcl'" when I first r.ullc here. Could n' l talk. Scare d to dealh. Alune. 0 1 lh:J1 "'d)' 10d.I),. I can lalk. I got the Sleps. I gOI the PI'OB I~lI n . I gOI my mceLiH!fl IU go 10. I gOI Ill)' Big Book. Fou nd my stor)' ill therc. T;ll k w my mom no,",'. Got rny old job hack. You IlCOplt' g-.m.' mc b."lck my lifc. Thanks.

    inrre ...,ingly multir'ftc1f1 I.


    ,md diverse i n tcnll'> 01

    ~~~;~;,:a; backgrounds.

    perhaps !I.tlf of

    T he succc~ of AA ill assisti ng many rcc()\'cling alcoholics ha5 IInqucstionabl) conuibUled to the increase in .self.hclp groups. man)' o f which ha,'C' borTO'l'l'cd from AA', model. In thc lasl decadc, the number of ~ I f-h clp OI'g<lIlilauons in till;' Uni lcd Sla l1;'8 has more Ihan (Iuadrupled. Alffcd K.."lU, an cxpert 011 public health and social welf.'\l'c. poilltli OUI Ihal the dralTl:uic rise in tht.'Se Itlluual aid en-oIU renCCI$ a profound di~l ti~faction \o\ilh ('xis!jng mcdirOlI ;",(1 "n\ III ~ lin g \(' rvices. ~ Pt'opll' arc d issatisfied with irnpcnlo rmlily lIlId bm caucr:uic nlll"ro u nds , ~ notes K..'\ll. ~Tll e)' do not want to he dep<':nde ru o n OUlside profe",[onab. Tht')' wanl 10 ha"e mor(' of a saf ( P. nruwlI, 1988;7; l..tehrsc:n. 1990). \,yhile unqut.'Slionabl)' popular, lire .self.help 1I10\'('rn('1II also has itJi crilics. Wctld ), K:unincr ( 1992) .:111 :titaniC')' and joul'nalist. has COIld(,lIIned the rC('m'C'l} 11\meOlenl for it' :tnu-intclk<:IIIalism. iu mcI" apcuuc and a '"iu lgd ical o\'C'rsilllpl" licatiom. and its mfatuaLiun \o\;lh chariJirna lic OIllll u:lI;ty. K:.llnincr adds that lIIan), self-help groups place c)'ccssi\'c focus o n !.he m:ed 1 ~gct in louc h "';Ih onc '~ fedings~ 0 a llhe c xpensc of mtio nal di~oll~ conccmirlg such i ' yll~ ti('es :I.!i scxi~rn a nd me,slII. III Irer view. because of tile [mu!;u; lY Ih:u 'he rt.'(,O\'C I) ' 1II \1\'C IIlCIlI CIlCO Ul'agcs, "iI becomes 1110l'e irrrl>orl:U1t 1 focus 0 (Ill )'0111' own problems lIran on larger :roe;:.1 iMlIn~ (Crnbt!r, 199'1:4!S) .

    163

    while llbollt o ne-founh maintain three o r more mcmbersltips. Sociologists have applied func tionalist analysis (0 the stud), of voluntary associations. David Sills ( 1968:!H3-376) has l(h:mificd 5e\'("r.11 key funct io ns lhat the.<;e groups serve within our society. First, the), tllt:diate bctv.'ccn individuals and gm'e fOmcnL ProfC!I..'>ional associatio ns such as L American Mcdical he Association mediate between their me mbers and govern ment in such matters as licensing and legis];Ition. Second. \'olutll.'lt)' associations give people training in orga ni1.ational skills that is invaluable for futu re olTicc holders-and for beller performance within most jobs. Th ird. o rganiz..uions slIc h as the Natio nal Association for the Advanceme nt o f CoIOl'ed r'eople (NAACP). the NnI.ional Women 's Po litka1 Caucus. and the American Association of Retired Person,~ (AARP) help to bring tradi tionally disad\';u1t."1ged and uncletTt:prcsemecl groups in to th e po litical mainstream . Finally. \'olullt."1I")' associations assist in governi ng. During th e in nux of Indochinesc and Cuban refugees in lhe late 1970s and early 1980s, religious and charilablc groups became deeply invol\'erl in helping the federal government rescule refugees. T he imponance of ",-oitlllLary associauonsand especially of their un pa id workers (or \'o htnleers) -i.~ increasi.ngly being recognize d. Traditionally. unpaid work has been dcvahted in tl lC United Slates. eve n tllOugh the skill levels, experie nce, and train ing demands arc often comparable with those of wage labor. Viewed from a CO llnict I)(:npcctive, the critical difference has been that a subst."1ntial amount of\'olunteer work is perrormed by WOlllen. Fe min ists a nd connie l tJleorists agree thaI, like the unpaid child care and household labor o r homemakers. tht' dTort o f \'Oluntcers has been too often ignored by scholars- and a\\~drd ed too little respect by the larger society-bec'lUse it i.~ viel,'ecl as ~worne l"s work.~ Fail ure IQ recognize women's vo lulII.eerism LllCreby obscures a critica l cO lltribution WOme n make L il socic ty's sucial st I'UCO \lIrc (A. Danie ls, 1987, 1988). Curiously. althoug h membership in volun tary associations in the Un ited Slates is hig h. people lend to acid and drop a A-i1iations rather quickly. This renects the fa ct tha t a dccision to elllcr :1 volun t."ll")' a.."-SOciauon typically involves on ly limited personal objectives (Bnbch uk and Booth .

    19(9). A.. de Tocquevllle wrOlC. pt.Oplt ~II ' Unitt!d Sta les a re "fo rever IOl'llling assOCidtil

    Orvanizational Change ......~s~:.;........ _.........................................................,....,._,~.


    Just as individuals and rela tionships change... do urganizations. both fOI"I1I:11 and \'Olunllu,\, most 0 ))\';0115 changes often invo lvc person CCll.:d, new prcsicic11t of the Un ited Stales is C1 ecuLi\'c is fired, a star athle te rcUres. Ht socioloJ.,rists are most interested in how the zatioll itself c hanges. These c hanges onen relate to o ther wcial lutio llS, parucularly the governme nt. Its r SlalU tt.'S, licensing proce dures. taX la\'i ,1Ild tr:.lcung ror goods and services directly inn the stntcture of rorma l o'lrdnizatiom. Covrm policies relating to afiimmtive "clion (see ( I.,,) 01 disability rights (scc Chapter 20) inlh ' lhe inle1",,1 decisions o r ol"ga nila tion~ and even req uire the hilin g of new pcrsoll ll cl. In acidition, an organization'S goal~ ma>' c over dme a lo ng with its lcaders a nd StruCl1 churc h SUlI"IS a basketb.111 le:lgue; a n oil rot " purchases a mO\~e studio; a chewing tobaccu bc!,rins to manufacture ballpoint pens. Such' take place whe n an organi/.ation d ecidCli !.hat. dilional goals arc no lo nger adequale, It mu~ modiry its pl'C'.'ious objectives o r cease 10 C:uL Goal Multiplication If an org-.tuization (ond uU\t its goals must change, it wi ll lypically t, additiona l goals or expand \lpon its lrdditional jectivc.~. For exa mple. in the 1970s man} c beg;m continuing ed ucation prog r.tms to m('d lIeeds of poten ual stude nts ho lding fulltunr and wishi ng to lake classes at night. In tli(' the Eld critostel nlO\'cm c n t opened collegt puses in the Uni ted States 1 older peopk 0 could live and learn along wiLh much yOlln!(tf lege student s. Goal Inll/tipli calio" takes place when an nization ex pa nds its purposes. Generally, thl" r('sult of c hanging social or economic ("on I"hidl threaten Ul(' organization 's SIIT\;\;d YMCA has practiced sllch goal multiplic.uiun necl.ing its name. the Young Me n's Christi:m dation had a Sl.ro ng e\'a llgelistic foc lls dUriDg ginnin g1l in lhe United Sl<lIes in lhc 18.;,h..

    164

    '1'111' Yuung AlnI~ CJ"isliml J\5wl('jll/iOI/


    ( I'M CA) IIlIS ~1,me,,{rd gO(l1 mlllliplicalioll in reaml (femdl'.$. lis mll~ of (lc/ivillt.i rommlly jllc/lllil'S , ~oci(11 wviu !Jrq,"'(l1I1.$ jilT Ihe disabled, flny mrp r"'''/p ..... fi'''''{< rh".p, "Jfirp

    !nT

    tOOrlll",
    ~(,I(/nlts

    r(:$iII'71U f/ormilorip.$ for mllegr

    amf single fldui{J, OIul Sl'nior rilivIII' Jari{ili~.

    It'UIh ,1nd telll rt.'vival meeungs were p rovided by Ibc rarh V\ICAs. However, in !lIe ear ly 1900s, the 'I'M< \ brlpn to diversify its appcal.l t attempted to lIttf\'\t members by olTcl;ng gym n asi um faci li ties .wd rniden{'c (Iuancrs. Gradually, wome n, Luthc rMll. R OInan C'lholics,j cws, a nd the - ullchl1rc hed IIm' J~(epled and e\'en n:cnlil,ed as members. Th~ 1110)( recent p hase of goal m ultip licauon at .. ~" r.A Ocg'dll in the 19605. In la rger urban ar,lhtOrg-dllization became involvcd in provid illg ftIIpl.,\ Ulcnt trdi ni ng alld juve nile dcl inque nC)' propn.' .\'1 a resulT , thc YMCA received substantial lladill~ from lhe federal government . This was it IRmJlil change for an org-.miza rioll \\'hose inco me I PIY\iOllsly come solely from mem bersh ip fees d 1 1 ~l rir'I I)lc conui bu tio ns. In ti lt.' 19M0s. Ule YMCA contin ued 10 ser\'e the poor. J\ (''I'idrnccd by U1C bu ilding of a new faci lity i1JlH in the Wall! scction or Los Angeles-the rt\Jlorpd\'Oltc conslnlction in the a rea since the _ tlr 1965, et !he organiza tion also maintains 11 hJrnur\! br,IOch in Bcverly Hills and ha.~ expan ded apdl, tu SCIW middle-class residentS of ciLies a nd 411buM. The YMCA's im pressive r;:lIlge o f act.ivities tUlfl'llrh- inclndts social service programs for th e &bil'ti, da ... care centers, fi tness classes fo r oOicc IIOfkl'IS, r('.~irlcnce dormilOries fo r college students IIll ~ n g l t adnlts, M learning ror living" classes for

    adults, ,Ind seniOl' c itizcn s' faci li ties (Schm id t,


    1990). Th ese transilions in thc YMCA were not always smooth. AI times, lIl<yor contributo rs and board

    membe rs withd rew support because of opposil io n to org;:m iz.. 'llional c ha nges; the), p refelTcd the YMCA to rem ain as it had been. However, the YM CA has SU lvived and gro\','1l by expanding i L~ goals from e vangel ism LO general commun ity se.rvice (E.(Zioni, 1964: 13; Zald , 1970).
    Go al Succession Unl ike goal m ultiplication, go al successi on occurs \vhcn a g ro u p or organization has e ither feali zed or been de nied its goal. It lIlust 111(:: n idell tify a n enti rely n ew o l~ec u vc tha t can j ustify its cxiste nce. Cases of goal successioll a re I1Irc because most orbraniw lio ns n evef fu ll), ach ieve their goals. If th ey do, as in the case of a co mmi ttce supporting a victorious cand idate fOf p u blic offi ce, th e), usually dissolve. Socio logis.t I>ete r Hlau ( 1964:24 1-246). who coined the term ~'tlfcl'.~.~ion oJ grxd.s, no ted that organizations d o not necessari ly behave in 1I rigid manIler when the ir goals arc achieved or become irrelemnL Rath e r. they may shift to ward new o bjecu ves. A case in point is the Fo unda tion for Infantile P:rralysis, popu larl)' known 101' its an nual March of Di mes campaign. POI' so me t.ime, the

    165
    UIA/'/HI 6 ( :ROl II'!!' ANbORGANI;t.AI1()NS

    organiUllivlIs may actuall] ~ sucaniqn f" example, f,,'otle17WWIII Ogt1ldtl rt',sJxnI5iblt for e1ljQfcillg drug Inllll
    SlIlkt hI alloiding gool
    to)!timlf' la exist biJC(lUJt
    tlI11g

    Som~

    (hey /(III~".

    liIIsIlI'rs

    0//1

    0/ busintlS.

    foundalion's major goals were to support medic,tl research on polio ami 10 pl"Ovidc assistance fO I victims of lhe disease. However. in 1955 the Salk vaccine was found to be an effect ive protection against paralytic polio. This left th e found'llion. so la speak. "une lHpl oyed.~ A vast network of commilted slalr Ille mbe rs a nd volu nteers "'<l..~ suddenly left wit.hout a dear rationale for exiSlCncc. The group might have disbanded allh is po im. bu t instead it selected a new goal-combating arulIilis and binJ1 dcfccts<ll1d look on a new 113111(,. Like many bureaucracies. it sim pl y refused 10 die (E1.1.ioni. 1964: 13: Sills.

    1957,253- 271), Ironically, some organil.atio lls may have a stake in a\'oiding goal succession. Thro ugh his observdtion research in ~s k i d row~ missions, socio logist .J 'UllCS Rooney ( 1990) has shown Ulat program fai lure is necessary for the maintenance of certain bureallcmcies. Rooney worked as a migraLOry farm worker and casual laborer as part of his research. Through these work expelienccs. he routinely inte racted WiUl skid row residenl~ with whom he visiled morc than 200 rescue missio ns throughout the United Stales. These missions hope to cOllvert visitors; they urge them la accept. Christ. to allend c hurc h services, to a bstain from liquo l. and 10 accept regular employment. By controlling the dis-lIibution of food and she lter, lhe mi.~sio ns man-

    agers arc able to force skid row residellts to au~ gospel selvlces. Rooney found that only a w:ry small portion skid row residents eve r came fo,",vard to makea fession of fait.h. In his view. if lhe missions 3Ch became m ore successful and quickly COIl\"CIIM much higher proportion of skid row visi tors. a \at few rescue missions would be able to handle the auvely small number of "newly fa lle n" indi\;dt Consequenuy, the m~joJ"i ly of missions would hlII to cea.<;e o perations. Contrary LO the usual vil"\l org-<U1izations perpclllale themselves by ate plishing their stated objectives, Rooney su that skid row missions continue to exist bca.u't their ongoing failure. Rescue missions. of course, a re hardly tht' example of programs that succeed through failft't Government agencies responsible for en~ dl1..lg laws conti nu e lO exist because they fail tIJ drug pushers Olll of business. Prisons fail I!) I bili talc inmates, there by gua ranteeing a Slew l.Urn of many clients. With sllch parddoxes in m Rooney concludes by examining the poliC)l implications of his study. In an example of sociology (refer back lO Chapler 2). he quel !:,ri\'ing con tinllcd support to organil.atiolls which rectly benefit from their OWII failure, and ",on if other IreaUnCl1 l options might be more elfet1Jlf

    166
    1'lItrr 7110 OH(;M.'I1JN(; IM)('JM. 1.1,..1:

    SEXUAL HARASSMENT , .1,,..,,,.1 from ~I con Oicl perspective. bow do [he 4au flll scxlIlll hamSSlllcnt (en cel inequalities

    ""rI

    un gender and mce? .. hat 1Va)'S do organi1.ational SlmClUrcs en l'tlUr~I' or pcnnit sex ual hamssmcnt? """" han' women's concerns about sexual ha..men! influenced the political syste m of the
    ~latt!S?

    harassment received cdt'ntrd aUcntion in the United Stales, as

    I,~:::"': Court nominee (no\\.' Associ,llC Justice)

    , 1lIoma., 'l\11 lu::nlsed .... r n'p"iW'rHy !

    11 ' 1-

    ~"fomlcr

    aide, law professor Anila Hill, over of years. BUI Anila Hill is far from alolle _iug such a complairu abOllt rI coworkc r. lile}' hold manageliai or clerical positions,
    IIII:Y I't'ork i n a volum;u}' <lW)Cialion or a
    ~

    corpor:llion, women n.:P0 rl being viell) *xual harassmenl. lndtl l'vohing legal standards, sexllal harau " recognized as any lIllwanted and lInwel .... .","11 advances that interfere with a person's _ tlll)t'rfonn a job and et~oy the benefits 0 1 a t111)!!1 blalant example L'i the boss w ho te lls

    J:=~:::~a~:~; Put
    ~

    Ollt gel Ollt!~ the "c1\1"J.llccs which consti tute sexual ha may take Ule ronn of subt le pressllI'C$ re sexual aC lh~ ly. inappropriate sex ual lan

    or

    Howeer, v

    'tt~~'::i.p~~;;~~:~s louChing, lattemptedr kissi ng ~ I for sexua favors, o sexual


    in the compmer age. there i.~ grow Lhal sexmllly ha rassi ng messages arc ...,,'''' aJlonymously over computer networks f ,ulail (Price. 1993) . 0IDrI1 01 all ages and radal and cth nic grOl.lpSM'1l as well-have been Ih c vict ims of sex 1w-a\.~men1. Such harassmenl may occur as a t'f'Irotultt'r or as a rep<...Hed pattern of bt..... III .1 national suney in the United Stales .....,1 ;,. I )ooc,nbcr 1992. 32 percent o f .....o l11cn .hM they had been sexually harassed in ......"k,'"o,,;;,dc Ihe ho me, compared with 23 p CI' In. ,imilar sUr\'ey in Octobcr 1991 . These lUa} :11 fi rsl suggest that thc l'(' has bcell a increase in sexual h:u-:~ m e llt. blll in rolct

    .h ey may si mply rcprc.~CI1l a s hift in aLtilUdes con ccruiug sud, :.buses. Milra", BUI't. director or.social M:rvices research :n the Urball Institute. obscr\'c!l: I)eople now ;u'e mort: wi llillg to label these bchaviOfli ,L~ being ~exLlal hamssmclI1. people arc more willing LO talk about it. and people are mo re langryJ about it~ (R. ~1otin, 1993a:37) . Obviously, ex pclienci ng sexual ham_ e nL can .'ism have ;t shallering impact o n all employee's '!.atis-faction 011 lh ejob. In the 1986 ( ;lSC of M entor Sm)illgs /Junk v. Vill,lon, the Supre m e Coun unani mou.dy held that sexual haraSSlllent by a sllpcrvi~or "i"bll'~ fNl/'~1 law ;!.g-.-l i ll~ ' ~f' X fli.~("IimillaUon in the workplacc. as o ut1ined in lhe 1961 Civil Riglw. ACL If suOic:ic n tly sevc rc. sexual haras.<;mcnl conSlitll te!l a violatio n o f the law even if thc unwelcome sexual demands arc not linked 10 con cre te employment benelits suc h as:1 mise or a promotjon . The justices rule d that the existe nce o fa hostile o r a busive wo,'k envi ro nment-in which a woman feels degraded ..... tbe rcsult of unwekOll1C" Oirllll.ion or obscenejoking-- may in itsc ll co nstitULe il1eg-.iI sex discrimina tion. In 199 1, a leder:.ll judge ruler! IIIiIt !l, e publ ic display of pho tographs o f iludc and part.!), nude wome n at ;t workl'lace con sU tul e~ sex ual ha ......s1lH'1l1 (T. L..toNin , 199 1a: \Vithcrs and BenaroyOl. 1989:6-7). Sexual harassment 11,1$ been common ly reported nOI oll ly in the ....orkplacc bl1l a lso in colleges and univcrsi.it.."S. A ....ariet y of studies invoh'ing bOlh IIn' dergmrluiltc and gr.ldu:tlc st.lIdCnlli show Iha l 20 10 40 perCCll1 o f studcll ts arc [he vil'lims of se Xli ill ha
    ra.ss m l.'lII by r.'lCll/ry lIie ill Uers. H'urrrCIl arc by fa.r /111.:

    I",","""''''

    main largets of slid, harassment. bIll mOSt incid e nL~ are nOI re po n ed to college administr.ItOrs. Even th e hallw.\)'S of hig h schools are dangero us terrilory for femal e Sludc nl!l. Accordi n g 10 a 1993 nauoIHtl Sill' \'e)'. 65 pcrcelH of female students ill gradc~ 8 through 11 reponed thal tll<..'}' were ~lD u ch ed. grabbed , or pinched in a sexual wa y. ~ Because of these experiences and othe r forms of sex ual ha raSSlllcnl. 33 percCIII of those female students stated lital they wan led to avoid going: 10 school and were less iJlciined to speak in class (Baningcr. 199:1:8 7: McKinney. 1990:424). In the Unil.ed Sla'.cs. sexual hanLSsmcnl I11Ust be

    16 7
    (,'/1,11'"1'/;'1 If (,IWtJl'S ""NI) OIIf' ,W7A'/'/()...'_ .... ,

    1..II W

    Im1ruur AIIlIII

    fMI

    Lf ~

    d um'K h" 1991 Ii'll/MOll] S"Wlf j ut/lfil' ,] (;",nl1llll,

    1Jtfotr .
    /It

    J/'f flmUM ~lIpr"'M COl/ rt , _""


    (1I01.<l / \ Jl(K'Ulk Just;(I) ('.In ,",,,

    (// rl'/Jrfllfdl-;

    1nl/ally hllmu l,,, ""

    a /JmlKl

    (1/ )'fW' ,

    umil'rstood in I,ht., context of t ontilluing prejudice and di~c ril'tlinatiorL against WlJ ll1~n (sce Chapter 11 ) , Whe ther it occurs ill the fed e ral burea ucracy. ill tjl(.' corpo r.lle "o dd. 01' ill uni\er,ilics, *xual ha~ rd"SlIIent gcner.llly L kes place i'l o rgani/.a1iolls in a which the hierd rchy of a uthm;t} linds White males .11 Ihe lOp and in \\ hich wome n 's work b valued lc-.s Lhan me n 's. Onc sun t') in tht.' pri\';:Ilt., St.'{:tOI' found lhal African Ame rican \\'o mc n we re Ihree limes more likely Ihan Whilt.' W OIllc:.'U 1 ex pe rie nce sex0 ual har:'I...." IIICIII , from a coul1ict p'>rspcCli\'c , it is not ~uqll'isin g Ill.It "ome ll - <Ind especially wome n of colo r - are most likely tf[ become victims of sexual h ;:u;~1ll c nt , Th c~e gro UI)5 .lfe l}pioJlI)' an org'lIli ~ 1:llio l1 's IIlost \'uhle l, lb1c e llll,lo),cl.'S in te nns ufjo b .. <;tclIl'ity (j , J UIIC!I, )988) , While it is agreed that sext... 1 harassme nt is widesp,'ead in the United Sla tes. il i nl.'\'enhcless clear thal most \'ic lillls d o not re purt Ihc ~c abuscs to prupe r ""Ihudli es, For l'xlImple. in a ~ lIr\'c y of federal government c:mpluyees conducled in 19l'l8, only ,I) pe rcenl of th Ose who had bcen harassed st:l1cd that Ihey had rile d complaints. - 11 lakes a 101 o f self-co nfidence to lig ht ," s ll ggesl~ Calherinc Brod e rick. a lawyer f or the Securil ies a nd Exchange Commissio n (SEC) who .....o n a St.'x lIal hamssm e lll compla int ag-dinst lhe agency's W:lshinglo n office. Brode rick had re fu !>Cd he r s upcl'\'isor' ~ advances

    ;lIId the n had bec lI repe at e dl y d t' llied promotJoa After a ninc'rea r le wtl bailie, 8mdcrid:. was \'1( riuus ill cou rt :lI1d won a pro m o tio n and }t'iI' ha ck pay. Still , her e xpe rie nce i ~ :.I rt:.milKlfI d p"rl'uing j U' licc against th o~ g uilty of 5e"1,U) rdSSlllc nl CIIl IX' coni)' :'111<1 dl':lining ( Ih\'(' 1988: Sait.J'lllan, 1988:56-57) , Eve n if Ihe viclilll d ot.'S have tJIC will 10 fight, proces... of IIl<1king a sexual hal'assrnc m COIll ill lhe ('otlnS o r in mus t bllrellllcrad cs is sl(1\Ir burclensolllt.', In 1992 , E"<ln Kcm p, headof thdl'il e l'al Equa l Employme nt Opportunitv Colllm~ ( EEOC). admitted thal a ..... 0 111:111 who hJlli filn! cUlIlplaiut o f ..eXllal h ,U;:ISS I1I Cnt may ha\'e to l o n g" ~ !our ymrs to get a he aring befo re the EEX, Th e' ;lgcnC) has a huge ca,s cload ; il I'eceil'n 6111 complaint.'I o f discriminOltiOIl each rear and OI'('I" ('Clj 50,000 o the rs ,hat arc hal,dled b)'s"'tr I:!mploymcnI a ~e nci es, Ye t F.EOGs fllnrlint clc:lll y iuadcquate IU im'eslig:llc all lhc\t' ~ (1Iclllol1', 199~ : 20- 21 ), MOlley, lIo\\'c",: I', is no t the ouly problem many organi zatio ns, w,'iuell procedures fotiuf. (\ling complaint'" or ~cx llal h .U~IS!l mellt lead lu di'lplaceme lll b> tho'le in pm itio lls of power. n.. ' is more cOllet'nI for followi ng the regulations fo r d c alillK "-llh a nd prC\I!III.ing ha rassment. P o f Ihe proble m i!l tho umll)' urf(cl ni1.atio lls dll U

    168
    1'''oK1

    nm 0Hf"AM1.J\ ( , 'tOU.~1 .

    I ,m

    111.'1lOIlIlt!l who are adcqmncly trained La deal \Ilth complaints. This rcsponsibiliry is often

    to a personnel ofliccr whose unly backror the msk is a lwo-day seminar on sexual

    Ii....m"" bureaucracies have IT-adilional1y given little


    )!(t]\r flll\1)l1 10 the pCl"'.".lsivc sexual har<lsstllcnt ill
    .1~lcrcd

    ""' luitlst; the cmOlionai costs of t h is discrimina-

    (largely female) employees have

    COIlCCI11 , However, mort- regula~'pfnh;Ibhlng sexual har.lssmclU have been isIt., m,ulagcrs and cxccllLivcs have been forced U1C COSl~ of sexllal harassment for the Afr.er calculating losse~ linked 10 ab'productivity, and employee turnover, ~tud}" of 160 Fo rtun e 500 business finns conthat sexual harassment costs lhe average
    "I',,'"~aIlY

    (111111123.750 emfjloyees)

    ~lb011l

    $13.7

    'I \'ear. This figure, high a.~ il is. does 1101 Joci.'tlfWC(}St.'i ortcgal defensc and damages when ;00''''1'1"",, sues a company because of sexual haIon Ihcjob (Cralvf'ord, 1993:F I 7). The ,lrterlllalh of Anitlt Hill's testimony before YUJtC' Judicial), Committee. the political sys1!I'lhL United States is responding to allcgaabuse in ways t11:lI were hardly com(,"dllier. In a recent example, the secreta lY or r(\igned in 19m~-and Congress delayed aodf"I,"f Navy and Marine Corps prornolions -

    I!I

    ~~;;ii~;'f;I,0;,;"; ''';~'f;f1d 'f ;';h,;.;;t,j by 175 or more naval i;~a; erupted after al lea.~t
    (M. R.

    Cordon. 1993). Some observers belie\'e that public oflicials arc taking the issue of sexual harassment marc seriously because they believe their political fUlures are at M.ake. Indeed, spurred by the irll ense angcl' of mall)' women about what they viewed as the (a ll-male ) Judiciary Committee's mistreatment of Anita Hill. foul' fe male candidates critical of the comminee defeated male opponenLS in 1992 Democra tic senatorial primaries-and three wel"e subsequen t I)' elected to office. The battle against sexu,ll harassmelll i .~ being rough! nOLonly in the United StaLes but around the world. In 1991 , the European Economic Com nlllnily established a code of conduct which holds employers ultimately responsiblc for combating sllc h bt:havior. In 1992. Francejoined many European countries in banningsextral harassm en t. ThaLsamc real'. III all ImpOlUIfH VICLO ty rul' J:!p:tn 's relll ll11sl movcmCnI , a disuict co un ruled that a sma ll publishing company and one ofiLS mate employees had violat.ed the rights ofa female e mployt'e because of crude remarks tklt led her to quit her job. The complainant had chMged thaL her male supelvisor had spread rumors about her. telling others that she was promiscuous. When she attcmptcd to get him 10 StOP making slIch com ments. she \\~.lS advised to quit her job. In the view of Vukido Tsunoda. a la....)'er ror the com plainant.: "Sex\lal harassrnelll is a big problem in Japan. and we hope th is will send a signal to men that they have to be more ca reful" (Riding, 1992; Weisman, lY92:.A!3).

    lII',m.",hc;""f"'lU.ll Tailhook convention

    Re/enmcfl groups set Hm\ enforce S!alldards of COII-

    dUCI ;mcl

    perform a comp;"lrison funcrion for pcoplc's

    1!1!.

    11

    r among human \:x.'ing'S is necessar), lO of cu lture and tlle:- slIl"'o'hn l of ew'!)' solhe impacl of S1n;"l1l groups.
    lUlO VOhllllal)' ;,ssncialions or l so-

    cmluations or rhemsel\'cs and Olhcrs. 4 IlllenlCtioniSl researchers have n:vealcd rhat tht'ft' ;"Irc distinct and predict.able prucessts at work in the fUllc-

    rjo nin g of small grollps. 5 One poib"lant ami I"ecIIlling message of rccent decadcs has been lilt' power and pC1V;lsin:nt'ss of larg(,
    organizations. 6 Max Weber argued lhat. in il.>i ideal ronll, eve!)' bllreaucrary "'iII share ult'se fivc basic characteristics: divi~iorl uflabor_ hierarchica l authorilY. writlcn rHles and ft'g IlIHLio ns. impt'rsonaliry, and cmplo)'TIlCII\ based on tcchllic;:al qu,llifica ri olls.

    "'Iit'll II"r IlIId oursel\'cs idcntifyillg c10scly wlIh ;, 111\ prohabl~' a primary group.
    1II1bo: Lnited Sc.!lt:"S lend to scc I.he worlll in I.grlll/pf and oll l-gro"ps, a perccptiulI often M Ilw "cry groups to whkh wc belong.

    169

    It

    7 llu rc;J uc mcy can be u ndc r~lood all a process and as malle r of degree; thus. an organization j.i mo re or less hureaucr.tlic than other org;lIlization!. 8 The infoI"Tual 5Ln.1CL of an organi7.alio n Gin u nUIe d ermine :md red dine o Ricial bureauCl'atic policies. 9 P(>ople belong 10 1I0lunta" aSloda ti ons for a varie ly of pllrpo5CS- for cxarnple. to share in joint activilies or to gel he lp with peDOnal problellls. 10 Changt' is an importallL clement in org'"dllizatio nal life. An org:.lI1iza tion mar need t.o c hange its goals if its OIiginal objcc:.ti,e~ are full y realized o r a n: no longer ,.dcqml1 c. I J Sexual harnssmeOl has been common ly TCl>Orted not only in the federnl wo rkplace and in priva tc-seclor organization!. bUI a l50 in insli tu tiOI1 of higher learning.

    Dy'futlction An cle me nt 0 1 a prOCC-SS of ",d,,""~ ' Illay disrupt a social system or lead to bility. (1!)3) Formal orgonhation A spt.ocirtlpllrpose signed and smletu rcd in lhe ;n """,,.,,>r' n.';'"w.~
    firiclICY. ( 151)

    ad"",,,,,,,..

    Goo l dilpla cfnnent Overzealous con formity to reg ulatio ns within a bureaucracy. (156) Goal m.d,iplica,iot/ The proces.s tJ.rough wh;d ", . ~niz:ui o n expands its purpose. (164) Goa' , uccessioPl The p rocess Ihro ugh which an ni/.:tlioo idt'ntifics an cn tirely new objcclh-e tra ditional goals have bt-cn ei ther rcali1.cd or
    ( 165)

    .C::.':l::I!.I..~. !'J.:I:!1:'.':l::I~.~...g~!..I.,:?~~...........
    WiL hin a romlal o rgani zation . arc )'ou likely to find plimary groups. ~cco nd;l ry groups. in-groups. out-groups. and reference ,,'TOllpS? What fllnction~ do these g-TOUpS sen.. c fOI' Ihe fonnal OI'ga ni7.iuion? What d )'sfunctio ns migln occur as a resuh of their pre~(: n ce? 2 M:IX Weber idemifie<l fhc basic characteristics of bureaucl-acy. Select an acuml tlrg:m it:llioll wilh I'hich }OU ~lI'e familiar (for example. )'our cOlkgc. a business a t whic h )'011 ....ork. a religious ill~tiluliol\ or chic anocia11011 to which YOII belong) and apply Wcbcr'~ analysis to Iha l orgalli7~,lioll. To whal deg.cc doc!' it correspond 10 Weber's ideal lype of bU fcaucmcy? 3 How mig ht sociologists elmw 011 SUI'Cys. o bser.-;uj o ll researc h. c:xpcrimc nlS, ami cxisling SO ll fCC~ 10 bener un dcn;l:tnd whulIary association.s?

    Grflu/J An) number of people ""ilh similar no""". 1It:.~, and expt.octatiolls ,\hu regularly and ro''''''~ illlcmc.t. ( 145) f/umoll r,!Iotio,,, opprooch An ap pro;,ch to tht' of fonnal orga nimuom I'hich cutphasi7.t'.S t.Ilt' people, comlllunication , ;\lld p:llticip.. lIion Imrcaucracy and tends 10 focus on till' infomlal
    LUfe of th e org-.lIli~aliol1. ( 1-'9)

    BurMucracy A compone nt of fom ml o rgalli"l.alio n in whic h ru les and hiemrchim l r.llIking a r~' used 10 achicvc ('flicienc:y. (pllgC 152) Burenucrati%a tion The proccS$ by which a grou p, 01'Wllli"l.ation, 01 .social mo\'elTlCIlI bl!co.)mcs increasingly ' bure:wcr:ltlc. ( 157) Clasn'ca/ th~ory An approach 10 tJlC s tudy of fonnal orgal lrn.tions whic h \i e~ wo rkcn ;u being moth~dtcd almost entirely by economic rCl1uds. (159) Coali tion A te mporary or penn;Ulcl1I a llia nce tOMLrd a common goal. ( 150) D,a d t\ tWl>lIlembcr group, ( 150)

    III .gronp An y group or category w whic h people Ihey belong. ( 14 7) Iru,. lallt oJ oligarch, A prillciple of org:llli1~"\lional dCl"Clopcd by Roben. !I.Iichels under which mn _0011 ocratic organi zatio ns will bceonlt' burca ucrado by ;1 few individuals. ( 158) Olll-group A group or c.llcgor), to which the y lIo nOI belong. ( 147) Pt/er principle A plinciple Cif urganiZo'uiotlal u;, ,,.m>tl inatcd by ["'; Iurencc j. " Cte l', according to "'hich illdl\'i(lllal wi thin a hie rarc hy tends to ri.'\C 10 hi3 !en'l of incompetence. ( 157) Primary group A small group characterized by male. f;lce-lo-t,cc associa tio n :uld coope.ration. (1#"1 Re Jerfmce group A term U5t:d I'hen speaking oj group that intli,iduals IIse as a 5~ndard in t.Iu:lIIsch'CS and their OWI1 beha\';or. (1'17) Scirn tiftc ma"agemrmt approach Another nall"lC' the drusi(al lhtory of ronllal organi L:ltiolU. (159) Se co"dary gro up A fomJllI, illlpcT!lonal grou p in thert' is li ttle social intimac), or mutUa l

    ",,010''".1

    ""rl"n,,,,, ,

    ( 1-16)

    Self-help group A tl1lillml aid group in which pa'I*' who 1 :ICc a commo n concern 01 conditio n comt ' get he r \'olllntarily fo r c mUli0l131suppon and p,~ .-jl :ruislallcc. ( 16.') Sexual harauPnrnl Ally IInl'alltcd a nd ual a(h"'tlco that inte tfe rc with a pCrwll'~ abili~ 1 lt'lfom l a job and enjoy Ihft 1x-1le.lit5 of a job, (l6'it

    """",,""'"'.

    170
    I'AI(I TIlt) ORC.N'{17JNG $OClAI

    un'

    a.tI~"p

    r,.,..,

    A group smllll e no llgl . rorall m CII.bcrs 10 IIIIrt.UI limuhanoously, that is, to talk with one anh~( ",.H leasl be acquaintcd. ( 149) '"ta/lll rily TIle te ndency of wurke rs ill 1I h uInlll"r~rv 10 become 50 specialized that they develop I !d'IIf,U. and Clnllot notice o b~iollS prdblems. ( 153) rl'illl \IJu~mcmbc:rgroup . ( 150) ,''''".,. 11IIocialioll' Organil.ations cSlab1ishcd on .... bl\l.1 Ilf common illlerest ,,'h~ mc m bcl"S "ohmor ,..,,n !lay 10 participate. (161)

    ADDI} lON!\!'..B.@.!N.!!..~ ........................... .


    ligan. Xiwle WooLscy. CJuHJs1fIatir u lPil(llism: Direct Sell/Jrl{fJlII.lJlhI"//U in Amtrita. Chic-.Igo: Uni l't:I'S ;Iy of 1989. Biggart details the social and cu lr2I WUI" that ha,c given rise 10 direc I-sdling orgo\II&tII"n~ rDSO~) and explores the d yn:un iCli of oqpm~llHt: in these groups. 1i.:Wl1ft'1l M. WOlllm of tlu: Kkw: Racism and Celld" /AI Jlf20r. Ikrkdey; Unileni t) o f adifomia Press, 911 <\ldlolLgh White Ll1en domil1:u cd the Ku KlllX ilia 111 the 19205, ,,"'Omen joi ned th is vo lunt.1L)' :wolOlL in brge numbers. \, Alkne Kaplan. [lIvisible Url"m"l. C h icago: Uni1)1 Uutago Prc!5, 1988. A critical loo k at how m L\ \if'\'~ in the United States, noting tht' I_idetpreJd lilil()(t 10 include th e unpaid labor d ispropordunMti\' pt'(hmned br ,",'omen . ........1. Kathy E. The Fnnil!ist Ca.k (lgai/lsl 8Ur(#lIf:mCJ. ftIIIrIdtJ[>hia:Trmple Univt:rsilY Press, IY84. FI:rb'llson <IhwI "n J broad range of sodal scit'nce litenttu re 10 Iiclawtllt holl' wome n arc a t a cOlllpar:uil'e dis,,1d\,;Hl. . m rfIl1lcmporary bureaucl"'.lcies. Aubrcy. and Donald G. Jo:J1 is. Small Gr(JIJ/J Den\fnkl~ o,mmulliwtiotl mul the GrllulI Process (3d
    ~,Prt'".

    cd.). Nl.'W Yo r k: McGraw-l-l ill. 1990. Comm unication s peciaJi~1 Oonald C. Ellis h:\s revised the examination of bITOuP structure, decision making, and (onmcl resolution by re nowned authori ty B. Aubrey Fisher. jaco hy, Henry. TI,e HUI"tUlHTflfizalioll oJl1u \Vm"ld. BerkeIcy: University of Califol11 ia Press. 1973. jOlcohy. a German sociologist. offers a historical perspective on bureaucra cies and focuses on lhl' impact of bureauc rati:wtion o n dcmOC l<ltic id ellls . janis, lIving. Viclims(JfCrvuplJlillk. noslOn: HoughlOll Mif/lin, 1967. A presenta tio n conce rn ing Ihe power that small-group dynami cs has over decision mllking. K.-uniner, We ndy. \o\'omm Foflmterring: Tire PfeID1101'. Pain, (Imt Politia; of Un/Xlid I"or#! from 18}0 10 tfle Pr-tUlIl. Gm'den LILY, N.r.: AllcllOl, 19M. A Iti ~luriull cxuminlltion of lhe promillt:1II role women have playt.-d within vol umal), associations. Matyko, AJexander J. The &IfDtJealing Organhalian: A Critiqlle of BllrMucrag. New York: rraeger. 1986. Ma t)'ko argues uLal tmditiorml. hierarchicl!! org-dni:t.ations face a crisis because people are less wi ll ing to accep' s uc h aUlhOlimnan an-angemenls. Zald, Ma yer N. Orgflllizlllional ClwlIge: 7'1J.1'. Politiwl Eoo/lO/Il)' of/lit YMCA. ChicilgO: Universi ty of Chicago Press. 1970. This socio logical study traces the YMCA 's LraIlSfo rm aLinn from an ....vangc1istic ll." .'locialion to a service orgllllil.aLioll heavily d t: pendcnt 011 federal funding.

    .a.

    Amon g the j o urna ls that focus on the study of b oups .... and organizations are ,\liministmlit111 allll Society (fonnded in 1969) , Administrative Scienct Quarterly ( 1956), Qillical Siology Rt:VieIQ ( 1981), Qumtl'l"ly Review of Doubkspe(tk ( 1974). Small Grffll!J fUstorrll (fonnerly Small Group 8e1U1vior, 1970). a nd Social P5)'clloli>g)' /kuiezl} ( 1948).

    171
    t:/fAP'I'f.H 6 ClifJUPS ANO OllCANllIonO....S

    ,....................C=====::"J{;.=====:a.................... .

    DEVIANCE AND SOCIAL CONTROL

    SOCIAL CONTROL
    I nnr"rmll) and Obt:dicnCt (AlOronUlt) 10 l'rtJudict O~llrn(t \0 Authorit) Infumldl and .'0I1nal Social Coll1rol I...", And Sodct)

    CRIME

    Types of Crimc !'rofcssional Crime


    0'1Pnil.ctl Crime Whiu:..ColI"r Crime Viclimlcss Clill1l'S Crime: Statistic", intemaliOllai Crime R:\le ~ Use a lld Meanill Mof Clime

    DEVIANCE
    \\lIJI h 1)c1'lance? i\)ll.liniIlK I)c\'iancc Function.llis! Pt'1'Sp(~ li \'(' IJu rllhtl1ll J 1 .tgI1C] .\1 11011 J 7'htory rif 1"tJ;lwrr 1' iml'r"JctioniJI l'el~ I)l'Clhc: Dllferential /\\'IOCiatioll

    St :u.isli c~

    SOCIAL P O U CV AND C RIMINAL

    JUSTICE: GUN CONTRO L


    BOXES 7.. 1 CUITCIH Rcsciu'ch: !'\cUlr.l l i ~Hioll of D~'i ;lIIct :lIld f'CIIl:lle I\odyhuildcn 7..2 Around the World; Police Power in Jap:m

    1...lwhng TheOl)
    (:'>I\fhclll\C~ory

    173

    When is condu.ct a crime, and when is a crime not a crime? \hen Somebody Up There-a monarch, a dictator, a Pope, II legislator-so decrees.
    Jeuiro MitJord
    Kind and Urual f'lmishmml, 1971

    LOOKING AHEAD
    How does a socicty bring "bout 3ccCptance of sod31 nonns?

    1 low does obedience dilfcr from confonnity? I-Iow do socio logists view the creation of laws? C'm wc leam deviant bchavior from othel1l? \Vhy is ccrlain beha\;or evalua ted as MdevianL~ while oth~r behavior is not? Wh y is there w litde crillle in Japan ? Should Corlb,..e~ and state IcgislalLlres adopt stronger gun cotHral measures?

    would a person all er his or hcr appearallct.--and c hallenge traditional social nortns-by c hoosing lUHLsllal forms of body piercing or deciding 10 be talluoed? Body piclc:ing is common in numerous CU ltlll'C.<; around lhe world and haq become increasingly popular in tile United StatC~. Men have joined WOlllell in piercing Lheir eal"lubes 1 wear ,0 carrings, and mcmbcr~ of both sexes ha\e begun pierci ng their nipples, tlle;r noses, and other body P'lI"ls. Somc e ntllUsiasl$ of body piercing read maglI/ines focusing on this pmcticc or g<llhcr al social aclivities organized fOI" likL"-minded indhiduals. While scm'ned by lIlany mcmbers of the dOlllinant cu lture, people engaged in body piercing view their bc:: ha\ior as merely pan of a continuum of a hering onc's appearance Lil'1! includes use of lipstick, paimed nails, false eyelashes, cosmetic ciental ..... ork, hair coloring and replacemcl1t, and cven plastic surgery (Caniglia. 1993:.1. Mrcrs. 1992). Sociologist Clinton Sanders (1989) stud ied tile

    Why

    practice of tallooi ng by cngaging in particll~nt obselV.ltion research . Srlnclers not only chose to lr tallooed himself; he worked for a time as an . lalll to a tattooist, suctching the skin of thaw' ing talloocd, and calming lhe anxieties women receiving their first taLtoos. S;Ulders that while those clectjng la be talloocd were &q. aling frolll broad social nonns, they were al tht same time conforming to the ,ie\\'s and beha\ior~ signific;:1Jl1 Olhers, iJlduding family I1lcmbt.~rs ;and close friends who had already been t""OUtd. ORr subjcct noted: 'My faliter gOl one when he wa~ iD the war alld I always "~d.lHcd onc. tOO (Sanden. 1989:42) . For others, however, tauoos allow them to panicil)atc in an lUl colwent..ional subcultult which nalll"lts authority and to establish immtdiatr bonding wilh stra ngers whose values arc obviowk compatible, Veler.lnS, members of TIlolorqcir g-.IIl!,.tS, and otllers can idclllily likt. minded peopIt ... based o n the kind of UlUOOS they display (see aI."'l Mascia-Lec'i and Sha'l}C, 1992). Of COlll"SC, like those Wilh unusual types bo<tl piercing:, men and womcn wilh ea-:;ilyvisible muOOio often face dis.'lpprO\'a1 and e\'c n hostility rrom pt'fl" pie committed 10 u-aditional Ilonns regarding ~ pcar;lI1ce. For women in particular, having a l<Ill()O may be regarded as a dcpanul"t.' from co nventional gender roles. Onc woman illlerviewcd by Sand(,A ( 1989:55) recalls:
    H

    of"'''''',1

    or

    My falher's .C'lCUOfl wa.~ J USt oue of disgu$1 bealJl( women who get tallooS to him arc ... I don't I:nQIII ... lhc), j1l5l arc u'l nice )(irl5. They a .: n'l the tYJll!l~ girl he wauts his daughlcr l.O he. He le t me knOWWI 1 lel me h:\\'c it light betwecn the eyes. lie ~id, ~I)" le

    174
    l'AR'r /wo onGA,\'I'I.I!\'(; .'iOCJAI, I.M :.

    'Ill

    IJItl\l'

    ",h:1II kind of girls gel

    11I1I005?~

    :U\d j U l .S

    II;\I~rd

    nUl uf !lit: roo m .

    rn'llk maintain distincLive standards regarding hr "."pt'r appe-dI".tnce of physicians, military om\. lIle-mile" of the clcrgy. and t: \'CIl socio logists. \UJI\ IHl1ra~ues and students would at least he WlllfN11tu lI1eel a sociologist with visible tattoos,) \\ IIr \\111 -.et' ill lhis chapter, conformity. obcd iC'Ilrr. dntl deviance can be understood only wilh in il)ClIl'n \Il('iti.l context. If people disrobe publicly, Ibn ~'r Iwl.uing widely held soci<ll no rms. Ho\\'.,., If tht, \<lIlIt' people disrobe within a ~naturiS lM llll' nudi\t) t-oUlIP , they arc obe}'ing the rules and Jlu!lImtmg IQ !.he behavior of peers. C le;u'ly, the n , ""'I ~\ di'\;anl in onc sclLing may be common and ;j(lIptl't1 tn another, (1ttllunnitv and dc\1:lIIce :u t: IwO rcspmlSl,"S 10 .C'~llJr imagined preSSlLrcs front othe r,;. In the l niti'd ~UI!CS , people are socialized lO have mixed kchn~~ .. hmll both conforming and noncollformtlu; t.-ha\1{lf, The term amf ol7liity can cOI!ju rc lip 1It~""\4,1 mindless imitation ofone's peer ~"oll l) wIIe-LIlt'! ;& circle of tecnage rs wcaring punk rock g:.ub or;& group of business people dressed in simU.1I:r.l' 'Ult..\.. Y the same i.t:J'11l can also suggCSt et Uul.n 1fl(II~idlla l is cooper-dti\'c or .1 "team p layer. Whil' ,.buut those who do nOt confonn? They mOl)' hi It' Ilt't.t(-d as individualists, leade rs, or c real,ive ,hnl~t" "'ho br('ak new ground. Or they Illay be lahrit'fl ,I~ ~ II'OLlblcmakcrs~ and ~wcirdos" (Aronson . llJ;.!,[,l- l !i) . TIll, tl1.llUt'r win examine the rclarjo nship bl,'flIrt'11 flIUronn ilY. deviance. and social control. I l ~in' h\ distinguishing between confonuity and otnilrllCt :md lhen looks <11 IwO expc rimellLS repdill~ (ollftlrl1ling be ha\"ior and obedie nce to ;w !hi n1\ Tht' infonnal and formal mcc hani ..ms IIsed t>I .. K'iltic\ W cllcour.tge conformity and discour_" dl'liJT1tC arc lIn:llYLcd. Particular :IHc lHion is 1(nl:t1 1(llht' k-gal order and how it reflects uncler11lL1~ ,>odal values. Ihe ",'('ond p.ut of the chapter focuses on 111 eo .rllI;!1 e~Jll:tnations ror deviance, includinK tlte JUllfllonaJi'llllpproacht:S employed by Emile DlIrk
    M

    Whim sronltd by mlJll] mtmbt:rs 0/ tht! dOIR Hlunt m /lrm', IJHJfI/t "" g(lp l i,l tattooing and body pir.rc;'rg vitll! l/rn ,.
    beh(n>ior as mertl), /HIIt

    0 /

    (I

    (lJllli llurun

    oJ nllning ont'$ (lpptomna: Ihat indudn U of li/lllirlr, /Nlln /M mlib . Sl fid~ l''Jrlruht.$, COS/MU- df1/ /aJ UIOtlr.
    hair co/nnng (lIId r~plflCtmnlt. mu} ror.7l pltutir surgny.

    hrlm "lid Roben Menon, the inte ractionist-bascd Im'l\tial.Lwx:iation theory of Edwin SlIlhcr!alld, ;1.011 LlhI'ling theory, which dra .....s upon both the inItnII um\i~r and the connict perspccLivt:s,

    The tJlird part of .he chapter focuses on crime, As a fonn or deviance subject lO oOicial. wrinel1 no rms, crime has been ;1 special concern of pol icymakers and t.h e public in general. VariOlls lypes of crime fo und in the Un ited Stales. a nd the ways in which c rimc is measured , arc discussed . finall y. tht: social policy sectio n at the end of tht: chapter considers II controversy highly illnucnct:d by people 's pcrccplio ll$ or c rime: the deb:lle over gun
    contro l.

    175
    U/AY,.,. R 1 /).I'/A;\,o-. ANO SOCiA /, (;ON1'HOt ;

    As was seen in Cha ptc r !S, evc r), culture, ~ lI bclllturc, and gro up has d istin ctive no rms go\'c l1Iing wh:l. l il. deems appro priate behavior. Laws, drc~ codes. byJaws o f organizatio ns, co urse requi rcme nL'i, a nd rules of sportS a nd g' lll t.'S all ex prc~" social no rms. d Functionalists contend lhal people IUIL,,1 respect such norms if any gro up o r socie ty ic; la sUlvive. In Iheir view, societies lite l, tlly co uld n o t fun ction if massive numbers of people defi ed standards o f appro priatc conduct. By contra.n . connic t theorisl." a rc conce nled that "successrul fun c tio ning" ofa s0ciety will consiste ntly bc nc:lil th e powerful and wo rk 10 Ihe disadvantage of" o the r groups. Th ey poin t OlH . for example, th at widespread resistan ce to social norms wa.. necessa ry in orde r to O\'cl"l urn the ins titution o f slavery in the United St.J!es. How does a socie ty bring nbouI acceptance of basic norms? The le nu social control refe .... to th e "techniqu es a nd sU-'Hegics fo r regulating human bchavior in an)' society" ( R. Ro be rts. 199 1:274) . Social contro l occurs on all levels o r socicty. In the family, we a rc socialized to obey o ur pa re n l.'i simply because th ey arc OILr pnrc n ts. In l)Cc" groups......c arc introduced to inform;)1 nomlS suc h ilS drC5S cod es Lh:n gove m the be haviol' of me mbe rs. In bureaucratic o rganizations, workers mU ~ 1 cope with a fonna] syste m of rules a nd regulations. Finally, the govcmmc n l of e ve ry society legislates and e nforces social no nns-including norms reg<lrdill g ~ propcr" and ~ impl'oper~ ex pressions of sexua l in ti macy. Most of us respect a nd accept basic social non m a nd assume tha t others will do the samc. Even without thin king .....e obey th e instruc tions of police offi cers. foll ow the day-ta-day nl lcs a t o ur johs, a nd move to th e rear of el ev,llors whe n people e nte r. Such behavior re[]ects an e liecti\'e prOCess of socialization to the domin a nt standa rds o f a c ulture. At lhe samc lime. we a rc wel l-awa re that individua.ls, gro ups. a nd instilUlions o:lJut us to ac t M propc rly.~ If we fail to do so. we Illay fac(~ punis hme nt through informal saPlctiotls suc h as fea r and ridic ule, or F onnal sanc tions such as j ail sentences o r fin es (St!C Cha pte r 3) .

    we regdl'd as o ur pect'!; o r as ollr equals il1n UCII O us la act in pa rticulat' ways: the same is true o f pm pIe who hold ;u uhorilY over us or occupy positionl which we view with some awe. Sttt uley ~lil gr.lIr ( 1975: 11 3- 11 5) made a Itsl'ful di ~ti1l1' t iu n bclwCer these IwO impo n a nl leve ls of social control. Milgnltll d e fin ed conformity as going along ....i tll o ne's pee rs- individuab o r a person's own statw. who haY(' no special right 10 d ircct Ihat person', bc havior. By conUa5t, obediellce is defined as compJi. an ce with higher a uthorities in a hierarchi cal struc litre. Thus, a re(""nt ;t cllt.c ring military sc n~ce ...ilI typicall)' rmifor711 to lhe ha bi ts a nd la nguage o f other recruits a ud \\,jll ube)' th e orders or sllperiot' offi cerr..

    ..................:1. ..............................................................................

    Conformitv and Obedience

    Techniqucs fo r social cO Ttlm l can be viewed o n holh tJIC group level and the .~oci elallcvd . I'co plc who m

    Confomlity to Prejudice We often th ink or COt~ fo rmi ry ;n tc nllS of m the r ha rm less situations, sud!. a.~ me m bers of a n expemi\"e health d ub who \\"On Out in dabom te a nd cos tly sportswear. But ~ semchers have found th at people may co nfo rm It) the auitudes and bc ha\~o l' of their peers c\'e n whe" such co nformity mell ns expressing intolc mllce I~ ward o thers. Amidst conce rns a bout growing radal tension in the United 5 mles. Flelcher Bla nchard. Teri Lilly, a nd Lcigh Ann V:mghn ( 199 1) Cl)ndltctN OIn expe rime nt at Smith ColJege a nd found that overh eard sta tements by othe rs in nu('llce exprbsio lls of opinio n o n tJle iss ue o f rad'lm. The researchers had" student who said she \I;It conducting a n o pin ion po ll fo r a cla.., s a pproach 7! While stude nts as each was \'\'<llking ac ross the c::tmpus. Each tim e she d id so, ~ h t:! also sto pped a steo nd While 5tucle nt- ac tllally a confed erate \.\orkin,( with the rescarche rs- ;ltld asked he r to p:uticiPJU' in the sur\'ey as well. Both stude nts were asked bOil SmitJl Coll ege ~ h o uld resl)Ond la a no nymous n asi notes actually se nt 10 fou r Africa n American S li>den ts in 1989. Howe\'c r, th e co nfedera te W:15 a1w:tYl instruc ted to a ns .....e r first In so me cases. she tundenHled the n OI(.'5: in o then. she j ustified them. Bla nchard a nd his colleagues (I991:102- 1O~ C'fmciud e(\ th a t "hea ring al least onc oth e r pe ex press strongly anti nl cL~t opinions p l'od ltc(:d d matically more stro ngly a mi mcisl puhlic reactio to racism tha n hearing others express equh op inions o r opinions more accepting of racism. Howeve r. a second expeli tTIeTll de mo nst.rated th whe n lIle co nfe d er.tte expressed senti mc ntsjusti ing racism, subjects we re much kss likely to expr a ntimcist o pin ions tha n were those who heard

    176
    /'Iola

    f11V ' OHf.A.NI1.J,\ G rot'JIoI. f Jlo}

    Mr d'IC orrer o pinions, In this experimctH, social rontrut (through the process of wnfo rmity) influruct-d people's auitudcs and the expression of

    m.l'ot' attlnnles, In Lhe

    next sectio n , wc will sce that vriJJ control (through the proce!OS of obedience) filrl all('r people's behavior.

    Obtdience to Authority I f ord ered to do so, would yuU lompl}' wiLh all experimenter's instnlcti rm to RIll' people in cre;l~ingl y painful e lectric shocks?
    MO'II I~plc would

    say no: ye t, !lI e r C!I(:arch 01 ",w:uI psychologist St:lIlley Milgr.l.I11 ( 1963, 1975:

    Alien, 1978:3'1 -(3) suggests that most of us will rho, ~uch orders, In Milgram 's words (I975:xi): "Brhil\il)r that is unthinkable io an indh'idllal .. Mtlng nil his own nlay be executed wilhout het-itatlun IIrht'1I carried OUl under orders.~ Milgmm placed advertisemcnl~ in New I'''well , f.llnn('ctirnt , newspapers to rec l'llit su~j ec ts for "hott \I,U annollnccd as a learnin g expe rimenl al Yak< l~ni\C'T'l\ity, Pal'tici pants included postal cl e rks, rtt(tl1rrl"i, high schoolteachers, alld laborcrs, They 1ft'I'1' t]lld lhut Ihe purposc of UIC research was la IDYntilfolll' the efft.Cts of punishme nt on le.lrning, ' Thr experimenter. dressed in a grny technician 's rttilL explained ,hat in each (esling, o ne subject ,",uM he randomly selected as Ule ~ l ea rn eJ''' wh ile lhr,llherwould fun ction as the Mlc:.chcr," Ho\\'e\'c,', lb. 1011(:11 was tigged so thal the Mreal " su~jcct trllUlrl Jl\\~,)'li be 111e teacher while an associ al e of M&1~r:lm 's St't\'cd as the learner. ,-\lthi~ point, the learner's hand was su-appcd to iIIl ,'IL-ttrie appar,uus, The teache r was taken 10 an rln'trumc ~~ hock ge ncralor~ with gO levcr sl...itc hrs. fah \\1I(h was labeled with graduated vol tage despUOI'lli from 15 to 450 volts, Befo re bcgi nning ihrc'CJ}rriment, subjec ts were givcn S:ltnple shocks 011 4!l \ull.\, \\'hich convinced thc m 0 1 the autlu-n lint! of Iltt' expcrimcllL The I(,ilcher W'dS instructed hy th e experim enter III ~p"lv ,hocks of increasing ,'ollagc each timc tJ1 C ieamt'r ir.I\'t' an incorrect answer on :l Ill clIlory te~1 tR"f.ulinK pair(.'(\ words slIch as blllr ~h)' and wild l'e;tf Jtl'r.\ were lold that ~ alth o ugh the shocks om hi" r~tr('mely painful , they causc no penn:lI1e nt u..", damage.- In reality, the learne r did !lOl rt.... ltn(' ulll;Il ~hocks: hOI ...(.'\,e r, subjects in the ro le of IrMhn bdi('\'ed tJml the procedure was gen uin e , The k,tm('r de.liberately gave incorrect answers .and .lt,-'(I 0111 a prearrdllged script. For example,

    I" om' OfStwlk). 1"11/1/10$00

    Milgrfll1l ~

    rmm:nl;l/g 0/;-1'1111':11"1 /11


    ~vl[/i",

    r.X/JmlrvnLs a rerl'hH'f.1 (Ill etu/lir


    tHl/ll 0 1'i/y,
    M

    1/111(11 whtll his ha/lll "111'1/ 011 (/ !horll film,. At Ihi' /5().ll()it l!'Ilf/, 1"1' ~'/Cllm dl'm(mdnllo br rt/"ntfJ fJllIl rt'ftLYd In pkllt his "nulf 011 tht Jnodt /110/4. The n:prrimetlln- f/in, (111irrrxi IIIf' arluol

    511bjl/0 fOTal Ihl .... 'u/"n 'j W hUllt/ 0'110 till' P/(I/l (f/.f 5hoWII III fill' pllfJln) , \\'111/1'

    40 f~(nlf of /M Intl' suhjrru


    immbiiatfiy mded rQmf!/i(lIIu I'll 1/'15
    /Juml, 10 jH!rct'1!1 dIll (ma Ill ,

    tI"" throug" lilt 450-V(}/1 lnlff, ({t.I/lift


    Ms fm'INlded

    MlilCtilll',f" hal/d

    01110

    1111' shOtIl ,,{(lit,

    agv"y.

    .It,

    at 150 \'Olts, the learner wou ld cl)' out, "Ex peri ment,c r, get me Ollt of here! I won ' t be in the ex pe limclll a n y mo rc!" At 270 \'olts, the learner wou ld scream in "goll}. When the shock level reached 350 "OiLS, the leal'l1('1' \\'ould fall Sile nt. If the Icache r wamed 10 stop lhe t:xpcrimem, lhe cxperimc ntc l' would imist Ihat th e teache r continu e, using slIch ~latemcllLS as ~The cxpe ,;mcllt n:quir('s that yOll contilllle and ~Yoll hav(' no olhel' choi ce; )'ou "'tu/ go o n" (tI-'l ilgr;un, 1975: 19-23) . The rcsults ur this unusual expe,;mc!U stunne d and dism:i\cd ~Iilgr,un ( 1975:3 1) and o t11el' social scientists. A sample of psychiatrists had predic te d that vil1ua lly all subjects would refuse la shock innocent \ictim s, In their view, only a Mp.llhological
    M

    177
    ('J/,W/Y ] , /JI-.i'IttNlL A."n MJCJM (:0.\''fI) / JI

    fringe " of less than 2 perce nt would conunue administering shocks up lO Llle maximum level. Yet al most Iruq.lhirds of parti cipan u; ICIl into the C.1tegOl of ~obedi ent subjects." As Milgram ( 1975:5) observed: ~ Dcs pite the tact that ma ny sul:!ieclS . . . protest 10 the experimenter. a substalltial pl'Oporlion continue to Llle last shock on Llle gCJlerator." Why djd these subj ects obey? "Vhy were they willing to innict seemingly painful shocks on innocen~ victi ms who had never done them an)' hmm?There is no evidence to suggest that these subjecLS we,'c unusually sad istic; feW see mcd to el"tioy admi nistering the shocks. Instead. in Milgram's view. the key to obedience was lhe experimenter's social role as a ~sc ientist~ and ~seeke r of knowled ge." Milgram poimed out that in th e modem indus. trial world we are accustomed to submitung to imperson;tl authority figures whose stams is indicated b)' a tille (professor. lieUlenant. doctor) or by a uniform (the technician 's coat) . T he auLllOrity is viewed as larger and more important than lhe indh~dual: conscqucntJy, the obedielll illdh~dual shifts responsibility for his or her behavior 10 the authotity figure. Mi lgr<lm's suqjecLS frequently stated : "If it \,'ere lip to me, 1 would not have adminislered shocks." They saw the11lsc1\'(:.~ as mc rely doing their dut)' (M i1b m. 1975:xii. 7-8. 137, .... 144-146). Viewed fTOm an interactioniSI perspective. 01l(! impor13nt aspect of Mi lbrnlm 's findings is the fact that subjects in follow-up studies were less likely 10 inniCI the supposed shocks all Llley were mm'cd physically closer La their victims. Moreo\'cr, interactionists emphasize thal teache rs assumed responsibility for punishment by inrrlmlNllafly administering additional dosages of 15 VOILS. In effect, the experimenter negoliated \\1th the teacher (sec Chapter 5) a nd co nvinced the teacher to continue inflicting hjghe,- levels of punishment _ It is doubttul that anywherc neH t1,e two-thirds rate of obedience lIIould ha\'c been reached h(ld the experimenter told the leachel'~ lO administer 450 mlts immediately lO llle ieal'l1crs (Al ien, 1978:42-43: Katovich, 1987). Milgram launched his experimental sludy of obedience 1.0 better understand \J1(: invoh'emCJll of Gennans in I.he annihilation of 6 million Jev.'S and millions of ol her peo plc during World War 11. In an interview conducted lon g after lhe publication of his study, he suggcsted that "i f a system of dealh

    camps were set up in tJ1C United St<lu:s of Ihe sol't we had seen in Nazi Germany. one wo uld be ablr to find sufficie nt personnel ro r Lbose camps in an)' medium-sized American town" (CBS News. 1979; 7-8).

    J.~g.~.~ .~...~P.:~.. .f.Qr..~..~g~~...~.~n!!.~~............ _ The sanctions used to encourage conformity and


    ,o bedience-;md to d iscourage viola Liol1 of social 1l01lll.S-are carriecl Ollt through informal and formal social control. Informa l social cOII /rol, as the term implies, is used by people ca~\lall y. Normsarc enforced through lllC use o f Lllc inforlllal sa nctioru described in Chapter 3. Examplcs of info rmal sociaJ conlrol include smi les, laughter, raising of all eyebrow, and ridicule . Techniques or infomlal conu'ol (Ire typically emplo}'ed within primary groups sHch as families. Ind;viduals learn such lec hniques early in their childhood socialization to cultuml n0l111S. Since thtsf mechanisms o f social cOl1 trol aTe not fOllllali7.ed, there can be great variation in their use even within the same society. For example. imagine that H teenager is seated on a crowded bus in a scal reserved for cldedy and disabled people. r\ rather frai l-looking elderly Illall gets o n (he bus and has nowh e re lO sit, yetlhc teenager does nOt move. Onc nearby passenger may scowl a t Llle teenager, anOlh e r lTlay sta re until lhe teenager becomes un comfortable, while a third may verbalizc Llle conlrol mec hanism by tell ing the teenager to get up. In some cases, informal methods or social con trol a rc not adequate ill e nforcing courorming or obedie nt behavior. In the ex ample abo,'C, th~ teenager might look away from ,J1(; scowling anrl staring passenge rs and might tell the third person. "Mind your ollln business!" Allhis point, passenger'! might en liSI the aid of the bus driver-whose occu pational role carries \\'ith it a cCl'Iain authorityin an auempt lO force the teenager to give up the seat. Forma l social COl/lrol is carried out by au thorized agents, such as police oflicers. physiciaru. school administrators, employers, l11ili:II)' officeR. and managers of movie theaters. As we have Sl::en, il can .selve as a last resort when socialization and informal sanctions do not bring about desired ~ haviol'_ Societies v<u)' in deddillg which hehaviors \\.;11 b(o subjected to formal sodal control and how severe

    178
    PAnT 7WO OH(' NIlJNG ......
    .~OCltll.

    un:

    the- ~(Ijon~ wil l be. In thc nation of Singapore. lhrrr .lre fllles of $625 for lincri ng. $3 12 for eating IWI th(' ,ubl<l'aY. and 594 for fai ling 10 fl u$h a pUDIIc lodcL in 1992, Sing.llxue bomned tJ1C 5:llc of cht!'\\" ~~m.lnd 51 .1 people ..... et"(: comined of iJlegalJy IIDoling in public. Ahhough a la",' has not )'tl been j8IIt1J. SJngapo~'s gOl'cmmcru has ofliciall)' criuc:ir.td people who come fushio nably laIc for dinner ,.n~: \uch behal;or is \;ewed as a ~S"u\\ing proD)rm "lilt v.ide implications for' naljonal producti,'"

    (Sraneg-.m. 1993:36). Ir \) importallt 10 ell1J>hasi7c that fonnal social Ulnlml " nOl alW'.\}'S C"drried OUI on I) by gO\'ernIIImI"fficiab in response 10 \iolations of the law. Cin.Un mlx:uhurcs witJlin a sod(ty exercise fonnal
    lb' II'lO.II

    conlrol to maintain ad herence 1,0 their di~ ",odal nonns. For example. if a Illelllber of tht\lI\i~h religious minorilY (,'cfcr back to Chaptrt.) liolaleti the cOlll lllun ity's sta nda rds. he 0 1' she ,,111 initlall)' be verbally chastiscd by a mt~ mbe r (i nfonn.li l,()(iaJ t:onlrol). Howe\'er. if a n Am ish pe rtrIO commilS an especially se ri O llS lr.lIlsg,cssio ll or IqIC'att'dly \iQlatcs accepted norms. the commu ni ty . . 1O\'Okl: its IUost scvere means of fonnal social CGbtml. "n(WI1I ~ Mridlwg. or "shunni ll g . ~ With in "c~ilAlIlish community. a fonnal decision lQ.bun<l member amounts 10 ~wcial dea th ~: lllC JIr'V'" la totally ignored. e\'cn by family members. (:rntralh. !lIe shunfled member chooses 10 leave (IMmunity mther than enclu re Ih is I)ainfui Itthl'lIqul.' of fonna l social corurol (Kcphart and
    bnc: 11\('

    Sociologisu have become increasingly interested in the creallon of laws as a soc ial process. Laws are created in response 1 perceived needs for fonnaJ 0 social cOlllrol. Sociologists ha\'e sought 10 explain how and why such perceptions are manilCsled. In their \iew. I:IW is Itot merely a sl.'uk hody of rules handed down from generation to generation. Rathe r, it I'cllccts con tin ually changing slandards of ""ha I is I'iglu a nd wrong. of ho ....' viola tions arc to be de te rm ined. and of wha t sanctions arc to be applied (Schur, 1968:39-43). Sociologists rc-presenting varying theoretical per Specti\'ClI agree thal the legaJ order reflects underlying social ,'aluc.~. TIlercfore. the cre'Hion of criminallaw can be a mosl comroversia l maneI'. Should it be againlll the la .... 10 e mplo)' illegal illllnigr.ml.'l in a factory (sec Chapler 10). 10 h:wc an abortion (sec Chaptc r 11 ). or to smo ke (In :'In airplO'\nc? Such issues h.l\'c bee n bitte rly de baled because Ihey requi re a ch oicc amo ng comped ng valu es. Not SUI'p risi ngly. laws thal al'c L.ln l>o p lll;lI~s ll ch :L the pro.. h ibition o flh e ma nufacture and ~::d f" of intoxicating liquor.lll l1c\er Ihe Eigh tcc nth Amendme.nt in 19 19 and U1C cSl1lblisluncnl of a national 55 mi le per hour speed limit on highways in 1973-becOllle dif ficult to enforce owing to lack of consensus supponing the norms. It is important to undcrscore the f;lCl that socialitatio n is the plimary source of conCo11l1 ing a nd obcdielH behal'ior. induding obedience 10 l a ...... , Generally. it is nOI exte rnal p,'essul'e Crom .. pee.r group or a uthority figure Ihal makes us go along wiUI social nonns. Rather. we have illlcrnalized such uonns as \'alid and desirablc and ~Irc cornmiued to obsen.ing them. In a profound scnsc. we wanlto sce ourselves (and 10 be seen) as loyal, cooperativc, responsible. and respectful of others. In the United Sta les and otJlcr societies al'OlInd the ,...o rld . people are social ized bo th 10 WOlll t 10 be lo ng and lO fear bei ng viewed as differe nl o r deviant.

    r.Gn~.

    19!H:27).

    a.r aod ..SOcie.'L ................................................................


    Samt- I\(.mu are considered so illl l)Qn:U1t by a sottm th.!\ they arc fonna lizcd imo la"''S comrolling
    JIfOpIt'~

    hcha\ior. In a poli tical .sense, taw is the

    '1Io!h (If ntlt!5 made by go\'cnllncllt for society. inIr'fJlI'I:ll.'d by the COUI'LS. a nd backed b)' the powl'r statc~ (Cumm ings ami Wise. 1993:49 1). iomr law', such :l!l lhe pro hihilio n agai nst murder. art dlrtctl al all me mbe rs of society. Othcr.l. suc h fi~lIng and hunting rel:t>'t,i:Hions. :'Ire aimed pd"';1\ .11 particular categories of people. Still othen pt'm the Ixha\;or of 50Cial institUlions (corpna...n b.w and laws regarding the' taxing of _ptufil enlerpri~) . Despite IIlIch differences. "l'M of 1 are considered exa mp le .. of fonua] ;1", IDtial nurrnt (Chambliss ancl Seidman, 1971 :8) .

    d lhl.'

    .lJ..E.;Y!.~G.E.; ........._. ___...._ ........... _ ...........................................

    ~~J .. ~J?~.yj~~?.._........................

    w" _"._,,_.,,_ _ ,,_.

    For sociologi!ll.'i. the tcnn droian(f! does nOI mean pcn.crsio fl or dcpr.tvity. D ev ian cfI is behavior Ulal \;o!ale,s the standards of conduct or ("xl>ccl;nions of

    li9
    ('JltWn::M "

    OH1M'O; A,\7JSOClM aJ.\7ROI

    f),..,i(ll/Ct
    ID

    muller. PtofJIL

    is often 11 rt/lllilNl may (OIlS/tier il (lU4JlabII "intl '1111(/,. 51(1l1fi'S in (l II/flJ'l'l11ll. bltl
    G

    '''glil,

    (lrt ~'lwdmlll)' srdllf,r 1II111l' S/(i/uN on rteortl alhlm, CUIII:I'. Till' ft'.Jflfli'llg
    )1I11Y1111'fl] ((II~

    '" 7;11 MUfhi",j

    albl/m for,rd Ill'" rrrord wm!IlIP/1 '0 rn1l(!lJ(: Ill' mol, gt'1l;/(llul from 11"
    ~/(IIII O fll/lured 011 IIII~ tU/1fT.

    a grou p or Jlodety (Wicklll:ln , 199 1:85). In the Uni ted SI.II('JI. alcoholics, people with taltoos. COIll pulsivl' gamblers, and the mellla1\y ill wo uld all be classifie d as deviants. Iking late fo r class is c:!lcgod :tccl a$ a deviant act: the s.une is lrue of dressing too casually fa, a f0l111<11 wedding. O n the b.. 'tsis o f the socio logical defin itio n. we arc all deviam fmm time to time. Each of II.~ violales COIllIllOIl social no rms in cCrL'tin situations. De\~;Ul ce involvc..'S Ihe \~o la tio n of gro up 1I01111S which may 0 " may nOI be fonllali zed inlo law. It is a comprehe nsive concept that includes no t only c riminal beh:wior but also many anions n ot subject 10 pmsccUlion . The public official who lakes a bribe has defied social norms, but so 11<1.$ the high school sLUde nt who refuses to sit in a n assib'n ed Sell! o r Cll ts class. Of course, dc'~at io Jl from norms is nOI always neg-.Ilivc, lel a lone criminal. A me mbe r o f a n ex cl llsh'c social club who speaks o ut against ilS tradi tional po licy of e xclud ing ....o me n , Blacks, and J ews from admillancc i~ deviating from the club's nonns. So is a police o nicer who -blows the wh istle o n COl' ruplion or brut:tli t), wi thin the dcpanmcIII . As wt: notcd earlier. devia nce can be understood o nly within its social context. A nude photOgrdph of a \\'0 111;111 or man may be perfectly appl'O]lI'iate in an an museu m but \\Iould be rcgardt:d as 0111 of p lace: in a n clement.'tIY school classroom. A phar. macist is expectcd to sell prescriptio n drugs o nl)' to people \,'ho have explicil inJltructio ns frolll medical a Ulhori lies. If the pharmacist :sells thc sallle dmgs to a narcotics dC<lier, he o r she 1"'10 commi llcd d t'"iall l (a nd crimina l) bc ha"ior.
    M

    St.mdards 0 1 deviance va ry frOI11 o nc grou p (or subc ulture) to .lIlothe!'. In the United States, it is generally considered acceptable to si ng along al a fo lk o r rock concen . but II Ot at lh e o pera . .J ust as cl e\~;ulcC is d efincd by the social silllalioll . so lOO is it relative to lime. For inst.'mce, h a\~ n g an alcoholic ddnk ;Il 6:00 " .M. is a common pl'aclice in OUl' $0dell" but engaging in the samc he h;\viol' upo n ;u ising a l 8:00 A.\I. is '~e \\'cd as a clc\~am act and as symptoma tic o r <'I drinking proble m. In Table 71, Wl' oncI' add itiona l examples or u ntimely lIClS Iha t arc rcgarded as d(:\~lI nt ill the United States, Dc\iance, th en, is a highly relative maller. Peo-

    Ringing 0 World ng HoYing

    doorbell 01 2 A.M.
    0t1

    New

    Yeor', eve dote

    $8)(

    on 0 fif~

    PIoylng 0 ~r8f'eO loudly in &Ofly morning hoofS

    Hoving on okoholic drink with breokfoll


    Arllnllfuctor" ending 0 college don oiler 15 minutel
    Gelling monied ofter having

    been

    engaged

    For o nly 0

    fww days
    Toki ng five yearl or more 10 complele high school

    Soo'1J mtlJ "K"lfl (mu;" ow


    lIS d,lIirwt limply brr.mJV of IN /i"" tILIIWlI1 imJQ/vttf.

    180
    I'AI( " 11IYI /JII(;.A",,!.I.W; Sflf'IM UH.

    pIt in the Unia'et St,\les Ill:l )' consider it strilnge for (I person 10 lig lu 01 bull in an areml. before an audience of screaming fans. Yel we are nOI n early 'IQ shocked by the pr:tclicc of two hum.lns fighti ng fJ/uh IJ4hd with boxi llg glo\'c~ in fron t of a similar Judience.

    Irue of th e clriwr ,.,.!t o receivcs .. speeding licket. the dep:u'unclll ~IOfl' (':t~hier \\'ho is fircd ror yell ing al a customer, and the college stude nl who is pe nalized for h:.mclinA in pal)('rs weeks olcldue.

    \\"y do people violalc social lIorms? We have seen tbot, dC\;ant ;lCLS 'Ire subjcct to both inforlllal and formal sanctions of social control . The noncol1forming or disobedient 1X'f1}on limy race disappro'\'2l, IOS! of friends, flues, or e\'clI illlprisonmenL Why. then , d()('lI deviance occur? t:''\rI) explanatiom for clt."Viance identir.~d sllpc rnaturnl cau5CS o r genetic f; IClors (~ II(' h as wbad blooct~ or e\'olution:lI)' throwhacks lO pl'imiti\'e anrC:Slors). By tilt' 1 800~. Ih el'e wc\'(' ~lIh~t:lIl1i;J1 1'(''>titrch efToI'I$lo id~'rHif'y bioloJ.;'icall<lclOr~ th:tl1cad l!ld('VianCI' and c'pt'da lly In rriminal flcdvit)'. Whi](: such research ha.~ 1)('(' 11 disclwlilt'd in I ht Iwcnl ieTh Ctnlllly. conlclIll>OI.II)' smdics. pl'irnaTily by biotht'mim, havc !lnll~ht In ;~nlalt' g~'netic faclors leading 10 a likelihood of c('!'Iain pcrsonality 1101;15. AIIhQugh cri minalil), (nwl'h Ics) deviance) i'l hardly I proollality char.lctcri'ltic, reseal'ch el'<; have fou~d on t.rait.~ that might lead 10 crimc, su ch as ago ~r~ion . Of COIII"\(:, lIgglC'i.~iOlI ('an ..Iso Icad lO sue t~ in the coqXlr.uc world. professional ~porls. 01'Ith!!r areas or lite. The cOlltempOI"aI)' study of po1>Siblc bioiOJ;,rica\ roots or crimillalit)' is bUI unc :LSIX'U or lhe larger 'llXiobiolog)' dcb.ue diSf'u'>SC<\ in Ch:lpter 4. In general, 5OCiologisl..'l rcjt.'Ct :my cml}h;LSis on genelic n>OlS or crime alld dcviallce. The Iimilalions of current knowledge arc $0 signilkam, lhe likelihood of rtmrorring mcisl and sexist asslllllpciollS so clear, ~ntl tllC implicaliom ror rt.' h"bilitatioll of criminals "0 dislurbing, thal socin lugisls han- largely drawn
    upnn

    =._. . .

    FYnlaininl!....................................................... _ ........ _ ........ _ ..... Deviance 9.

    Dllrkh,dm 's LegoC'J Emile OurkJle1m (1964:67, original edition 1895) focuscd his 5OCiological in\'estig-.uions main I)' on criminal acts, yCI. his conclusions h<l\'c implications ror dll Iypes of de\;ant beha\ior. In Dllrkheim's view, tJ.f' punishments established within :1 cuhure (including what \\'c have identified as forlll:,1 and infonnal mechanisms of social conlTOl) IIdp 10 der.l1~ "cccpl~ble bchil\'ior ilml llms comrihulc to stabilil) . If improper acts wen" nOI commi ll ecl and thell S:ulClioncd, people

    Olher "PP' O"clH:S to (Sagarin ,lilt! San ch Cl, 1988).

    expla in

    deviance
    0,1 Ihr /J(JlU of his I/Iuly
    I'u nlfllll

    Functionalist Perspective Accord ing 1(1 function"Ii~IS, deviance i~ a cummon pan of human exislencc, wil.h po~ili\'e (;L~ well as negali\'c) consequenttS fO I ~ia I 5m bilily. l)e"iaTlce helps 10 dcflnc the' lim iL~ ofpropcr lX' ha\'ior. Chi ld ren who sec o ne patrOl scold the other for bdching al Ihe dinner lable learn about al>prm'Cd cunduCl. The .... me i ~

    rif Ihl.
    N/flll

    Of ~1f"1r1"'llh'",IIII"

    I!rrglmlft, ~1)('i(llngi.\1 A.m Enk.,ml


    \'I1f!J,"'~fffllhlll tI" J'Im llms' jltTYmlwtJ rif(J!wkl'n Ilnd f'XHldUl1! ofWOIMll a.J II'I(rh,f ''''''ft'VII/M ttmlmlJi1!g llltrmpl$ /0 drJinl' mill rt'dI'filll' ,,,, bcnmdril'l of

    tlvi, """mum/y.

    /8/
    (II"YU.J( i IJtI '/AXO "..\'11 'VI.JM (:rJ\' IWJI

    might ex te nd th eir standa rds as to what co nstitutes appro priate co nd ~IC L Kai Erikson ( 1966) illl,lsu-;:lIed this bo undarymaintena nce runction of deviance in his sllldy of the Puritans of seve ntecnth-ccllw l)' Nc\.,. Engla nd . By today's st.andards. the Puri tans placed tremendo us e mphas is upo n conventional momls, Their pcrse,:tttion orQua kcrs :uld execution of women as witciH:s re presented cominLling atlempL~ to defill c and redefine the bo undaries o f their cOlllmtlllilY. In effect, changing social norms created ~c rim e waves;' as people whose bc havlor w.ts previously acceptable sudde n 1 fa ced p un ishment fOl- bein g de)' viallt (Abrahamson, 1978:78-79: N. Davis, 1975: 85-87). Unexpectedl}', boundary maintenan ce rcclllc rged in the same area some :\00 years la te r. Tlw town of SaJc.rn, Ma.~sachu se ll.'l, rJr..tWS (a nd proli ts from) I millio n visitors pe r )'ear who come to sce the sites of th e witc h l.I;a ls a nd executio ns. At the urgin g of descendan L<; of 20 innocent victims \\'ho had heen executed . a statu: was designed 10 COmlllc mOl1ltC the sla in women, However, protests blocked th e public inslilllation o f the stallle_ owing to concen. that suc h a ptomin e m mem orial to the I)ictims would d ampen tOurists' in terest in witch lore (DriscoH, 1988), Du rkheim (1951 , original ed ition 1897) also introduced the tenn allo",j~ in sociologicalliter.ullre to describe a loss of direct io n felt in a society when social contro l of indivirl tlal bchavior has become ineffeCtive. A~ ....~.tS nOted in Chapte r I , a no mi c is a state of Hormlcssness which typicall)' occu rs during a period of profuund social c ha nge alld disorde r. suc h as a Limc OfcCO liOmi c collapse. Peopk become more aggrcssi\'c o r depressed , and th is results in higher ra tes of viole nt crime 0 1' s uicide. Since there is muc h les.~ agreemC Ill o n what constiulles proper behllvior during limes of revolution, sudde n prosperity, or econom ic dep ression . con fol1uit y and obed ience become less signifi cant as social IOl'ces_ It also becomes much more difficult to sta te e xactly what COllstiUl lcS dcviance.
    M er/OIl '$ Theory of D eviance
    A 1.llugger and a scc

    olales accepted norms (such as mugging) may be pe rformed wi th the same basic ohjectivcs in mind as lhose o f people who pursue more co rwe mional li fes t),les. Using thc abovc analysis_ sociologisl Robert Me rton of Co lumbia University ( 1968 :1 85-214) adaplCd Durkhc illl's no tion of a nQmic to ex plain why people accept or rejecl t.he goals of a society, the sociaH)' approved means to fulfil! thei r aspiratio ns. o r both . MerlOn maintai rled that one im portant cullut-.t1 goal in the Uni ted StaLes is SLL CCI,!SS, measured 1;11-gc\}, ill lenns o f mOllcy. In addi tion to providing tllis goal for people, our society ofTel1 specifi c instruc tions o n how to pu rsue success-go to school, work hard, do not quit. take adv',Ultage of opportuniti es. and so forth , What ha ppens 10 individuals in a society wi th a heav}' emphasis 0 11 wealth as :l basic symbol of success? ro" lerton reasoned th at people adapt in certain ways. eit her by co nforming la or by deviating from such c ultu r.tl cxpccUltions. Consc(luel1lly. he dL c! ... o ped th e a1lOlIIie t/reoly of deviance, which posits five bas ic forms of adaptation (sce Table 7-2), Confo rmity lO social norms, tilt." most conmtOl\ adap tation in MCI'LOn 's typology, is the opposi te deviance. It involyes ae<:e p tancc o f hOtJ1 th e ovcrall societal goa l ("become amuel1l~) and the approved Illeans (~work hard ~), [n Me rton's view. the re must

    er

    T,\Ul.f 7-2
    IN$TlT\JTlONAUZED MEANS (HARD WORK)

    SOCIETAL GOAl.
    (ACQUISffiON

    MODE

    OF WEAlTtiJ

    Nondevionl

    Conformity Deviont Innovalion Ritualism Ralreolism Rebellion


    "o,,~ f

    + + +

    "

    "
    ; "d Oc~ '~

    huli" u, ... "CC epmlCe; - indka\l'~ ''''jCC:,iQn; ~ Tel'l.00::c:mctH ,",'id , " ..... 'UIfAU~ ~tld b '<la!..

    'W/Klt Mmo,r J typology (J 968: / 94)


    show.1 1/)(1/, in man)' c~.s, Ihost wllW!

    re tary do nul secm a t first to have a great deal in common . Yet , in fac t, e<lch b ~workin g~ 10 obtai11 money which can then be exchanged fo r desired gouds. As this example illusu'ates, bc havio r that vi-

    form /If w l(I/llali(nI IS droia/ll Jlill


    (lrCl'/Jt f'ilfll'f" Ihl' lUfJrN rOr;c fir tIll' dmr,

    for

    lIuflmfl{ wtafflr ",if/ttJ coll[rnWIIJb',

    vO/Ul'ti ftJ

    182
    I'AlO ' 'IlIYJ - OIIGM.'/'I.JNG .'iOC/,oIL UW

    hl' 'iOUle COIlSC IISlIS regarding ;Iccc pted cl/huml Koab and legitimate means fOI attaining tl,e m . Without such consenSIIS, societies could exiSt on l} ' as rolJecu\'t._I of pcoplc-nllhcr th,ln as unified clIl'i' lurrs-and might function in continua] chaos. Ofcourse, in a 'iQ(:ictyslIch as that Of tllC United Sule$, confonniry is nOI uni"C~IJ. Forex.unple. the mtan5 fM rcali/ ing object ivc .. a re IHlt cqually distnhuted. People in the lower social dasscs often identify with the sa llle goals as those of more powrriul and afllw,:nl c itizens )'e l l"ck eqlml :.ccess to high-qu:llity education a nd training fOl' skilled '>\Ork. Even withi n a IDCiety. institutio nalized means tor rt'<lliling objectives \'ary. For i n ~ tan ce. il ill leg-.d . tl)!I'lin money through rou lette 01' poker in Ne... tda , wlnot in nciKhboring Q ,JifomiOl. othe r four types o f bchavior I"l'presclltcd in TOlble 7-2 all inv0 1\'c w mc de p.trture frolU COli forM mil)', TIlt M inllOV:ll or acccpL~ the goals u f a socie ty bill pursues the m wilh m ca n ~ l'eg:lI'de d as illlprol>cr. Fo r example. Ha n )' Ki"g-ll pl'oJ ~ss i on a l thief who ,~ p cciali z(:d in safecr.tc:killJ.\' fur 4U p:ars1r.l1'C a leCture to a sociology class and \\~ IS asked if he had minded :.pcnciing time ill prison, Kjng rtlIpondcd:

    n,e

    I dldn ' l t'xacLl) lill."


    tllIlI1tS :100111 Iht'

    il.

    Bm it

    ~~L~ 1111('

    or 1111'

    IIL'('t'tiSary

    I" Hck1 Mn1fn", f'JllI)/oKY, IN


    ""'tPWllUI~ l/tu btwcolh fIIIiMm",n fmm bofl! IM gooh (lnd mttIns (If a )On11J- /,.. Ihl Urultd Slol", llIm /1 Jfffl/I'''I! mll(,"' 000111 tUlo/J:lrnlls

    life I had ch~lI . Do )'011 hke 10 ("oml' ooe:lnd 1(,;lCh lhis da~? I bel if lhl." ~ludt' I' b 1I.1f1 their
    ...15111:1 they'd IH '
    5O",e~"llI'rc t'I~.

    1I1.1)" OUI slealmg. he

    instead of siuing ill Ihis dum p) 1'00.... UUI Ihey /In iI ba,lS(' it g('(.~ ,l lcm some lhing they ~~\IlL The ":lIlle
    "';Ih Illt', If I had to KO to plison from \lllIt 10 UlIlI:.
    Ii'tJl. Ih al \ \'a..' Ih e

    fl(ldid'lt 10 (jlmho!. IIIho WO/M


    rrtrra.hlt" (11 (Ill fIIrty

    ''K'"

    plicl'

    )f1U

    p:'ly

    (Ch :\I nhl l~~,

    1972:x).
    ui<llion " 'ilhout rememberi ng the larger goals of an org-dnilation. C.crtainl), this wou ld be Inle of a wdfare C:LS('wol'kcr who refuses to owist a homeless family becausc Iheir \;lSl aparuncnt W"",l." i~) a no the r district. Pcople who o\'el7calollsly and rigidly ('11force b ure:l llcr.uic regulations G ill be classifie d a... :
    "rit ual ist~.H

    1fM1'} King 501 ..... hi .. c liminal lil(''8I)'I(' lts an adapt.-.-

    lion 10 lil(' goal of material succcssur "gct t ingsom~ Ihing)" \\; tIII. According lO Mcrton ".lnOlllie theoll ory of (kvi:mce. if a society largely d enic'! pt.'o plc
    R

    the 0PI>orhlllit y 10 achicve succe55 throug h SQcially approved avenucs, some individuals (like King) wi l1 turn to illcgiti lll<lIe p;uhs o f upward mobilil)" In Me rl OIl 's typnl0J.,'Y, the ~ri tua1i s t" h a,~ abandoned the goa l of m:Hc rial success and hecOllle compulsively cOnll'lliued to the i'lslitl ltioll al means. Therefore, work l')Ccomes a way of life I<uhe l' than a means to IlIe goal of '\ucccss. In discllssillg goal cfuplacemelll ""ilhin bure:mcr..u.:y in Cha pl cr 6. we noted IIUlI official.. C,IIl blindl) apl}l), rule and fl.'g-

    T he " I"e l reat i ~t," as described by Mc rto n , has basicall y withdr11wn (or "retreated ") f!'Om bOlh th e goals a nd th e mea ns of a soc ie ty. In the Unil,cel SGltC.... ",hi le drug a rldi ( L~ and residents of skid row a re t)'Pically po nraycd as rc t.rcatists, lhe re is g l' wing concern about adolt."SCclIl't addicted to alcohol who become retn::alislS :al an early age. nlC final adapmlipn identj(j(."CIIl)' Menon reflects

    /83
    ( JIWI"P-..N 7 11I11tt.\U.tJ\TJSlJ(lAI CO.' -I"HOI

    people's aucmpts to cn :all' ~I II C\\' social Hn lctllrt!. Tht> -rcbel" is assumed (0 h:I\'(:t ..cme of'alienaLion fl't)lO domina III mcans :lIId goals :md 10 he seeking :I dr..unatkally different ~ial meter. Members of a n:volution;ur political Org-dllil... uiol1 . such .LS thc Irish Republican Army (IRA) 0 1 the Pucno Ric:.m ' nation:lli~t group Fuen..as Armadas de Ubc:ntc.ioll l\'acional (FALN). can h(' C:lt (gOlil.cd ,IS rebels ac cording 10 ~'I erto n 's model. MCl'lon htlS ~Ircsscd thal he Vo'lL<; not atlcll1pl,ing IU describe five l)'pe'i of indivichml . Rmhcl', he offered a Iypology 10 e );I)lain the aClions Ihal people I/(fwlly lake. 111l1s. ICOIdeo; of org:wilecl crime S~l1rlicates will he cau:goriled as iI1lIO\';:lIoo;. !lincc they do not l)ul'Sue slIrce.s... through ItOdally approved means. Yet the) m;l)' also lI!1cnd church and .send IheiJ ,hilcll'en lu medical school. COIl\'('Nd ~re- spccmble people tml)' occ:t"iioI1.l1ly cheat on their taxe!l or violate trame law!l. According 1.0 Merton. the same pt!l"on will m ove back and lorth from o nc modc ur OIdapwtioll 10 allolitt"r. depcnding on the {Il'm:tllds uf a pOI I'lieul:u' :.illl<llio ll. l)e_pi lc its popul;ui l)" Ml'I'IOt)'1\ Iheor), 01 de5 "i:II\1"t' ha~ hac! f('I:llivcl)' It\\ applk;ttiO I L~. Liule erfnn h.L\ Iwell nmdc to dctCl1nil1t' how COlllp"Ch(,Il'iI\'(' thr- fiw mocles of;ulaptatioll ....e-in other wnrcls. 10 what cXlenl all acl"i of dt....iance roll1 be accounleft for hy intHwation. rillmlbm. rClIe"ti~m, ;md rci)('\Iion. MOI'cQ\'er, whil(' Menon 's thcol"}' is lI'>('ful in ('xami ning ccnain Iypes of hcha\'iOT, such as ill('g:l l glnubling by dis;lCh~lIllagt'cI people functioning 'IS inl1o...." ors. his furmul.ltiun fails (0 explain key dilTerenccs in rtlles. Why. for example. do .some disad\';:lmagl.-d group~ h,,\'e lo ....er rates of reported crime than others? Wh) i ~ crimin,,1 beha"ior 1I0t \;C\\'ed ;is a viablc allc'rnalh'c by m.m)' peopit.' faced ....;lh ildvcrsit)'? Such qlle"lions arc not ea...il), answered by Mcl"ton'" theory of deviance (Clo.....ard. 1959; Hartjen. 1978). Nt....,crlhcless. MCl'ton ha:. made 11 key con lliblltion to sociological lIndcrstand illg of d~iancc by point.ing ou t Ihm de\'iants (such as irmovatot'S and ri lllalisu) share :t grea t deal with cOl1fonni n g people. The convicted felon may hllld many of the same a_~pil-:'lIions that people wilh 110 criminal background h;I\'('. Therefore. dc\'i;tn("C cm be understood as socially crcolled ~ha\itll . rather than ,IS lhe n;,\ult of momentary pathological impttls.cs.

    In teractionjst I'erspeeti\,c: Oiffe rential Association The fl1tlctiot1iIU" approaclws 10 deviance explain why rule violation conlil1ll('.~ to t');isl in sexieties despitt' pr{'~ lIres 1 confomr :md nlx',. 1 0 lowC\'e'T. fun cljonalists do nOI indicate ho .... ;1 gi\'t'1l ~rson C01l\e~ to COlllmit ;t d('\i<llll act. TiI(' thenry of dirfcrelllial ;1:\.~H"i:llion dl,;m... IIpOIl the illl(>racljonist pcrspecthe to offer JUSt .. udl .111 ();pl:lllalion. There is 11(1 natuml. illll:lt( 111:11111(:1' in "hich ~ plc inlcrdcl ....il,h onc another. R.'Ithc,,, hUIll.lIlsll!flm how to beha\'c in o;ocial Silllluion_whether propcri) or improl>crly. l1\Cse simple ideas MC nOI d~ pUled loda),. but this ......LS not the case "hen socic*(l~;ist Edwin Sutherland ( 1883-H.lW) advanced the argument that an IIIdi\idual ulldcfKOt.'S the SlIUlf' ba...ic soriali/';:lIion procc~ ....'ht.thcl Ic .. millS conforming 0 1 dc\'iallt :ICI:.. ~utllt' r1ancl\ idc'.b h.nc ht'l'll thl' domimllmg force in rdn1inolog). I !C. drt'w 111'0" the Cll ltll rot : t rn ll st/l;s.fio ll sc honl. which c'lllphasiles Ihal criminal Iwh[lviw' i~ I, artwd tlll'(lIlg h inl(r;l t tion~ \~ith m IH'I'S. SlIch le;lfIling include""ll! (ml)' Icchniquf"i uf IlIwhre;lku lg' (for ,'x.lluplc. how It) hl('.lk into a ('lIr quickl) :mcl rj1tictIY) but al'Oll lIlt" motivd, dn'C5. and ration.llizations 0 1 crimina!',. The cultural tr.tns llli~ion .lpJ>roach call illso Ill' IIscd 11) explain Ihe b(~h ;l\'ior of p('c'pl(" \\ho engage in IllIbi tual-:md '1llimately life-threillening-uS(' of alcohol or dn'h'll. SUlher\:Uld m:linl:lined thlll lhrolrgh intCl"action~ .....ith :1 primary grou l' a nd significan l others. people acqlllre dt.finiliOllli ofbch:wiol'th.1I ;:tfe deemed prop('r and improper. I-Ie uscd the term difJe.rtnlial assuciatiurI tl) dt.'Sc..' ribc the J>1 'OCC"5 through which eXI)O$llrc to allilucit.'S fam,.....blc to criminal acts learls In "iol:n ion ofnll~. Rt.-cc:nl re~all: 11 sug' gats Ihal this \;c ..... of differenlial a...... cocialion can br applied 10 such nonc.riminal dcvi;ml acts as !liuing dowlI dllring the singing of tJ1C Nationa l Anthem or 1)<1ng to :1 spou~ Or friend (E. Jack.~on cl a!..

    1986).
    To what C);tCIll will .. given pC l'son t'ng:lge in activity regarded ;L" propcr or improper? FOI' each in dividual. il wi ll depend on the lhq uc nc),. chll..,Liol1 and impflt'tanc(' of IWO t),pes 0 1 social itltt:'r-dction cxpel'ienC('s-lhosc which ('nelorsc (\e\;:1I11 beha'~ iOl' and Iho'\e which promOle l.ICCcpL'IIICC of social norms. D(',iam Ix:ha\'ior, including criminal acti-

    184
    ".~HT

    nl'U' ORG.4Nt7.1W; \11(.1 -1.1 I.In

    ".111.1"" ~ulhnltllld Ul4't11A.- I,""


    difreren l!;!1 a.o;.sociaUlln 10 I/nm""IIv
    pmtlM whit}, rxponn,. In (1111111111'5 fiwnrahW 10 mmmallltlJ Imds 111"1111111101/ of /11 I1 .' ((HIIi,.1 "o}II(h rroP/ro HI LnhnllOOll. C"b!o,.wII

    '"rlml,''

    "11,.,.

    11/ 199). mnllbrn


    IrIlQU'"
    aJ

    of 11 1ft'lInl:" rllI,",.

    Ih,. -'i/lur 1'0"'''- 1.1,""

    rollT'frtro of a .wont') lif btl'1."""M. fu~r.t/h. (/IId,I/I mdll'Mft. III "dd,/illll. Ih~ ,~,. 1111'1:"IIOn) Iltlll
    Pou,. ,",.lItht'/) hllll ro"'"lIlfnl mfN'\ ,/lid hml dn'fMfI a -,rori"g IlI/,.", 10 klV'/l 11~"1r of Ihnr VXJUI/ ro"IJr.tMI~.

    D w-h;clI.'d hy tho.~ who ",c(luirc tI1(lre s("lI li-.Nb 111 l.llnf or \iolation or norms. I'coplc art: . . blth 10 engage in llolllHlcfyi ng: bc h;wior if Il'I' pm ill d groul' or su bcullure that strc5.."l'S

    ior C\'CI1 wll(:' I it involve d C\c linq. lenl con c/lu::l . s.l ch as che;lIing ill school. usi ng ma r!i U:lIla. o r clJl1ulliIIjng acts or larcen)'. According 1 it5 cri rics. ho\\c.'cr, [he difTere n tial .0 association :lllpro;lCh rails 1 cxplain lht dc.i:ulI!x'" 0 ha\'iOI- or lhe first-lime impulsi\c .. hoplmer or th e impo\'cri'ihcd PCI"iOIl "'ho s tc:tl~ QlI l of necessity, While nOI a preci~: SI:ucmcnt of Ihe process th rough which olle become.. a crimilMl, diflerenlial associatio n does (/irccl oura tlc n liOll lO Ill\.' par-ImOUI!! rolc 01 social interaction in increasi llg PC I'son's motivation 10 eng<lgc ill de\'ialll bch:wiol(Crcs5Cv. 1900:53-54: E. J acKson cl ... 1 1986: ..

    Ilo ....c\cr I trnl('II('(/ ho)' living in !l,e same neighlM.lfhuod . . U .110,1\' from hi.~ peers and 3 \'Oid delinquency. O(hnrl)nuJ1unity. an outgoing :tne! ath letic IftlI JI'III a Uul(: l...eague b:t'k!ball team or a '",op because of hi intcractions " 'itlt peers. 1M. J!1'lt1'l.mcl \i~'S leaming improper bcha\ \ht' 'Nllt of the types of groups lO which onc ~ ~Ild the kind!l of friendships OIlC h" .. with .." l~ul\t'rI,lIId and Cn.iSt.'}', 1978:82). " ht.1lI j'mpiricill st udy o r din"crc ntial ;L~OC ialiCl I\ un. Io(lftrllogislli ~brk Wat'r a nd Ma rk StalTonl 1\1911 j\.IIJ1im:d thc aUitudes and beiLavior of J. I , 17"''I.:.Il'Olds. TIlt' researchers found th;!, IIIImJ: f,r'uplc 's a nitudes and (.ospeda lly their Ix.... ltInlf IUnu~'nc('d the bchador of thd. l>cers. InMd. .ht u.mng pt-"Oplc studied b) Warr and lillfwd I\ffl' likely tu imicJle their rriends' I)('ha\ -

    SInh. Mlfl m.l~ , Ihll5, adopt such bc h'l\;or.

    Su!llerlalld :lIld Cressey. 19i8:80-82). TIle differential association approach dt~ls nOI only ....i'h the J>I'OCC~ by which criminallcchniques are learned. bUI al!lo wilh the com ent that is actuall} passc.d on fro m OnC' person 1 IlIlother. This 0

    conlCnl includes mcth ods of commi n ing a cri mc as ....ell :I ~ wllys ufj llsl if)'i n g criminal l)('ha\;ol'. The COIICCpl 01 " l cch niqllclI
    (jf nClllralilal i(lll. :I ~ d l'snibctl in Box 7- 1 ol1 l)agc IH6. iI IIlS I1' l l e~ h O\\'('filllimll ami Olher norm-defying sc ntimcnt!> :H'e d cfi llc d by the clC\i:t1H pC1"'\01I 10 juslify his o r hc, condllc l,
    ft

    Labc6ng Theory T he Sait1 t5 ali(I fl,o ughneds wct-e twO groulh of high school male... "hcl wcr(' conslaml) occupi(.,(/ ....i\h drinking. "ild drh:ing, Il"u-

    185
    UIII"rllH 7 ')111,\"0:. \,\IJMJC.l.iJ UJ"Hu/

    NEUTRALIZATION OF DEVIANCE AND FEMALE BODYBUlLDERS

    W hen

    ""1.' h;we been obscn.'cd iu ail actiull !.hal others rcgoll'd as illlpropel', .. COll1mon response is, ~ 1~lI t I didn'l do anything wrong .~ Grcsham Sykt:$ and Da\'id 1\1:)(1:;\ ( 1957) clarified the variolls expla. nntion ~ for ,,,rongdoing th;U wc usc in such ~i lllation$ by offering a fil'e,. .. pari model of justificatio ns of deI~a lll behal;or which they call lu h
    lIi91t~'

    ....ml than lhe law-wh~lher lhc un written criminal code of ~ nc\-er sClueal 011 a ffi c nd ~ or moral and religious bclicfs said 10 j ustifr acts of ch~ 1 disobed ience.

    of ,,~utrali.:a liQn:

    DnIJ"'K 1tl//(!1Uibifity. We argue

    that larger force~uch as I)QI'cny, poor aClldemic preparauolI, or IlIc bad example of m hers--drove u$ 10) the misdecd. 2 DI!ll),;I.g I}" inpH). Crimes suc h as I,:mdalism or obstructiOIl of Irdf fie Ileal' a collt-gt" campus are called pmllluor ",;sdl/'.! Such tenllinol ~ l>lIggesL~ that these actions are not ~rious liolations. ! 8111"lIl1g 'hell/mm. Wc adrnltlhal wc hurt iKlmeone else bw maintain tha t lhe lictim "had il comi ng" o r provoked the' incidell1. 4 Co"rlr mllil1g Ih, mllfl oriliiS. Lawbreaktrs often insist tha t police ( 11' gOIl;rnmellL leaders are dlC tnlc guilty p.l.rties. The alleged slupidity, brul.lIi IY, :md corruption of au " thorit y figures arc used to jllStify de-11:UH or criminal beha\ior. 5 Appttlling to hlglv.r fm'll':iplo or IIII ,horill,o. People m tio nalil.c ac J tions by a....~erting that they arc ad hering 10 sl:l lldarw morc 1mpol'

    B using these lille teehn iqut"S o f r lIculrn.liz,l.tion , people who break the I"w arc able to defcnd their conduct. But how useful is this model in understanding justifications of l1Q1uTiminal deviance? Soc:iologisl$ Roben DuB' and Lawrencc Hong (1986, 1988) applied lIeUlr:IIi1.l!.liun theory in studying impl'ession m<ll1;lgemclll among participalll~ ill a re la Lh'el~' tlcW sport: wo mcn 's bodybuilding. Female bodybuilders arc sometimcs treated lavor.1bl y in the media, bllt they h!\I'c alro been .s0cially stigmati1.cd-p:mly bt.-.:-.msc of :llIcgaliollS thallhl..1' usc ! H .'roids, bUI primarily OC....:auSI! the)' rcpn..sent a blatant departure from Ir.t dition:!.l gender-mic cxpcct.1tiollS fo . wom en . 1)1~lwin g upon tht' resulLS of a mail sUI"cy by Ihe 1I1Icrl1allo ll:l1 Federation of Uo dybl1ilders. Duff and Ilongsuggesl thal female body.. builders respond to "egalke leecl h.l.ck from the public and the mrtlia by w.e of three mo re lIeUlrolliz.l.uol1 tcchni(lllt.'S:
    C/oimlllgbnlljitJ.. Wume n dcf,'nd their particip.ation in the sport of bodybuilding by claiming II .al Ihey

    hal'c dC\'Clopcd health)" sU'Ong, nnd attractivc bodies and imptm'td mental health. Such ~c1a ims of ben efil ~ havc been crnplored by pCCJpit eng-J.ged in othel' role~ and actil, tics 11ewed as deviant (N. Friedman. 1974; L Hong and R. Duff, 1977). 2 8lQJling. ~BI:lSIing" is an atla(i: on criua in order to t"n hancc one', OI,m status (K. Richanbon and QII1dini, 1981). Fem"le bodybuildtn lypicaJly ~blast~ thcir critics by par. tT3}ing lhem a~ igno mnt, jealo\L\, unhealthy. f.n. and lazy. 3 Basking il. rrj/ltd gIOT). Out ri semiti\ity to the erilici~ m tJm .....omCll bodybuilder.l afe nOI "fen1inine ,~ SOIlIC participant!! in th~ spon ~b:t.sk in the re necu:d glol)' of a few ICM mUllCular, more lithe and slender bod)'buildcrs wno Oal't been glamOri zed in the dectronit and print media. Duff and Hong .~uggest U1al both women 's a nd me n's bodybuilding ma)' ~ licwcd a.s a form of ~ pOO- li\'e deviance" whereby the approved socielrll e mphasis on health and liwells is cameo to nn eXlreme. Apparently, in comparison with IlkneULrali7.auoll of *negali\'c dtliance- (such :llJ crimc ), neutr.t.liza. Lion of positil-e dCI;allce require fewcr tccl11liqUCli and al1ol'o" for greater reliance 011 t1i recl and aggressive sU;llc Kic~ of justification fo r onc's behavior.

    alley, pell)' lheft, and I'alldllli.stn. 111('1'(' the .similarill' e nded. No ne of the SainlS wa.~ l. 'c r arrested, but ... CI'Cry ROLlghneck was continually in trouble with police and townspeople . Wh y the disparity in their trc,lI m ent? On the basis of hi l> oi.>l>etYd ti()lI research

    il1lhe ir hig h school, Wi lliall1 Chambliss ( 1973) CODeluded that. social class standing played an impol' tallt role in lhe mrying fortunes of the tWO group!
    T h e Sai n LS cfTccti\'c1)' produced a facade of Il" .spcctabilit y. They came from M good families," ....'tlt

    186
    "IIRT nm

    '

    OR(,"'NIZJ.W; SQ('JA I. Uf"

    active in school o rganizations, expressed the in !~lltlOn of atte nding college , and rece ived good grndes. Thcil' de1inqllcIltaCts were gene rally ...i ewed oil! a few isolated cases of '"sowi ng wild oats.~ By con tmst, the Roughnecks had no suc h aura of re~ ~pt:\bility. They d rove around town in beaten-up cars, were generally unsuccessful in sc hool, and . . .ereviewed ....>it.h susp icion no matterwhatther did. ,'he Roughnecks were labeled as Mtro ublcmakcrs," where the Saims were seen merely as "funloving kid~." BOUl grou ps were ga ngs or delinquenl5. yet only o nc came 1 be treated that way. 0 \lOre recenuy, Cha mbliss's o bsen~dtio n s concernUl)lju\'eniles have been con fi rmed in researc11 usiog ,~Ifrcports of ddinquclIts ,md po lice records ill Staule, Washington. Sociolobrlst Ro ben 5...lT1pson (1986) fotmd that juveniles from Ul e lower classes IIhv tame into contact wiLh I,he Seaule police ber.HI'It of delinque nt behavior were mo re likely to ht' ;\rr~tcd and then indicted than were th eir middledass countcrparts cngaged in similar ac[ivitics. Surh discrepancies can be undenHood by use of .1lI 3pproach to deviance known as labeling theory, l'lIiike SuLhcrland 's work. labeling th eory does not lOCus on why some individuals come 1.0 comm it deviant acts. Instead, it attempts to ex pla in why cer liIin people (such as Ule Ro ug hnecks) are TlimVfd as ~('\ianl5, delinquents. "bad kids,~ and cli mina ls. while others whose behavior is similar (s uch as Ihe Saillts) are not seen in such hars h terms. Refit'cling Ul !! call uibuuo n of interactionist th t."IIn~t\, laueling theory emphasizes how a person 1,)TI1eol to be labeled as devia11l or to accept t.hat lihl'l. SociOlogist Howard Becker ( 1963:9; 1964), whn popularized this a pproac h, summed it up with llir ~wtemel1l: ~ Dcvia nt behavior is be havior that pro-plt'!IQ lalx: 1. ~ Labeling theory is also called th e lorit/al-reaction apprQach, rem inding us that it ~ thl' rrjpon.t~ to an ael and not the behavior that deIcmines devian ce, For exam ple, stlldies have r.nnwn Ihal some school personnel a nd therapisL~ ~'(palld educational progmms designed fo r learnTnl{odis"&bled SlUde nts 10 inclllde those with bt.:hav~ 1" rJJ problems. Consequen tly, a " uOllbl c- maker~ (';m heimproperly labe led as lea rning-d isab1cd, and V)rr Wr\a (Osbo rne el aI., 1985), r'r.lwing on labeling theory, a rece nl slUdy of 111")11,11 illness in the United States suggests tha t ",,11I1e the labding process does not f))"{xill ce me ntal

    ilInes... , it neverU,c\ess ha.'i negalive elrecLS for those individuals labe led as ~ m e nt.all y ilJ." Thro ugh socialir.ation into Ul e nomlS and values of o ur culture, we are all exposed to fears a nd prej udices concern ing the me ntally ill. Conseque ntly, when people e nte r m e ntal hospit..lIs as patie nts, they mar expectthal others will devalue them, shun th e m, and even discriminate against UIem. With this in mind , former men tal patien ts may be secretive aboul Uleir problems and may avoid interactions with UlOse who I.h ey fear will reject Ihem . Thus, as people accept the label of ~ment.a\ly ill," Ihey ofte n experie nce a decline in self-esteem and isolation from social netwo rks (Link e l al., 1989). L1beling uleolY call also help us to understand Ulat while some people routinely and 1ofte n cruelly label severely disa bled people as ~vegelab les" (set: Chapter 20). Tll ere are ma ny nondisabled people who rio nOl stigmati ze, ste reo type, o r rejecl those with severe and obvious disabilities. Robc rt Bogdan and Steven Taylor (1989) conducted o bservation studies over a 20..yeal' period at settings in the cam .. rntmity tha Lsupport peo ple with severe disabilities . The researchers supple mented their observations by illl.clviewi ng agency administrators a nd caregive rs. Bogdan and Ta}'lor found Ihat many family members, rTiend~, and he lpe rs of the d isabled are cari ng a nd accepting of people with seve re di....abiliti es. These nondisablcd people assume that tJ1C sevcrdy disabled haw ratio naltliougilt processes, see individuality in them. \>iew t.hem as reciprocating, and define thcm as actors in a social environm en t. Rathcr than adhering to negative label ing based Oil obvious "deviant" behavior, the no ndisn bJcd accept the severe ly disnbled as valued and lm'ed human TS beinb Tradition ally, research on deviance has focused on those individuals \\'ho violate social nomlS. In contrast, labelin g theory focuses on police, proba lion o tncers. psychifllrisL~, judges. leachers, em ployers, school officials. nlld other regulators of social conuol. These agents, it is argued, play a significant role in creating Ule deviant ide ntity by designating certai n peopte (and no t others) as ~de viant. ~ An importaotaspecl of la be ling theD!), is the recognition Ulat so me individuals or groups have the power 10 llrfine labels and apply th e m to others. This view recalls the connict perspective's e mplm si,. o n Ul e social significance of power.

    187
    OJAf'1"F.R 7 t.VhlNC "XD SOCJAL CO.YI"fIOI.

    1
    j

    10 explain why somc de\'i:II11S continue to be vi,-~'fii as conformists .."he r than as "iolalol'$ of rules. M cording to I-Iow:lrd !led.er ( 1973: 179-180 ), I.. bdillg theory was not cOllceived a... the wk explanalion lor dcviance; its propo ne llL\ mel'dy hoped to focus morc attention OH the undeniably imponalll actions of thosI' pcoplt o llic-ially in chllrge of dcflJlo illg de\iallcc (I':. Da\'i~ , 1975: 172; com pare C ultcn and Cullen. 1978:36-37)_

    "'im

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    1/11'

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    (J

    Iflw1jlwlw1 /11 ,h.. IIJ)Os. th,. f!/ NmcoilrJ inuTllh(li (J r(lm/~jlf" 10 haw IIUlrlPUHffl u;mm ru
    dllllR"VIU druj! mlJr,.,.thlll1 IU
    Q

    pIrolu~lI"tlu c'i"g JUb:l/(lNr~.

    Fro", a rorrJIj(/ JWnfWt''''''. Im.clmnilil1g iJ: oftnt IHI allnn/l( 11)' IIv pall,"/ui to ronu

    oil,", 11110 tl/I',r QI/'II brnlld

    of momill).
    it l.I

    M rlF1J1"IIm

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    Oll l klTlffl bau5#J

    flfl1.",111I ", JUlrmf,d 11/ fUrll. yl (I~rrlt" I/ru/ (1/rQ/uJl 0" $(M lrgaf(\

    " Imrut

    f'I,",lI'hn,..

    ' nIl' lane ling appmach does not full y ex plain wh)" certain people accept:t label a nd olhcl'~ arc able la reject its appl ication . [" fan, this pe rspective may cx:tb'gcr,\lc Lilt.' ca...c wilh which our sclf- il11ages ca ll be ahered h)' socict.tl jutlglllcn ts. Labcling theorists do suggt.-st. howl'\er. I.h,,1 din e re lllial power is imponant in dcu'rmining a Ix:n.on 's ahility to resist . 111 undesirable labe l. Competing: appltJachc .. (including those ofbolh Me non :1Ilt! SU lhCI I,Uld) fai l

    Connict Theory Wh, is certai n bchavior evah; :lIcrl lI.\ de\'i:lIl1 \\'l1i l(' o the r bch;I\;or' h. not? Mcurding to counict theorists. it j .. because people wi tl. power protec t tlleir OWII i1l1erC~L\ alld defiru: d e,-iancc to suit their own Ill_ed s. For decade!. la\lo, ' ;lg".tinst ..... pe rencc tc d the O\'c l"whcllllingly male composition of slale I cg i ~ laturt.'li . As one conseque nce. the lega l ddinitio llS o f ..... Ix penained onk to se)( ual relatio ns betwecn people not married bl eac h other. It was lega lly accepl"ble ror a husband 10 have forc:iblc:: sexual intercourse Will, his wife-without her consent "11(\ against hc r will . I-!owc\'er. repc <lled prOICSL\ by feminist Ol'b'1HliZ3tions fillill\led to c hangc.. in Ihe criminal law. Ily 1991, hu\i);lI1d in all 50 s t~I\t.'$ could be proseculed undrr .. ccrl.lin circ lIlllsr;ulccs fOI' lllC rnpc of the ir win.'S (altho ugh 34 states ~ till required:l highe r ~la ndard fOt conviction if an accused mpisl I ..as t he victim's hutb;:md ). In this insl:t nce. ,he rise of the women's libel1ldon 11l0l'e m CIlI (sec C h.tptcr 11) led 10 im~ t..,nt changes in lIQCicl:1I 1l00iuns of crimi nalit}-b il has in cduollingjudgc.), legislators, and police ot ficel'l 10 \;ew "ife b.meting and other forms of d0mestic violence a~ setio u~ c rimes (National Cenlt'f o n Wo men :md Ram ily Law, 1991) . Sociologist Richard Quinney ( 1974, 1979, 1980) is a leadi ng exponem of the "iew thal the criminal ju ..ticc ~)'Stem St'l"\'t.'S the interests of Ihe powerful Crime. according to Quinncy ( 1970:15-23), i5 ~ definition o f hum,llI t.ondllct c rCOIled hY:llllhorizt"d age nts of social cU nlro l-SllCh as Icgi~I"l ors and lal\' entorcet11cn I omcials-in a pol i Iically org;lIIilcd s0ciety. He ,me! Qth c r ("0110i CI III c;o ri~t S argue that lawmakin g is olicn all alll'lllpt hy Ihe powerful 10 Coel'CC others into lhe ir own mOI'3lity" This helps 10 t')(plaill wh)' OUI" MlCie t)' has la,,' again"l g.nnbting, ch ug usage. :tnd proSlitution \\'hich arc violated on a lIl.lssi\ c ",alc (wc \\;11 ex ;tmillc lhc ~c M\'ic timl c~s c rimL'S" Itllcr in the chap

    188
    "IHrnIlJ '
    om~"sl/.J'I!I ;

    \(If_ HI

    un

    not represent a consistent application of sodmJ I,dues. but imtcad fencets compding values MId interests. Thu!I. lIlarUu.llla is outlawed in the lmted States bcC;IUSC it is ~'lIcgl'd to bt., Immlfulto tatl"l,) I cig-dretlcs :me! alcohol :In.' ~ Id Icgall} aiIIIrl'lt t\'eJ}.....here. The connict perspc(lil'c rt'mincl~ us that while dIf' basic pU'1>osc of 1:1\\ I1l.1) be to I1l.1intain !<itabilir\ J.nd order. this cm 3(tuall)' meal1 perpctuating mrquabty. For examplc, rcscarchel1i havc found tIw .\frican AnlCI;C;t1lS .Ind Ili ~p.'l.nic.~ rcceive stiffer pnwn !iCnlences and ~'I'\e longer term'> than Wtlll~ comicted ofsimilill fclonic ... A 1991 smdl' repclCtcd by the United Slate.. Sentencing ComDli~on rcported that Black.~ and J lisrm nics arc nmre likely than White, 10 I ecci\'l' 1IlamlatOl")' minimum sentencc~ ill fede ..tl couns. Ironically. Con~ h"d adoptcd ~\lch mandalOl)' minimllms tor

    ttrl . .\ccording: to tilt' cuntlic! ~chool, criminal law

    certain fcdcr:d cri mes in order to cnel di<;(:rirnilHllion based on gender, (:lce. ,lIld af.{c. Y('l, \\'hen'a~ 68 percent or Africall Anwl'iC:lIls 1;lcirlg' rnancl:\lOI)' minimunl sen t,c ntcs cltlally get the m, rhe sa nle is true for 57 pcrC'clII of Ili ~i>;lIlic'i and on ly :I.t percent or Whi(e'). According 10 Ihl' rOllnuissinn. Whilf''i arc 1110rc likeh to ~nlCI 11 110 pit-a harg:uno; which lead to the drollpinK 01 thoS(' ch.lrg(" th,u requil-e mandatol) minimum sentences. COII~'" qucml)'. \\1,itc5 an more likely 10 receive short sentences Illan arc Ilisp'lI1ics or Blacks (utU(hon , 199108A). On the whole. connlct th corb l.~ com end Ihal lhe criminal justice <;)~Ie m of till' United Slatcs lrcau> suspects and on enders diff(n:!llly. on Ihc basis of radal, ethnic. :lnd sodal cI:w backgrounds. In commellling on lhe t.xercisc ofdi\cn.. tion in 'he courts (see Tahle 7-3) . .I11~ticl Lois Fore!' ( 1984:9) nf Philadelphia s l1ggt: SI.~ th.1I there arc:

    1\111 1 7 1

    '

    """'''

    ... .t......

    '.

    Enforce specific lows Investigate 'PKilic crilTle$ Search people, vicinities, build ing,
    Amut or detain

    people

    File charges or petitions Fo.- judicial dec,sion

    Seek indiclTnenl5

    "'''''~ Reduce chorges


    Recommend senlences
    Se! bo~ or conditions

    for

    relea~

    Ac.cept pIeos Oerennine delinquency Olambs charges Impose sentences Revok. probolion

    Plcbation officer,
    Correctional offi clol.

    File prflsentenCfI reports


    Recommend senlences

    (hlll'tr/

    I/I'I)I1s/

    U,rhrml Quhlll"

    Assiel! people 10 type of correctional focility Aword privileges F'ul'lilh for disciplinory inlroctions
    Determine Oole ond coodi lionl of porole Revoke porole

    flm/r"lI, /l1f,/ "/fUl/ ((111/1'01 ;1 aNI/irrl rfi,ffn'f'lIlially /0 It!l:i/lrrl, IN-mll _ oftllf';/' If \IJ(j(j/ rllln /i(trll/.,"' 'II""dj, 111 rl 1988 I

    ,"'!lQfI by

    1/11' l1u/'1'(/1/ 01.11H1UI' Sill/IS/if.'),

    PoIoIt outhorities

    durrtliOlwry pmrllU\ IVtr'I' our/Hied aI 1'ImOlo II'I"lt DJ fI", rrimlll(j{ jlultrl'


    ').1'1""

    189

    .. two scp;ll"\Ite and IInequal '1'Stelll\ of justice: OI1C Iou the rich in "hkh tht: courts ukc limilk...s time to cltlllninc. ponder, cOIl~idcr. and dclibcmw on'r hUll dn:tis of thu\lSilllds of biL\ of l"Vi(\CIlCC .... :lIld hear ebbor.ne. cndlc-.s apl)('.tI~: the uther ror Ihe poor, in \I hit::h hasty gllllt), plea.\ and bricl hearing'! art' the r\lle and appcal~ :m~ Ihe txn:pllon. Quinnq ( 1974) argues tha t. through such djfferCllIi"l ;lpplic.ltions of .social oolltrol, tlte criminal justice systelll helps 1 kccp the pOOl' and oppressed .0 in their deprived position . In hb \~cw. disad\"antaged indhiduals and groups who r('present a threat to those with power become the primal")' targcl~ of c riminal la ...... Ycl the real criminals in poor ncig hix)rhoods alC not Ihe pc_Ople arrested for vandal" iSill and theft. but ralher abse il tee lalld l ord~ ami exploitativc sllJrc owncrs. Even it wc do Ilot accept this challenging argumcnt. we G II1110t ignore the role of the PO'M".' lfu! in creatin):; ,I social M,r U ClUrc that perpetuateS sufferi ng. The pel"Sp(~elivc a(h~lllccd by labcli ng and CO IIniCt lhcf)Jisls runllS (Iuile a Cf)nlr.l'olt to the func Llona,Hsl .lppro;lch to dc\i;IIlCt'. FUncliomllislS vi(w stand;lrds of deviant bchavior as merely rcnccling cultural nonm. \\ IIt.'reall COllnicl :llld labeling theari'\a poilll 0111 tlt:'1I the lIln:lt powcrful grourlS in a socielYcan .\/wpt' 101\\',," ,IIU \ sta ndards a nd determine who is (t,r is 1101 ) prosecuted as a c riminal. Thus. M the 1.Ibd Mt\c\'idnt is nm::l) :tpplit'd 10 the COl'ptr rail' cxecUli\l! \\hose dl,:cL"ions IC3d 10 larg('--SCale cn\'irulltne ll la l pollu lio ll . In the ()pinion of conflict LhcOIi'its. agcnts of social control ;lIld IlO\I'erful groups can g:lnlr:.llI~ itnpusc their own ~ I r-sel"'ling dclinll.ions uf dtvi.li'I('e on the ~enera l public.

    of crilll(' that ilrc reported aJlIIuall)' by the Federal Bureau ot" hwcstigollion (Fill ) in its UlliJofm Cnllll &portJ, Th i5 Cl l1 CgOry of cri minal behavior gCIIt'r, ally consists of those :riolls om~ n scs that peopir think of when th(.1' express concern about the Itt tion's cri mc problem. Index crimes include mllF' del", 1":11><". rob\)cry. and as.liault-:tll of which a~\... olent crimcs commillcd .llfd.insl people-as \I'cll .. the property crim<."S burglary, thert, mOlor \'tJ.. ell' then. and "'''011. There arc :llmost 2 million \~o l ent crimes It'ported c<ldl )car in the Uniled St;IIe5, inclttwlII! 0101"(' than 22,000 homicidt.'S, The I.ey ingredi(~ in the high inddcnce 01 ~ln: C I ('ri me ap pcar to tit dntg \I~ and thc widc\prc:;ld presence of fire-MIll. (l1le COlltrO\'t'I""i) over Kun comrol \\'ill be eUlt ined III the !toci,11 policy 'lef:tion m the c nd of tic

    or

    dmpllr,) Givcn Pl'oj('ctions the ~~l~~:~:~;~~1 plc in the Unil('(1 Statcs in lha~~"~,:c:.:
    I

    15 to 19 \I~ II tisc 2~ percent bcU\'CCI I liu' re is liu le reasun to cxpect fill)' decline in level of Sll'eet cri me UI viule nt C'Iime I orJ lIst.ice. 1993; Mcddis. 1993) .

    of Crime
    Rather thall rcl)'ing :.OIeJ)' on legal (";'llcgorio, o logisb classi l) t:ri1l1c~ in lCIIllS ()fholV '~'::~ milled and how the offellses ;arc \'iewed i~ In this SC("liUII, wC' will examine !(lIlr

    as differentiated by sociologists: p::~r:~:it~~;,:::~ organi /.cd crime. ",h il ('<oll:lr 11 and


    crimt'~.M

    CRIME
    Crime is a \'iolatio n uf cJilllin;1 1 law rOI wh ich rOl111.11 penalties ; lI l' appli{'d hy some gm'crnmcntal aulhmity. illcplcl>I.:nts somc type of d eviatiun from fonnaJ social lIo rll'lS llf l mill i ~ lcrcd by the stale. Crimes arc divided by 1,Iw into mtious calt'gories, depending nn thc sc\ crily of the vffcm.c, the age of tht on"cnder, ..ht, potential pun ishlllCllt tha t can be levied , and liu':" COllrt which holds j UIi'<dict.ion o"er Ihe case. The tc nn j"du crim{!s rcle~ to tilt' e ighl types

    Professional Crim e Allhough the ;Idage dnc~Il't pay~ L'I familiar, lTIany people do '~~~~I rcn vf illegal aCli\>itics, A profeu;o1lal Cl a 1X'I"SOn who PUl'SlIClt crimc as 01 cta)'-Io-da> patioll. deve loping skillecllcc hniqllcs and it ccl"tai n d egl"ce of SI:IIII'I among olitcr Solile professil)'I .. 1cri lllin;lls speci;:llile in s.lfecr;u:k.ing. hijacking uf cargo, a nd shoplifting , SlIch pc()plc can , c~::~:"~;~": hood of ll1'rc~t. cOllviction. ;md i through their ski ll . As a rC$ult. the), Illay halt careers in thcil ch osen M profes.~ions.M Ed.'in Su~hcrlalld ( 1937) ofTercd sight.\ regarding professional I 1'1 ing a n annotal,c d ,ICCOII Ill wriucn by a

    pi"'f>OC" '"

    T
    190
    1',iH1" '1'10

    OfffoA.\17J.W.

    'jOUII

    1.011

    thief, Unlike th e pe rson who e n gages in Cl'imc olll y once or I....'ice. profc...sio mli lh ieves rn rlkc a business I~ stealing, These pro fessio nal c rimilmls d evOle lh('ir cmire ....,orking lime 10 plr:l Il1ling a nd eXe<:lIIing crimes and SOIllClinl('S " "I'd ac ross lhe na lio n 10 pul'llUe lhei r M roft."S.<;ional lhllje~," Like people p 1ft legtllar occupa tio ll<;, p rofco;sioll;lll,hic\'es comull lrim their colleagllC'l conccming the d e m a nds of 'A'lIrk, Ihus becoming p an o f ,I slIbcuhu rc:: of similaTh occupied indhidua l;" They exch an ge info rIlUtk1n on po&Sibl e pla("(" 5 1 b u rgl" J'il.c . o n o ulle ts 0 rul' unloading sto le n good.... .me! on ....'ays o f sc::cur1111; bail bonds if ;1ITt.~tcd . Lr,lnung technical skills is a n imponant ,LSpect ut Itourl<.ing as a pro fession.11 criminal. Sociolog i"l PN('r Lc:lkcmann ( 1973: 117- 1:'1';) nl.lke~ fl di .. tinc IJIln belween two type s 0 1 criminal .. kills: those \\'hi{h are extens ions of the Icgili rnale socia l urder hill are ~harpe n cd and relin ed (such ,L~ the ability In rlctl'Ct wlu' n hUrll cowll c r'S rtre awa y) and t.hose .lill~ nllr easily :w:'lilahle IQ t 11(' avc l~ l g:e ch izc lI (such ~~ IIp!:ning a safe), Th e taLleT' arc learn ed in lht' manm', sub rgCSlt'{\ by SUThe rland in his cullUmJ uJu",n~ion approac h , 11 j .. . 1 no rm amoll g profes-iIIIlAl crim i nal ~ That th ~' chie f ,lre<lS for lhe ex.t... n~ of crimin;11 skills arc the Sll'ee l.~ a nd prisons, IJth.,ugh such skills arc not SY\(I'mt,'/mlly laug h I in rillk-r place. m ey a re no nethe lt:<;s commun icate d

    elfec Lively (Chamh1i<;s ami Se idm:II1 , M cCaghy. 1980: 180- IY2).

    19 71 :487:

    rhe le nn ()rguniud critll~ has man) mea nings, as i ~ cvide nt fl O Ill a 1978 govem me nt rel>Ol't that u!;t'S thrc~' 1 );lg('s lO d e fin e T he Le nn . For o ur p urposes, \\'C \\;lI rOIl!'idcr orgar,i::ed crime lO be the ,",ork of a grollp th.IT rcgu l.llcs re-laLions beTween \"arious ("rim in;!l e nte rprises in m ),,I in smugg ling a nd sale of dl'\I ~, p rostitutio n , g' ambling . and 0 1111: 1' :tcli\iLies. O ''K'Uli led c rime . d o mina tes lhe world o f illeg-..t l bllsille'lSjllst .LS large coq)()'~l li o n s d o rnin;lIc th e con \'en ljOlla l b usiness world, It alloc:.tcs tCrfilO r) '. 'iC 1.~ p ti ce~ lo r illegal goo<l.. and service.., and a C L~ as an ;ubi ll~tlor in internal dis pllle'\ ( 1{lake) Cl :rI., 19 78: I07- 109), Org <lIlizcd c rime i ~ :1 secrel. compi r.u u rial ae ti\'ily lhat gen e l',llIy evades law l.'nlurc:erlll'lll. Orga nil.cd c rime lakes ove r k-gilll11ate businesses. b~ ins infllle n c(' ov('r hlho l' IIninn~ , c C)rI1'pt~ puhli c otTidais. int.imidates witrlc,s('e; in criminal Trh.b. illld even Htaxcs" merchanTS i .. " xchange fut ~ pI'Olec tion ~ ( Nation;.1 AdviloOlV COllllnj,...sillll 0 11 Crimin al JusLicc . 1976 ), Through il.~ "U('l'('!o.~. u rg"llI l.f"o crime has 'iCl, 'cd a:. a means o f m obilil) Im grou ps ut IX'ople slrug gling to escape JXlI'erl) , D.lnicl Be ll ( ) 9!i~: 127-150 ) used Ih l.' T el111 I'lh",r S()((OSroll tu d eM'ribc Ih e Organized Crime

    (hgrmiut/ r" /tu' 1/1 lit,. U",ltd .\'/(1/1'1 lilt( Imtilll(J11olly \l'Illf:(/ (11 Il Wfml Of molnfd), fur J"rrflll/!, liflJrof,11' slnl1/Kling \ (() nm/Il' I HJI'rlJ. \lwWII 11n!
    C..(I IIIOOtiIlIll
    1.1.",,0

    APllffir(IIU III
    /(J

    Cnllf(Jnllll

    (11-' bt'ilr'llf:f/ ilf,gtcl od"" II"

    iJf' 11I11()/1HYi m

    / 9/
    UII/"I'l-.R 7 tIH.\'CE f\ ,W)'iQCIM r;O,\TNfll

    procc'~ dllnn~ \\lIl1'h leadcrship uf ol'ganiJ.cd " I illll', hdd h\ Instl A' IH:,i(:'lns in II Il' (';Id}' pa rI o f IlIl' 1\\t'IIIIc lll lClI lIlI). \\ .LS lI"m,f(' I'fcc! in the 1 920~ ItI .lc\\ I,h AIllC,'ic;IIl', In lh", c.lI l), I 930s. J cwish

    trill\(' 1l'.ldl'l!I \\Cll' in llllU rq>I.lccd b) lulian Alllt'ric.ms. ~ I ore H'C('mly. c:t.hnic succl."SSi(II' hal. Ix .... (UIII~' 1II0l'C cumpll.'lt., rdIcc l iu g, llll' tl l\cl~i l) u l llle
    !"llIUI", laiC'"
    P,d(.i" I~l n i.

    illlllllgranl~.

    ullt'lIlbmll,

    ~ I c",it-all.

    ami Kigcria n illll'lligmtll.'i :u c among Ihuse: who havc 1)(',,'1 111 10 I>I.IV a signi lkam roh: in IIrJf.anilcd uimc acti';lics, ldwin Sudwrland. \\'ho I>or~ u la l i/l'd th e diITerl'lI lial .ts.",ocialioll L hl.,()ry dist us-wc! carlit'r. nOlcd that cenai " ('f imcs an: cornlI1itll.'d h) aHluent. Mrcs pc(,L.lblcM pcoplc in thl.' COlll"'C of lhei r d.lily h usi ncss ;Ic li"i l.it-s, Su therland (1!:t..j~J, 1983) likcll ed th cSt' cri ll1 c~ to orgall j:f('o lI lI llt: bCC.lIlSC Ihey arc OftCII pe'1>t.II'aled th rough 11 11.' loleN 0 1 O IH"~ occtlp:nio rl (Ha)1Il ,llI d P ark!"'" I !l1:~f.) . I1I t li~ 1939 prc<iidclltia l .. d drl'ss to tile American Soc-iulogil.,11 Sncil,ty, SUlhe rla nd ( 1940) rl.... fc r rcd to '111'11 u n CIlS(:~ as white-colla r crimes, ~ I urc rl'ct'lItl)'. Ill(' le l ln wll,I,-mllflr lIas been bruOIdl' llcd It. illdudc oITt'Il'c's hy businc',-'iCS and cu q J(J I .ll ion, , I ~ \\cll as by indi\'iduak A wirlt: \~II;' et) of l.tlCII\tS arc nuw ('i:I.).'oificd ,lS "hilC"-Collilr cri m l.'li. ~ u c h 'l.~ incume lax e\~.lS i o n , S10ck m an ipll' latiulI , UIIlSIIIIIC I" 1r.1llt1. hri l)(.'l), .1IIt! c,," ll<lction of Mkid.b.1t l.,,~ c'U1bcl.llclI1CIlI, ,lIId lIIi~rCprcsclUalioll in ; l thl' III ~ i nK. A 11t:\\ InK' uf "'hill'-collar cnmc has emerged ~i ll Cl:' S lII ll('rI. m d fi l"t wrole 0 11 t h i' topic: computer cri nl('. r hl.' use: uf 'jtlch "h igh tccllllology" a llows (lilt' 10 , '." TV OHt cmlX:I.7It'IIICIII or cicclTQn lc fralld with utll lC.l\ll lj{ ,I I r1ICC. or to g-J in , I CCCS~ 1 a COIn0 p.:1Il)" iClV('lltOry withoul 1c:,l\'illg onc's ho m e. An :t(kpl progl'::lIl11 ncr cm g:liu a("ce~, to i l !inn's COIIIPUII' I h}' tdt'p hullc and tht' fI copy \'a lllablc' files, It is \hlll.tll) ill1pc~i hl c 10 u'::ll.k suc h people u nit's" the) .11 C I nol l ~ h e lto ugh IU call fro m lhe 5'lIlle p h Ulll' l'ad l Ihnl'. Arcorti illg 10 a 1!JUO estimate, L .... h COSI of l.CJlupu lCr crimes in the U nited Slales has reached S~ ICI S5 hilliun annua ll y (Con ly :m d McEI\t' n , I Yl-JU:2) , h i lhe 1a:,1 2() >CM~, Ihe tunCt'pt or whilc-<:ollitf' crimc hall J I>\cJ been expand ed 10 incl u de Jrf}(/ml~ mlllt'. ur ilny .ICI hya COqlOl"lliull that is pu n ish able hy ,Ill' ,l{merull1c11I , Corpol ,llC crime takes many

    ,11 IUJ\ " \(agt' III .1I11ilUlllpt.'lItl\l bdl,uiUl , .ub th.u Il'dd l'll\'iIUIIIIlCl1l,tl PUllIIlIOl. , 'h llk Il,mcl ,llld Ill.lllll' lalil ll l. tl lc P l ll( lu(tIUlI u l Ult~.c l l' gut.w., I" ibt-n at currUptlOIl , ,lilt! \<001 kCI ht,.. lth ami ~11('t\ \'iul.luo~ III , I dd ' II~' " , till) 11/,(\ In 1\llIlCIt XlIIlt) IIIII C (or OII,: InVIl lK'h,l\ Itl!")' 111.11 \II)I.II~ llllllCI1.I1 1,1\\ , "ul h d.'l'" fraud (~illlpllUII , 199:S) , An otlc ncit('d l'xa ' ll pll' I II t U I IX lI ,IIl.' { ll l1l l' Ch
    ill~tl\ u tiu!I" ,1l1!UII~ il~ ~ II.-lill1' { ;" I pUI ,UhJlh
    C('I'I~ ,1~be~II)'\,

    I fJrlll~

    and I1Idutlt" 1II1 II\1l1u.II"

    tlr!o:,IIHJ.,tUUIt~,

    Althuugh IllI'

    d,t1IKt'l~

    ul ovrl ..

    wil h

    .tSIJot'~lu~

    h.1\l' I)(;'ell I.UO\'"

    ~lIIlt'

    ROI lldl1

    t'n~

    White-Collar C rime

    ;Uld \<ocft' lIdt'lIl1lilJIl\ (/1)1 UIl1l,: l1Ietl d!> t:.td) .....

    John,

    \ 1.uwlllc ,lIId Clth('1 UIIIII-';UlIl'l>" I

    Hti lht' ,uht,U'

    i ll du~tl) 111.1111 1 .1111 Ihal Ihl.' IIS~ \\C.' .c ulIkIH)I"11 1 them ulltil IY/.H , \'t' l , ill.1 Sl'nt'S ull.o\cl"ups dalll back IU th e H.l:ii}s, the in d ll~ lI)' suppressed rl~dfl Ihal d(Xlltn~'ll t l'tlt I H' lil ll..s Iw(wl.'l' rr expusHle IlIl bcslos .U1d Itlllg tl i~c,,!>c!> (l1IdtldillK 1 1I 1I ~ l -.III(t!f

    AI J u bl " ~1 ,t1I\'i ll c, ('ump, lI t) phy~ki,, " s were I ~ I ructccl 1I0t Iu infor11l t' lll )l I j)'ce~ allOH I a.~bt:slt
    rll~t>layi IIg '),"1 p i \) 111.',

    mm,

    rciatcd health datll{l'rs---t'\l' n \\'ht'lI \\'orkt'r5 '\\t! ur SUl h rl i~east'~, E\,cllwalJ),

    1982. wit h IhulI\,uujs uf 1.1",ui l~ jJl' m liug 1)('("-,, of the \..l)llIp.my' , ,IIIt-Kcd 1\"" I)cJI1~ihtlil' ill .,sbt:~, pobollill~ (.I'l" , j u h .. , :\1.tlwilk tiled tor 1(1 n l p'C~ ref)I)).ani/.:u.ioll , Wlu le lhi ~ 'lCilellw '!:I\'l.'<i 11 ('OIupatl) millions 01 dvllars, \'ictillls or ;l\lx=stos PI sun illg and Ihcil IrlTlli lit"N we re kit. with lit tl e pr lection, l>t'caIL'l(: lhc act of ming for banknlp. voids ,Ill pt'ndiug li ligoil io ll (Urod eur. 19M Mokhibcr. 19~: Siml)soll. 1993), In :l sUf'\e) ul bmll1CSS pl'::lClic:l.'li III the lJnil( S ta[ e~ in the period 1975 1 1Y84, soc i ologi~ 1 Ail (1 lai EtJ.ioni (19I JO) fOil lId tJI;tt 62 PC''CCllt of Furtu"! 51)0 t.lrgcsl inc lu\lrial e()rpor: tl ioll~ \\-cre III\'oiled OUl' or more illcJ,'t:l1 inci d clI\.~, sHch as prict'-lix' O\'creharging. fraud , ,Ind r.ll ~iliea liun of !;IX ree I ndeed, lhe IHP 100 coq x H'atiollS we r l.' guilt} mon. ~ u c h cdlllCs Llum a ll Ihe o lhe l" !inns c bined, Si n lc 1 ',ll.ioni\ study wa s limilcd 1 th 0 whilc-co ll al' (... jlnc~ !l1'/fe/1'I1 hy t h c ~ovc nlm (: II !. fi ndillg~ !llust Ill:' I cg.u dcd al> <In undere<ili mat the pr('\,llcncc of wh ill.---collill c li me in the co rate ",mid (Dt'p<l rllllt'II I o t Justice. 1987; Rein

    1984) . In atldidon 10 lhe IimUld.tl COSl\ of this fom Cli me. wh ich 11 111 int u billion... of dolla rs per) whilc<ollar cril11(, h;tS distinclil'e social C~~

    192

    dudUlg a decline in thc quality o r lire .tnd a weakftlmg of the social order (Conklin . 198 1:50)_ Ir Ibol\C" al the top or the mlliou 's econom ic and soUiI] ~truuu rc red rree 10 viobte the ]a\\ . le,-'1 prhiItvd citiltn5 ca n ccnainly be expectcd to loUow ~t Ralph Nadcr (1985:F'3), di l'cClor or the CorprlIle Accountability Rcsca rch Group. suggests tlut ob) almO!lt .111)' measure. c rime in the suit es \lk-I. fur more mOllc), ami producc~ 1:11 morc {'.l.\UaltiM and d iscas..:s th,lIl crime in the SO'CCiSbiJd as that ~iluation is.~ (.4,,n the economic and )QCia) COSts or ""'hite{OU.U- crime. onc mig llL expect this !>l'Oblt-m to be Qkn quite sr:riously by the c riminal jwaice system ~ the l'oned Stales. Yet ....hite<OUlIr olTendcrs are 1IIoJ1t" Iiltly to rt.'Ccive fines than priwlIl sclllences. In it'dernl courts-where most white-collar cases ,nrronsidercd-probation is granted lO 40 pel'cenl r4 thO!w,.' .... 110 have violated antitru't laws, 61 percent nl thrM convicted of fraud. and 70 pcrcelll or C OlI\'kltd l'mOc7,zlt'I'!t (Ce~ t . 1985). III Eu.iolli s s wdy rl9lG, lWO), he rOllnd that ill 43 percent orthe inudtnb tithcr no pellRhy was imposed or the compant ",-a,s required merf"l)' to ccaSe clllr-Iging ill the ilJrxal practice and to rcturn any runds g-.J.ined !b".~h ilIeg;llmcans (lol' " dilTcI"C1I1 view. sce ~1an 'lUll. l!I:Hfi) . lIotr\Mr, comiction lor stlch illegal aclS doc~ QOI Meller,dl), harm a person 's rc pulation and caTa'f <bp,r.nioll ncarly so muc h as conviction for an IDIIn rrinu: would . Apparently. the bhcl "whitt. (all.lJ c:riminar docs nOl caH)' the scignta 0 1 tl1e "'1 "fdoll convicted of a violent crimt: . ~ In the dnr III conflicl theolislS. such dinerelllial labcling tDd In'alln!;'nt :Lrc not surprbing. rhe cou nict pcr~ti\l" oIrgues that the criluinal ju.stice systcm ~I\ d"rclfAfds the ..... 1Iilt.'-<:01l:1I crimc'!' uf the ;Lf..... ,. ""hill! focusing 011 iudclI! Cl'i ml'S oftl'1I comIIJtIt'tI b)' the poor. Thus. if an offendcr holds a po_on of stlW, and innllcn cl. his 01' her cri me is ImItrU .. ~ lei!lll ~e,;olls and the S;lltctiOIl is Illllch IaO/'t' It.'llil'lII (Maguire. 1 9~8).

    NEW HAMPSHIRE STATE POLICE

    WANTED
    _
    -

    PERSON
    NI< RSA,_,,-_

    .... ......!:..
    III'Cl _ .!

    .0.-

    ~" .... "'C=_


    1I

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    _'" _ _

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    ... I~t .. ! ' . . !C~, ,!~

    ...

    ~o.lI

    ...!:!::L.::.,{'

    "Ill
    f.,

    ,,',,""'2,' .... .J.t..J- i--. '",

    -"

    ... !l~

    ... IV.

    -.-m ..!:......
    ..

    Kl 0:: ~.L:"'!'~.il:lI::!!:r>-I':'!:.',
    11.''':(1 1W1._l

    "I"."r __

    IIno"",OOI
    fir , 'P'!'rl

    ilC;IlI .!..'~

    r~ ~';. . ;--:~;;==

    S/1II1I111

    a Will/led /10.11,.,. for II NI'//) I 'rnl/I'l/m., jr.lliJ.,'fI 101/1/1 JL-d Ih,. Jlall j'l {989 (lfin "'1I1!: ;m/'(/tJ (m rhlJllP'J
    11

    .... - .-....
    ;1 "' " j[~

    -~-.

    lAid Iu- hllll du/NI $1 .11 10,11,011 [mm tllnll.l, \\11//, lu( n IIull"-lVllnr
    1"1110"11111 nlf SOmllllHI'l /lfT'Ulrd (/lid

    I/Illm j rnlld. th, rmifltcl JWnIJfrtl11f' 1It"1't'1111 1kn (ltgl',f Ihat IN mmmnl JlIl/l(, 5)'flmt (If 1nl l 'Hllhl'\w/Ij Im(!:'rlY (/u1l'g(lrilj Ihl 1l'l,ill'-rolulf' mml'l

    of Ih,. tif]fllnrl.

    YIdiakw CrimCll In wiJit,c -coltal' or index crimes, propIt"~ Ollomic or personal ..... dl-bcing is e ll",red \lgain~t their will (or without their direc t ba'-)rd~c) . By contrast, sociologists tL'iC th e tcnn c,.imes to describe th~ \villing exchange awl~ adult." of ""idc ly desired . but illegal, goods

    """.'tn

    and se ....icc.. (Sch ur, 1965: 169; 1985). DClIpite the social COSb 10 families and rriends 0 1 those eng<'gcd in such beh;n;or. m.my peuple in llle Uniled StatC!i continue 10 \'iew ~.Jm blin g . proStilution. public dnlllke11l1("lo..~ . md me of mariju:ln;1 .b \ic tilllkss crimes in which there;<; no ~\'i Clilll other Ih,m the olTender. As ;l rt'~ul .. theft- has becn prc'\Sure rrom some groups to dt'criminlllile \~,riuus act;viti('s which fa ll inlo dw cale~orr ofviclim1css crimes. SlIpp01't<:rs of (I!-~l'iminalilatioll arc trouhled by thl' attempt tn leKi ~ l :ue iI moral code or bclla\ior for adlrlLi. III their view. it is impossihle to prevent proslitution . );ambling. and o tllcr \ictimless c rimes. The alread)' o\'erburdened cri minal juslice S\.'itcm should instead de\'ote it.'i resource'!' lo ~nreet crinle.. and other olTcnses which 11.1\'(' ob\ious \ittims. 110\\'l...('r. o pponcnts of decrimin.lli/_ :ltion inR

    193
    IJItY/'1-.n 7 /It'\/'\.\Q A\1J VH.J.II ('1)V rt/(!/

    sbt lh;lt such o ffe nses d o indeed bring harm 10 in noccllt victi ms. FOI' example. a person with 3 drillldng proble m can become: llbusivc tu a SI)OUSC or child ren; a compulsive gambler ardrug lIser may steal in o rder 10 pursue thi~ ob~'iSion. Thererore. according 10 crilics or d ccnminalization . society must no t gi\~ t;,cit approval to conduct which has such hannrul con<;equenct=S (National Advisory C.ommission o n ,rinlinal JUSl.icc, 1976:2 16-2<18: Sc.hur, 1968, 1985). The contro\'cl"'iY over decrirnlnali:mtion reminds liS of the importallt insighlll orlabeling and conflict theoriClli prescllIcd earlier. Undcrlying this debate are t\\o'O imcrc."ing questions: Who has the power 10 defi ne gambling, pro.nitlltjon. a nd public drunke nness as c rimcs"? And who h;:ts the power to label suc h beha\~ors as 8victillllcss8? It is gener.lIly lhe stale I cgisla lUre~ and. in some cases, the pol iet': and the courts, Again , we can sec that cl'i minal law is nOt simply a univeDaJ sUlndard or l>chavior agreed upo n by all lllell1bel'S or .society. Ihuher. it rcflt."CLS lhe struggle among compe ting indi viduals and gro ups to gain go\'c l'llln c ntal support rur tllci l' parlkui:II' mom\ ;md social values, Fot example . "lIch o t'g'dnizations as Mo thers Against Dlull k Driving (MADD) and Students "brainsl Drunk Dri\~ng (SADD) have had success in rt:cent yea rs in shining public 1I11itudes to",~ .iI'd drunkenness. Rather 111;111 being vie""cd as a Mvictimless c rime." drunke nness is increlL';.ingly be iug associated ""ith lh e pOlenti,,1 dangcrs of driving while uuder the influence or alcohol , As a rt.-sult. lhe maM Int':dia ;ut: giving greater .attention 10 people guilty or dl'llllk drivi ng, while many stalcs have insLiW led morc severe lin es andjail te n 1l5 iora ""ide v.J.rielY of alcoholrcl:nctl O rrellS(.~ ,
    8

    ,,ti~~'~"_~'~~'~~'''''_''''''_'8'''''''''_'''''''_''''''''''''''''''............,
    Crime sl:t tis ti c~ lire nOL us accurate as sociill scie n lisl5 would like. "Iowevel . since they deal wilh an is-sue of grave concern 10 the people or the United StaleS, they a rc frequ e ntly d ted as ir they arc com pletcJ)' reliable. Such da!.. do se rve as an indicator or police aclivil)', <IS well as an .. pproximaLC indica Lion or the leve l or certain Climes, Yel it would be a mi~ takc lO interprct these data as an exaCl re~ resentation or the incid e nce or crime.

    Inlernational Crime Rates Ch'ClI the difficulties of developing reliable crime data in the United St.;tlcs. it is still mo rc diffic ult lO make useful cr~ national cO ll1p;arison~. NC'\'{! nhdcSll, \\oith somr ca rc. \\'e can o fTcr preliminary concl lLSio ns about how c rime r.ues diffe r :u'o und the world. Dul'ing the 1980s, \iole l1l crimes ""ere nU'more common in the United SCl.tCS than in ""cslem Eu. rope. Murders, mpes. ;md robberies were reported to police at I':Ile'l rour 10 nine time. higher in the Unhed Stales, Rmes for other violent crimes werr :tlso higher in this counu,)' than in western Europr; bill the difference in 1':I1c..'I or properly crimes WiIS not so great. For exalllple. in 198'I, lhe mOSl recent )'e;lr ror \\'hich cOlllpar.u i\(: da ta are available. t.hr burglar)' r.He in the UlIit,ed Stales was aboul20 pe'" cent highe r th;an Ihat orWCStCrn Euro pe, whi le rales or auto lhcft and la rccll Ywen: twice as high. RaIC~ o f violcnt CI'iillC ill lhe United SWIC'S v.'C'1? also highe l' than in Canada. Australia , and NC1r Zealand , while rates of burglar}' and automobilr theft were comparable in tJ\(:se 1'0111- counu'ies, A 1990 report by the Nation:ll Genlel' for Health St.. tistics compared homicide rates for )'oulIg males in tJIC United S1<ltcs ....~ tJl mu:~ in 2 1 o lher countrin TIle homicide rolle fur )()I lIIg males in lhe Un i~ State., "'~lS rOllr li mes higher than that orallY uther nalj O Il st udied :Ind \\':.IS at I ca.~ t 20 timl'S as high as the homicidc ratc for >oung males in such di\'tJlt nation) as F" lIIce. Po la nd , ,lIIdJapa ll (O ine , 1989: Fingerhut anel K1cinm an , 19'10), In Box 72, we ex' amine the re<lllOllS ror Jap.III 's low crime rate, Why .Ire mt<'5 or \;olent crillle K much higbt't in the L:nitcd St.:tll'$? While there is no si mple art S\\'er lO tJli., (Iuestion. sociologist Elliot Cume ( 1985) has sllggested tJla l our society placcs greaerr t':mph asis o n indi\~dual t!oonomic adlic\'clUclIt than do other 5Odc tics, At the same time, many t SCf'\'CJ'lli h ave no tcd that lhe culture of the United States has IOllg to le l'ated. if 1101 condo lled, rnam' fornlS or viole nce. Whe n (ouplcd \"ilh sharp rus. parities be twec' n poor and amucnt citizens, signifi. ca lli ull e mployme nt , allll substantial alcohol and dnlg abuse, these r-aCtors combine to produce a \It mate conducivl' lfI cri me, Filmlly. th e comparati\'el!' e~)' a\~Jilabilit y of fin'arms in the United SUtlCt llIal es crime I'c \:advcly morc IClhal than in ot.htt CO lllll riCS (Fingerhllt and K1cinma n . 19I.JO) .

    194
    "AHl

    nil} '

    UHC..v.l1.J,\ '(i }f)('J<\1

    un

    _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _B;;,,;;,,;.;.-;..' .,; ROUND THE WO R1. D _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ ; .O X ' A ..;,;_ _


    POLICE POWER l N JAPAN

    midnight in " 0 10:)'0. Dow.. WIIn ,tn!CtlI ar(' (ilk-d \',;Ih ~<lcs lfI:lrlS, w-ollers abound in the park. btkn si! unchained 011 the SUCCt, " 1Q.\1l1 front doors [Ire unlocked. al1d
    rhlldrtn under 8 YC;l1'lI old are (.'\~n )ttt) odingalo nc 011 the su bway. A:5

    t~

    OIuc:h /)fa culture shock as Ihis m :l}' lit to a visitor from Ihe United 'italo, an ~dditional surprise comes the lie)!;' monling when vi nually no nllll~ ..re repo rted.
    "ASI woman, I
    ~n

    feci S,;UC5\

    hert': in

    the \\'01'11: repons Wakako Hi 1l%lb. who li\'cd in the UniH,:d 'lLlln and F'nlllcc befo re being
    t'~ltd:n ho!.~

    a member of lhe upper of Japan". parliamem ( I.

    \lIlIbf1\), 1991 :25) . Inch.-ed, Tok)'o h;J., Ihe \oY.'eS1 ratc.., of mu rder. 11~. robbery, and Iheft of a ny rnaI',r (il)' in the world. In comparison lo'uhJapan.lhc murder nlte of lilt'
    t.:UllrdState5 iSjC\'en time! g reater. lh~ nut' of rape 30 timcs greatcr, "Id till' mll' of robbery 200 ti mes Itrt::II1'r. Vet Japan h;18 fewcr police IIfrlCfl"i per capita: I for e ach 557 rNlitnl5. compared with I for each 15; midents il'l the Unitc d 5t.;1I($. Why 15 there so link crime ill .\11.Ul? The answcr !lecms to center QI1 the lIlMlu tc tlllSt that people MC in the police. O u tsid e obotn'tl"i belie'o~ thall)Cople's faith ill !bt fllJhct n:ruIl!i in gocxI part fTOm Iht,r txuaordinary 99.83 pen:elll IUlII1Ctiull rdte. It is also sugg('Sled ttwl pt'Ople's confidence in l>olice is Aruhur.!.I1lItifact d;uing back 10 the IOI~ period lx:fo~ the beginmng "I tht nation's modentizalion

    in 1868. In IhOlI em ofJap.1IlCSC history, samu rai had (he shogun's l Ulthori ty 10 e nforce jlt~ lkt: inslantly lIg-..unM t. iminal$ by cUlling (lIT their .. hands or e\'CI' beheading IIIem. Hut an eX;llIlination of police communil), inlernctio ns in J apan olTers quite a dincrelll ex planation for the powe r of the police a lld the low rale of cti mc. Once or twice a )car. the police knock o n C\'(:ry door in Jap<1II 10 sp(:ak wi th re~i dents or busilless ()\\TIel'5 aboul conditiollS in the bllilding and neighborhoorl ..lapallcse people do 1I0t rega rd this as hara.ssm(.'Il I, b ul r-.Ilh cr as a n exam ple of the police taking pcNOllal interest in Iheir welfare. Small police boxt.'S, known a.~ kol){m~. arc locate d ill 1111 urba n ndghbo r'hoods and arc st;llTed by twO officcl'!i al alllime$. These 1250 /WballS n:porl 10 Tokyo's 99 police: stations, wh ich in tu rn rCJ>orl 109 district headqu:lflcrs. The kobmr of ficia ls arc the fi rst line o f police reSpOllse to:t cri me or c risis, )'c llhcy mon: often fun ction as infOnlllltion brokers, prO\;<ling information aboul 100:' li0ll5 and addtC5M."S in d Tokyo'5 con rusing malC of houses lInd b usinc!lSes. When a PCr'lIOll 5eeks police: :bSisl:m ce, he o r she Iypicall)' g()(.'S 10 a kolxm . Consequentl)" the Japanese lend 1 look 0 favornbly all the !rOOmr ~)lltc m , l~Lth er I.ha n rearing its social control functions . Other faCIOl1ll, as well, conuiblllc 10 the low rate or crim!' in Japan. The cuitu r-d.1 \':llucs of the Japanese

    hclp 10 promotc I;n,o..abiding behavior a nd coopel':llio n ,.11l! police o ffi cers. lllCre is per.;.islcll l comm u n ity disapproval ufwrongdoi ng, and .'lOCi"lly deviant behavior is not eJ(cused . Consc<llIe nlly. as parI of the ir earl y sociaii/.atio n , c hild reil arc encouraged 10 respecl authority figures and place great value on sd fdi!ICipline. I II schools, young people are taught 1 ilccept code" 0 o f rc.spo n~ ible behavior associated "; Ih citilcnship. It is nOt s urpri~i ng, thercrore. that Japanese adult! oftcn belong to orguppon c rime prel'Cfl lion pI'Og'-:I1I1S. In recen t >eal'5 the pOI,'cr of japan's pOlice hall cOllle under fire. hllel'mltional human righ15 groups cdtidl.e the police for such practices as conducli ng illl'cstig;lIions wi thoUt allowing 5USPl'Cts aCCl'llS to a lawyer and jailing snspccl!i ror lip to 23 days withoUl filillg criminal dl:trges. Yel there are no broad puhlic dcmand$ fo r c urtailing the powcr of the 1>olice. Indeed , evcn ill death penalty cases, the Japanese seem 10 comple lely !nISI the l)(llice. When com;c(cd criminals arc executed, the 1 >oIice make 110 announcement .111(1 lhe media ofrer 11 0 coverage. These executions come 1 ligh t o nl)' at the cnd of 0 each year whcn the policc re lease cri lIle d:lta.

    !i<>l1I<;I..,
    ~

    Rnlthw' "e, 1989: Shdlcy, I~ ; It ... TIIQI'!I\Qn and I'.lwJu. 1990; I ....,lIiam.. 1991:

    aiM) Mivazaw... 1\192

    195
    C/ IAI'TEH 1 - I)J, VIANCE. AND SOCIAl (;O......rI(OI.

    T .\81 .t: 7-1 CRIME INDEX OfFENSES IN 1992


    NUMIIE. REI'ORTID

    RATE PER 100,000 INHASITANTS

    PEItaNT CHANGe IN RATE


    SINCE 1988

    SINCE 19&3

    Violent crime
    Murder Forci ble rope Robbe<y Aggravoted anaull Tolol

    23,760 109,060 672,.60 1, 126,970 1,932,270 2,979,900 7,915,200 1,610,800 12,505,900 14,A38,2oo

    9 43 264 442 756 1, I6B 3, 103 632 4,902 5,660

    + 11 + 14 + 19 + 19 + 19

    + 12 +27 +22 +58 +41 - 13 +8 +47 +6 +9

    Properly crime Burglary


    larceny.theft Motor vehicle theft Talal

    Total index crime


    'm'~ ,\rY.. , ",,' .1oig,u.~1
    ... 0(

    - 11 -I -8 -3 - 0 .1

    all ;,,<;1.,.. ,:.fr.,r~~ 1""K"''';''K;n 1979: ,b u "" ~ ..... '" ~tl' 01.111 19')'2 """'-,.... "r ..... uod,,'K. '''' U<' .,fT..""" I",to! 'n~\ .1111 add h) lo, ~I .. .. It ur 1 ,,:111,,"'''' 01' I"'"C", I!I'I!L'>II ....

    ""''''''1',"""
    Till' ('171111' i"dl'x,!mblishrd l/IUHIfI/l]k tl" foIJI , i\ /111' major Jl)lI r ", 0/

    i'I/O"",1/101I 011
    (/rt'

    mm,. in IIu! Uniltd


    nm.",

    Stall'l (altllO/wlt IIICIIIIIIUIf'OIl

    mr..mJlIIgl)' btillg /I.!I'd}.

    Use and Meaning of Crime Statistics T)'J)iC.llly, tilt clime dOli:! ul>cd in Ihe United Stales arc bascdon the index cl'imcs dcsclibed ea rlier in the chapler The c rime index, published :t1IUtlaJly by Ihe FBI ;L" part of Ihe Uniform Critlll' /(l'jJorf!i, inc:ludcs stali~ L on nUII'der, rapc. robbery. ass..llIlt, burglar}'. Iar ics celly.thefl, mOlOr \'chide then, a nd :arson (5tt Table 7- <1) . O bviollsly lIla ll}' ser iolls un'c nscs. such :t." lhose rcfeo 'cd 10 as wltil~rofl(jr ml/us, arc nO! in. eluded in Ihis index (ahho ugh lhcy an= reconkd elsewhere), In addilion, lhe c rime index is disprnportionatcl)' de\'Oled to property cri me s, wheft"l\ most citizens arc more w0I1'icd about violent crimeagainst people , TIws, a signilicant decrease in lilt

    '17//: ( OIll/lllrtlliI'tiy
    mllll'

    IVO) (/I'I Ii/Il/Jlbl)'

    of

    jil'1V1I1/1l ill Iltl' VIIi/lit Slllt~ IIIl1hn

    "'(1/",,1 ),

    //Illft'

    lnlwllltal'/

    1/1

    iHlin'l(/lll/lnl'.$,

    196

    number of mpes alld robhcri c~ cou ld be o\'el'shaclI*t"d b) a slightly larger incrca~ in the number of <tmomobi lcssloIcTl.lhtrcb} IcMli" ~ lO 1.1, (" mis!;,kcn 'mprcs.~ion tha, /II'Tf(ll1fl1 ~afc l y i~ II1U fl' al I'i!>k th:m hcrore, The most SCriUl 'S lill.ilatiull orsud. onid.11 crime \l;tllruCS is that thl'~ indudt' tml) tI)(~ 1.:(;1111.."' .ICIILJII) rtfJortni to I.,w l'nlOrCl'IIIl'lIt .I~e ndcs, A:-, b clear in figure 7-1. man)' cri me, : \I'{' IlOt n~ pon ed, ulI:luding about h,,1I 0 1 ;111 a...s;,luIL~ :lI1d robbe ries, In these insl'llllCS, \ictilll~ t}'picall), Iceilhal lite exprrience hao; been tuO permll,,1 10 I(~\'ca l lO police ufficen alld oLlu~ r SI1":lllgCrs f)r t hat the Cri'llc io; "nOI IInponal1l enough .. L 01 onid:tl pulice s lali ~ t, ics clearly present.~ 'sc I1IJJor methodulogical prublt'ms tur sociologisls .llId other J'('scarchel"5 ill undcrsl.mdillg crime, PanJy because nfthc ddkiencil's oi l)l;)\ice data . Ihe Sal.ot/(/I Griml' SIItV" \\~I~ inlrotillcl'ri in 1!)72 ,II! a mt:an.~ of learni ng how lIIud. crinH' aCHIaIl), take'! place in the Unilt~cI Sla tes. T he Uureau or Ju ~t1ce Slatislics. in compiling Ihis report , ~(:eks inlol'llliltilJn from taw cnfOlcellleill agencie~ but abo inter1l~'S members c)f 100,000 hl)ll'4.'l,olds an nually :! nd .&iKs if they h;l\'e bcen \'krim ... 01 a ~pccilic ...et 01 [rimes during the preceding }e;u', In genera l. "ittimi:a t;o ,. surveys qIlC.!IUUII ordinary lX!ople. not police officer, to le;1I n how much ailllt'
    flfOJl1,

    n CURE 71 P"n:.."t of Criml'l RII"urlt'd


    10 Ihr Poliu, 1'191

    Penonol crimes

    lOO

    """',
    ,,11. ..:..
    1I"I"m"~,,.

    ,,'

    ,,,,,I.,,
    /1
    1\

    l'J'l'J'lI'l

    The, FBI has noted Ihal rOf'cibll' I'llpt! is Out: of tht' lIatiOIl'~ most IIndcrrcpol'lecl crillle~. owi llg pdmarily to Ihe victims' feelings of fe:lr. clllb.~mlS.v TM:nt.. or both, L:sing \'1climi/auon llU ......'<1'5. " 'f' c m OOltr assess the lIIulerreponing of ,dpe in L1\(' l titled States, A" "'c noted earlier, the femin ist It\Il\'cment has spokeTl OUl slt'ongl), regardi ng the w.tvin which the frequl'n c)'of rape rc n en'ilhl' high Ind of misogylly (\\'Ul\lan hating) in ou r SOciC IY, nit' media 11;1\'(' paid incrcao:.illg :lUc nuoll to Ihis n/fl'nse-.I\'ilil a rece nt foctls on dale and ;Icq ua inWIre r:11>C (.\ce C hapt er 13)-and law enforcclIll'nt ~cncic!l h ;l\'e sen"i ti1.cd the ir ollict' r~ t,O the p light or \lC1ims. hnlyas a result , \ojclimi7... lioll lllll...C)'S sh ul\cd ;:In NI.fe<t.'oC in lhe I'l'l)Orting of rapes frOIll 41 percent 1111980 to 59 perce nt in 1991 (a lthough the figure Iwd reached as high as 6 1 !>('rcellt in 1985). nll/S, 11ItiOlI1...tiun clal.1 document the lact that while IWI) r.lf>l"S 'I re ~Iill not f'epon{'d, tlu~ proponion ""rapes thal (In'rt'pol'lcd is MIIIlC\dml higher than

    t\'",wlnl '''11/ 11 Ill,.,,'" PN/IfJr/",1t IJj . :rtlQU.\ m"'e!> K" IUlfIjN'Ud, I,,) IhOlI 6U /J"Ct'nl of ul/ m/Jn allft robbmn {wd II'\I IIIul/ Iwlf of alllJS.Jllldb afr '1f'O"t'tIIQ Ill, pol,,,,

    il was in the past, MOI'cO\'Cr, \iclimil.uion ditla 1'(,"\'eal th:1I \'inually 110 "'PC \iClilll rails to report lhi... crime h(.'Ctusc she feels she docs nOI ha\'c c \'ide nce, T he mosl common reason, oITered hy 25 percent or those who fail to re port. rapes, is tha t L1le as!o<lult is f't'g::,rded a~;:1 "prh"lle or personal matter: !-I O\\<' ever. :U\o Lher 11 pc rcelll of mpe victims remain silelll bec:IUSC they fe;lr runher n:plisoll front tilt' uITender (DCP:U'lfII Cllt or Justice. 1992: 11 0- 111 ), Utlfol'llln;Hely, lih' o ll, ef' aimc data. \'icl illli/.;t tio n slIl....e)'5 have.' particular limitations. They IC(Iuire fit"t that ViClilll~ understand whit! h:L~ h:lp1 Jt'1l(''(! to lhem a nd also that victim ... disclose such inrOlmaLiun to inl e l""it'\\'ers, Fraud, income lax evasion , and bl;lc kJn:til arc examples of cri mes that arc un likely 10 be I'cpol'ted in vlClimi/.aUOI1 sludicll. Ne\'enhelcllS, virtually all housdmlds han: been willing to coopemle "iLh ill\'estigalo~ for the N(II;ol/(l1 Cnml' Sun..., (Blumstein Cl al.. 1991 ).

    197
    (JIU'fJH 7 IJH1A ....UANI) ';(XJA,I C:O,\-n.-fl/

    GUN CONTROL

    are the main approachcs open to policy. m;,kcrs \\'ho ravar SOllll: form of gun cOIllrol legislation? In "hat way h;L~ SO("ial science research oncrcd sollle support for gun control ad\'ocatcs? Ilow do conflict theorists \'icw the po\\cr of lhe National Rifle M'IOCi:lliul1 ,md other strong lobhying grollp~?
    Wh~ 1

    E rearms have achic\'ed an almost inevitable place in the United SI:JtCS. ' nit: liglu 10 hear anns stems in pan from the l1 a ti on'~ gUI1-I'irldcll frontier hcrilagc. In addition , ,J,c Second AIIH': lIdrnCI1I lO
    IIU' Constitution b'1 I ;LI~IIIlCeS that the ~rig hl 0 1 the people to keep and bear amlS shall not be infringed." CurrclIlly. the IXl puJaljon of the United Slales has an CSLim:llcd al-.;eIl~1 of 60 to iO million .lUtOIll:II,ic \'I'capons and "':0.'0 1\,(1'5 (Mackenzie. I9'JI :25). Clearly. " ....'lIing:1 gun is not ,m act of devi:lI1ce in our !tociety, Il1fOl'lnal gUll clubs of bOlh " primar}'- lInd sccon<l:II)'.group IlOlIure exisl across lhe cou ntry...... hil(. a~ wc shall scc, formal org;mit.."I.uons pl'ol1lOljng gUll o ..... nership exist UII a Ilalion:tI basis, Many index crimes in Ihe t.:nited SWtC'l in\'ol\'e lhe llse of:t firc::u'm . According to th e FH!. in Ihe year 1992.24 pcrccn t o f all l'cponcd agg'(l.\'alcd asS<"I.ults, 40 perccn t of reported robbclies. and 66 pcrccm of reported IIHlrdcr.s invol\ed a firelll1l1. M ore than 15,000 pt.'Ople died in 1992 lill'ollgh hmuicides committed with a firearlll . Gunshot w()unds h3\'(' become the sccond!c:.ading cause or dc.::lth a l1long high sch ool-agt. yollth~, while 60 perccnt or deaths among teenage Afrie;"!1l Amcric'lIllllak!f result Irom a firearm iqjury. Sill c(' 1963, thcrc have.! beel! m o re Ih,HI 400.000 g unrclah:d d eaths in lh e United Stales-a figure which exceeds th e number of lhc Ilmjon's IroopS \V'ho died in World W;lr 11 ( Dep<lnment ofJustice, 1993: Fingcrhtll. 1993: I tillS. 19'-,)2). TI1CSC dcaths-along \\ilh Ihe :I"5<ts:;illauons of ~uch pllblie ligurcs .1:1 (' r(sidt.'11I .Iohll F. Kcnnedy, Senator Robcrt Kcnllecly. Dr. Marlin Llll her King.

    J r., a nd singer J ohn l .c n non-havc forced Icg1sUlors 1 considc l' gun contro l mcasun.S. AJt.h~ 0 ' handgun owners rrcquc'lIt1y imist that Ihe)' need 0 ....'11 fircal'lns in order to protect Ihcmseh't:5 anti their 10\'00 ones Irom \iolcnt crimi na ls. sludio tt.l\1' ShO\\11 lhat gun owners kill Ihem."oClvcs and membcrs of their r."I.mili(~ 1:1 limes ilS oftt.'f) as lht.')' shOOl a criminal who halo clHl'red Ihe hOI11t.' . According 10 ,I SILLdy rc1e:tscd ill 1:1It.' 199:J, kccpi llg:1 handgun in il homt.' ,llmost uiplc'i thl' likelihood Ih:ll someotK' wi ll be kilk-d lIICI'C. 1-IO".O\l'r, in a wcic ly .... here do' IIll'stic \lolcncc i~ alltOc) common ('lCC Chapter 111 use oflirc,II11lS in clOlllt'stie qu:tn-cls is 12limt.'!l morr likely lO result in dt:alh than use or m he!" wcaponl (I lilts, 19U2; Kellcnn:mll c l :.1.. 19Y~) . AI; liNed c:u'licl ill the c ha plel', sociclfs ];1\\'Sarr !lOI a SIalic lXld)' flf nllc~ bUl rcOl'CI c hall gi ng SI3J} dards (If right and wmlll{. Then:- lire fOllr main:JP' pm:'lche'l npen 10 policymakers who f:,,'or SOIn' 10l'ln nf gt ll ' cOll lrolltJ,.hlalioll :
    I?l'fjllllillK ''I'b''~lml/lJ1I of IW/ldJ,"'" I . This option it alre.ldy ill lIS(' ill ... I:nes :tCl'Os.o; the nation , Ilm\t!\'tI. cxpensagrce Ihat rcgislr:.tliOlI ur lmmlg lll1!o hasonlt a lilllitt.'tI impact ill rcducing l'I'illlc. 2 IVill/iring n mm/Hlg /Jmoo INJo", n ~m (on (hruf' a IjIUI. As of 1991 . 1<1 litalcll had ......... iling pm. . ods ranging from '18 hl)ur'i to 15 d ..)~ ( Po lic~ Fou. dalio n , 1992). 3 tll10wlIIg IIII"~/Ijr/I'{I ,,!VI/m/lll) oJ fimmnJ. 6Iu IlJlIgh~IIIIIK (TJtIIltI(lI IWII"II,o filr illtglllluf' uf1f"'1$. TIllS appro.lch is fa\'llrecl by IlppOllentS ofolhcrgttllcOIIlrol meaSllrt,'S, 'Iueh ;lS Ihe National Rine Assoc l.ion (NRA) . 4 IkmllillK I/fUIl/glIlII ft/Jew/II,.,.. This could includt prohibitillg Iht.' 1Il:tllllfltClllre. sale. :lIld posscs.1ioo ofsllch we;tpom y. YCt, eWIl ifCQ ll gl'es~ were to pa. suc h <I lalV'. the e llo nnOllS n aliollwitle rt."SeI"l't' uE guns wou ld mean Ihlll many Ii I'ca nllS would Slill be: ,n"ilablc illcgally. ,JIld lh<.'SC could , ul roll~, (Oftuibllle to man)' violent ('rimes.

    Social science r('''Couch oITers 'KI1lll' slll>pon r"r gun comro l mh'tK:t IC'. According 1 a study com0

    198

    1
    I

    Il

    5Et.lM<:':, AA~ YM
    I'OSITlot.' 0" 6Vl1 Ca.nROL C"~&D ?

    .... HAT MkllJT "'filE 10,000 ProfIlE KILI.eo EAUl

    'reM. W Iltt
    HMlD(jON$ ?

    .'!)
    <,

    I:

    / NO, 1 6H
    I\~Olt:DS

    /'
    Of

    LET1U.S:

    i M SEeM EY
    '0 BE MIJ(.H LESS

    WEe<
    on'OSlI<'6 If

    VG<"-

    111/991, lI'h"" thu carlO/m wosfiflt

    /mlXlJhaJ.

    (llilmt

    I().{)()(J //I'Ofill'

    11/

    lilt

    UIII/I'd Sl(ltl'~ IIJf'T'I' dyIng n."') )f'UI' Ilmwgh hl)lmflt/f'.f ('(Jflomllct! "'1111 IJ lir."",II . I(~ 1992, Ilwl /fJp,rf /Imf
    11) "'/Ofi' tllIlII

    ".(j{J() Idll",/!"

    1lI",

    w.lI.

    lullld~'l"rj I'(Ifh )'f'f/r.

    gun (omml measlII'l'S may red uce

    PJri ng crime r.u eI ill St'attJe a nd Vancouver. ('.:mada, iI cnnlllllllli ey's homicidt, raIl'. A U'<UIl of rco;,c;:II'f'hcr.s ~llld icd crime

    187 1, Ul{' NRA has 3 mi l1ioll llll'llI bc l.... : illlldditioll. <I lO 5 million member; of stillC rifle a...sociations slIPl>orl many of Ihe ' RA 's goal... Thl'M' figur~ compart= with 0111) 350.000 l1le lll bl' l~ 0 1 I landgu n Conl rol, a kc) nrg;.lIl i/.. u io n ill the Kun control lobbv. W h c re;l.~ the NRA hasa fo rmidablc W:II c hl."St, H a lld ~'l ln Conll o l has less lh .) n Si m illiun pe r year (Mackt=IIIIC . 199 1: Md.can . 1992) . Despitt' opposition from the NRA .lIld i L~ allies.
    some rornmUllitiC5 h u\'1' pas....ec:1 bF'lIll comrol measures. !\Iorlon G l'mc, a Chicago suburb of 24,000

    data in the two cities over the IlCliod 1980 to 1986. rhese pori ci lit.'S a rc o nly 140 m iles ~1 p; II I . a nd rNOi,tt11ts were IOlllld IQ have comp;u":\blc levels 0 1 !'ChooJ:. 'ill". m(:d iall illlllua! inclllllt"s, ,met rates of' uncI}}p!uynlcnt. Owing ..h e pt:riod 1I11dcI ~ l l ldy. Sca uJea nd \ 'ancoU\-er had imila r m lc.."S ofhllrgl:uy a nd rubbcl) , ",tlile Scaltle'~ ratc ofassauh W.ll; only ~lighth higher
    than lh al of Vall(OU\'CI', Yet the ris k. of beinl( killed \\tlh" ftrcan u ....'itS nearl y th ree limc'l d,.i high in St:atWo as in Vancom cr-whic h halo mo re resoicu\'c rcgul.J.Uon of handgun\ (Sloan Cl a l., 1988) . While tIll' peop lc of the Unilcd S l.lt e~ have con\I\I~ nLly favorcd g lln cont rol Icgisl.ltil1 t1 i n !'t'cc n t deC'oldf's. th e na tion 's 111 rtio r anti-g un Ltltltrol lob~ i nK

    group, tlt e

    ~ ati O ltaJ

    Rin c Associa tio n (N RA),

    wielded impr'cssi\'c pm..er in blocki ng or d il uting such 11lt";tSlI res. Conn icl IhcnrisL'I con tend tha t powerful groups like lh e l'\ RA c m dumin;uc the defl.Jon-m:tking process because of thcirabil ity lO 1110-

    h.l.~

    Iriule resources ;lIId exert inflllellC~\'C n in oppm.iliol1 10 the wi ll of tJ1C majorit). Founded in

    people, II",de tire TlIere pos.~es..~io n or a h'lIldgtrn ;r clime Il<:gin ning in 1982. ViolatOl'" ,Ire subject tQ up 10 ;;;x munths in jai l :Ind.1$500 lint'. T hisstalllle. tht: na tion's lllos' ''lringelll g u n comrollaw. has had liul e pr:tctical impact, since to ..... n police h;we not la llnc hed :I n en rOIcement. drive. Nc'\'crtllclcss. th e Mo n o ll Grnvc law hm. symbo lic \" ,lltLc . a~ ....~ I.~ recognized by the NRA. wh ich u n~ lI ccessfll ll y allem ptt:"d to ha\'4.' tilt:" statu te ruled IUlCtlllSll l111.ional. Spur rl--d in part by the Morl un Gro\'{' IlIC;l!Ul'e , the ci ly of Ch icago pa!oloCd a law prohibiti ng lht' registration 01 any new lrandgulIs, Ytt, while four subLlrb~ followed ~lIil, such Icgisl:u.ion h.tS nOI been

    /99
    UllI'/HI 7 /JI;.....H .\CE "XTl

    <ilx;.u r

    (t)\TH(JJ

    tllC Un ited Stalt'5 Timt:, 1982) . The crucial problem in asse~ing the enh:ti\'cness of a ny slate or local gun law is that weapons can tx: imported rrom localiti es in which laws are morc hLX . Consequently. advocalt.'S or handgun cOlllrol insi~1 thal Stringt'fll federal gun control IChrislalion is essential. in recent years, congressional debate 011 this isslLe centered o n the so-called Br;:ldy bill. Thi~ bill was mUlled aftcr onc or its chief :H\vocates. fOl'mer White House press secretary James Brady, who was shot and paralY/ed in 198 1 by John Hind:ley during Hinckley's anem pt to assassi nate rresidelll RonaId Rengan. The l3T1\dy bill proposed a compulsar,), seven-day wailing period on all handgun purchases to allow for background chccks or those who wish lO buy gons and to penuit impulse purchasers to ~cool 01T.~ While lhe NRA predicwbly o pposed the Brad), bill-noting that it would 110t h aVl~ deterred Hind.Icy. who obt:lincd his fireann six months before Ihe assassination :lllempl-:I 1993 national survey re vcaled th:u85 pcrcelll o f respondentS f;1\'orcd such 3 seven-day \","diting peliod. In latc 1993. Congress p:l.Sst:d and Pn:sident Climo rl siglr ltl into law a modified version of the Brady bill which requires the buyer ofa handgllll to wait five days be fore t:lking pos.'!ession o f it . Gun c:ol1lrol ;t(kocau::s n l ~ WQI1 m:tior vicl, ries in New Jersey and Virginia in o 1993. Ncw.lcrsey upheld its ban on the purchase of assa ult weapons. while Virginia restricted hand g Ull purchases to one per munth a nd fluuuwc:d gun possession by minors (Ec kholm , 1993: N~w!il.I!t'k. \993). In Ihe aftennalh or the Los Angeles IiOlS or

    passed by any other city in

    (~lc Roberts and Kuo.k<l, 1992:

    1992-wl1ich cruplt:"d afle r the ;\cqu iual of four White po lice otTicers c ha rged with the (videvtaped) bealing of suspect i{odllC"Y King---f.;,rtlll COlt11'01 ad\'oc,ltes ;-Ind oppuncnts found stit! another way of debating: this COlHl'oversial isslIl!. C.1lifonlll 3Y has a 15-<1 wa iting period for gun purchase\, whic h helped reduce impulse buying during the nots. However, after the dismrbances, in the first 11 days of May 1992, gUll sales in the St..1tC \,>,cre 511 pe rce nt higher tha.n in the same period in 1991. Supponcnl or b"'" cOlllrol a rgue lhat. h;ld such iUl-pulse pun:lmscs or gun ... occurred 011 a large scalr (/ Unllg the riots, many more peoplc ,,",ould hall' died. :-.JRA oflicials counter that ..... hil e fior, n stolr e thousands or weapons duling the r;oI.S. law-abidill~ c.itizens .....elc not able to buy guns 1.0 protect them selves (Ec kholm, 1992) . l1lts deb"te recaJls a control'ersy that crupted UI 1991. when the Chicagu Housing AlI c.Jtori ly began 1.0 enforce a 20year-old ruk forbidding tenants tu keep guns 011 lhe premises. T his action was lllken primarily bCGHL"C in 1990 ~llon(', 72 nlurders had occurred in the city's public housi ug projecb. While lhe l-I olL~ing Authoril),'s tenants. many'" them Africa n Amel;can. mpponed thi ... ban 00 g uns, thl' Natiunal Rilk Association did not. The NRA insisted that the Ilousing Amhol;ty was infrin ging on rhe Icnams' conSliltltionalligh t to bear anns and tha t this action would havc dispropor tiomHe and unfai r impact on the righlS of Blach livin g in public h o u s in ~ , CIitics urthe NRA Charged that the NRA's suddel1 COllcem ror' the right.s 111 Afl;c:m Americans wa.'; ratJlcr transpare nt and added that the ban on gUlls would disproportionately SIWf flit I;INS of Blacks (Prud'hollll'llC. 1991),

    SUMMARY
    Collrorm!l) ,md deviance :IfC twO ways ill which people rcsl.IOnd to 1'1':1 1 rrcssures or 10 Imagined pressure~ from

    others. I II this d13ptcr, wc c"uluine the rc\atiou~llirs br'-Iwcen confonllilY d~iancc . ilnd [llcchanisms of social . lonuol.
    A .sociclY liSt'S social co/aru/to brinK abo\ll acceprance of ba~ic norms. 2 Sw.ulcy Milgr.un defined uHI/arm;ty itS goin)ol alrlllR with one's ].ICCJ"S, Wllt:r~L~ obedi f!nfl' is defined ,1.\ cum

    pliancC' wilh higher aUlhoritie~ in a hierarchical stf'U( mrc. 3 Ex;\m p lc~ of iliforlnal SQcia l control include mikot, laughter. l'ai!ing of an eyebrow. :md ridic\Lle. "' Somc 'nomlS are considered so irnpurt.;11lI that Ill"" are fOf/nali/.cd 11110 la WI controlling peuple,. bcha\;1l1' 5 Sociali/.. 1tion is the prllllal) 1;(J1ITCC for dlCcling coofomli ng and obedicn1 bch:l\'ior, iuciuding obedience' ~1
    law. 6 For fWlI.. ti(lllalist t.Ilcnrists. deviance helps to ueliur

    tlte

    limi1.~

    III proper beha\ior.


    h(lld~

    7 TIlt' thl'OfY of dif/rre,,';ol assoc;ol;oll

    that iJt.

    200
    /'.-1.11'1' 711"0 - (J/l(',ANI7 ,\'v .<;Qr" ItL un; J J

    \'IoIn(~ rcsulb from cXpoiure 10 lIIU1udCll f;lI'omblc 10 (nlUlna] ;tCtA. I An imporunt a~pt:cl of 'a b~IiNg th r:ofJ i~ thl' n~nlf.: '"'M)" thal JOUle people an:: t"r:uoM as dC'li.1I1l \'Ihih: Ult.rl\ cngag('(1 in Ihc salllC bcha\10r arc nOl_ I 111e conflicl pcrllpecli\'c views 1 ;t\'l'1l :Ull! pun i~llIncnl.\ .. rrOtclmg Iht" intc l~u of ' he 1)('J\'!'erful lhe Uh:gOry of itldt'x crim f!s include" lII u1"(ler .-ape, w.tuh. and olher lU~riOUS uffc nSo.'s dm l peopll.' Ihi n k of 1Ihen Ihl') c)( p rcss cOlleen! abo u t ( rime. n W1IilH olla r crim fll h:we S4:.'l'iuus econ omic :m d tIONI ((bill 101 1nl' United SI~Ie5. I1 ilK: power of IlIe Nalional Riflc A.uocialion (1\'RA) 1w. bttn J major faclOr in prn-enLillg tilt. 1 ' J.1Sllagc of tlIl.II'~ gun control leg~ation

    I'

    Cu ltu ral Ir al1smjuiol1 A o;chool of crimiTllllul(r which al)C\ll'S Ihat cl'imimll hch;wior i~ learned through SO<.'irll inlt'racLiom,. (184) Devia l1 Cf! Ikh:l\;or Ihal violalo. the u;tmli\rd, of conduct or ('1CI>CCI;l1iulIs of a group or society, ( 179) Diffl!rl!l1 lial auocia lio /l A UWOfVnf dl.,\ianc(' proposed b) Ed\\in SlItherl.lllt! "hich holds tha l l'iol.ation of nlll.'1 r('sult5 fwm t'XJl'fI'\UC to attit\l d e~ I;numble 10 Crlm iI mj :lCIS.

    (HIoI )

    1 WhJI 1Ut.'Ch,lIl isms form,, 1:lIId inforllla l ~ocial (011Uulllll' "idem in )ollr college ci:lSS('S aud ill rl.l~'-to-d:l) ,ooal intl'taClioll" al )'Qur 'Choolr 1 \\ll1ch .tpproach 10 de\;allce <in rou lind 111051 pertUaU\'C' lb;U fUl1cl iuna list.S, conflict t IW(lI;~t... , il1l(!r.u:....... or labeling Ihl'()risl~r \\,h) is Ih~ approolC h lIIor(' ('OIIMuting tI~1I Ihe OIhf'r thrC'l."? What an~ the main ~ ul each approac h ? J .\lI1J dilcussed in t.he ('hapler, I':llcS ofviolt'l1l nilllt.' Mmlkh higher in 11ll' United SI.U~ thall in \fc<;tl"m t:1I. ' (Mln,ula, Auslnl lia, Nc\\ Zealand, 01' j:11" 1II , O l'a \\ 0 11 _mny or th(' tilc :orie.\ discllss('(1 in Ihe d mpll'r .IS 1'05... I1I C'Xpliin why th~ Un ilc d Slalc~ i~ ( lIch .. COl11p,lr-.rh. "',km "'Xiety.

    or

    ,,;and

    or

    ,...". TERMS ............ ___ ........................ _. __ .... _ J!!:.!... . _. ___

    ......

    Illlrlht'lm 's (('fin fo r Ihe loss d il'l'ctioll fe lt ... ""urt\ ",hto sodal conlrol ur indwidu,11 he h ,l\illl ... t... .tmr IIIcrre\"th~, (paKC 11'12) "'Hry of d f'v itlll ce 1 tl U '01"\ d el'doped hr \ M"I'toll which l'x plains de\' iancc us :m ad,lpta. . ",hc'r (If lIOCially pft.~ribC'cI g<)als nr Ihe norm.~

    or

    or

    (:Cillg along with OIlC ' ~ peeN, IIjrli\"1l l ual~ p"nfJn'. OWn M;III1S, wh.. 1l:I\C no ' 1loCcial right 10 rh~1 pt'non'~ bcha\ior, ( 176) C"rilllinal I.IW for wlllrh fonllal " \tnbtion . . . ., ..,," appliC'd by .ome go\'crllllll.'llt.1 ;uHhority. 1
    I

    :;::;~ their :&1I;linmcuL (182:)

    or

    Jo'ormfll social rQlltrol Social coml"ol c:ll'licd jJ111 b)' authoril.Cd agl! lIlS, such liS police oni(l:rs.judge., school ad min i~ lratUl"li. all t.! em p1o\l!r5, ( 178) IlI dl!x crim es 'n lc l'ig hl typt:~ 01 rri Ull' reponcd alllllla ll) b\ Ihe FBI in Ihe U"IIilM en"", &poru. n. csc itre murder, rape. robberv. assau lt, burgl:ll"}. lheh. mOlor Hhide theft , :lI\d :m'Oil . (190) biformal socia l cO lll rol Social con tru l Gm;t-U alii br peo p le GUlu;llIy I.hrough such U1c;m, .IS l;m81 11cr. ~nu1es, :md ridicule, (178) Labe/illg Ih tlory' An approach to clcvi:lI1 rc I>opu ta,.ucd by l-Io"";l1 d S. Bcckcr which allcl1lpLS to explai n why ceruin pcuple are VII'UItd as de\ianu while othen ellgaging in UIC llOInle behaYior are not. ( 187) La w In a poliLical SCII.\!:", Ihe body of rules made b)' go''c.nllncnt for 'Iodel\. intCrp1'('ICII b)' the coons, and backed h) Ihe powt'r of the statc. ( 1i9) Obr:di l!Nce C"'.ompllallcc \\;lh lughcr :l lI l horit.i~ ill :I hic",!"c h ical Slnl( lme, ( 176) Orgol1 i:r:d cri mt' T he ,,"'ark ofa grollp that regulal~ rC'lalions bclWI.'COII \'ariOIlS crimhl.ll en ll.'lvri~ imoln :d ill smuggling 1 Sille o f d rugs, pl"oslilUI IO n , h"Ullbliu g, l1ld :md o thl'1 activili e~ , ( 10 I) Praf euia flal crimill(JI A pcrson \\ ho p Ul'$III'" crime .. ~ a da)-lo-tl,w lloCcul);lIIo n , dC"\"CIoping skil1('(l t hniqu :111<1 c njtl) Hlg a cenain (Iegree of S(alU~ a mOllg Olh('r criminals. ( 190) Sal1tti"As I)cnahjel; and r(,wards fur conducl ..:nncemmM .. sod,l] norm. (I i6) Soc ial CUIl/rol '1U' lC1:h n iquc5 and su'lI ('git-~ fll r rcgu.. I;Hln~ human beh.l\;ur ill any 'oOCic!)" ( 176) Soci da/-r('(J ct itm ap proa ch Another 1].1111(' for labt-Iwg throry. (11'17 ) T echlliqllrs of 'lfw t r(lli~alit}1I JUSliFic~ljOIl.~ IClr del'la lH bch,l\'iur. (1 H6) Yi r: li1N itat iol1 su rveys Qucslionn"ir('~ 01 IIHe1"\'U'W!> lI~cd 10 determine wheulcr lK:ople h.lI"c hecl! l;cLims (lfcrinl(!, (197l Yi r ti lfl leu cr ilflu A t(!ml lI~l by . "ociol~ists IQ d ..... $Clilx- thl' willing I' xdlallgc .. mong adlllt.~ lIf " 'i<ld) tll"~i ....d , Inll illeg:l!. K'Klfls :!IId 5C1"\'icc-., (i1J:i) .' While-collar crim rr Crime.!! cOl1lmiucd hy ,1ml1CIIl in-

    201

    divid ua ls or corporntioll, In lhc course of lheir dai ly busim."SI; acth;ties. ( 192)

    ADDITIONAL READINGS ................................................................. _ .................................... .


    Barnk, Cregg (ed.). r.n_", Ill' Gnplfllm Sink: All ilil1'()dual/m 10 .SlIII, Cnmlllu"", Alb:Uly. Stale Unin~rsit} of New York l)reM, 1991. An examination of how gm'cmmellls imtlate or racilitate Cnlll1l:5, co\'cring such topia as dem l15 or Alxlligi lle5 in Au~ tntlia n prisons. re~pon.5C'5 to prbon riots, and indifference 10 CJ..llada's 5('"ual auault laWl!. Ca),lord, Mark S . and John F. Calliher. Till' Cnmmology of EsiWHI SulMrulIId. Rutgers. NJ .: TrduQction , 1987, An in tellcc\llal biogmph y or Sutherl:lIld wh ich placc5 the dC\'Clopmelll of differential ,"sodation Iheory into ia social context. I lirschi . Trn\i~ . :tIld Michael Coufrtclo\OI1 leds. ). TlI#! ~II ' tmltry tif0ro;allfl. RLIIgcrs, NJ.: Tl"'a n~ction , 1994. Thi! an th ulogy ad\'3nccs the al'p:ulIlclI t lhal rill forms of de-" jam and crimi!!al I>l'ha\;or shan' ill commOI1 the purSUil of IITIlncdiatc hl'lIcliu without conct'm for longtcnn COSts. Mi),;u:!wa, Setsuo. I'oI/nng 11/ }a(1(///' A Smdy IIn Malr.ing Cli1l1(. AJb<IIIY: Stale Uui\,cr.dIY(If New York PI'e5M. 1992. A profC'MOr oflaw iu ja]>.,u reo.ieloS the nation', legal ('II\'iroumelll :lI1d crimilla! justice s)'lItcm in a work 1.r.1Iulated hu o English, I'au:mosler, Raymonrl. Capillll P!4"IJhllKflt mnua. Nt:v.' " ork: UXillgtOIl . 199 1. A criminologist c:xam il\c..~ the ~i:d irnplic;ltiolu of replaring the death penalty Ioith life scl1lences wil holU parole and lIumdalofJ financial reslitution .

    __

    Sandt'l'lI. Clinton R. etUIWII:;"/{ 1111' Jhxly: 7'h, Art find Cui l/mofTlltlOOlllg. Philad dphi:t: Temple Un h'ersity Pr$. 1989. S:lndel'!l oITers a brief histmy or the practice 01 1:luooing and discusses his participan l observ,Hion 0( th~ who work as la llOOISIS. Schur, Edwiu M. Lnlxllllg Wo".,." iHlnan': C.mdw. SI/g-. ul/d Sona/ Conlrol. I' hil:ulclphia: Temple Unh'Cm'Y Press. 198;,. ;\ 11 u:ullillatiol1 of the criminal jll5tice ~ tt:m in iu broade!lt contcxt <15 it :lpplie1i to wtlllu:n. In cludt'S cO\'Crnge of .sexual haragmc.nt. 1"31)1:. ramily \1o lcllce, and lIIelllal iIInellS. Vachss, Alice. Sa Criml'.J. New York..: Kandom 1 1011$('. 1993A fQmu'r New York Cily prosecutor a..~ the 1001)' in which 5('X crilllcs-and C'sl)(:'cially rape-a rc handltd

    by the

    crilllinalju~licc !>~tem .

    Weishllld, D:wid . SloInton Wheeler, [ Iin Waling. and Nancy Bodc. Cnmf;J oftll#! Midllk CIt/w.s: Whill"CoIlarOf [trUIf:fl/'lll!e l'N ltraICtmru. New H:I\'c n , Conn.:Y"lc Un" \'ersity I're~s, 199 1. An an:,lpis of t he II:uldling of ClISe'!I ur securi l it!~ fmud. antitrust "iolation. dud lax fraud. Wilroll. J alllc5 Q., and Richard .l He lIIstcin. Cri"li an4 /lu"'(ln N(lturt, New York: SimOIl ;1 Schustt'r, 1986. 11<1 A chal1enbting, con IJ'O\crsial.lp p Hl;lCh It) clim-= thato; amin('~ ole rdatiorls h ip law'3bicling belul\;ur lO int('l1igelltC', pl':'1 'lIOlIaltty. lmd ('\'CII body type.

    or

    Journals ... _................................................................................................Among the jouruals which focus Oil issue! or de~ia.J1ce crime, and 50Cial cOlltrol are Cri"., and Dtln~ (founded ill 1955) , C""'IIIQ/ogy (196 1). and J..awall4 Soom IVvirw {I 9(6).

    1/1"

    202
    PART nro

    ORCA,VW,\ r. 'tOClA/ un"

    .....................

    P A R T T HR EE

    ... .... ..............

    ..............................................................................

    SOCIAL

    .. ... .J.N.~.QY!.\~J.I.Y... ...


    of dC\-iance,
    lJtljnquenCJ Loll! and

    . ... . . . . . . . ................ . . . ........ .


    SOCIAL

    PART THREE

    . . . . . ~N.~.QY.Ab.~I.Y... . . ..
    Part Three focuses on the structure ami processes of social inequalily. Chapter 8 examines che important sociological

    concepts oJ stratification and Jociallllobilil)~ (u well as inequality based on social class, with special emphasis 011 llle United Slates. In Chapter 9, we consider stratification and mObility abroad and
    give particulaT allrolion lo the iruqualit)' euidl!11l in the world's deuelcping 1i.alio1u. QUlpler 10 deals with inequality based 071 racial and tthnic background and focuses on prejudice and discrimination against minority groups. Chapter J J discusses iruqualily based on gender and fhe position DJ TAIOmen as an

    oppressed majority. In Chapter 12, Jociologir.ol analysis of Ihe


    aging /m>ctss is presented, and iluqualit)' based on age is examined.

    205

    'd Il, l, ,
    .

    ;r ( (: 'JLL
    !"It 1,~ S.s

    .................... r;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;::;

    =====::1.................... .

    STRATIFICATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITY

    UNDERSTAN DING STRATtnCATION Systems of Slraliricatioll

    Sb\'cl)'
    C llSlt.'S

    Povcn y 'I'll,. UlUlrrr/rtJS SIIIdyi1lg "(Jll/7ty


    t:m::mpIO) IllCI I '

    " ~mll$ :

    SlI'lllific-,nion and Ufc

    C h a nC(. ~

    Soci.. J Classes
    o n Str.lliriC-dlif)1I Karl Mao: 's View o f Class Differentiation M:u: Weber's View of Slr.uili<::uioll Is Stnuifi c;ui o ll Unil'c rs:lI?
    FUIlCl iona li5l View
    Pe~pt'cLi\'('s

    SOCIAL MOBlLIIY
    O ,>e n "CI1I US Closed Class S)'Slcrns T)1lCS of SOd.ll Mo bilit)'

    Social Mobility in the United Slatb SOCIAL PO LICY AND STRATI "'CATION: RETHI N KING WELI-' ARE
    BOXES 8- 1 Around the World: Slavery in the 199(b 8-2 SIx:aking Qut: Blaming the Victim

    Col1 llin View

    STRATIF ICATION BY SOCIAL CLASS Meas uring Social ClaM C'.ollscrlucllces o f Social Class in th e
    Uni ted 51.11('5 Wealth :lIld Income

    207

    All anim.als are equaL


    BIll some animals are more eqltal than others.
    """" Orox/J AnilMI Form. 194'

    LOOKING AHEAD
    How arc societics organi1cd lO deny privileges to some membe rs while extending them tu others? How did K..lrI Mao: and Max Weber contribute 10 our understanding of social class? Can life be organized WitJlOUI stnlcltlred inequalil)'? How clo sociologists measu re social class? How is the ideology of ~ blaming the victill1~ uscd 10 minimize the problem... of povert), in the Un ited StaICS? How likely arc people in the United Stales either la move inlO or 10 rise OUl of poveny? Should there be major CUIS in welfare progr.tms in the Un ited Statcs?
    1990, the Unitcd Nations began issuing a IhIT/an DmJf{o/lmenl '?Ff)ort as a mcans of assessing the quality o f life of peoplcs around the world . The 1993 report painted a blcak picture for Illllch of the world's population, including significmu segments of the population of the United Slales, In an especially sLJiking finding. macks and Hispanics in lhis counll}' appear to have a quality o f life comparable to I.he residen ts of many dt"\'cJoping countries in the Third World (Bcals. 1993). To assess the quality of life in a gi\'en COlllll!-y. the Numan DrtH!/.ofJmenl Report relics o n an index thal combines iudicators of real purchasing l}Owe r. ed-

    In

    ucalion , and health. In 1993, the United Slates ranked sixth-highest among the 173, nations studied. yel Whiles in the Uniled Stales enjoyed a quality of life higher than the people of top-ranked J apan. By CQntrolSl, the quality of lile fo r African Americans WtlS comparable to that inlhc Caribbean nations of Trinidad and Tobago. which ranked thirty-finn. while Hispanics' quality of life W.\S cornpamble to that in Estonia (which unlil reccl1l }'can was part of the Soviet Union). which milked thirt)~ fourth. The quality of life fO I' Blacks and Hispania \..as slightly higher ll1an in Russia and Costa Rica blll was slightly lower than in Hungary and Uruguay. All around the world, the re are subSl3ntilll dir /crenccs in peoplc' s qUlIlity of life. By contrasting the extremcs .....c sec thilt residellts of the lowest mnked ",!lion o f Guinea. a foml er French colon) in Mrica milked 173, have" life expectancy at binh of 44 years. compared with nearly 79 years in 101). ranked Japan . In Guinea, only 24 percent of adults are literate, compared with 99 percent in Japan, and Guinea 's annual level of production per capita is one-tentJl that of Japan (United Nations Da't~ o pmcl1l Programme, 1993). Ever since people bcgall to speculate abOUl the nature of human socielY, their allention has been drawn to the differences that can be readily observed between in di\~duals and groups within am' society. The tenn social ;" equality describes a con dition ill which members of a society have differ e nt amounts of wealth, prestige, or power. All sod-

    208
    I'ANT 711HJJ-; SOCJM 1,\ 'EQ!.1AUI1'

    cucs arc charactc l;zt:d by sume deg H!l' o f sodal 1IIl'qualit), Whl'f\ a S),stCIII of soc ial ineq ua lity is based on is hlCrMthy of groups, sociologbts refer 10 il :l.5.f /ru/ .(lra/ion::1 SU1.lc tW'ed I<l.Ilking of e nure groups of ]X'lIple thal perpetuates unequal economic re\...a rds ~l1d po\\'cr in :t socie ty, These unequal 1'(.'\\~ oU'(1s arc Miurnt 1101 only in the distribution of wealth and iUtfllnc, but also in the disl.ressi ng lift: ex peclancy d,tt,1 ill Cu in ea and o th er developing countries. IilfJlificalioll im'Olvcs the waY" in which '1oci:-. 1 inNlualitics are JXls.;cd on frOIll onc gen crmio n 10 the IkxI, lhereby producinggroups of people arl":'Ulged 10 r.lul.. order from low 10 h igh . '\If'Jlilicatio n i ~ o nc of the mosl impol"la lll and I..mpl~x sllbjcclli of sociological imcsligouion bc'<llIW 01 iL'I pcn'ilsivc influence 0 11 human interaclIQlI\ :md iUSli tutiOlls. Social inerl'mlity is an innit,I!)I..: result of stralilica ti on in tlt:'11 ce n.a ill gl'Oups of 1>I.'IIplc sland hig ht'r in sodal ranki ngs, contro l \C."3tl'l' resoun;cs, wield powt: r, a nd receive special tfl'Jlment. All wc will sce in lhis dmpll"r, t.he CO I1Sl't\Ut' IICCS of stralification a,'e evidclH in lhe IITlrqUJ.1 clisuibution o f wealth a nd income whhin indU\lnal socieucs. 11le term; IICQlllf! refers to sala ries lnn wages. By COnU<lSl, wf!ulth is a n incl u.Ioi\'(' term I'nfllmpassing all or ,I person '5 m ~ t e ri a l a'iSCIS, in flOOmg land and other Ilopes or pro perly. 01 course, each of us \\'aIllS a -f.. ir s hal'c~ o f sorll'i\'~ rewards. :md we o lle n com(' inl o conflicl ove r hU\\'lhc!!C rewards sh o llld be di\'iclccl . Fam ily rncmhl'I"\ ~1rgl.IC over who should be give n money to huy Ik"1I clmhing o r 1.1kc a \'acatio n; nations go 10 \\'":1 1' u\rr preciolls reSOlUCCS suc h as oil or minerals. As .. I'C!ouh, mologisls ha\"e dirccted their :llIcndon ltllhe Implications of Slr.u..ific3tio n in ra nking me m-

    Tn

    Il. l'h U

    /1,1' qlW/IIJ olllf,.

    /If Q

    gw'.ll

    1-1 1I111:m J)c"d opuu:1l1 Rcpon - i" lulf'll fIIlmwfl)' by

    (OIU/II)', Ih~

    "'t!

    Uuitl'd N"fwm - r,III'.1 0 11 fill iml,:c "1111 rnmhi" PI ",t/mlfOll of rl'lll ImrrhrtSillg IlfIlt"". Illum/lo", ,11111 /lmllh . III 1993, Ilu' l'nlv-JI-ml,Af:f1
    mtH

    hr/l 01 a M>CiCl).
    chapter will foclls on the unequal dislrihll\lUt! of socially v:tlucd rewa rd~ within human <i:od t'11t"\.1t begins with an examinatio n Or ro w ge ne ral <'.'ll'lI\~ ofslr.ttificatioll. Particu lar altcnliOl1 \\~ll be h'1\t'1l to Kad Mal")"s the ories or c1a1>s and 1 "'!:I.x 0 Wd"ICr',anaiysis Of lllc co mpOilc n l~ or sI l'alificalion. III .uldilioll, fu nctio nalist and co nOic l th eo rists ' cxplm.lIiolls for the ex islC~ n ce of slr.ttifiC;lIjon will he um'>iden:c:i a nd contl-a." led . 111t> second part of the chapter will explain huw uxiolugi'u mcasu re !locial chw. The COlISc(l" e n ces
    rhl~

    "alii)/! III IPnt/J ol/Jl'OlJ/, j (1'lOllt, IJf lif, Cllinm, (I formn f 'rnu h rub"', ill

    AJrim. IlLsuWlu rJj GIIIIIM hJ'f' (/ "11ff/("'CJ al birth of ,wry 44 lalll".

    'if'

    of str<llifi cati o n in terms of we:llth :tn d illcflme , 1 1eal,II, e dllca L ional npport llnil..ics, lInd Olllcr aspects o f life " 'ill be discussed . In lhe I.h ird pan of t.he chaple r , tlt e 1l10VCm e nl of illdi\'idual ~ up and dmm Ihe social lt ierarc hics of th e UllilCcI Sta tes \\111 be C)(;;lInillcd . Fiually. in the social poli(.."}, sec lion , wc will adrlrcs.~ Ihe contro\'CI"S"I' I)\'er the welfare system or lilt' Uniled Stales.

    209
    Of Wlt.1I 11 s rR.I IIFHX/"If),'" ,,"\'1) v )(,J.II \/(fflll rn

    ~.~.!.~.~~...~~ ..~.~~.~ .~~~.~~........... ...... ......................


    Th is sec tion \.,.ill e xamine fou r gt::nc ral s)'St,e ms of SIl'aliJicalion-SYSlems of slavery. castes, eslales. and social clas.<;es. These should be viewed as ideallypcs lIscful for pu rposes of a nalysis. Any stratification system may include clements of more than one type. For exam ple. the southern stales of the United States had social classes dividing Whites as well as institutionalized e nslaveme nt of Blacks. Slavery The most CJ(trem e form of legali zed social inequality for individuals or groups is slavery. The distinguishing c haracteristic of this oppl'essivc system of stratificatio n h; that em;la\'cd inclivithmls a re owned by other people. l1'ese huma n bein gs are treated as property, just as if they w~rc equivaICIll to household peL~ or appliances. Slave l)' has varied ill the way it has been pr.:ICticed. In ancie nt Greece. the main source of sla\'es consisted of caplives of war and piracy. Although slavc status cOllld be inherited by sl1cceeding generations, it was not neces,<;a rity penmlnen t~ A person's su.uus might change depending 011 whic h c i ly~ Sla te happened 1.0 triumph in .1 military connict. In effect , all citize ns had the potc ntial or becomin g slaves or o r being granted rreedom. de pe nding on OI C circumsta nces or histOl),. By COrLlI,ISt, in the Uni ted Suites and L.llin Ame rica. racia.l and legal barriers were cstablishe r! to pre\'(~ nt the freeing o f slaves. As we will sce in Bas 8- 1, milli ons o f people around Ihe world conlinlU! to Ihx: as slaves_ Wh e never and wherever it has ex isted. slave ry has \'equircd extensive coercion in order to maintai n the p\ivi teges and re ....'ards o f slave O\,'ncrs. Fo r example. it is estimated th .u <IS many a.~ 9000 Blacks were invo lved in an 1822 slavc revolt in Charlcstoll . Sou th Carolina, led by a carpenter a nd former slave na med Denmark Vesey. Imagine the resources Llli11 must have been needed to cnlsh suc h a ma.ssive rt,'~ bellio n. TIlis is but onc rellenion of 1he commi tment. to social control required lO keep people u'3pped in Ii\'es of involuntary se lv itude (F I~J. t1.kli ll and Moss, 1988; Schaefer, 1993). Castes Cas tes arc he reditary systems of rank , usually relibriously dictated , that lelld 1 he rlXed and 0

    immobile. The caste system is generally associated with Hin duism in Indi a and other cOllntries. In In dia there arc l'our major castes. cal led II(m/l'lS. A fi fth ca t.egory of Olllca<;tes, referred to as ul!toudltl. b{~, is consid ~red to be so lowly and unclean as to h,\\'e no place wiLll in lhis system of stra tification . There arc also many minor castes. Caste membership is established at bir th , since child ren alltomalicall)' assume U1C same positio n as Lll eir parenl.S. Each caste is < Iuite shaq)ly defined. and members arc expected lO marr), wi Lllin that caste. G..'lste me mbership gellcl'3l1y dt"tcrmin cs one '~ occupatio n 01' social roles. An exampl e o f a lower caste is th e Dons, whose main work is the undesi r able job o f cre mating bodies. The c.-.ste system pro. motes a re markable degree of differentiation. Thus. the single caste o f ch:llI m~urs has been spl it illlo twO se parate subcasles: drivers of luxu ry cars ha\'e a higher srarus LImB drivers of economy cars. In recent decades, industrialization a nd urban iza tion have w.ken their toll on India's rigid caste syste m. Many villagers have mo\'ed 10 urban a re~ where their 1 ...caslc Si.'1tlIS is unk.nown . Schools, 00 hospitals, factories, and public transportation fadl itate con i.'lCIS be t....cclI dirre re nt caSles that lI'en: previously a\'oided a t aJl COSl.S. In addition, there have been governme ntal e,rrorlS to refonn LIlt caSte syste m. [lI dia's constitution, adopted in 1950, inchides 11 provision a bolishingdisclim inatiOll alrJ.in.~t lllltollc.ha bles, who had traditio nally been excluded from te mples, schools, and most fomlS of employme nt. Today, unto uchables consti tute about 15 per cent or Ind ia's population and arc eligible ror' cer lain reser\'ed governmental jobs. This situation has created resentment among people jusl above th( IIntouchables in the ca.~t C syste m and therefore deemed ineligible fo r these special j obs ( Economist,

    199 1,22-23). Sociologis ts have also used the tenn mst#' to describe st.rJ.tificatiol1 s>>stems tha t e mph asize racial distinctions. l1te type or d ifferential lreatment given to White, ~Col ored ," Asian , and Black. IX'Ople in the Republic of SoULll Arrica. a nd to a lesser exle nt to rilcial groups in the United St.'lte! (sce Chal:" ler 10). bnn hrs to lIlind ccrm.in aspects of India'., c"st,e syStelll.
    Eslates A third type of stra tification system, called es/n/es, was associated wit h feudal societies d uring

    210
    PAIn TI/REf ~OCJM. I/"F.QUA II n '

    ' -_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _..;,;;.;..... '.....;;;OUND THE WORLD BO X . . AII

    SLAVERY IN THE ,ggo,


    COrdillg w the 1948 Universal
    or Human Rights.

    passed

    legi~la tion

    setting punish

    Dt't'loI.l'3lioll

    which usul>pccdly binding Oil all


    ":,\(1

    ment for sla\'!,: owners and 1IC\'cr inrormed 1ll0~1 of its l>opuiaLion that
    slaver'}' had be(:om c il k1f.l.I. ConsequentJy, more than IOO.OOOofMau ritania's reside n ts of African descent are still beliewd 10 be Ihing as sla\'es. D;tda Ould Mbarek. a 25ye,u'-old Illan who li\'('5 on a date p lantation, declares: ~ I :U11 a 5Ia\'e, m y who le family arc sla\'es." When asked about tJte emancipation of Mauritania's sla\'('5, he !lays: "I nC'\l!r heard of it. And what's more, I dQlI't bcliC!\e it, Slaves [ree? Ne\'er here ~ (Maland, 1992:!l2) . The United States considers any person 3 sl;l\'e who is unable to withdr~lw his \)1' her lal>o r \,olunt;lfily from an clllplo)'er, Yet, in man y paris of tJn: ...'orld, wbond ed laborers~ <lfe imprisoned in virtual lifetime employment as they sLmgg1c to re l);l), smal l debts. As of 1991, India a lone had an estimated 5 mil lion bonded laborers working in road-building ganb'S, in quarries and brick""orks, on p lant.ations. and ill swealShops. III man y cases. bonded laborcrs endure beatings and lorture while rcpayingdcblS in curred by Iheir parenlS or o tlle t ancestors. Indeed, the Bonded Labor l.ilJt;ration Front has fou nd worke rs payi ng ofT debts that are eight ccnlut;cs o ld. Exploitation of children i~ often a n a!lpect of sla\'ery in tJlt' 1990:1, M in die case of the Indian rug wea\'crs desc ri bed earlier. O n th e Indian. Bangladesh; border, girls arc commonl)' sold at a n e((change ra tc of six cow~; these g irls may later

    nll,'mbcn or the Uni ted Na tions: Ollt shall be held in slavery or ocn'itud~; &];i\l,: ry and the sla\"(" lrad~~h:all ~ prohibiu.. in a ll their "'d I()rm~" (Masial1d, 1992:30,32). Yel Rriwln's Anl.i-Sla\'cry l 111crnaUnnal. lhc world's o ldesl human nght; organi~.lItjon. CMimalCS that IOOI'f' than 100 million people .!fouod the world art' still enslaved.
    It \J estimated that al leas! 31_1.000 (and perhaps J million)
    ~IiOtlren w1)rk a.~ nlg wea\'er~ in nnnhl!rn India . They \o\-ork 12 to 16

    hc ...." " day. 7 d3ysa weck. 52 weeks


    J \1'aI,

    creating carpeLS sold in the Stal~ and other cOllnLrics. \I.tI11 orth~ children come rrom Rihar, India's mos t impove,;shed lU/t:, ,and are sold by their parcnl'i IUOll{ellti forthe loom owners at the Io(Ulng rAte of $50 to $66 for an ~evo()ld boy. A IO-)'car-old who ntapcod with three friends after 18 lIU'luthJ working in and confined to ~ red;ulobe hm recalls: ~No money ~ 1).1111 to nil,: . All day wc had l() "UI'/;, t'1~1I up unti l rni{lnighL We ""-'ff' nOI allOIl'Cd to rest during the (UI' If wc became slow, . , , wc were br;uC'n with stid~.~~ (Cargan, 1U't'b:A8). rh.. 1~lamic Republic of Mauriuntil. an Arnbic St;ltc in nortlmest Alna. is another country in which W\cl)' is all 100 c~lrnrnon. Although 'dauritania outlawed .sla ..... m upon achieving independence ifll960 and passed a similar mea 1lI~ tll 1!l80. the gm'Crnrne n t ne\'Cr
    L;nhed

    su rface a.~ child prostitutes in CaI cUlla or Bomrnly. In some pam of Asia, young femalc$ are abducted and Ihen sold at auctions rcmi n isC('nl of the southern Uni ted St;lICS dW'ing lhe pJanCllion em. While COlllcmpor.ny slaveI)' may be mosl obvious in lllird World co untries, ;t is a lso present in the indu.'llrialized naLions of tile \001:SL TIlI'Ollghoul Eurol>C, guesl workers and maids are employed by ~ma ten~ .... ho hold their passports, subjecl th em to dcgrddillg working: conditions. and th re;uen Ihl!1lI with deportaLion if they protest. Similar tactic.~ are IIsed to essential ly ;m plison you ng wome n from eastern Eurol>t who have: been brought (through deceptive promises) to work in lhe .-.ex industrics of Bel gium. r l'lmce, C".cnnany, CI'eecc:, the NClhe rhmds. and Swit.zerland . \Vi lhin the U nited States, ille lf.tl immigranL~ a rc forced 10 tabor for yea ., under lerrible conditions 10 payoff dcblS as high as S~.OOO to the ~mugg: l en; who brought them imo Ihe counLl)'. In 1992, for ex ample, 300 MexiC'oln.s were found living in enslavcd co ndi tio ns o n a California rAnch; in mid I993. a decrepit freighter carrying nearly 300 iIlcg'.t1 immigranl.~ from China ran aground in New York City'S harbor. Eight of the imm igrants died , pri. marily from drowning.

    'IOl'1IQlI:

    Ero!oooou'. t9'.lO;a:

    (;:alp'"

    1!19'b.

    M.,I;,nd. 19'n ; s. Myen. 1991:/0.',." , .... To..,.,


    1 (l!j2~ :

    /'r;ngl", 199.' : Simo",. IW~: C. Tyl tr.

    ''''

    211
    CJIM'n:.H It S1HA1'lI'ICdTlON "MU.Oc/M MaNum'

    the Middle Ages. The estate system, or feudalism, req uired pcasanls 10 work land Icased 10 them by nobles in exchange for miliulry protection and olhc,:r sen:iccs. The basis for the system was Ihe nobles' ownership of land , which was critical 10 their supelior and privileged SlalU.S. As in systems based o n 513\'ety a nd caste, inhelitance of o nc's po.~ iti on largely defined the estate syste m. The nol)lcs inhe rited their til les and propeny, whereas the pca.~ ant!; we re bo rn into a ),llbscrviem position with in an agrarian society. As the CSt..llc system developed, it became more diOcrenliatcd. Nobles began to achieve varying d" ..... g rees of amhodty. By the t:wcJft.h celllury, a priesthood emerged in most. of Europe. as did classes of me tchant.s and artisans. For tJlf~ first lime, there were gro ups of people whose '\'calth did tlot depend on land ownership or agriculture. This economic change had profound saci:ll conseque nces as the eState system ended ami a class systcm ofSlrat~ ilicaliol"l came into ex istence. Social Classes A class sys tem is a soci;:ll ranking based primal;l}' on economic position in ,\rh ich achieved characteristics can influence mobility. In cont.rast to slavery. Glste, and eSUtle system s, the boundaries hctween classes arc less precisely de fined, and there is much greater movement from OtiC stratum, or level, orsociety to another. Yet clas~ systems maintain stahle str:.luJica r .ion hierarchies and paHCnlS of class divisions. Conseqltc nuy, like Lhc Ot her systems of stratification described thus rar, class systems arc marked by unequal distribution or I\'eahh a nd power. Income inequa lity is also a basic cha racterislic of a clas.o; S>'SlCtU . In 199\. the me dia.n fa mil y income in the Uni ted States was $35,939. In othe r words, haIr or all fa m ilies had higher incomes in tl1at year and half had lower incomes. Yet this fact mar not full), convey the income dispatitics in our society. In 199 1, about 6 1,000 tax retul"lls reported incomes in exces,., of5 \ million. At the same timc, some 4.6 million household5 reported incomes undcr $5000 (Burcau or the Censlls, 1993<1:340,459). Tablc 8- 1 a lTers a picture of t.he relat.ive number of people in the United States earning varioLts le\'cJs or income. Sociologist Daniel Rossides ( 1990:404-4 16) has co nceptualized Un: class system of the United States

    T ,\KI.E K- l
    \NCOME tEVEL

    r-or_ ......
    1991

    U-.t_
    31 .9 19.5 15.6 16.0 7.2 6. 1 3.6

    PERCENT DlSlRlWT'lON

    $50,000 and over $35,000 to $49,999 $25,000 to $34,999 $15,000 to $24,999 $10,000 10 $1.:1,999 $ 5,000 10 $ 9,999 Under $5,000
    "A MO:: B"' ...'" of !I'e

    (,te""". t!l!l3.~:16.
    fn 199 /, ha{{o/1I11fillllilir) ill /Ill' Uni/M SIf/fl!j romed 111.0,... Ilum $J5,9JY ill i/lramt'; IwlJ o[ (dl /lIlIIilie.f ta "IJI'l1 It'ss Ihrm Ihallft/lmwl.

    using a fivt.'<lass model. While the lines separating sodal c1a!ises in h is model are not so sharp as lhe dil'isions bet~"ecn castes, he shov.'s tbm members of the live c1a!lSCS diner signifiCiUltJy in ways other than the ir leve ls of income, Abolt\ I to 3 percen1 of the people of lhe United S tales are categorized by Rossides as lIppcr-class." group lim ited LO the very wealthy. These peopk f0l111 intimate associations with o ne another in ell.elusive clubs and social cirdes. By contrast, !,he lowe r elass, consisting of approximately 20 pctcem of the populatio n. dis pro po nionatc1y consists or Blacks. I-iispanics, single mothers with depcndcnr children , and people who can not find regular\\'ork. This class lack.., both wealtl1 and income and is tOO weak politically to exercise Si&'llificam power. Bo th or these classes, a l opposite ends of lilt nation's sodal hierarchy, n: llect the itllpon.'lncc: of ascribed status, wh ic h is a social position "ass ign ed~ to a person without regard for tlli"'.. per son's unique c hal'actelistics or talents. (By contraSt ach ieved statll s is a socia l position attained by 3 person largely through his or hero\'m effort.) While privilege a nd deprivation arc no t b'1 mr.lt1teed in tht' United St.ates, lhose born imo exueme wealth (1t po\'cny will often remain in lbc same class position tlley inhe rited frOIll their parents. The nation's most amuent families generallyin hed t wealth and s1atus, while mllny mcmbet-s or racial and ethnic minurities inherit disadvantaged statllS. Age and gende r. as well . an: ascrihed SlatuS(!) that influence a person's wealth and social position.

    212
    I'AII" 1111111:. i;(JGJAI /SQUdIn

    ......dologi~t RkhardJcnki ns ( 199!) has researched bfl\\ the ascribed sta tlls of being disabled ma rgin Ah/("; a per501l in the 1"I>or nmrkcl of lhc United SutM. People with rli.s... bilities arc pa rticularly vulnt:'f3ble to unemployment. a re oflen poorly pa id . ,IIu1 in many cases arc on Ihe lower cnd or (}Cellp.lliunal Jaddcl'$. Reg-.mllcss of tjleir ac!Ual perfar1IlJ1l((' on the job. the disabled arc stigmaliled as nm -eami ng the ir kcc p .~ Such are th e clTecl.'; of
    ,~\(ribed sta llJ5,

    lktweeu lhe uPf)cr a nd 10wI' classes in Rossidcs' Intwicl arc Ihe u pper middle class. the lower midtHe rlass. and the wOl'king class, The uPI)(: I' middle rI;t,,~. numberi ng about 10 percent or the popu laUIlIl, is composed of pl'Ofessionals sllch as doctors. IJI'.,cn, and arch i leCL~, T hey participate cX lcnsh'ely 111 pulilksand cxerd$C leadership roles in the types '11 mluntaty a.ssoci:tl ions descri bed ill Chapter 6. rhc lower middle cl:L'>S .....hiclt <lccoun L'i lor apprnximately 30 pcrcctll of the populat io n. includes k~, .l1nuenl proreo;sionals (such as e lcl1lt: llta ry 1'hool teachers and IlUrsCS). owners of small busiIll~. a.nd a Si1"1ble n umber of clerical workers. W 110l all mem bers of this \'1 tt'icd c1as.~ hold colhile Iq(t degreb. they !ihare the goal of sending their dllldrcn to imli tut io ns o f higher education. R~idC!i describes the working class-about '10 ~m' n t of the popula tion-as people holding reguur m,mUlll or blul.,<ollar jobs. Ccn... in members "I 111" class. ~lIch as clecuicians. may havc highrr iurnmc5 1 han I>copie in the lower midd le class. Yel . nt'n if the)' h;l\'e achic\'ed some degree of ceonnmic steurit),. they tClld 10 identify with nmlllml ",)rkt'1'lI and their lo ng hi5101 o r involvement ill ), tht labor moveme nt of the United Sl<Itcs, Of the rl\l' clJSSe$ idcnlified in Rossides' model. IJle workmKda.s.~ i~ 1I0tkeably declining in sile, In the eeonum)' ()f the Un ited St:ucs, sen'ice and tcchf lical jobs .111" rcp\a(ing positions il1\,oh'ed in the aClUal manIII~rluring or U'ansporllltion of goods. C'llS.S is seen by socio l ogis l.~ as <I kcy determ ina nt urpt<JI)lc's values, a ltitudes. a nd beha\'1or. Fo r ex JIIl jll~. studies have fou nd lha l working-class young prvple arc li kely to engage in ~xllal intercourse hrfnrt UIC age of 17. whereas mi dd le-class you ng jI{'Ople typicallywaillLl1til 19 <lnd become intimate "Ith ft'\\'er partners before marriage. TIleol'1sts slIgKi'~' lha t Ihe less slIccessful, Ics.'i satisfyi ng nlltltJ'C of lifr in tJ,e lower el<ls.'icl> e ncourages people to !'ieek

    Achie\'W Sl::tlliS i.J 0 MJOoi /'Olrlio"


    fII//I;,ud
    fir

    b)' /I JImiOlI largely throug" his her (mm iff0l1, TIu> 5wnlom 'rmdwd

    ", a poflu/ar llllma;"".. Sllrh lIS 'firltl T/jOlt'!'. is 0" f'Xompu of rl(:hi~1
    Sl(lt/H,

    e motional flllll llmCl1 1 th rough sex ual relatio nshi ps,


    A I l he sam e ljme, lhe val ues of midd le- and upperclass fami lies discourage early sexual beha\'ior

    (B. \ i illcr and Moore. 1990: 1030; Weinberg and Wi lliams. 19BO). Social class is onc o f the independent or explanatory variablcs mosl frcquen uy used by social scic\llisL~. T he chap ters to follow will <In:llrl.e the relations hips l)C l\"Ce n social cla...s and d ivorce palterns (Chapter 13), religious bchavior (Chapler 14), formal schooling (Chapter 16). and rcsidcltc~ and hOllsing (Cha pl e r 1R), as well as ot he r relationships in which social class i!'i a varia ble.

    213
    f'JIAI'11:.11 H ' \IRA I1~H::ATION A ,V SOIJM MOfIllJI1

    .~~~p.~~~.!~~...?~..~.~~.~~~~.?~ . ........... _ . ..........


    As sociologists have examined th e subject o f stratification a nd attempted to describe a nd e xplain social inequality, tlley have e ngaged in ht.-ated de bates a nd reached n lrying conclusio ns. No theorist stressed the signifi cance of class for socie ty- and for social change- mo l'c stmngly than ){ad Mane Marx viewed class diffe re ntia tion as til e c rucial detenllinant o f social. econo mic. and political ine quality_ Bycontr::lM, Ma..... We ber questio ned Ma ne's e mphasis o n the overriding impol1:mce of the econo mi c sector and argued tha t slr::lti lk alio n should be vie wed as a nHlltidimc lIsional pheno menon.
    Karl Marx's View of Class Differentiation Sociologist leonard Bceghley ( 1978:1) aptly noted that M lfl Ma rx was both a rcvolutio nary and a social K,. scie ntisl." Marx was concerned with stratification in alllyp es of IHumm socie ti es. begi nn ing with primitive agri cultural trihes and continuing illl0 fe udalism. But his main focus was on th e e ficc L~ of class o n all aspt!cts of ninc tce nth-ccnulI), Eu rope. Mane foclL'i cd on the plight of the wo rking class a nd felt it imperduv(' to strive for c b 01 nges in tile class structurt'" of society. In Ma rx 's view. social rel auons du ri ng an y pe riod of hislor), depe nd 011 who controls the pl'illl,HY

    mode of economic production . Hi.s analysis celltered o n how the relationships between \"arious groups were shaped by dilTe re nLial access to scarce resources. Thus, under IJ1e estate syste m, mo~t production was agricultural . and the land was owned by lhe nobili ty. Peasants had little c hoice but to wo rk accordin g to te rms dictated b}' th ose who own ed land . Using lhis type o f anal)osis. Man.: examined social rela tions "'i\J1in capilalis"t-an econo mic system in which the means o fp roducLion a re largely in privat e hands and th e main incentive fo r economic activity is the aCCU111ulatiOll of profits (D. RoseniJerg, 1991 ). Ma rx focused o n the two cia,sses that began to e me rge as tile cst:.IlC syste m declined- th e bourgeoisie and the pl"olclal;011. The b(wrgeoisie. or capitalist class. o\\'n~ the means of produc tio n , such as Iilcto ries and machinery. I",hile tht: proletariat is Ihe \"orking class. In capitalist socie ties. lhe bourgeois maximize profit ill competition with other tirms. In t.h e proceSs. th ey exploit workers. whu must e xchan ge th eir labo r for s ubs i ~ te l1 cc wages. In M"rx's vie ...... me l1lbe ~ of each class sh are a distinc tivc culture. He ""<L 1II0S1 interested in the culturt' 'I of Ihc proletariat. bu t 011.'10 examillcd lhe idealogt of the bourgeoisie, through which it j ustifies ilS cio minance ove r workers. According lO M.. rx, exploitation of th t: prol!'-

    h, hi\

    IlIlIilYlil

    (Jf (lip/la/ism. Karl MIIn

    (lll("l,(!i} tlw l I/~ OOll l)..'WJISit OWn.! I~

    I/Il'11n.llJfJmxfIIC/W" . mrh 11J1afit1w1

    and mll(hmery: (HId Ihlll whik alll:mpling to nmnmrJ! fm'fi', lilt


    bolltKtou~ up/~u

    U'orv I"I, u."'o ..IJI

    r;I:(h m ,p;r! Ihrir u/bot- fqr ~lIbJiJ"/cI

    wagn.

    214
    I'MO' TI/RfJ, . '\()(;IAI 1...f.QUAI.JTY

    lanat will int:vi!;lbl}' le ad to tlIe destruction uf the' capitalist systcm. But. fo r this la occUJ., lhe working rli1S:'i must firs t develop clu.fS co".~ci ousness--a subjective awareness held by me mbers of a ela.<;s regarding !.heir commo n vested interests a nd the need for collecti\'e political aCLio n to bl;ng abollt qw:j:d change. Workers Jllust orten overcome wha t \oox termed fals e consciou s n ess. or .Hl allitude held by mem bers ofa clao;s tha t does nOt accurat e ly rellect its ol:!jectivc positio n. A worker with fal.se conscio lJsness may ree l that h e o r she is be ing treatcd fa irly by the bo urgeoisie or ntay a dopt a lt inrii\idualistic viewpoint IQ\\-ard capitalist exploiration (. f <Int Ix: ing exploited by IlIy boss"). By CO I1 U':l~t, lhe cbl."S-Conscious worker realizes that all Ioor].:crs are being exploi ted by the bo urgeoi.~ i c and 1t.1vea cornmon stake in revo lutio n (VantLc man a nd (".1000 11 . 1987). For Karl Marx , dIe developmen t (JI' class con'IOuwsness is part ofa collective process whercby lhc prolC'lariat comes to ide mify the bourgeoisie as the \lllIftt of its o ppressio n. Through tht: gllidallce of n'1'Qlution:uy leaders, Lhe working c h~s will becom e flHlllllitted to class struggle. Ultimately. rh e proleIJti<1t will overUlrow the rule ofl be bo llrgc o i~ i c and Ih(' gO\cmrnclll (\"hich Marx saw i.\S re prese nting lh<- ir1tercsl~ of capitalisls) and will clirnin"tc prlIJIl" /)\\'llcrshi p of Ule mea ns o f productio n. In his Illllcr utopia n view, classes and oppression will (ca.~t: to exisl in tbe poslrcvolutionary worker.. '
    \tUC.

    lio lls, the Marxist apprOl.lch to the stud}' of class is useful ill stressin g the impal'tanc:c of l! U~tlifi cat i o n as a determinant o f social bchavior and the fundame nta'! separation in many societies between two distinct groups, the rich and the poor.
    Max Weber's View or Stratlfication Unlike Karl Marx, Max Weber illsisted that liD $inglc eharae ledstic (such as class) tmally defines a person's posilio l1 \:ithin Lh e stmlificaliOll syste m . Inslead , writing in 1916, he identified th ree ,m;llytkally d istinct components or stratificatio n: elMS, sla nts. a nd power (Cenh and i\'lills, 1958). Weber used the te rnl c/assto refer to people who have a simi lar Icvel of wcalth and income. For ex ample. certain workers in the Ulliu:d Slates pro\'ide lhe sole financial support fo r their I:uni lies tllrollgh j ob~ which P;IY the I'eder.tl minimum wage. According to We be r's ddinitioll, these wage earne rs constitute a das~ , because lhey have the samc econo mic positio n ,md fa te. In this conceplio n , Weber :l gn~c d with Marx regardin g lhe importance of th e cconomic dim e nsion o l' slrat ilication . Yel Webe r argued that the actions or individuals and groups could nOt be understood solei), in economic tcnns. ' Veber tlsed the l('rlll sta tlls group t.O refe r lO pea-. plc who 1 1<II'e the same prestige or lifestyle. independent o f I.hdr class positions. In his analysis, SUI tus is a cultura l dimension that im o h'es the nm king of groups in terms of U1C degn:c of prestige they possess. An ind ividual gai ns S I~t tllS through me mbersh ip in a desirable g roup, ~ lI ch as the medical pro fessio n . Webe r furuter suggestcd lhat status is subjectively determined by people's lifestyles and the re fore C;1ll di\'erge from econom ic class standing. In o ur culture, a slIcct.'ssful pickpocket ma), he ;n the same income class as a college professor. Yel the Ihie f is widely n:garded as a mcmber of a lowstatus group. whilc the prOfesso r holds high SLaIllS. For Weber, the third Ill,!jor compone nt of stratifi cation, power, renccls a political dime nsion. Po wer is the abili ty 10 exercise onc's "rill over othe rs. In the United St."ltes, power stems from me lllbership in pankularl), innuenual gt'Oups, such as c0'lmra t.e boards of direclors, governll1cm bodies. and intereSl groups. As I.,.e will c:xplol'c more fully in Chapter 15. canO ict th coris L~ gC l1cra llyagree tJlal two major sources of powe r- big business altd go\'e rnm ent-are closely interrelated.

    Many of Man's predic uons regardin g t.he flllure ot C'.tpitaiism have nol been home O lll. Marx r."lilcd l4l ,mticipale the emergence or labo r un ions, whose ~)\\.'tr in collcclive barg<lining I\'eakc ns Ule slm llglrhl)ld that c<lpitalisLS tn;]in Lain over worke rs. Mllrt!OVCr, as contemporary conni cltileorisl!; note, hr did 110t foresee the exte nt to which the politica l h~rti ~ present in western dernocrade~ and lite rtl;JtiVI! prospe rity ac hie ved by the working and IIIld<,lle cla~ses could contribute to what hc called /tJ1", t'f)lw:ioll.$rll!Ss. Many people ha\'c comc to view ihrm'iCh cs as individua ls striving fo r improvemcll t WIthin ~ rrcc " ~ocic ll es with slIhstan Lia'! mo bili tytiullt'r Ihan as mc mbers o f social classes r.1cing a (011 ...,61'e linc. Finally, Marx did not prcdict U1<'I.1 {4mmunist pan}' mic lI'ould be established and Itrr 1)\'cnhl'Own ill the fann er Sovict Union and lhroughoul easte rn Europc. Despi te these lim it:.!-

    215
    (" llolYlr:1I S - IIO/AT/T'lOI1'lON ,IN()s()(JIoI. M OH/Un J

    1/1 /\lax Wel.ll'rl' al/a/ysi.l, st.:ltus if 11 nlllll rnl d",m/JIOrl that Hrllt!lvn r(wklllg grrmPJ 1/1 '""t~ of Ih,. tltgm t/ prutlgt: tll9 /XI!i.~. The lII('mbm fI{ Pmidf'lll/liII Clilllo,,'J cam /II'I. IhlJUlH MI'I'. art !l1UfIl~I/O'r(lbfJ I1 higlH/(lIW grollp 1/1 ollr MJr/f'tJ'

    In Weber's dew, then . each ofw; has 11 01 onc rank in sociclY bu t th ree. A person's position in (I 'ilral' ification s}'litem n; neclS some combinat i(m orhis or her class. Statlls, and fX"wer. Each ractor innllencc~ the ot.her IWO, and in fact the rankings on lhc~e three dim e nsions tend 10 coi ncide. T hus, John F. Ke nncd) ca me rro m an extrcme lY wea lthy famil }'. :'l Ilcnded exclusivt" preparatory schools. graduated irorn Harvard Univt'rsity, and we nt on t.o bt!comc presidt> of the United Stales. Like Ke nnc dy, man)' llI people rrom alnucllI b<lckgnmncls :lchicI'c imprc.... sivc Sla l.\lS a nd powe r. At tJ1C same time , lhese dime nsions o r slratifica lion ma)' operate sorncwhal independe ntly in de lennining <I person's position. A ll'idcly published l)O('t mayachiC\'e high s talU!. while.> earning :t rela Ih'el)' modest income. Successful professional ath ICICS havc little power. bill e njoy:t rela livcly high position ill terms of class and SWIllS. In o rder to lIll' ders .....md lhe workings or a cuhure 11100'C flllly. so.. cio l ogi s L~ m ust carerully cvalmHC Ule wa)'S in which it disu;bmcs iL~ most valued rc\\o-ards. incllldin g wea lth and in come. SI<llUS, and power (Dubtnnan. 1976::-\5-40: Cenh and Mills. 1958: 180- 195).

    .~.~ ..~9:.~.~n~.~.~~.~~...V~.y.~~~J? ....................................... .


    Is il necessary Illal some mem\)('11j ofsocic t)' recei\'C: greale r reWArds th.m o thers? C'lll social life be Qr ganizcd without HOIclllred in equality? Do people

    need to led soci<llly and economi cally supe rior!() olhers? Th ese queslions havc been dcbated by SI)cia} theorists (and h)' the ":t\'cragcr woman and man) rO I' ce nllu;cs. Suc h issues of stratification have also been of dee p conce rn 10 po litical activists. Utopian mcialis/.'i, rc:ligiolls min o ritics, and members of recen t counterculturcs have <Ill <lllempted to es mbli ~ h communities which. ID some extent Of Olher. wou ld aho lish inequality in social relationships. Social scientific research has reveale d th<ll inequal ity exists in all societies-even thc silllplesl or culturcs. Fo r exarnplt:. when ;trltilrofX"logisl Gunnar LandLman ( I !)fiR. original e dition 1938) studied m e Kiwai P apU<lI'I'I of New Guinea. he initiall) noticed lil,-Ie din'e re nti<llio n :among them. Eloe...} man in the villagc IlClfo nned the same II'ork and lived ill similar ho using. Huwever, 1I1 )Q1l closer inspection . L..'llldUlHlIl ohscl"I'cd lh<ll certain PapuanSo--the me n who were \"'3rriors, hal'j>oonctl. and SOl'ccreI'S-\I'CI'C described as "a link mor!,' highWthan others. l\y contrdSt, vill<lgers who were ft!malc. unemployed . o r unmarried wen' consid e red "down a little bi t ~ and were oon-ed rrom owning I<lnd. Stratific<l lioll is universal in that all societit"l mailll"in some form of difTc rellli<llion among membcl"S. Depending 0 11 itS loalues. a society mal assign people to diSlinc Live ranks based o n thei r rtligious knowledge. skill in h un ting, bcaul), lradin~

    216
    l'INTnIHEE o 'j()CJM 1...~_ QI'''lJn

    txpertic, or abilit), to pro\"idc hcalth care. BUI wh), h,,-~ ~L1ch ineqlmlit), dC\'c loped ill hUlllan sociClit.'s? How much diffCI'Cllliation among people. it' an)'. is artll:allyessential? FUl1ctionali~t ilnd connic t sociologists offc r conUibting explanations for the existe nce and ncccuf social slJ"'dtifiattion. Functiona lists l1Iail1l;til1 ,hit! 1\ differc ntial system of re ..... trds and punishmctus i.~ necessary for the efficient ope ration of sorirly. Conflict theorists mgue that com peti tion 1 1' 0 >C;lrre resources res ults in signiricil lll political. ccooomk, and social inequalit),.

    -*

    Funelionalisl View Wou ld peo ple go t,o school for tnanyycars to become physicians ifthcy could mala : .1\ much money and gain as much respcct .....orking ~Slrcet cleaners? FUllctionali. !! Ie pl)' in the neWtu mc, which is panl)' wh)' they bclic'c that :1 Slrollifi('(l K>Cicty is IInivcrs:.tl. In the \iew of Kinb"Nlcy Davis and Wilbert Moore t1915), society must distribute ils members among ~ ,.triCty of social positions. It lIIust not only make 'Ufl.' tlmlthesc positions ;\re fille d but also scc lhat IlIt'\ are staffed b) pcople with the appmpda tc taltl1lll and abilities. Thus, rewards, including mo ne)' and prcstige, arc based on U1C imporl:lIlcc of a po~llion and the reiaL1\'e scarcity of q ualified pCrlion111'1. YC I this assessment often dC\'3lues work pe rlumll,!d by ccrmin segments of society, such as

    women's work .ts home makers o r in occupations lrolditionaJl)' lilled by women. D:.wis and Moolc arg ue umt st.r;.ltificalioll is uni\'crsal :md that social inequality is neccssary so tlml people will be motivated to fil l fun ctionally im portatH positio ns. Onc c ritique or\his runctionalist explanation of stratilica tio n holds that unequal rewards :Ire not the on ly me ans of e nco uraging people to fill critic:11 posi tions :md occu pations. Persona l pleas ure. illtrinsic salisf<-lc tion. a nd value orie ntalions motivate people to enter particular careers. Functionalists 'a gree but 1I01e that society nltlSt use Jome typ(' of rC\\'<lnls to moti"tlc people to enter unpleas.an t 0 1 dange ro us jobs. as we ll a~ job~ that require:t long trainin g pe riod. I-Io ..... c\er. this response does notjllslify slr.ltification syste ms such as 5111'e o r caste societies ill which stOllllS is IlIrgely inhcdted . Simi lady, it is difficult to explain the high salades our .~oci cl}' orre l~ to pl'Ofessional athletes o r entertainers o n the basis of importa nce of th ese jobs to the surviv-dl o f society (R. Collins. 1975: Ke rbo. 199 1: 129- 134; Tumin , 1953, 1985: 16-17). E\'t~ 1I ir st.ratiricOl tion is ine,itable. the functiona list exp lanlltion fo r diflcrclllial rewards does nOI exp lain the wide displlrity between the rich and the poor. Cdtics o r the functionalist apploach point Ollt that the richest 10 pe rcent of ho useholds account for 21 percent of the natio n 's income in S'.'edcn,

    FUllrliOlw{iJls mpu /filii rf!loorti,.. ,',u/,uJj,jg man..,' IIl1d p".stigr, (I"

    1;l1.~/

    on

    1nl'

    fI'Ial"" scomty 01 qualifil'd pmontuf. / 11 l/IIe 1111" 1 l,jn/!. ltigM, Jltilfuf 11;$ r.mpl"JW 111 tl" 011 wdll.nry (S Urll fir

    impo"allCf! olll /lWiliOIl Ilfld 1nl'

    IhfJt woritm Jhow n /lu lling oul 1lI'l fi rer in Kllwait) gnlf'rnlf)' I'ff'.il~ gmmlUJ
    rom~IU11tilm .

    217

    25 percent ill the Uni ted Stales. and :l2 percenl ill S\\~tl.crl'Hld. In their view, the level of income in~ eq uaJity fo und in con te m porary indusu;,I! societies can no! be defended-even tho ugh these socie ties have :t legiti mate need 1.0 rill cerlain key occllpa~ tio ns (World Bank, 1992:277). Co nniel View As was noted in ChapLCr 1, lhe intellectual tntdilion al the heart of con fl ict thear)' begins ptindpally wi th the wriljngs o f 1(.....1 Man{' Marx viewed history as a continuo us struggle between the oppressors and the oppressed which would ultimately c ulminate in an egalitatian, classless wdety. In tenns ofsLratification, he argued that the dominant class under alpimlism-lhe bo ll r~ gcoisie--ma nipul:ued the economic and political systems in order la maintain comrol o\'er the exploi tcd prolc lariltt. Mao: did no t believe that stratificmlon was inevit.able, but he did set! inequality and oppression as inherent in capi ut listll (E. Wright Cl al.. 1982). Con1Cmpor.uy conllict theori s L~ bclic\'c that human bcillb'S arc prone to conflict ovcr slIch scltrce resourc(,s as wcalth, sta tus, :lI1d po\\cr. J-I owevcr, whcre Mar" focused primarily on clas." conflicl, more rc..'Ccnt theorists have exte nded this anillysis to include COllniCts based on gcnder. race, age, and other dimensions. Sociologist R.,lfDahrcndorf. fo rmerly presiden t of the respected LOlldon Schoo l of E',CQIlOm;C5 i1nd nQw al Oxford LTnivlrs;IY. is one

    of the most influential contributors to tlle conflict appmach. Dahrendorf ( 1959) has <l1b'lJcd tJ1:I1 while Marx'! analysis of capitalist socie ty was basically correct, it must be modified iJ it is to be a pplit.-d to mbdmt capitalist socie ties. Fo r Da hrc ndorf. social classes arc groups of people who sha re common interests resulting fro m alHi10rity relationships. In identifying the 1II0st powerful groups in soc ;e t)', he includes not on ly th e bourgeoisie- th e owners of the means of production-but also ule managers of indusuy, Icgiskllors. t.he judiciary. heads of the government bureaucracy. and others. In onc respecl. DaJlI'endorf has merged Marx 's e mph asis 0 11 class conflict with Weber's recognition tha t power is an impor tant ele ment of stratification (CulT and Payn!', 1979,8 1-84). Con fli ct tJleorislS. including Dah re ndorf, con tend that the powerful of today, lik.e the bourgeois of Marx's time. wanl socie ty to run smoothly so that they can e njoy their privil eged pos itions. The sla lUS 'lIlO is ~atisf;l cto l)' to !.hose with wealth, StatUS, and puwer. thus, they have a dcltr inte rest in PI'(' vcnt ing, minimizing. o r controlling socic ta l conflict. One means th rough which the powerful mainlain the stat.us quo is delinillg and disscmjnauDR the socic ty's dominant ideology. In Chapter 3, wc noted lhat the lenn domilwtlt ideology is used to descl'ibc II set of cu ltural beliefs lIlI(l practices that help 10 mailHain po\\'crful social, eco nom ic, and

    CoJJjlirt IhtQmtJ contend lhal t~ f1ou-'"ful of loday. lifv IM bollrgruis,.


    t\far.c$ li""" wallt

    sldJ 10 nm

    S1rUJOlhly $0 that th" am DIJfTJ tM, fniviltgM positions.

    218
    l'A.Rl111RJol' SQCIA.I I.WQ.UMfl'l

    IKllitical iIllCreM.1>. In Kill' ] Marx 's vit-w, " capiwli.'t \(lCiety has a dom inant ideoloK) which ~c,,cs the HllcrcsLS of the ntling r 1.L<;S. From :1 conllict per,pt"Clht':. the ~x:ial sign ificance of th e dominanl idttllogy is lI\ilt a sociel) 's most powclful b'1'o llps .md institutions nQt o n Iv ("omro l \\cahh a nd p ro~ ,. ,eve . ' 11 ort:tnt., the ' COl1trol\ll': IlI Cil fl~ '0011 " ' Hefs abollt n':.lit thrall 1 re 1 '0 11 , t llcauo the medi.t (Abe rc ro mbie et :11.. , 1990; R. Robert.,on, ). The powe d itl, such as leaders of go\'ellll1lcrH , "l<'() use tim;tL'd social "c fo rms 1(1 buy olT lhe op.. prn'ICd and reducc Ihe danger of c hallenges to Ihdrdomin;mcc. For example. min imum \\-dgC laws ;and ul1employ,nent com lX! nsatiol1 Itnq ucslio nably 11'\'(' some vrll llable assist;U1 cL' 10 need y men :1nd \'oU1Uen . Yel these !'e[orllls may p~ cify Iho.'W whu 1"'l(ht otherwise become disgnllll lcd a nd rebel11'1Il~ Of course. in the view o f conniCl theorists, , ud l rnaneuvcrs can n('vcr c limi mnc crmlli cl, since Milkers will cOl11inue lO dC lIliln d cq uality and the fIO\\'C:rful will nOI give up Iheir control of sucielY, Conflict IhCOrislS 'iCe 51ratification ~ s a 1Il;U0I' ,!!lUrec of socictalten~inn :llld co nllict. They do 11 0t JftTN' with Davis and Muore Ihat stratific:ttion i ~ Innctional far a society or Ihat it selVes as a source (01 ~tJ bilit)'. it<uher, conflict 'iOC.ialogisLS argue Iha t matilicauan will incvitably lead to instability and 1.0 M.lrial change (R. Col\ins, 1975:62: L. Cospr.

    .........................9 ................................................................................... .

    Measurilllr Social Class

    I'Jn580-58\).
    \\t now relllrn 10 lhe qllc~ tjo n pOs<:d ea rlier-" is

    11r:llificalion 1II1ivcrsa l ?~- and co nside l- the socioIt,)(u response. Some lorm of d HfI~re ntjau{)n is ::a.1 Inund in every culturc. including Ihe advanced indu"rial sncicucs of OU t' time, Sociologist Cerhard I J n~k i,Jr. ( 1966; Lcnski ttul., 199 1) Imssuggested Ih:u as a society advances in te.nns of tec ilno loh,),. it t.-comes capable of producing a conside rable SUt'pill' of goods-more Ihan e nough lu attrac l mCIIIkl" to \'alu(:d occupa tio ns. The allocation of thesl' 11Irplus goods and scrvicc!>--co nl l"Oll cd by rh use ~Hjl wealth, SWi llS, and powcr- rCiJ1forces Iht: sunil] inequality which .tccompanies Slrm ifical.io n sys-Itnt... While I.his reward syste m llIay o nce h:1ve III'I)"('d Lhe overall purposes of sneil'IY, ;'IS function .. ~t., (Ontend, the samc cannot lx.' said for prese nt dl'PMities sepamling the ~ h an~s" of current soci .. I1tt"t from the ;,have-naL',"

    In c\"cl)'day life. people in the Uniled Sl;tt(.'S Me continually j udgi ng relativc a mOl tllls o f wealth ,tnd in come by :1ss(ssing the cars pcopk drive. ,ll(' nc ighburho4xls in which th('y live. tJ,e clothing they 'Iy wcar, a nd sa forlh . Yet it is not "'l e:L 10 localt' :tn individua l \\'ilhin o ur social hiernrchics as it would bc ill c;,stc or estate !o1's te lllll of slnllilicatioll . whcrL' plflc('ment is determined by religious dogma Ill' It'gal docume nts. In OI'dcl' to d ClC nnine someonc's class position, snciologisLS gcnerally rely on lIw ohiect.ive method. The objective method of' measlIring soc ial das~ d~ws class largely as a st."l ti ~tica l (." .tlcgor)'. Il1dividua l'! a re assigned 10 saci.,1 c\;:ISseS o n the hasis of (fiteri.. ~ tlch a ~ occupatio n, e duca tio n, in come. and rl'side llce. Th e key lO the o~jeCl i\"c method is that Ule rt""'(lrr/IfT, mtller than the pe rson being c1:L\sifi ed , make'! a cle le rmin:1lio n aboul an individual's clas!i posilion . T he first SLCP in using Ihis method is to decide what indicators 01" G!.lIsa l faClo rs \\'il1 be Illeasured objecl ively. whelher WC(lllh. income, cducation , or nccupation , The pre'Rige mnking or occupatio ns h;L~ proved t.o be a use ful indicalor in dClenniuing a pcrsons c1a.ss positi on. T he le I'm prestige rerl' r~ IU Ihe res pecl and admiration with wh ich an occu .. pation is regarded by soCielY. "M y d(lughl c r, II ll' M physicisl has a very diffcrcnt con nat<lIion front hmy daug hter, l.h e waitress." Pre stige is indepe nden l of" Ihe paruclJlar in d ividual who occupies ajoh, a char:ICleristic whie-h djstingu ishcs it fro m estee m, Estum refers 10 the reput..;ltio n that a specific per.. ~o n has within an occupation, The rcfore, o ne C;ln say liulI the posi tion of presid e nt o f the Unit ed 510llCS has high presdge. eve n though it has been occu pied by people wi th varyi ng dcg,e(.'S of eSleelll. Table 8-2 on page 220 illustralc~ Ih e results 0 1 a n clTon to a~sign prestige to a number of well-known occupa6ons. in a seriL'S of national StHYc}"s from 1972 lO 1991, sociolob";sLS d mwing o n earlier sun'ey responses a,<;signed preslige ranking'! ID about occupalions. ""'Ig ing from physician tojanilor. The highest pos.sible prcstigt score "~..IS 100. the lowc:o.t was O. As the data indicate. physid;tn and college p rofessor were " lI1o ng I.hf' most hig h I)' l"Cbrardecl oc

    !'.oo

    219

    ...... of
    OCCUPATION
    se,,",
    OCQJPATlON

    SOlI<

    Physician College professor Oe1'!lht

    86 78 74
    72

    Poinler and :IC1,Ilptor


    Electrician Funeral director

    "
    49 49 49

    lowye<
    Airline pilot Clergy
    High school teacher Athlete

    Mililory

    per$Ofl

    70 69
    66

    Polic. officer
    Insurance agent

    48
    41
    46

    Secretory

    Pfekindergorten teacher Registered nUfM

    Pharmacist

    65 64 6' 61
    60

    Book tellflf
    Farmer

    Auto mechanic

    43 40 40

    Elementary school teocher


    Ado.
    Accountant Ubtorion

    Firefighter
    POWnoQr
    "')l'l<U: Naka<> and T r" .... I!l'JoOa, l!l9Ob:
    IW:"

    58 57 54 53 53
    "l... , NO ItC.
    1!1'J~:927-94.~.

    80kM 8IJs driver Soles clerk


    Hunter and
    TrOpper

    3.
    II
    29 23

    Waiter and woilren Garbagll collector Janitor


    {" 11

    20

    17 16
    ifl

    /l aliO/ml M l nlry (Otuliutl!l./

    cupatio ns. Sociologists have used such d ata to assign prestige rankings to vinua lly aJljobs :md have fo und a srability in rankings fro m 1925 1 199 1. Sim0 ila r studies in othe r cQunuies have a lso dc\'eJo(>ed usdul prestige ran kings or occupations (H odge and Rossi. 1964; Lin and Xie, 1988; NORC. 1993: T rciman , 1977). Socio logislS havc become inc re asingly a W-MC that studies o f social class te nd to neglect the occupatio ns and incomes of women as determinants of socia l ra nk. In an e xhaustive s tudy of 589 occupations, sociologists M.uy Powers and J oan Holmberg ( 1978) examined the imp'let o f wo me n's participation in the paid labor fo rce o n occupatio nal SlaLUS. Since wo m e n le nd 10 do mina te the relatively lowpaying occupatio ns, such as bookkeepers and secrct31 'ics, their participatio n ill the wo rk force leads to a ge ne ral upgra ding o f th e St:lIllS of m ost maledo minated occupations. The o bjective meth od o f measurin g social class h ,L~ traditio nally focused o n the occupation and educa tio n of th e husband in measuring the class positio n of t\\'o-income famili es. With mo re than half of all married wo me n 11 0\~ wo rking o utside the ho me (sce Chapte r 11 ), this re presents a serious o missio n. Furthenno re, h o\~ is class o r sta LUs 10 be judged ill dual-career fa milies-by the occllJxttio n

    {989, Qffll/}{III()/U 'U1f"f/' nll/knl ;1I1Mo of Im'.sligr., Th, IIIgllI'.l1 /}()jsibil! scorr
    lL'fU lOO, IJ,~

    ImlJOt 0. SQ/I/(' of till


    (IOOI',

    results m' prl!$"lud

    reg"dI"dcd as having greate r p restige. the .werage, or some o the r combinatio n of the two occupations? Research in the area of wo me n and social cb$.\ is jll ~ t beginning, because until recen tly few socio~ ogists had ra ised sllch methodological q uc stioll~ O nc study ro und lha t ove r ul e last 20 yea rs married me n havc typi cally used iJH! il' own occupations Ut ddine the ir class positions-whe the r 01' not thell WiV(!ll wo rked o Ulsidc the ho me , By comrast, theft has been a noticeable c ha nge in how married wome n deline the ir class positio ns. Whereas in lhf 1970s married wome n tended 1,0 a ttach mOR' weig ht to the ir husbands' occu pnlio ns tha n lO their OWII in definin g the ir class pos itio ns. by th e 198(lJ th ey began to a ttach equill weig ht to thei r own occu pati ons and th ose of th eir husbands (N. O:\\U: and Robinson , 1988). Sociologists-and, in particular, fe min ist sociolobri.s L~ in Creal Briwn-arc d .-awing 0 11 ne'" a~ proac hes in asscssingwomc n's socia l class standing O nc approach is to focus o n the individual (ralhcr tha n the family or ho useho ld ) ;:tS the bas is of C'd tf. gorizing a wom an 's class positio n , T hus, a womaD

    220
    PANT TlIRF~- SOClAJ. /j\'t""QUMfn

    \ItOuld be classificd based 0 11 her own occupational \bIUli r.uhc r tha n that of he r spouse. Still ;ano thc r ;approach i! to use ajoj", classificatio n o f a cOllplc's d:us standing. drawing on bOlh pannef'li' occupa UQIU (rathe r tha n tha t o f the "head of the ho usehold, often the ma n). T hese a p p ro ac hes have been helpful in examin ing ule arca o r wome n and KlCial cb..u. but a! yet the re is not wide agreeme nt among ~ch en about which approach 10 use (O Do n nrU, I992:124-126). Afh'allces in statistical methods a nd compute r Ift:hnology have also muhiplied the factors used 10 dtfine class under the ol~ ec th'c method . No longer art MlCiologisUl limited to ,ulIlual income and edu unoo in evaluating a pcl~ n 's cla..,,-'i positio n. T " da\ , studies are published which use as cri lt~ ri a the 1 11ur of homes. sources of income, l.LS.'iCIS, )'ca rs in ~ot occupat ions, ndgh borhoods, a nd cons id tt'.,ions regal'c1ing dual ca reers. While th e addition of the~ v.u'iOlbles wil1 not necesslIrily lead to <l difrerem picture of class di fl'crclHialion in Lhe United SWC'\, it does allow sociologists to measure class in ;a mor~ complex and m ul tidime nsional way, \\'I.1I.C\'er the techn ique uS(.'<i 10 measure class, Ibt KICIologlsl is ime reslcd in real and o ft e n d l7lmtic dilTerences in po.....el', privi lege, .. nd opponu

    nily in a socie ty. The ~ tu d yorstr.Hi.fi cati on is a study of inequality, NO\,'he re is this more e\'ide m tha n in the distributio n o f wealth and income,

    Consequences of Social Class in the United States


    WeaJ th and Income By all measu res. incolllC' in th e Uni u..'tl StalC5 is distributed ' 1IlC\'e ll ~r, Nohel pri7.e-win ni ng ono mist Pa ul S,," mebon h ,LS described the situation in the followin g ....OIds: M wc made lr an income pyr,u n id out of a ch ild 's blocks, with each layer po rtrd),ing 500 o r income, the pc.ak \,'Quld be far highe r tJ1:I0 M oum Everest, bU I m o~t people .....ould be within a few fee l of the ground ~ (S.unuc1soll a nd Norrlhaus. 1992:gSS) . 5.l.llluclson's a nalogy is certainly supported b)' rt'' ccnt d'll. on inco mes. [n 199 1, the lOp fi fth (o r' 20 .1 percent ) of't.hc natio n-canlin g 562.99 1 or rn nrcacco llnted for mort tJlan 44 pe rcent o f lo ml W'Iges l and .s.da rics. By COlllrdS t . Lhe bOllom fifth of the population-caming 5 17,000 or Ics.s-accountcd fo r leS! Ih.m 5 percent of income (Bureau o f the Census. 1993a:463) , As Figure S- I s h ow~. ulcrc has been modcst rt"-

    S/wi.1!t 0/ fMtll (lasJ' lmd IQ 'gnoyl' (J{m/HI'lolU IlIId l/lfQ/ft6 of um~ IlIId

    ,f.,

    VlfT,,"'l.
    M JUSI why d,j 11" A/ID
    fl I U'l,yI call IlL )' ;IIf11mf Ihl' sUu/ld IllfOml' ~"

    focus UII Ill" 1Ii(0tN'.! 0/ husoo",I.1 III


    ritt,,"III1I11'g

    tll~

    ioanl mll/r or 1/v(1\lm,.~ r/rlU /N).JIIIOII of hw-i/lrolfll /",,,,1,1'\ ,

    221
    C JI.1P'/"Hf 11 .~-I'IIA"I'II'IC.A. TlO"" A.\1J 51K:JM MOB/Un'

    nGURE 8 1 Distribution 0/ In come in the Uni l(!d Strllel, 1929 and 1991

    1929

    1991

    p~,

    fifth
    4 ....
    HI.. . 19'1 .t d:..... '

    rot' d.e bOllo.... ,..n-fiflh. a,.. :It. OC""~I" Iw tlI('


    1 97~::5tIl , IQlJ~

    aUlh.W& ~ ul] d.ulI (rom B",'" "" .... ,"" c,,"\~, 1!l7!>

    .... 110:.- Buruu 0( the vnm

    40.',

    From

    1929 to 1970, Ih~,.wa.f S/l",e ,.,.d;5/1jlllllw" oJ ill((>m~ in lhe United Slales 10 lite le,l .t lIfj1mmt, Br" f!I)I':f lhe
    /flSI 20 }~(m; /lri,\ fmrd has TI'lI(!l"Std, wjlh 11U' (fi)lribll/ioll oJ j rl('OlJIe l /J/j1iIlK itJ jflvor o flh l' ItUMI affIrm" .

    distributio n ofi ncom c in the United S t.'lH,.'S overtht past 60 years, From 192tJ thro ug h 1970, the gmern mc nt'$ economic and tax policies seemed to s hift income somewhat to the poor. However, in thelast 20 years-especially dU I'ing the 1980s- fedeJ'il budge tary policies f<l\'orecl the affiuenL Morcover. while the salaries o f highl)' skilled .....o rkers and profeflS io nals have contin1led to rise, the wages of lcs.s ski lled woi'l.:.e rs hav(' (ierretISf:(l when cOlllrollcd for inflation. As 11 result, lhe income IPIl> between I.he richest and pooresl groups in the United States has increased O\'er lhe l:titt two decades. According to data com piled by the Congressional Budget Office, tht wea lthiest I percent of fa milies in the United SUltet WC I'C the main beneficiaries orthc pros)lCrity ortht la tc 1970s and 198Qs, III the pe riod 1977 to 1989, about 60 percent of the g rowth in a[tcl'-IaX incornt al1l011g alllamilies in the nado ll wellt 10 the wealthiest 660.000 fllmilies, Th e average before-tax in come or these fami lies rose from S3 15,000 10 $560,000--:. sUlggcl'ing 77 percent increase, &: conU-dSl, ill this same period the houom 40 percent of fami lies experienced aClllal declines in incomr (Nasa r, 1992: sce also Mishcl ,md Frdllkc l, 1991), As cOllcelllr.ued as income is in Ihe Uni led Slatt, wealth is muc h more ulle\'enly di ~ t ri blllC d . As figure 8-2 sho ....'S, in 1983 (lhe lalesl year 101' which such data arc a""i lable), the richest fifth of the populalioll held almost 80 pe rcent of the wealth. A stud)' by the Bu reau of the Census ( 1986:10) fo und thal more than 1.6 million h o u",;ebolds had :lSSelS mer ' S500.000. while 9.6 mi llioll housc holds were in debt (had a negative net worth), As one conseq ue nce of this growing inequality In l,e rlllS of weal th and income, observer.> have spoktn of I,he ~disappcarance of the middle class: 50fTI(' ho useho lds have moved out of the middle class Iu uppe r-class positions in the st ra tification system, bul a larger proponion Im\'c falle n fmm the middle' cla.\s into po\'c ny. In the 19805. for every 7 falllilie<l in U1 C United Stales that rose li'om the middle to the upper class, 10 families decli ne d fro m the middle 1 IJle 1 .0 00,'er cla.'iS (Knlgman . 1992) . No single factor cxpl:tim thi ... shrinking or thr middle c1as..... yet it must be understood in tennsd brood historical c ha nges in the na tion's econolll'i 300r TI',lditio na lly, th rough the e lTorl~ of strong 1 unio ns .....'orkcrs iD heaV)' industries achieved mid-

    222

    IrtiUltE 8-2 CAmpari.on (If DiSlriblltion of In come . . Wro/,h in ,hIJ Ullited Statu
    I"""""

    \ ,....., RIIh

    ......

    dle-class incomes alld linaucial security. 11lt."S(" in dustries ofJered inunibrranl.'l and members of mi nority groups an opportunity to rise out of poverty, In recent decades, howe\'er the lIlanuf-aCI uring scc tor of the economy has suffered. while thcre has been a significalll boom in the scr.ice sector, ~hn) of th~ ,se,,;cc jobs (for eXlunple, in discoullt stores or fastfood restaural1t.!l) arc pantime, 10\..... payi ng, nOllunioniled positions without hcncfiLS such as health insurnnce, E\'en in ncwer, M high_ u_ "Ch" industries such as microelectronics, many employces .....ork as low.....age asscmblers. Consequently, becausc of Lhe nature of the sc" 'ice jobs Ihat are av:ailable, upward mobility into I,he middle clas.~ has become much more difTicuh tban ill earlier periods of the nation 's history, Oll1cl f:lctors which conuibUlc 10 the shrink.ing of thc middle class include the cflc.."C1S of extended periods of unemployment, lhe impact of gO\cnllu ellml tax policies. and the lisc in single-mot ll er hl)uscholds,
    I

    .
    AAh
    ~lll.ou ~'"

    Third
    ~

    ,,,,<Ih
    RIIh
    1.1'1
    19':1. ~nd ~I" hnm Bmuu of.M ern" ... Irv'" 1W\3 11.,,,1 11.,( from ""rb". 1\19140.

    Poverty What arc the cOII~qlle n ces of this une\cn dislribution of .....ealth and income? Approximately one out of every nine people in the Uniled States Ii\'es below tile poverty line elll<iblishcd by the federal govenunelH. Indeed. ill 1992, the number of people living in po\'eny rose by 1,2 million , to a total of 36.9 million. This rcprescllled the highesl Ilmnbcr of poor JlCople in the United St.mcs since 19&1. ..... he n Presidclll Lyndol1 Johnson dechucd a national ~wa r 011 poverlY" (Bure,HI of the C.t!IlSIlS,
    1993<) .

    _,,,,"IIItrbt;o Ut' roo


    ...... bh

    ~rr

    ",-".11JIIo1

    Ai 'MY dnlll rllrutra~, wrolfh '" flu Un/1nl Slalt.J 1.1 tfulnbtdm "."ch ~ nJt1Ily lluHl mm"." I'M ri,ht-Sl 20 I~rt"f of Ihr poprdalioll holl.l do~ 10 SO JH'T'U'I1I 11/1l1 wt'(I/lh, fJy rlmlmJI. Ihr fJi}(Jffl,1 fifth fill, In (I WOfll!, j" dtbt
    '01111 ""'QlUlt I'flllllJll/t1It 10 - 0.4

    fJt't'ml1 of W

    111111011 S /fIta llh.

    Ilo .....ever, the category of the ~poor" defies .111) simple definition-and co ulllcr~ common Slcret>types about ~poor pet)ple,~ For example, many peuplc in the Uniled SI.lles believe that the vast majority of the pOOl' arc able '0 work bUI wil l not. Yet, as of 1989, o llly about 60 percen t of poor adnlLS did not work, primarily because they were ill or dis.a bled, were mainlaining a homc, or \\'e rc retired . Fully 40 perccnt of the poor did work oULSidc the: home. although o nly a slllaJl portion (9 perctOnl of alllO\\'-income adults) worked lull lime throughotll the year ( Bureau of Ihe Census, 1990b:65). A sizable number orthe poor live in urhan slullIs, bill a majorilY live olll~ide these poverty areas. In cluded among tllC poor of lhe Uni ted S.... dtt-"S arc elderly pt:ople. children Ihing in ..inglc-parent fami-

    223
    UM.I'nJlII . .."HllHHr;,>,TlO.\' ANI) SOCJA/. .uOIlJU/")'

    Who Are &be Poor in the United Stasn?


    PERCENT OF THE POPUiATION OF THE UNITED STATES PERCENT OF Tl1E POOR: OF THE UNlreD STATES

    GROOP

    Under 16 yeors old 16 to 65 years old o,.er 65 years old Whites

    23 65

    37 52
    11

    12

    Slach
    Hisponics People in fami lies with mole heeds of households People in families with female heods of households
    Percentage. '" the ... cial aud ethnic <dU:!!"')' h., ellh" . SI"ck or White . '>OL "':>': Sllreall of the Ce'UlllS. 19<J3a: 16, 470- 471.
    'IOT1~

    84 12 8 84
    16
    ~x",,~d
    ~74.

    67

    29 18

    48
    52
    p"rc~nt,

    In 1991, lhi pcrvtlt) ~l for a firm" offour was a combined ilZCOlnt of


    $12.812
    (ff

    Im.

    100

    ,ince lti!p"njc p<:opl e co"

    lies Wilh their mothers, and o\'e r 10,000 men in military service who cannot adequately support their large families. Table 8-3 provides additional st.aListical infonmllion regarding these lo....'-income people in the United States. The situaLion of t.he nation's homeless people will be examined in the social policy section of Chapter 18, Sin ce World War 11 , an increasing proportion of the nation's poor have been women-many of whom are divorced or never-married moulers. Currenuy. n\'O out of three adults classified as ~poor~ by the federal govetlllllent arc women. In 1959, female-headed households accounted for 26 percent of U1C nation's poor; by 1991, that figure had risen LO 52 percent (Bureau of lhe Census, 1993a: 471 ), This alarm ing trend, known as the ftminhalio"ll ~r /)overt)', is evident not. on ly in th e Uniled Stales but also around the world. About half of all women in the United States living in poveny are in "transition,~ coping WiUl an economic crisis caused by the departure. disability, or death of a husband. The other half tend to be economically dependent either on the wclfare system or on friends and relatives living nearby. A key factor in the feminization of poveny has been the increase in families with women as single heads of the household (see Chapter 13), In the view of COI11ict theorists, the higher rates of povcrty among

    women can be traced to three distinct factors: thf dilncullY in fimli ng affordable child care (see Chapter 4). sexual harassment (see Chapter 6), and5e1 disc.rimination on the job (sce Chapter 11), While policyrnakers in the United States altempl to address the pJ'Oblcm of lhe feminization It poveny, this distressing phenomenon has becOT1l( evident aJ'Ound the world. Dltrin g the lastl5yean. remale-headcd families have become an in creasins proportion of Canada's low-income population This trend is also noticeable throughout Europe, ill developing countries, and even in three widely differing nations whose legislation on behalf 01 women is U1C most advanced in lhe world: Isra.~l Sweden, and Russia. In ulese coutHries, natiollit healul care programs, housing subsidies, and other forms of government assista nce cltshion the impan of poveny somewhat, yct the feminizalion or poveny advances nevertheless (Abowitz, 198&. Rodgers, 1987:95-111; H. Scon, 198.5),

    The UlIderclass In 1990,43 percent ofpoorpeuplc in the United States were Ih'ing in ce ntral cities. These urban residents have the greatest visibility among low-income people and are the focus 01 most governmental eflorts 10 alleviate poverty. Ac cording to many obselvers, lhe plight of (he urban poor is growing worse, owing to UU~ deVAStating in-

    224
    PAIl'!" TJ/lIJ.E ' SOCIA L L\'f;QUtll In

    tetplay of inadequate education and lim ited cm p1U)111eOl pro!'lpccts. Traditional employment 0lr poltlLOities in the indusU'ial seCtOI' arc largely dosed to the unskilled poor. Fo r low-income urban l'Mide:lllS who are Black and Hispanic. these problem h.we been heighte ned by past and present dig-. crimit1ation. Sociologist Willial1l Julius Wilson ( 1980, 1987:1, 987h, 1988:15. 1989. IU9 1) alld other social sei1 (!nWl~ h3\"1:: used the term u"der-claS$ 10 d(.'Scribe long'lenn poor people \\'110 lack trainin g and skills. \\llilc estimates vary depending o n the definition . in 1990 th e undercl:.tsS compriS4...'(.i more than 3 rnil hCIIl adults in the United States. not including the dlll'rly, In ccnlral cities, about 49 percen t of the undt"fc1ass are Aflican American. 29 percent arc Ihspanic. 17 percent arc White, and 5 percem :Ire '"Other~ (W. O' Harc and Curry-Whitc, 1992). Connict theorists. alllong others, have expressed J.l.1ml al the ponion o fl.hc..' nation 's populatio n li\' IIIg on this lower rung o f the strali fication hicra rChl .!.Od at society's reiuct.1 l1ce to address the lack III ('conomic opportunities fo, lheM! people. Ofte n poomil.'l of the undcrclass scem to "blame the vie 1l111J8 ror their 01l'l1 plight (this phenomenon will he: ocplored in Box 8-2 later in the cha pte r). Yet Wioon and ot her scholars insisl that the core orlhe prohlem is nOI the atlti~ocial behaviOI" of some

    llI em bcl"~ of the undcrcla.~s, bUI nit her sUl.lcturai fac lors (such fL'1 lhe loss of manufacturing jobs in cities) which have had a (\c!'I'l.lSL.'ling impact o n lowincome ncighoorhood s. Moreo\'t:r. members of the undcrclass experience social isolation ; they lack conmct and sustained interacti on with individuals and institutions that arc pan of the lebtiti matc and pl'Olit-making econo my. In the vie\\' of many scholars concemed about the pro blems of the undcrclass. it is the economy, 1101 the poor, thal needs rt..... formi ng (Ko rnblum , 199 1; Morris, 1989; Schacrc:.: r. 1993:72-75; S. Wright, 1993). Poverty, of course, is nOI a new pll(~ nolllenon . Yet the concepl o f the undcrclass describes a chilling del'elopmelll: illdividul.Ils and fa milies, whelll!!r elllplo)'cd or uncmployed, who are beyond the reach of all )' safcly nel pr0\1ded by existing social programs. In addition. membership in the underclass i!) 110 1 an illlermiuellt condition bUl a long-lcl'm at tribute. The unde rclass is undel'Standabl)' alie nated fro m Ihe larger society and engages spo radiCl.llly in illcg;:ll be ha\~or. Not sllrpdsi ngly. these illegal acts hardly cncOlll"age socicty to gell uinely address the long-te rm problems of the underdass.

    S tudyi"g Poverty 111e cfforlS of sociologisL'i ;:Uld ot.her social scicmislS (0 !)cueI' undcrs tand poverty arc compli cated by the difficulty of del'e1oping a

    Tilt

    l,robIrm

    DJ Iht jtmmlUlliDn Df

    /JDtN'rI)' is t!lJ/dml 1101 ollly in IM


    Uni/td 516tr.$ flllt th mughoul EllfTJ/~ (lnd ill m""J dtvtloflll'f( anHl/ri'-f, 5110ulll ;s a mtJIher brggi"K Dn Ihr .1/1'1 in /!(Jmr, /IUry.

    225
    CJ lltI'IHI8 srNA " lflrA "f10.V AMJ .W)('.IA1. M OH/Un

    definit.ion of poveny. This problt-III ;~ c\'ic\enl t'VCII in govcl"IlInt'nl pm/{ ...... ms \<o'hidl lOllCl'iV(' of povcny i" eit her otbsohll(' 1)1' rel.Ili\'e It''nllS, Absolute poverty rdcrs HI a minimulll le\'eI of !SubsisICIlCt" bt'low \<0 hich (;uuili(:s should not be expccted to exist. This ~ I :l ndard theo re tica lly rcmaills unchanged frO Il1 reM .0 )(,OIr, I'o liek'$ conCl'rn ing minimulIl "'""gt- homing standards. or " 5<'1100\ lunc h program~ fOl the poor imply Ileed to bring citi7.cn~ up to sume prc rle t('l1 nined level o f t'xisti'nct". By tOllt ..ut n /ot; ve poverty is ,. nO:lting sta l1dard o f d e p rivation by whic h people al tht: 1>0110111 of a r,ociety..... hatt:\cr their Iifc~ tylc~, are judged to be disadv:uuaged 111 cOll1pa rlSOIl wi lh Iht' natio n as a .... hole. Mosl 0 1 our COtllll ry'S c urrent social proK'-aJll ~ vil'w ptwel'ty in relative terms. There fore, l'ven il the Ilt)or of thl' 1990s art be ller olT in ab"Ohllc u'rms tlllln the pOOl of lilt' Hl30s o. I 960s. they 01 ' 1.: slill SCC II as clcsl',vin g ~pecial assistan ce lrom Kcwc rlllllc llI , )O\'cn y O nc commo nly used IIIcasurl' 0 1 relative 1 IS tht' IL"(lcrd l govl'nulll'n t's potN'11V 1/11 (', a mOlley ill('Ol1lt' ligllre adiu ... ted annually 10 rc n eel Ihe con ,mnplillll rt'quirl'lllcn ts ul familie~ bas<.-d o n lheir size and composi tiun_ The pOVcr1) 111'1{' SCl"es a... an official definiliol1 of \vhich peupl(' are poor, III 1991 , for exam plc . ~1I1 ) lam ily of four wllh a combined income of 5 12.8 12 or I ~ fell below lhe pove rty lillC, 11li, definiliOIl delermines .... h ich incli"ichmls ,\lid 1.lmilie.. will be eligible 10 1 certain gO\~nllnent ... 1 benefits. III the I ~, I here .....as growing debatc mer the \~"Iidily of the I)()\crt} line ,lS a measure of po\'ert} and a slalldan.1 1 1 '1IIuc:.n ing gmrcnulle nt hcncJits. 0 SO!U(' critics Ch;11'81: lha l Iht.' (>Ovcrtv line i.~ too low: tht.,), nolC that llle fedcral go\'crnrne-m cOllli nues 10 use- 20-),ear-old lIuuition;.1 stand< mls in as~css in g peop!("s Icvc\ o f povcny, If the pOVCrty lin e is too 10..... , thcn gm'Crnment d:.t:I wi lJ undcrestimate the eXlCllI ofpm'eny in Iht Unitcd Stalcs, 'vhile lI1:1n> deserving poor (' i1i~ c n ~ will fai l In I'ece;\'!.: bl'lu:fit!l. YeI.Olherobscr.'I'.'S di!>pU lt' lll is vicw and Ol fg ue I.h.-.I th(' poverly line may actually (1\'(rc .... im;lIc Ihe !lumber 0 1 low-income peopll' because it f"i1 ~ to consider nOllca.~h benefits (such :l'l Medica l'c. Me dicaid, food SIO\l111>" publk hllllsillg, aud 1 u,.'aItJI care a nd mher flinge bcncli t.s p rovid t.'d by some Ctnplo){I"lI) . In fes pulI ~c, Ihe Uurca u of thc Census

    ~ "lIisfdCIOI) opt: I~ ltio n;l1

    considered l !l c\illcre!l t d('finilions of 1 )Q\'cny: lhCl" aIJ showed Ihal b('I\\'('('1I 1979 and 1991 median hOlllte h u lcl in come ill Ill<' United State... had decl'('as('d (after :llcolU,ting for illl1:lIioll) .... hile the numher of 1 X."Oplc living in I>o\'crty I",d im.re"sed (Clowa rd :me! Ph'e ll , 1992; Pollard . 19(2), ;\n;II)'SC5 of Iht.' poor f("\e ... 1 I.ha. they are 1101 a stalie soc ial c1a.-.s, In ~ l ead. tit(' composilion ofllle pool clmn gcs conutluall) . \\'ith "OlIIe illclhicluab and fami1ie~ nJU\ing al)O\(, the poverty \t-vcl after a }car 01 n\" .... hile others slip lx'low it. Depending un dtfto, nitions, a signific'UlI ~gmen l of the people of th~ U niled Sla tes are " Ix' r~is t e llll y poor," At any gi\'~n lime. 5V.lle"0 to 60 P'I"(Cllt 01 Ih' poor c m be tt, peetcd to remain in a stall.: of 1 }O\'crl) for :It least eight t"OIISCCUUVI.: )'l'ars, AId r..m Alm' riea n!> a l,d Hispanic!> ,!I'e morc likely than WhilCS 10 bc fouud .1I11ong lhe penistt'lIt poor (Burcau of the Census, 1990(\ : Rugglc,. 1991) , Why dots 'iucl. pervasi \'t, l)Qve l'l YCOlltinuc withlIl a nat ion of \,;,$. "c"lth ? Sociolog" Il erbcl't Gam isl ( 199 1:263-270) has applied fml Clinnali'lt ana\)'Si~ 10 lhe existencc of ptwt'I"IY . nd h.L'! ide ntified \"'31'a ious <.OCial. econumic .md poliliral lunCl.ion5lhal the poor perform 101' ~ociL-lY , Among these are Iht

    rollmving:
    The pre~ n ce 01 poor l:k'ople mean ... that SOC'ie ty'~ "ditlY....'0 1k"-ph)"iit";'II} din)' or d:lIIgCrou5. deadcnrl and IIndt'I'P:Jid, lIndignilit'd and mental join-will be IlCr\ o nnt.'d .11 10.... cost, PO\ c rt}' creates jobs fOI occul)''ltions ,md profosion... " hieh "scni ce" tilt' poor, It c rc:alt'S both le-g;.11 ('mploymc lIl ( p"bl i~ health expe rL~, ....clfan: C"dSt.'workcl's) .uu\ illcg;.tjobs (drug dealel"!. nu~
    bc l'S "rtUUlcr.t) ,

    The idemil"icatio n :ll1d punishmt..'1iI o f the poor .. d evia nts upllold the legi timacy of ("Oll\'en tionaJ.st. d,,1 norms rcg<trding h:II'd " 'urk, Ihrift , and honesty (SI.:C Chapter 7) , The pOOl' ~{' IV(' all a m ca~ lIrin g rod 101' status 001nparisons, Withiu a rcl.ui\"cly hier.lrchical socicl\', tht.'Y g U<lJ-.:l nlce the higher 'mllllS o f mo re ~tmueUl people. Incieed, mi is d csc ri bed in Box S-2. lhe.4OUellt may jll~ti l y inequ,llily (;md gain a m ca~urr of lk1 tillf ctioll) by "bla ming the victims" uf 1 >O'o'em lor their dis.'ld\'allt.<lgId condi tions, Bcc'a use of their lack (If po liliCll1 power. Ihe po!"~

    226
    1', H1"'(JII/J'~

    .'ilJIJ"'I,\1Q!. tUII

    BLAM ING THE VICTIM


    l'rJdIoWgJ51 lYillllllll RJw, .\Inull a wlntmlJl.o rheril In 1971 wh,." hi' tdlnea llu phrrw "hLaming Ill#' lIictim" 16 rmcribf IIOW Will#' J~/!lr t~i~lI/ialf)' P;llifJ m~uallty by fimling dljfrts il'! tAr lIIdilll.l mln". Ihml tXllInillillg Ihi'

    1IK'i41 and tcf)Jlomir /ae/Ot'J "Illf COIIraci,I/II, mul ullJ/.'r 7lI~ IU)Ilal f!robIems, 111 tilt jollnlJlll1g sike/kill, RyaPl (1976:3-8) a/J{ui,u lilt pr;ra.s of "blummg lilt lIidilll mul MIf.S th(ll lh i.l pJ'lJU.lJ is 1II!1/((/ 1101 (ml)' fll dl16tioollfagtti propIP ill II!(~ Unittd
    rnllult IQ puunty,
    .~ but also

    at usidnilS Qjthf UJOrlt/i

    /m dn~ /lnlions:
    , . , Comidcr some \1ccirns, Ont: child in the slum ",hool. He is b lamed for h is own nllsctlucatio n. 'Ie i5 said 1 cont;lill 0 I;'llhin himself th~ causes of lIi ~ in ibilily 1 read and wri lC well. Th e 0 Ytorthand ph rase is ~c:uhural d e pm;uion, which. 10 those in Ihe ~now, conveys whal Ihey allege to hI' inside l/1fonnation: that the poor r hild carries a .scan ty pack. of illldleclual baggage as he elllers ~hool. He do<'-1In' , know about hllol.J and magazines. th ey sa)'... 11ley.$<lyifhe talks al all . he: cerw nl)' docslI't 1:1 C 11. OlTI..'C tly .. In IO.vrd. he is ~d isad\'a n"1gcd ~ :utd -"'lI':iall)' dcprh'Cd,~ Ihey say. and lhi~, of COU/1k', HccounlS fo r his failure (hU failure. they say) 10 learn mudl in school. . . \\11al is Ihe culturall y deprived lhi!d dOl.llg in Lhe school? What is wmug with the \;ttim? In pursuing
    l~ Ihe miseduC"dtcd

    Willmm Ifpm .
    Ihi~ logic, no onc remem bers 1 ask 0 q uestions .\bo:llll lhe culla psing buildings alld torn lexlhooks; lhe frigh le ned , in1>Cllsilhc leacheD; lhe six ,nld iljollal dc~b ill Ihc 1'00111 ; lhe blw;lCring, frighlcned printi. p;,ls: Ihe r'clcIltJes~ scgrcg:ttjon; Ihe [:!lIolls adm inillu'alOr; Lhe in-d~\~ITIL cuniculum; llu. bigOl.I..'"C1(lr cO"'~dr(UV mcmbers of lhe school ho;ud: lhe insulting hiSlut) ho<)k; lhe ~ti ll g)' I:"'pilyel'!\; lhe fairy-l.I.lc rcadeTh; II' the sclf-6CT\ing facuJty of Ihe 1000~u teachers' college. \\'1: "]"t' ('ncour aged 10 con IIne 0111' allen lion 10 lht ch ild a nd t(l (lwdl on all his allege,l defects. Cnitw'al dcpri\~Hjon Ix'I':OIlICS all omnibus ("" plallation 101' Ihe eduCl\lional di~lSler :lre;1 k nOI"l'11 as the illlll'r-<:ily school. This is Ula rn ing the ViCLim .. , '

    The gel/cric pmc::~~ of Blami n g the Victim i.s a pplied lO almost e\el) American problem. The rllisernlllc lrcal th cal'~ oflhe poor is explained :Iway Oil thc grounds tll;1I lhe \'inim h a.~ poeJr moti\~lIion and ladu health illfo nnation. Thc problems 01 ~ hlln hQ\,sing arc Il"llced to the chanrt.tlristics of tenants who :lrc bbeled le; ~Soulhc::nl rura l mi gra nL' nOI re I -aCC:IIItUl",ued~ I() life in Ihe hig city... . [I would he po_silllt- for me 10 "cnlure i1l1O o thel' arcao;-onc finds-a pcrfeClexample in litcmlure aboul Ihe u1ldc:: rd c\'t"Io ped COltnl.ries of Ihe '1l1rd World. ill \\'h il;h thc 1;lck of pro~pcrir)" and technological progre~ is attri buled lO SOIlle: aspect of lhe nalional char acter of Ihe people. such as lack of "achil'vclll~m moti\~ltillll .~ .. . BlaminA Ihe Victim is. or cam'\(', quite dillcrcnt fnllll uld-fashiol1cd conse .,,~ui\'t i d t~ologiC!l. . . . The new ideology allliblltc~ defect and inade qu acy lO the iI1 Hli gnulH namre o f poverty. injuslice, ~hllll lift.", amI racial dilTiculti($. TIll" stigma tlMI marl.~ Ihe victim a lld accou nt.'! 101' his \'ictimil.ation is : /11 aCIIUirl'd slignl;l, ;1 sti gma of social, ralher tllOUl ge n etic. origin. But thc stib'ma. the der~l, Ihe rou.al diner ellce ... IS still localed 1I'llhi'l the vic tim , illslde h is skin .. .. IT is a bri lliant idcolDg)' fo]' justif}ing a pcn'cl'st" form of social action desigmued 10 change, nOI weiel)', :l~ Ollt' might. c"ptcl, but rath er soci ety's victim.

    227
    (.1I11' 1"tR If . ....mlt ,."../CA7ION ,o,;\'/)\OClAL \j(JHIIJ Il'

    oftcn absorh the cos~ of social c hange. Under the policy of d c institu ti u nali/.ation, rdeased mental p<ltiCI1IS have been M dumped" primarily in to lo wincome commlln il.ics and neigh bod lOods. Urban renewal projec ls 10 rcslOre cCllLral cities h:t\ c typ" icall)' push ed o ul Ihe poor in the n:.unc o f
    Mprogre~,"

    Conscquentl), in Gans'" view, f.ICwerty a nd the poor acwally satisfy posilh'C functions for man)' n o n poor grou ps in the Un ited St.'ICll. Unemploynlcnl As we havc seen in o ur disc.us.sion o f poverty, a substantial portion of poor people expcricllcc in tc rmittc rlt ur lon g-Ierm unemploym elll. As sociologic:tl research poin t3 OUI, unemploymelll alTectS the entire society and has far-reaching conscqlll'nccs o n bOlh the macro a mi the mic l"O le\,c[s, On the sodc ml, 0 1 macro, level, un e mployment ' leads to a reduced d emand fol' good~ and se rvices. Sales by rctail n1"lllS ami Olll cr bll sinesse~ arc affected ad wOICiy. a nd lhis can lead 10 furth c r lay... offs. Wage e:ll1lers must contriblHe to ullcmployment illsur:uu;c 'a nd II'clfat'c programs 1.11,11 assist those with ollt jobs. From the micro Icvel , the unemployed 1 1 )C 'SQ1l and IIis 01' h er family must :uljust 10 a loss ofspcllding power, Bol h mari"'ll h appiness ,md fami ly cohesion may suffer as :I result. In addition, there is a n accompanying l u~! uf self-i mage alld social status, since Ollr .societv ,uul othe rs \;Cw unemplo)'m CIIl as a kind of IX'I'Sollal (;.lilul'e. According 10 onc csli malc, a l A perce nt in c rea.~ in the unemplo)'1nent r.lI.c o f lhe United SUlles i~ assoc:iated with a 5.7 percent increa....e in su icide.;:1 '1.7 percent in crea."'! in admissio ns to stale menta l hospital,>, and an S.O percelll increase in homicides (Tipps and Cordon, 1983). The lIr1employmellt. I' lle o f the Ull ited Sl.lIe,~ is trmlitionall y rcpre'IC lltl~d a.~ ,1 percelHage: for exa11l1 )[e, il was a bout 7 lM;rcenl in 1992. Such StatisL ca ll m;l1imi/,(, thc prublem; iI is mo rc revealing icll to poilll OUI lilat in 1992, Ol'er 8 million people aCI os.~ the mlliOIl \\ ere un e mployed a t anyon e lime. But even thili lallCI' ngur'c m ay di sgui~e the se....erity 0 1 unemploymen t. The fcder.d govcn lln cn t' ~ Bu reau of Labor Slall!llics regalds as 1IllClllplo),cd o nly those people IIrllTll!l) seeking employm e nt. Thus, in ord('1 lO be ('ounu:cI as unemployed , a person musl

    nOI ho ld a filII-time job, IUIISI be regisl,e rcd with :l gm'crnmcnt unemploY lllenl :Igc nc)'. :lIId IIHI~t Ix seeking ajoh. Quilt' simply. Ihe o ffi cialllnclllplur me lll !<lIC leaves out millions o f people who are ri fL'Cti\'d)' un c mplo)'ed hlll have l4'i"ell lip and are Ill" seeking work. The burden (If une mployme nt in the Unitt([ St:lt~ is IlIlt'\'cn ly distributed thro ughoul the n.ttioll 's b oor force. Womell a rc abo ut 20 peToeul more likely than IIICII to be- u nemployed and "'It' less like ly to be re hired fo llr)I\ lIlg la)'off~, R.:lci:ll altno ritics and teenage rs have IIlle mplo)'IllCII I ralC') twice that o faduh While male... The ullcmplo)1UI'1lI rate for Black teenagers in \II'oon arC;l5 is ahoUl 43 percen l. well abov(' till' raIl' fO I' the nalion a.~ J whole duling lhe Dc pl'~ i on o f u1e 19305, \\'hkb was 25 percent. Abrain . sllch st:lli\tics d o 1101 inclt.Kk those who han! dr'o ppl-d 0 111 of Ule syslem--..iltl : arc 110 1 at sch ool, not at work, and nOI looking ftll a job. If we add ciiscollr-ased j ob seekers 10 Lite orfi ciil] s ta ti ~tics, Lh e I-::Hl' or lInl!t:nplo}'I11CllI alld UJtderc mplo)'melll fO I Black lecnagcl'S ill celll.raI<11) areas c1imlh to 90 pcrcent ((.ordlls .md Yamak.,~~ 198$; Swi m o ll, 1987). While the chronically lIllClIlplo)ed understandably rccehe the alien iion of polit:)'lllakcl'S. a groa.. illg I>onio n of the n;uioll 's ullemplo)'cd pcopk h ave pn,\;ou!1;I)' e njoyed lo ng carecn as rc1ath'e!\' > wel1-I);lid execu th'c\, According 10 Warrell Boetn. a profcsOr of Illanllgelllcllt, d uring lhe 19705. 90 percent of laid-ofT whitc"""CollllI \\'orkcI'S soon found similar jobs. U) the laIC I 980s, only 50 pcrc~nt cl sHch individlmls did ~(I, a nd 1 1992 the figure had 1) decreased 10 only 25 percc lIl , E"clI if they C\'etlfUo a ll)' regain the typc.'! of pollitions thC",v I~t. thtR whil(Xolla l' workers arc unlikelv to view the futlU'f with the senS<.' of sccuritv III L'}' once had (A. c;o,..""1 and Barro n, 1992) . Stratification and Ufe Chances Povert}' <ll1d 1IIf" employme nt lUull1csl icmabl) hale :1 ma rked illnu. c nce on pcopll:'s Jives, Max Wcbe r saw c1ai\.'i 41 c1osel)' rcJah'rl 10 p coplc 'ii life chan ces-Ihal I" their opporlll llitic~ In pl'Ovidc Ih e mselves \\;Ih It.... led .. 1 goods, positivc living conditions, and rawr a ble life l'x perit"l1ccs (Cerlh :l1Id Mill", 1958:UI11. Life c hancC"l .. re n:i1ccted in such IllcasUI'l..'S as ho~ ing, eduGltion. and health , Occup)illg a high~rflO' sition in a -.ociet) wi ll improve OIlC'S lire Ch3J.llt'5

    228
    i".:l Kr 1I11U-;}. \OC/,H I.\ '''t.!! MIll

    ad bring greate r acces!t to social rL"wards. By con


    1raM. I>cople in Lhe lower socia l classes a re forced

    FIGURE 8) Collf!gf! Parlif::ipntifJII Ralf!s by fami/,


    /'I CQmf!, 1970101990

    .. dt\'Otc a larger pl'ol>onion of Lheir limited re1IIW1.:a: 1 the necessities of lire. 0 Tht' amucnt and powerrul no t only have mOI'e IIIllrria! possessions tha n others; th ey a lso benefit IDmanynonntll\erial ' .....Iys. For example. as is sh own Figure 8-3, childre ll fro m high e r-income ramilies intbt United Stales a rc much nlore likely 10 a llend coIk-g(' than arc children [1'0111 less aOlucnt fami iD. In 1990, 79 percent o f all unmarried high dIooI gradua tcs ages 18 to 24 rro m fa milies earllin $60.388 :tnd over were enrolled in or had alImdt-d college. For families earning less than $JJ.-l36, the comparable fi gure wa.'i 4-1 percent. TbiJ gap in educational oppo rtunities h as H ." DilU::d significant and fairl y constant over the last Ihtan (Mol'tellson , 1992). A.oIi!i LrucofcducaLiollal opportunities, a person 's IwIIh is affected in importanl W'.I.Y:S by his or her _ position (sce Chapte r 17). Th e ch<lll ces of a dJild'~ dting during lhe first yea r o f life are appn))(imately 70 percent hig he r in p(XIr lamilies than for Ihe middle class. This hig he r infal11 lll o rlaJilY lair' results ill part fro m lhe inadeq uate 111111;(iol1 mel'oo by low-incomc eXpeCt::ln l m Olhers. Eve n wbm they survive infarlcy, the poor <Ire more likely dwl lhe aOlu em to Slllrer frolll scr i o ll,~, chl'Onic ill1IrUI.~ ~uch as arthritis, brollc h itis. diabetes. and brarl disease. In addition. the pOOl' a re less likely .,be protected from lhc high cO~ 1S o f illness by pd health insurance. The)' lII ay be e mployed in ~ in which health in!>u ra nce i ~ n U L a fringe belldit may not be e mplo)'cd full lime and , thus. may lit ineligible for e mployee hea llh benefitS: or may limpl)' be unable to a lTord the p remiums. More_r.the occupations of the llotlion 's lower classes 1tnd to be more dan ge ro us th,m lh ose of more afhilt ciUlcns U. Erickson and Bjerkedal, 1982; R. bierel aI., 1989; PlIllcth. 1982: Szyrnanski. 1983: '11-314) . All these facLors conLribute 1.0 differences iJl lhe ...th rates of the poor and Ihe amllenl. A study ,lIbhched in mid-1993. which drew on data on ...d' rates in lht! United States in 1986, documents Ihr impact of class (m, well as gender and 1 lce) on , ..anality. Among people whose f:uni ly incomes wrt' less than $9000. Ihe d e;ll h l'atc.. S pet' 1000 IkQ" pIr~:'l to 64 years old were as follow~: B1nck men ,

    90

    80
    70

    60

    ~ S,.~ ..;
    $20,43610 $36,970

    50

    '0
    30 1970
    ''''-'ltn:.: Mon'"" ....n.

    Below $20,436

    1975 rlJ9'l

    1980

    1985

    1990

    Tlu's figUTt shun~ IIu! collegr pmtirijJlItion

    rat.... tl{IHlI/I(IrrVt} 1tJ- to 24-yir,.,--tHd high lrllOoI gTlu/uato _ 'hi' Imt 20


    )'1'f11l.

    IHJPiU lilt' mJlmrt DJ fill/wan/ aui /Irogmms 1 ILUISI tllJ' rlJl~ge-blllmd 0

    from lmllt'T-j,mmll' badrgrou IIdl. fl poor 161lllg pr:r..tm '" flit Uniktl :;m./f'!; (Qll /l/lIlts to iJI' murh ltss hlvty 10 go 10
    mll,'l:.J'('
    /iulII (/ IIWIl'

    pm;o,.,

    ujjl uf'll/ ymwg

    19.5; Wh ite men, 16.0; Black women, 7.6: While women. 6.5. By con trast, :Imong people ",hose family incomes \\'ere $25,000 or more, the compar-ab le de'lth rates were Blac k me n , 3.6; Whit e me n . 2.4 ; BI:lck women, 2.3; While women. 1.6. The researchers add tlml the gup in the d eath rate bc.. .... tween Blacks ,lI'ld Whites is widening ( Pappal> e t al., 1993: 103- 109: sce also Curalnik el aI. , 1993) . Like disease, c rime can be particularly devast'lIing wh e ll it a ITects the poor. Lower-income peopl(~, who can hardly afford to lose ~lIly o f their limited funds , al'e mo rt' likely to be assauh ed 0 1' rrlped than are more a muent c iu/.cns (LanbraJ1 and illllc..>s, 1985). Fur'lhennor~, if acc used a crime, a per-

    or

    229
    CJIAP'Il-.R 11 S1RA'IIM(;A 'I1o.v ANlJ SOCIAL MOIIII .nl'

    wi th low in come and sta tus is like ly to be rCI>resented by an ovemorked public: defender. \VheLlter innocctll 0 1 g uilly, such a person may "it ' in jail for l11 0mhs because of an inability to mise the money for bail. Even in the armed force s, social class sr.a nding in c hilian lifc C;Ul be crucial to dctennining a person 's fortunes. Me mbers of lo ....er classes were more likely to be drafted when the rniliwry draft was in open.tion. Once in Ille sClvice, people from low- and moderate-income backgrounds arc mo re likely Iu die in combat. Research indicates that during Lill: W"tlrs in Korea and Vicl,.nam , soldje r~ rl'om Ijlc lowe r social classes ~lIffered a highe r casuallY r.ltC IJlall the morc am uc nt. who tended to be ollicers (F. PelCrson, 1987; ,1. Willis. 1975; Zcitlin e l a l., 1973: 328). Differe nces in life c hances based on race and ethnicir)' were evident in 199 1 du ring lhe ....~ II in Ihe Persian Gu lf. Only IWU memhers ufCongrcss (onc of whom \\'as l-li"panic) had c hildren serving in Operation Desert Storm. A1thollgh ntacks and Hispanics togeth er consdtute unly 20 pcrct!1lI or all )'oung adullS in the Ullited St:Hes. alxHtt 36 percent of the nation 's mililary persOlIIl(:1 in the Culrwerc Black or Hispan ic. In SQnu.' respects, these data no'l1eet the irony tha l lIu: a ll-volunteer armed fo rce!> offer Ino re career o ptio ns for mallY minority ci tizens than arc available to Lhe m in c ivi lian life (1 -lowlcll a nd Keen , 1991). E,'c n the adm iniSll-ation 01 state lotteries undcr-

    ~on

    scores differen ces in Ijfe c ha nces. A lom:ry partic;.. pant is six times m orc likely to be struck by lighr ning than la win the jackpo t, yCI Slales target lowin com e residents in their louc ry promotions. Louery te rminals a rc mo rc heavily conccntl7ltcd in poor neighborhoods tha n in wcalthy cOllu llunitia L o ttcry advertiscmen~ are most. freq ucnt at lh e begi nning of each mo mh, whe n Social Security and public a.-.sisla llcc checks arrivc. Appare ntly, state 10.tcry eXCcuu\'es beli eve tha t th e poo r are more Iikch tha n the affluent to spe nd :t hig h portion or their earnin g'!; I'm' lhe vcry unlikely c:hall CC or bccomiuK a n instant m illionaire (Mllng"lmurti and Cook.e. 199 1; Smothers, 1992a). Wea lth , sta lllS, a nd power may nut ellSlII'C h~p pine.'iS, but Iller cenainly provide additional .....01)'501 coping wi Lil onc's problems and disa ppointments. Fo r lhis re,lson, the o pportuni ty 1 1' advancelllent 0 is of specia l sih'llifica nce 10 those who are o n the hottom of socie ty looking lip. Thcst: pcopll' ....':1111 Ihe rewards and pl;\'ilegcs that arc grl.lI1ted 10 high I; lnldng members ora culture.

    SOCIAL MOBfLITY
    It is d ear Lhat stratilicalion mauers, tha l class potittion quie tly influences o nc's lire c halices. It can bt import:tnl th ~tl people havt' the fccling that the'< can ho ld on to o r evcn improve upon their cia!:, posiuon . Bill how sign ifi cant- how frequent, hOll'

    Everl (ill!

    oomil,istrut;"m
    (I n

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    liff
    rAmllt!.

    IWtU:nrofO Iliff~u~ 111

    UJlfrry ImnillfJi5
    WII UII/f(lll'lf
    IhlH! III
    11/

    /IlI'lft hmtfl~

    poo,

    " lighbor11llOlb

    wtflflhy

    rom",unilt~.

    230
    I'AH'," /,/fllfJ, .';OCJAI ISI-:QI:Mfll'

    dr:unatic-is mob ility ill a d;~ societ y stlc h .IS the LlUteO ta les? Rt;lIla ld Reagan 's 11tlhcr wr,s a barber, itnd J illllllY Carter began as a peanu t farmer, m each man c\'clHlIall)' achie\'cd t.he m ost powerful iUld p~dgiotls position in our COllntry. Does lhis mean thal the United Staid is a gcnIIIn~l) open socie lY in which any pareut'l> c hild can brtome prc..o;idcnt? T hus far , no woman has served In Ihe natio n 's hig h esl onicc, nor has all)' mall who IoIOD African American, H ispanic, A~ian Amcrican , ufjrv.ish. Mort'ovcr, de.'s pile Ihe examples o f C.aMer md lkagall. da.si> remains a critical faclor in o n e'~ hkrlihood of Ix''<:oming president. Thc \';ISI m;!iorRV of the nation 's presidelltS (82 perccnl) were Ik,m into upper-rniddk "-Class or uppc N: I :~ fami110 [\'en Abr.lh;Ull Lincoln. I:unou!o for hi~ day!> in .I log cabin , call1{' from a f;'lI11ily lhat belonged to llit'tornllllllli ty's richest 15 percent of tax paying properl)' OWTlel'li by the time young Abraham rl"al'llcd rlw <I,I;'c of:; (Baltn.' iI and Schneidcnn:m.

    !!~~. .~~. . ~.?~.~~.~~...~.~~.~!~.!r................................................


    Following tht' Ic.tel o r I'ilirint Sorokiu ( 1959, utiginal edition l Y27) . co nte mpo r;:uy sociolobrlslS distinguish belwcen h onLoulal and vel'ti(' l mobility, d H o,.i:.on tal mob ility refers to Ihe IIlmcmcnl of a person f,'o lll onc soci;ll position to another of the same ra nk. If \\ C U .$C lhe presligc r;m killgs prt.'se nted e;u'lier ill Table 1).2, :10 c1cctri ci:m \\hu Ix ... comes a fUll e l':"l l director wou ld be cx pe: ric uc ing hoti7..ont al tUobi lil ). f':'lch occupatio n has thc same ' presligc mnking: -49 on a 'iCale r.1tIg'in g from a 10\\' of 0 10 a high of J 00. If the funcr:li dileClor later lea\'cs a Los Angeles establishmcnt for a similar job a t a funer.11 parlar in Ncw YO"k , he or "hc would o nce "brain experience h Oli7.0lIIa l mobility. M ost sociolOgical anal),sis. howc"c r, rOCUM!S o n verdcal mthcr than horil:Ollml mubi lity. J utical ' mobility refers lo lilt' 1I1 0\'C Il1 C fll ofa pe rson fro~ onc social p osi tio n 10 ano l.l1('r o r :t dilTere nt milk. An eicClri ci,U1 wh o beco mes a lawyer (prestige I':tnking of 72) would lxpericn ct.: \'crtital mobility. So, too, \\'ould :111 electrician wh o becomc!! a .sales derk (prestige mnking of 29) . rhus, \'t:rtical mobility can ill\'ol\'c movin g upw;1f{1 o r downward ill 11 .socicl y's "tratilic;u ion S)'lIlCln . Qnt! way or examining \'t!rtiC'.Ii social mobililY is lO conlrast inte rgcnel'alionai and inu"agcflcr<ltional mobility. l"tlt"8fm~,.aljo"al mobility ill\'ol\'t's change!! in !lIC soci:11 position or c hildre n ri'l"livl' tu their <'lren ts. Thus, a plumocr whose ra thcr was:t ph)'!oidan provides an ex,ulIple of downward inte rgc lI~ crationa l 1I10bililY. A lihn SI:II' whose p."Ircnls wel'(! both factory workers iIlllstlOltcs upward illtNgcncrational mobility. I"'ragen~r(ltiona l mobili ty im'oh cs changes in a person's social posiliulI \\ilhin h is or her adult life. A wom.1II who cnle ..... thc paid I"bor force as a .... (('ache r's aidt and t. 'clll ually becomes 5upcrimendellluf tht' schoul dist rict ha~ cx peric nced upward illtr.tge ncr:ttio nal mobilit )'. A man who becomcs a L'lxi cab driv{' r aflcr his accounl.ing finn gnc-'_~ h;u,krupl has 1I1lf1t'1'g:o ne downward int r::Ig'(' n c r';:ltio nai mobili ty. An Olh er Iype of,cnie-,:,u .llobi iity is "rlle,,,,.,,I, o r simtum, mubility. Thc'!C t t' nn ~ refer 10 the \'cn ical I\lm'cmCflI of a specific brrou P, l"ia!l., or occupation relath'c to others in the str:uilicatiun system. For example, historicoll drclllmmnccs or changes

    IOIlil). nle rise or a ch ild from a poor backgrullnd to


    lhe presidc l1C)-or to some o the r p osiutlll o f g reat ptntigc, power, or linandal re\\~ ml-i5 all example ,If !IOCial mobi lit),. 'n le term socia' mobility refers tomO\emenl ori ndi\iduals or group~ from OIlC po'll00h ofa socicty'5 5tr.ltific-.niOIl !l)'StCIII In another.

    ~~~'."~".'..~.I ?~.. ~.I :'.'!". ..~~~~~.... - ............


    ,')oxiologists use Ihe terms fJ/lf'1I r/fJ.u I)'\/t'm a nd
    c(OfNi

    d,l'\ I]slml lo dislinguish be t\\'cc ll t\\'u ideall.ypes o f ~ system in tenus of !.Q(:ial mo bililY All OptW sys. If. impli(.'ll Ih,lI the position of each individllal is tnnllenced b) lhe person's achieved SUUII5. In an "Iltn class 5)..... lelll, competition bt.,tween mClllbc~ ,of 'oOCitty is t'l loolll'aged. TIU' United SWIC.,.. i!o mo\'lIlR lOW'.trd Ih i~ idcal type as it altcmpt:. IU reduce twriCrll to mohility bred by \I'o me n , '';Ida l .tnd e thnil lIlillon t,iI;s, and pt~o p[ e born ill lower social
    dJ.\\:s.

    At the other cXI1'('lUe ill lenm ,)f socia l mobility closed systelll , ill whic h th e n ' is lill lc Ot 110 p'IM'lbility o f individual mo bil ilY. The slavclY and Cbtr S)'!itCIIlS 01 ... mllificlllion. and le) a Icsst'r cXle nt uu.~ l"'IlalC s)'~ t e ln . are (.x;lmpl e~ of c1oM!d S}'Sle ms. In qldt societies, \{)CiaJ place mc nt is ba.'.cd on asmbtd st.atusc~ , sllch as rdCC or famil y b;lckg:ro u nd , wf..rh cannQt be changed.
    II lhl:

    2JI
    ( J/IYlUf 11 nlM11" WA TlO," -t,'W) ..OOAf \10/111 r n

    ill me labor marke l may lead lO the ri se or decline of a n occupational group within the social hi e ra rchy. Milita,)' officers and stl1Hegists are likely lO be reb 'TIrded hig hly in tim es of war o r forei g n policy c rises. As our infommtioll retlicval systems rely increasing ly 0 11 mac hines, compUl.er technicians a rc rece iving respect previously reserved fo r lawye rs and scie ntists, An inOux of immig ran ts may also a lte r da~s a lig nme n ts-especially if the new arrivals are disproportio nately hig hly skille d or unskilled . Efforts at slnlClUral mobility may be consciously underta k.e n by the groups th cIIlsdves. lllUs, in an effort to gene rate mo re dignifie d a nd prestigio us images of their work, garbage collectors have b(. .... g un to call lh e mselves "sanilati(1Il e ngineers" and maids have selected th e label ~ house hold technicians. Even in the rigid caste systems of India, o nc lowst:ltus g ro up, the subcaste of "toddy ta ppe rs;' aite mpted to improve itself through structural mobility. Toddy tappe rs, also knoy.'Il as Nadars, had the hislOric lask o f c:limbing palmyra palm trees 10 co lle ct the sap , kno wn as lodd),. Ofwn tbese people wo uld become defo rmed or physically disabled .d: IN a life time or climbin g; some even fe ll LO lh e ir d eaths. However, during lh e 1700s, {he Nada rs became dissalisfi ed wilh lheir oppressive work ami low status and org-.t nized a move ment to r'a ise their collecuve slams wiLhin th e cas te system. Gradually, more and more Nadars refused to lap the palms, a nd some began to learn me rc"lntiie skills. :\-te mbers orlhe caste became vegeta rians-a practice associated with hig her castes. There was stro ng resistance to the Nadars' elfort 10 impro ve their social standing, including rio ts protesting tll eir actions at the end of the nine(e(:lll.h ccnuu),. Today. Nadars in rural areall still work as toddy tappers, but those ill citi es a rc mo re prospe rous and a rc viewed i\lj hig he r in rank. Whilc lh e Nada rs havc not full y Sll Cceeded in ac hieving upwa rd structural mo bility, they have gaine d a dee pe r sense of se lf-respect and have wide ned lhe ir options within a gene r1llly reSLrictivc caste system (Hardg r:wc , 1969; Spra dlt.y and McCurdy, 1980: 161 - 166).

    ~.?~.~~.I...~.?.~~.~~.~...i.~ ...~.~...y'~.~~.~...~.~.~.~~~.................
    T he beli ef in upwa rd mo bility is an important aspect of our socie ty. Does this mean tha t lh e Unite d

    Sta tes is indeed th t: hUld o f o pporluni ry? NO! iflhr phrase "land of o pportuni ty" implies th a t. such ~ cripliv[! characte ristics as race, gende r, a nd farn il)' background have ceased 10 be signHi calll in deter mining o ne's fUlllre p rospects. Two sociological studi es co nducte d a decadl' apart o ffe r insight imo the d egree of mo bility ht th(" nati o n 's occupational struct ure. Th e high ly n~ garded wo rk of Pe te r Bla u a nd OIlS Dllnca n (1967) ...:as followed by th e research o f David FeatJlcrman lause r ( 1978), two of Dun can 's SIlla nd Robe rt 1 den ts, who re plicated th e earlie r sludy. Taken tn ge tiler, these investigations le d to several notewol' lhyconclusio llll . Firs t, occupa tio nal mobili ty (whirll can be i,ne rgcncnlli o na l or inLragenc ra tional) hn\ been commo n among males. Appr oxima tely 00 t(l 70 percenl of so ns are employed in dillc renl and high er-ra nked occupatio ns t.h a n thci l" fa th ers. Second, althoug h th ere is ;1 g reat de al of m obi~ ity in Lhe United Sta tes, muc.h of it covers a \"(:1") 'sho n distance." By tJlis, researchers mean t hat pe0ple who reach an occupation,,1 level diffe re nt front t.hat of their pa re nts lIsually advan ce or fall bad o llly o ne or two Ollt o fa possible e ig ht occupation.tl leve ls. TIIUS, the c hild of a laborc r Illily become all ,lrLisan or a te chnician , but he or she ill less likt'? to become a manager o r pro fessiona l. T he u<kh against reac hing the lOp, th t:n , a rc ex tremely high unl ess o ne begi ns from a relative l}' privileged poailio n. Third. as th e. later study by Feathe rman and Hauser ( 1978:38 1-384) docume n ts, occ llpationnl mobility a mo ng Aflica n Americans rem ains sharph limited by racial discliminatio n (sce Chapter 10) Eve n whe n the researc he rs compare d Black allol White ma les who had similar levels of schooliug, parc lllal backg round , and ear ly career expericuct. tJl e ac hieveTll e nt 1e,'C!s of Blacks we re less lhaq th ose o f \Vhites. T he resea rche rs have a lso noted tha t Blac ks are more likely than White~ lO be dow n wa rdl y mobile a nd less likely to be llpwardly mobile. Fca thCrrnan and H a llscr olrer evidenct' thal l.h e re is :t modest declin e in the: sign ificance ofrnrt yel, Lheir conclusions must be regarde d with ~ollk' cauti o n , since they did no t consider hOllsehokb with n o adult male prese nt or individuals .,.,'ho were no t counted in t.hc la bor fo rcc. A final conclusio n of bo th studies is tJt<u edu~a tion pl ays a c li tica l ro le ill socia l mo bility. TIle [nl'

    232
    I'/tHTTIIIIFJo. <;()("JItJ. INEQUMJI"I

    1/1 tilt l.'rult'll .\/flln, rtlllfllll(1n


    (ontlrlllt.f 10 /J/ay

    a n;/ltal roll' "I

    sarial

    mt,ffl/it), TIlt impart (Jlfo""w/ IdlOIJ/ing


    IJtr

    m/lilt ~/fI/u'

    nJf11 A,""""/I'I' /l1fI1I

    I/ml/lf fllmily IHJ(itglVlmd.


    pAf! of formal sc hooling on ad\llt s t .ltm~ is e'cn

    '(\'Cillcl"lhan that or family b.lck)(rmmd (a lth ough .


    .1\ '"

    'kI\\

    ill our di'loCIISSioll o f 'tr;uificmion and life

    ,hAIICes. fa mily l>;lc kg l'o und IIlJiucnces the m.eijhood that ont.' \\'ilI rccci\'t. " higlll'r e duciuio ll ). FUI"' '
    ~"Jlorc. education represents a n imporl:tnt \\'a) u! dfecling illl ergcncralio nal mobility. Threr.-toutthsof col1cg(..cducatcd me n acl lic\cd some lip\\"Jrd mobilit). compare d with o n l) I ~ pe rcent 01 rn. \\'ho rccch'cd no schooli ng (M'e .. 1-.o .J. Dm'i)o. 1!!.'I2). ft should bt nOlt'cI . huwc.'vcr. Ih;1I Ihe impact of cdllGlotion on mohil it~ h.tS dimini'Iwd IOUlllc\\h:l\ in lIt' ~t d ccldc. Whilt:.' comple ting . 1 college celuca (11111 remai ns l'...~e ntiill fa" occlIp:l\ iOlml o;lIC('(''S. a n undcrgr.tduatc degree-a B.A. or B.l'I. -se1"\cs less .,uguaralllet' ufup\\~1f"(1 mohilit) than it did ill the JIoIst-simply became murc and ma rc CnLr.lIll~ into thl'job market flnw hold slle h a de/{rte. Morc;O\t'r, ililt.'rgener;uiullallllobi lit y i ~ dccli ni"g , ~inc(' III ere \) 110 IOIl j{cr slIc h a stark dit1crcn cc between ,gcn fl:lllons. WltcreOls in cadier de c"dc.' ~ lIlall V high Ithool-cduca tcd p:tren ts succc ....~j u ll v se llt th e ir rbilcl.rt.n 10 college. tod a),\ collegl' stude nts ;1I"t: i.l rrnsingly likely IU have collt'gc-t'dtlc;t1l'd pa re nLS dlout.I988). Thus far. a lthoug h wc 11;l\e gh'clI -.ontC con"idc r~)fltO the imp.lt't o f race 0 11 Illobilit} ......e have deah

    pl;marilv with social mobi lity a.-; a mo no lithic phe nomeno n, Iluwt:\'l'r, gender, like l'ace. is an impor tanl f"ctor in O ll l"~ mo bility. Earlier wc noted litat stmlil"S of cla.'>S ha\c only recenll, given serious con .. sidcrauOI llo the occul".tiono;and incolllc..... o fl'o lncn as deu:rminants o f loOcial rank. Studir.-:. of Illobi li" . ("\'en mon.' Ih;m those of class, ha"e tnlditionally ig.. nored Ihe sig nificance of gende r. hil t some rcsearch find i n g~ arc no,,' a\~l i l .lbl e which ('xplo re Ihe relation"hip het\\cen gender a nc\ mo bilil )'. As " 'e will eli-.cms in morc detail ill Cha plc l' 11. \\'omt:n 'o; e nlplOV1llCllt o pponUl tilics .Ire mllc h IIIOrt' limited than men s. According to recent re<;eare h. women arc morc likely than men lO with.. elmw entirely fm lll the paid labor force when r...ccd Wilh elown\\~lrd mobility becau~ of . 1 o;ubst:mtial g-dp bctween thcir employment skilb and the jobs bein g o nc l'cd the lll . This withdrawal \'io latcli an assu mplion COIlllnnn lO lI';.lditional llIobility studies: Ihall1t~N pC ~lplc wi ll aspire la upw~l ..d lIIubilily and see k to I'Il;Ike th e (II O~ t o f their u ppo lulllilics. [11 I Oll t r:l~t to IIIcn, wo me n have :t I<I lhl"I' I:trgl' I, m gt' o ! cleric;,1 ()( cup:ttinns OP('" tn them . YCl man) o f lhl'!>C [>osi t.iclI1s havc Ttwdc,1 sala!)' ranges a nd limited prospcClo; for :l(j\'3I1(,(;l11ellt , the reh} se\'l~ rc" rcStricting the po'Sibi lil\ o f IIp\\~1f(1 mobilit\'. :\loreQ\'t:r, sclf-cmplovlIlc nt as ~hopke('pc ..~, t: illrC'prenel ll"S, itu k'pc nelc nt pl"OfessiOll3ls. II ncl the

    233
    (JI V'1f.H 6 -"/'R,t IIJ.1(~O"I(J., .....' D VK:II/ \WRIIJ/1

    like-an importan t road to upl\~lrd mobi lil)' fo r lIlen-ha~ often bee n duscd t,o wome n . Although sons cOl11monly follow ill the footste ps of t.he ir fathe rs. wome n are unlikely to m ove inlO tJl cse ~H'e;:\S eVcn whe n their f.'l. thers held suc h positions. Consequently. ge llcier remains all important fac lor in sha ping social mobility wi thin thc United Stalt.S, '

    To ..... h:1I dcgree do wo men (and 01(,1'1 ) on weWu!' cx perience upW".lrd mo bility? Do they fmdjobs thill :\Ilo\\' tJ1 CIII to leave Lilt: welfare syste m. o r do tht'! rt: main tra pped in persiste nt poverty year iller year? Th ese (Iut'stions wi ll be examined in the cial polic)' .sectio n on \'cthinking welfare t.lhi(b follows.

    RETI-IINKlNC WELFARE I-Iow docs the le"cI o f spe nding fOI' social services in tJ1C Uni te d Stales compare with that of Europca n c:oullIries? Haw do conflict theorists view Lilt: hacldash ;Ig"dinst welfare recipients ill the United St:ltt.-s? !-I ow do welfare mothers draw on social netwo l'ks to su ppl ement tlll'it' incomes? ca.ndidatts re fl ected the public mood by a lTering ~ to ll g h ta lk" commercials concerning welfare, Pr", idcllt Gcorge: Bush used advertise me nts pledgill& that he wo uld ~c hall ge welrare a.nd make the ablebodied wo rk,~ whi le Covemor Bill Climon 'l\ COInme rdals showed him insisting th'I' "those on we~ 1 :ll'e move into th e workpla ce.~ Such Mwelrarr sC'd pegoatin g," as il has bee n lab<:led by Gol'cntor Mario Cuomo or New York , unfairly blames the 1\11:< lion 's serious economic problems o n welr:U'espending and Lh e poor, Viewe d from a conflict J'X'1'Spt(:. live , this backl;Ish against welfare ['('c ipi e nL~ renert! deep rears a nd hostility toward the natio n 's urluu and predominantly Blac k and Hispa nic. undercla~ (Bureau of the Census, 1990b:65; Sack, 1992:24), "Welfare scapegoating" also cOllveniemly over lQ<Jks the lucrative federal hando uts that go 10 .u: fluent indhiduals and r.'l.milies . "0 1' example. lhr most af11uenr 4 percen t of thc na tion 's familio (with earnings of more than $100.000 a year) col. lect morc than 8 percent o r all f(:de ra.l subsidies to! retire llltnt--or about S30 billion annually. During the 19805. wh ile federal housing a id 10 the poon-.u be ing c ut d r.lslically. th e amounr of dtduction.s fC)l mO['(brage inte rt:sl and property taxes morc lhaH doubled, I'caching $17 billion a year. These dl" duc tions generally be ne HI affluent taxpayers to'hu own their 0\\'Tl homes. According to estimates, Ihto Un i ted S tates cOllld save Illorc than $60 billillll each year by redl1cing th e~ and othe r programs and t.IX breaks that pri maril), bcncJit the wClI lt.h iest 10 per. ccnt of the nation (Goodgamc , 1993). Stereotypes aboll! lavish welfare spe nding mOl\k wcll-docurnc nted re alit.ies. The average state in Ih United Stales spt'ndlo ollly 3.4 perce nt of its budg 0 11 welfare programs. Mo rc m'e r, suc h spe nding

    W hile straliiiCl tio n is l,'\'idlC'nt around the world. co untries diner substantially in th e ir C Olllrllitmcllt to socia l SCI""ice programs that will assist tile needy. It is difficult to dC"e!op crosli-nalional co mpaTiso n ~ o f welfare programs, since there is suc h \'l:lriance !i'OIU na lion to nat ion, Nevertllc less, the Wol'ld Bank ( 1992:238-239) ha... caJculalt.:d the proportio n o f cemral-govcmment expenditu \cs in val'ious cOlln tl'ies Ihat a rc devoted 1.0 hOLlsing. Social Security. welfare. and une mplO)lllenl compensation _ III 1Y90. Ihe figure for Ilu' United States stood at 28 percent , bill no European natio n had a proportion tha t low. In Great Bril.. in . 35 pel'cenlof cell lJ'a l-gove nunelll spending \I'en t to these social SClvice are,lS; in Spaill , 38 perccnt; in France. 46 pe n :ent, In good part, this is beca use th e United St."1tes has suc h a comparatjvely high le\'eI of military spe nding. In I9tJO. the United 5 t:lle<; 'pclU 23 pe rce lll or iLS centl':.l l budget on defensc, as comp.lIed with 12 pe rcent in Bri tain . 7 pe rcent. in France, and ollly!) percent in Spain . As no ted earlier in .he chapt c r. fully 40 percent 0 1 poor adults in the United States work oUl!Jide the home . Tht, 50 percent of poor adults who do nOl work o utside th e home include many who arc ill or dis.abled . are taking ca re of young c hildren . 01' arc retired . Despite suc h {lat ... in 1992. man} political

    234
    PAJ{T 7'1f1rJ.".t SOCIAl 1. 't.Q(!AIJIl \

    bring rul by federal , SWte, alld local governments, \uClrding [Q 3 report by the Cen[el' on Budget and PObfY rriorilics, slates slasbed welfare programs IOOrt' utcnsively in 1991 I1lall at any lime since IiMI!. In 1991 , 10 llliUCS froze or cm fun(l~ for falll,ilt. lI;lb children, 27 of tbe ~O states \'I 'ilh wdfiU'C fill ~Ilgle aduhs and childless couples cui or fro:r.c wrh benefits. 12 Slatl'S cut emergency aid lO prc-1'1'111 homelessness. and 9 states decreased funding f,l! those already homeless (De Parle, 1992a; A 'IIIne, 1991 ). nit! beslpubliciLt:'"d .md mOlll comrov('-t'Si,11 pari III Ihl.' 'Kelf<lI'C system is Aid to Families willl DcptIIIII.1\1 Child ren (AFDC) , a public assistance pm\:BIll whicb provide.. aid to low-income fami lic .. lIuhc.hildren. Currently, about 13.2 milliOl1 people In Ihe UniLCd States receive AFDC bcndits, of "h"m about 9 million art' cbildren, (In contrast to ,1t'lrolyJJd. the size of lhe a\'c. I~ tge wcllare famil y I,~, tlecreascd Sllbstalltially ill the last ~O years, and VillI 10 percent OfSllcb families have three or more ~hlld l (II.) Ovcrall, lhe number of AFDC rccipienu. III dlt'lJllil~d Slates increased by more tJtan 20 perI{'m In the early 1990s-a sharp in crcase und,)uhtl!dlr fuded by the nalion 's cconOll1k re(es..,,11 and the rise ill famil ies headed by single ITlnth!'t (Dc l'arie, 1992<1; 19<j~b:All ). 01 familieS' that receive AFDC assist.'lnce, 40 PCI' frill ,m~ Black, while 58 percent arc Whit.e, a nd 16 11C'l(cmart ofl-lispanic descenL More titan haJflhc .... ntncn who tiller Ihe Ivcllare S)'stt'm ~ta}' On the roll, 101' less than fOllr ycars and do nOI return on('e lhr\ 1c.I\C welfare. How4.:\,er. 0111)' 15 pcrcent of \\'CI, f41l' r('('ipienL.~ remain on the rolls for 5 1.0 I 0 }'ear~ JlId Ilnly i percent remain for ll10re t.han 10 years. h (1lhis minOlity of rc("ipicllts lha l mOSt closely fits thr picture of a permanent undcrcJass tnlppcd ill 1""lItem poverty (Welch, 1994). \\,UlY states havc inslitmed wcll;II'(' rcfonn pl'oIJII\lI ill relll ),C:II'S, oflcn Wilh tJle sl,Il(:'d goal of rr:lIling dowlI " on ,lbllSCS of Ihe system. Man)' reIi.Irm plOposals a.sSIlIllC tJ1iIt Stn<lll incentivcs, such .\nJl~ or honuscs of $50 or $100 pCl' molltll , will 1r...J I'tcipicnts to makc major hchavioral c hanges. nil' ,I:tte of Ohio ofTcrs a S62-pcr-month hOllus LO I l'lI;1~C parcllI.!I who continue in school. while \Vis.""'"1'.) leanlfare program ha.sclltaid LO hllndreds ,A t~milies "hen their tecnage c hildrell miss luO nUll) '!Chool days. In Maryland , ramilies can In~t'

    1
    j
    1

    711, maj(mty of /JfflP1, j,. th, VI/it,ll SUII,.,f bt!1(!uJ ,ht 8owrmnn" s povnry I",t a" ,wd" 18 Y'flfS of af!. DJ I~ mo" /JW1/ I ) 'mUlion JMo/!/(' receiVIng Alft 10 f"mnilil'.l will! DtpnIdlml eMU/m, ("FDC) btTll'fit$ m 1992, "bo,d 9 rniUwlI fON'f/" chill/r't".

    their AFDC benefits if the)' f<:lil 10 <oec: a dOCIOl' regularly or fail to pay the rem 011 time, Yet. aftel'stlldy.. ing sllch welfare reform experiments, D"vid Ellwood. a professor of public policy. concl udes: "There's absoltll.ely no C\<ide llce that small changes h;wc more tJllIn a tiny, tillY impacC (Conniff, I9'J2; DeP"I'I~, J992 .. :3). SociologiSl.s Richard Cloward ;md Fr.lIlces Fox Piven (1993) Imvejoincd man) I'csearchers in cnliciLing "workliu'e programs." They emphasize that, gil'cn the stale of the nation 's eCOTlom)'. participanlS in \\'orkfarc experiments will find il highly dillkuh IQ find full-time jobs thal pay marc than welfare. Indeed, sllldies 5hol\' thal onc in e very seven yearl'OIIUd , rull-time jobs I)ay!> less than is requi red 10 kcep a fami ly of fuur above Ihe pm'{'ny line. Clnward and Ph'en add that wellm.n, I\cll-adminislcn::d training- programs wi ll COS I mor~ than polic)'lIIi1kers arc likely to approprialc. On the federal ICI'cI , tJlt Family SUI)ptm Act., pas$cd by Collgress in 1988, wa.'S hailed as lhe most sweeping welfare reform in 50 ye:lI's. Under tJlis lal'l. Sli tl e~ must require some welfare recipic lllS 1 look .0 for jobs or clller eduGuional al1d tmining prog'l':tltls. II 00vCI'CI", about half Ihl' women on welrare

    235
    UIttPfH 8 - \7RA TlHCA TlON ,LW) ~IlL MOIJu.rn

    al'e cxempt Irom Ihe pf()\'isiol1~ of this IlIC:I.SIII'C beca use they lack lra nsporwlion a nd child care. Whi le a 1993 report showed that the law had raised the ealllings of people on welfare in Cali fo rnia a nd had reduced the am ount they received in public assislance. analysIS dis.~gree on whether the Califomia data suggest that the program has made a significant contribution in reducing welfare dependency (De Parle , 1993). It is imponam to emphasize that in na tion has substantially eroded the purchasing power of welr.....e parmems. As of 1992. the average monthly paylIlelll for a family of three \'-JS onl). ~402; even adding in tile value of food stamps, the monthly a\'erage rose to only $623. T hese com bined paymen ts will allow lhe t}'pical welt:uc family 10 buy 27 pe rcen t less (in te rms of valuc of goods) tha n the ave rage gran t did ill 1972. Thus. \,'c1fare does not cncour;lge depclldcnc}" simpl)' because welfarc benefi ts arc 100 lnw to live on (Dl'I)arie, IY92a) . K>tthryn Edin ( 199 1) of the Russell Sage Foundation conducte d in-depth inten'icws ",'ith 50 welfa re mothers in the Chicago are:\ and questioned them intensively about Iheir famil), fin'Ulces, She reports that the total income of the women in her sample :lvt:ragcd $R97 pcr month, or whi ch 58 perCent (S52 1) came from AFDC benefits and food sta mps. About half of the remaining 42 percent came from unreponed ",'ork in regular or illcg;.ll jobs. \\'hilc the othe r half (<Ilso unreported ) came fro m 'IDCial networks cOlHisli ng of family members, friends. boyfriends. absclll f.llhc rs, churches. a nd comm unity 01 lr-Uli7.ations. Although these welfare recipiellts gencrally feh guilt)' about concealing tJlis additional income fro m Clscworkers. they d id conceal it be-

    ca use the), needed the iucome toO su .... ~\'e and would lose their benefits if they l'eponcd lhe exlJ-'l income On the basis of her research, Edin c hallengc! tht stc l'eolYp cs tha t welfare mo the rs do n o t work, do IlOt want to work. a nd hold va lues d ifferent from those of mainsu'cam society. Indecd . many of her interyiewsubjccLS w"dn ted t.o wor k outside the home but could not find jobs that wou ld pay them mort tita n welfare did-espedally whcn th e added C~15 .of c hild care, clotJ1ing, a nd transportation werf considered , Edin (199 ] :472) concludes:
    In a society \... here single mothers must prO\ide finall' da ll y ror Iheir children. where women are economt. cally marginali'"ed into unreliable jobs thal pay liuk more than thc miuimum wage. where child Sllpport k il1:ldcquate or noncxistcnt, and I'o'hell! 0:1)' ('.ire cosu :md health iU$IIr:mcc (lI$ual1)' not p rmi d cd by MlI' ploycr<i) arc umlfTordablc for most, i, should surpfltf

    no OIlC ,hat half till' 11101111'1''' supporting children Oil their OWII chuose welfare over rc ported I'o'ork.
    Uy 199<1 . the Cli l)ton administration had certainI\' recognized 'he challenges of reforming Ihe nalion's welfare syste m. Despite a tinging campaign p led~e hy Bill Clil1wn ' 0 Mend wdfan' :t." wc kl1<J'<1 it ,~ we lfare reform had IlOt bee n in itiated d uring the administration's first ),eM, As a presidelltw candi(bltc, Clinton had envisioned sclling a tl\Qo rear lim it on AFDC be nefits-wh ile al tJle samr ti m e uOeting welrare recipiell ts job training, education, child care, health c;wc. :m d other formsul suppo rt. Ideall),. lhis amiJiti(lUs plan would rc..'d ucr the number of people on tJ1C AFDC rolls b)t 2& per cen t. bill it is far from becQming fedcml poli<1 (Welch and Nicho ls. 1993),

    SU MMARY
    Stra tific ation is SlfllrHlred '~mkil1g of' entire groups of Ix",ple that perpetuates uHequ;\1 ccollol1lic n'w;:lnh ;lIld I>ower in a soci('IY, In this chaptrr. wc exalllin(: fmll' gCIIer.d ~'Slems of stf<llifiCllion. \';I';OI IS CUIIl]loOllcnl$ of SII,I\ific:uion. the cXpl.II1:1l iolls olTercd hy fu n c liona l i~1 :lIId cunflic t sociologist! fllr the eXi~ll'IlCe of soda I inc'1l1alit)'. and the rcl:uiollship betwecn ~t 1~l\ifiC:HioTl ;md ~ocia l mohililY

    All c ulture.'; .. re char-dCterizt"d by wme degree ,I Jocia/ in'lfu o/ity,

    2 The mosl extreme form of lcgalizt.'d social ineq!t iHdivi d u:l l~ nr groups is d ove,.,. 3 In COrlU';IS' 10 o lhcr S}'lltC Il U of SIr<HifiCluion, IIIr boundaries bt:11'o'CCII .wcial clas.!iCS are k-ss preci5t1y dt> lined. 4 Kart Marx yiewed class dilTercmiation as Ihe crurial dClcllninant of soci;ll. cconomic, :lIld polilic:l] illellil,ll. il)'.
    il)' fur

    236
    I'AR" .,./1111:/'. 'i/)(:JAI./,,'rQl!lI.I. rtr . ,

    5 Max Weber idel1tillt.'d lhrl'c anal) tically dis linc t eIUlIIKllle llUl of slratification: dass, SI.II1I5, and IlOwer. 6 runetinnali~l.S ,UWIC Ihat sU<lIific;nion is IIt'Ct-ss.II) ' !I(J th'll people will be mm.ivlHcd tu fi ll ~uc::icty's illllx lrtlltll prn;itjol1~; conflict Iheori ~l~ SI'(' slr:'Llitk,LII(lll ;t~ a rn;ljol }Ourct': uf o;ociel;Li tension 'lIld conflict. 7 The 1:;lit'gOry of Iht' - I}()() r~ dclit'~ a ny si mpl e dcfiulIion alld COUnlt' rs co mmon ~tt"rcoI)']X''' about low IOcume pt.'uple. 8 The afTlu('n l allll tlOwe lfu l nul only hal'(' morc 1lI:l.. lerial pm~ssiol1s 1 .IWI1 o lh cn.; they a lso benefit 11) tt'lms fir eduralion;u opportunities, health. :tHd even col5ualt}

    amin ill g Ihe probll-ms r.Klc1 by ..... omen " ha clCl>c rie nce rape , dOllleslic 1~"lell('t.', (II' selCllal h :l ra""m(:n t ~

    Ig;Y.T);:!lM$......... ..... ................................................ .


    Abso lllll' poverty A slandard of 1 X)I'eny 1>.1St;d on a mill' 11lIUlll kId orslll)$istc llc~ bdo'" which ta milics shtlulcl nOI be expcc;tcclto cxi_t. (page 226) Ach i f'vcd slatus A .~od al posit.i oll <lu;l ill ed bva Ilt'rsnn largely through IllS or her own dTorl. (2 12) Ascribed slallcs A social position "assiglU'd" 10 iI per son by society W ilho ul regard for un: p<'r1jOn's unique t;.tkn ts or charac t ('ri~lics. (212) BUI,rgcoisie Karl I\'b rx's lerm fO I till' capita list class, com p rising tht OWllCrs o r the meam of prouuClil)ll. (2 1<1) Capilalisr" An ('collomic system in whic h the 1I1t'an s o f productioll are lill'gel y in pril';UC h;U1ds, an d Ule main incc~IIIi1'e 101' ('(ollOmic activily is tlw accuTl1ulation ot pmfil.o;. (214) Casl u Il ercui L:.Iry s}'~lelt1s of r.1II1... IIsllall), re lig ioll dy dit-lated, that are Il'l;lIil"ely lixed ,lIld im m obi le, (210) Class r\ teml used by ~1ax We be r to refer to people who 11ll\'e a similar \t."Id ofwc;llth ;llId incomc. (2 1.5) C/fl SS cO IIH!iollS'If~SS In Karl M:u'X's \i('w, a subjective ,IW,I1"t:neS5 hel(1 by m(,mbers or a class n'brardi llg Ihei r ("011l1110 n \'~sled lute-rests and r1('eel for (ollective l}llIjuGII action IU brillg abvut "0(;ial cha n~c'. (41 1.'1) Cla ss syslem A social rAn king ba.5('d primarily 011 ('cvuOllli( postlioJl in which ac hiew(l rlur.tClerisucs cm illnllenre rnobilil) . (2 12) Closed system A ~Od'll ~ysl ern in which Ihere is litl ll")I no possibility of indi\'idual mobilil). (23 1) D Om;1IfIJlI ideology A li-Ct of Clll1ll t~11 be l ic[~ ;tnd pr.ll" 1In.'1> Ih;l\ hel p HI Ill.tintain I>owerful ~()cia l , economic. :lI1d Ix)lilic::al illlcrNU. (218) Es/ale system A sy~ICtn of sl ratitiC:ltinn under ..... lllclt w'asallts were rcC[uirt'd 10 .....ork lalld leased to them hy !lohles in eXd l:.lllj.(e 101' milila l) pmlcctioll a nd Othel' l>t.'"ke~. Also known asjnulalum. (212) Esl,.I'm Thc repu tat ion Ihat a part ic ular indh;{l\ml has Ililhill a n occup;lIi ull. (2 19) False C{mSciOIlS llf!U A term med by Kat"! ~hrx 10 de~eril)t' an attitudc hcltlll\ meHlbers 01 a class tlwl docs nOI .. (cmald) rent'CI i l ~ o l~cct il"(' po~ition. (2 1:1) Ho,,;zo Jlt(f1 mobility The 1II01'C-III I'1I1 0 1 <In individlllll frOIll one social IXHilion to another of Ihe .s.:tllll' rank . (2:i 1) /II cu lll e Salaries ,md W.I~\I"S. (209)

    I"1Itts " hilt in Ihe allncd ro rces. 9 Sod al mobility;' more li kely to be lound in an (Jpc ,. I,(I~'" that cmphasil.cs ach i~ved slotU$ Ihal1 ill a c:fuud .,'Iem Ih'll fOCUSt,S 011 flscribrd ~' I atlls. 10 Despi te prel~\iling beliefs aboul tlw poo;.sibilitiu ot upward mobility in Ihl' l ' ni ll:d Sta tt'S, our sodety p lo lces "j{nificanl re"uiction, o n the mohili" lIfimli \;duals a nri wmlps. 11 ~Iuch of the dehale over the welfare ~yS\.('111 Ilflhe \I n!l('d S l~t es has rocused IJ1l Ai{1 to F"ll1i lie~ "ith ]) i,--pt'lldcnt Childrcn (AFDC), a public .lSIi is tallc~ prugnlln U1.L1 pfOl;d~ aid lor 1 0"'-income fallu lif"s.

    ~)L'i()logist

    D;Lllict

    R~ieh.:s

    h;ls conce pl ua liled Ihe


    fi\t.'-Cld.s.~

    rt.o. '1I"lot('h1 of the Un ited Sta irs using ...


    Auonling
    (0

    1IIoell."l.

    m idd le cllI~S ,met Ill('" Iowr>rmiddle cialoS together aCCOUIl! Itu' abollt 10 pc.~t"Cellt DJ lite nation's popula lioll. Ylt s ludit:~ Sl!g"gl'st Ihal ,I ~I"I proportion or l('SPOlldCIl1:. i{iL'nlify Ih~lIlsclles:l.s "idclle class: DrJwillg on Ihe ml>dcl pres~ ntcd b) Ros-ttIn, suggest why nll'ntlx'rs of the uppe r chs.\ ,nHI Ih ~ minK elMS migh l pref('I' to idelllify themseh'es ,,~ - u ll(lRossidcs. lhe
    Uppc.~ f

    A- ,LbS."
    I SlIriological stud> of slratilical1tll1 KI'ncra tl y is COIL' "'u-d all.he lllaCh. I('vel ami draws m ' iS t hcavil ) OH Chc "'1ItlJ\.tlisl and con ni("l pt: 1~pc.'(: tl\es. 1-10'" migh t wci ~ use the ilHemctio nist perspccthe to ex.lmine _IIdIIliaM inequalities ",;thin a collegl' cU lnl nunilY, III IVJ1T. 8-2, ps)c hologb r William R)'al1 exam ill es ttll' .)f "blaming Ihe I'ictirn.~ R)~1i1 focuses on the ;.-...." ",,,,,n,,,,,,,d 11) c hild rCll ill illller-cil), .schouls, lK"ople li\;ng in slum h ousing, .lIld denloplll).\ ....".., of Ihe Third World . All Ihest: ~i Hl ,l ti(I1l~ , in I;e\\', (om1ll0nly !t:ad La tIlt' id.::oluloO' o r hbmilll{ n1cim. How mighl R)"H1's model be applied ill ex-

    237
    r.IIM'fHII! \rflA 01 '/(:11 I/()\' t ....O\OPH MOB/fIn

    bltergtn f!ra ti onal mobility Ch:lI1gt.'S in thc sucial position I)f childre n rclati\'c to thdr pan:n LS, (23 1) IlItragf!lIfrOliollai mobility Chan){cs iu ;1 pt:rson's s0cial posiLio n withi n his or her adul t life, (2~ I ) Life r:hclllces Max Weber's (COli for pct:Iplc's oppol'tunitie~ to provid e thcmselves v.ith material goods, I>osiLive living cond i tion.~, and favorable life expericnces.
    (228)

    Objet:live mdhod A tcChlli(llIe for measuri n g sod al


    cla...s tha t asIIigns indh;du,l!J to dasses o n the I"L~i~ of criteria such as occupation, ed uC'.ILion. inco me, and place of re!idcncc. (2 19) OPell system A social ~)'Stcm ill whic h the position of each indh;dual is ill ll uenced by his or her OlchiC\,t:d stams. (23 1) Power The abili t), tn exercise onc's will O\'cr othcr:s. (2 15) Prestige The respect and admirntion with which :111 occupation is regarded hy society. (2 19) Pro/dariat K. r1 Marx '.s len n for the wo rking elMS in a ..... capitalist sockly. (214) Rt'lati ve IJlJverty A fI lXlling st:llld ard uf depri\~"ion by which people :11 the bouom (If:, .rociet)\ whate\'cr th eir lifcslyle~. arc judgt.-d 10 be dis,'\d\'3.IlUtgcd in compariSOIl wi th the nation as a whole , (2:l6) Slav ery A s)'$tem of cnforced N-Clvi tude in wh ich peo--

    pie are owned by o l.hc rll and in whic h e nslaved SlalWi is tr.uufelTcd from pafellt.~ 10 children. (210) Social j" equality } coud ition in which me m bers oh \ .~i c t }' ha\'c d im'rent amoun ts of WC;d Lh, prestige, (if power. (208) Sodal mobility Movcment of i n dividtlal~ or groufM' from olle position of a society'~ slratilication system to anmher. (:l3 1) Status group A tcml UM:d by M:tx Webe r to refer to people who have the ~m(' pre5tigc o r lifeslyle. indtpendent of their dass positions. (2 15) Stratifi cation A .n nlcutred rnnkillg ofelllirc grollpsol

    peoplc 1h,"

    pcrvelllale~

    unequal economic rewards

    and power in a society, (209) Stratum mobility Another nanu' for stnutural mtlbflitJ. (231) Strlfctural mobility The ven icOII 11Iovcme l1l of a specific group. da....~, or occupaLio n rclati\'c to othen in Ihc str... lificaLion system. (23 1) Undr:".c;/au w ng.tenn poor people who lad training ,Hid skill~. (225) Yertical mobility The moveme n t of a pel"SQ1l from one social I>osition 10 anolhcr of a differt'nt rank. (231) Wealth An incJush't" 1(.'l1n encompassing a ll of a pe... SOil'S m,lIerial a!ISCIS, illd ud ing la nd a nd other typesuf p ropcrty. (209)

    238
    Iw~r

    ruHH, !'Qc/AI 1:-''f.'@JAIJI1

    Oilir(' ndo rf, Rl.1f. &jltiqru on the fVwlutf()1I i" Eumlx. '\l"Io' Y ork; Rando m House. 1990. A nOlCd sociologist Vlt'W5 rece nt C\'Cnts in this region as a vo te fo r an open ~ty oloer a closed society. but warns that the continuing challe nge will be to sustain economic growth. l.1IJlont, ,\iicheJe, and Marcel Fournie r. Cultivating Di}
    /rrt'll(tJ.'

    Symbolic /jqrmdarir.s (md Ill'- Maki,w of /lIl!lJualily.

    Chicago: Uni versity of Chicago Press, I!)(J3. A sociological analys is of h ow cultuml ta,\tes and IWJ.cti ces vary according LO social class. M[(;uire, Kandall M .. and Robert Paym e r (eds.). Th, Ar(~ of /Pltf{uality. O xfo rd, ElIg.: B;~~il I\lackwell, 1991. An archaeologist draws 0 11 primary sources to examine racial, gender. and c1ass-b.'lSCd inequality both ,lInong and ....ithin Native American, African American, and Europea n peoples living on th e No rl.h Amcrican continent. l'r.'t'll, Fr.lrlc('s Fox, and Ri chard A. Clowotrd. Rtguklti'lg tJv!'oar: TM Fun ctionJ of Public WelJm'f. New York: PanIh.-on. 1993. A critical look at how lhe welfare 1>oIicies "fthe Uniterl St:ltes fail to seriously address the pro blenlS of lhe poor, but merely keep the underdass and tltht.l quieL lodgeD, Harrcll R.,Jr. Poor Women, l'oorFamilks. A.nllon k, \.Y.; Sharpe, 1987. This book analyzes da la on Ihe chJoging profile of lowi ncome f.uni lies over th e last

    30 yeal'S and pro\idL~ a clear view of poverty among women. Sidcl , Ruth . \\mn.m alld Childrro. Lost: TIlt PlIght of l'oor Womm in Afflunlt Ammca, I'C\'. ed. New Yo rk: Pe ngui n , 1992. An o\'Crview of the societal lreaunenl ofwomc lI and childrcn ill Ihe United States, with consideration of tile femini1.a tiOIl of poverty, child care. ti le situatio n of older womc n, and the impact of govc nllncnt p()1icies. Voydanoff, Pat.licia, and Unda c' Majka (eels.). Fa",ili& and EaTllomic Dist,us. Newbul'y Park, C..lir.: Silge, 1988. Published in coo pc ra.rion witll the Natio nal Council 011 Family Rela ti o ns, tllis volume documents th e effects of unc mplO}lIIcnl an d economic disl ocation 011 the fllmily. Wi1son , WilJialllJuJius (cd .). Tht GMtto Undm:iaJs: SMia! Sde?l(i! P~fJtdiws. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1989. This book examines th e use of the I.e nn IIndc'c/as.s by social scie ntists and th c applicability of this con cepl. to the poor of the Uni ted Stales.

    J~Il:':~<tls.................................. . ...... ............... ...............................


    Among the journals focllsing un issues of SlrAlific:nioll, social class, and social mobility are Ammamjouffi.(ii of ErotIomics and Sociology (fo unded in 1941 ), HllllUwity fwd SocidJ (1977), a nd Rroil!w of 8/arA PoIiJiml t.w'lIIm, ( 1970). See also Ule eU'""t PopuloJitm 1UfHn1.1 seri es publish cd by th e Bureau of the (;ensus.

    239
    C/1AYf}.R 8 StRA TfI.'JCIt TION AA'/) SOCIIII. MORI/flY

    ...........

    ~~,~::::I

    . . . . . . ... . ..

    SOCIAL

    . . ... ...~~~.Qy.!.\~rr..x.. . . . . ..
    WORLDWIDE

    STRATlFICATlON IN THE WORLD SYSTEM: A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE Colonialism. Neocolonialism. and World S)'Stcms Theory Modc rni l.illion Multinational Corporations Consequences of Su-.I.lilic.uion fOl' )c\"c\oping t'\'alions

    STRATn ' ICATlON IN BRAZIL: A CASE STUDY Ra ce RcJations in Brazil: The Legal) of Slavel)' The Slams o f Ur:lzilian Women Ur;v.il's Eco no my a nd ElwironmcnI SOCIAL POLICY AND WORLDWlDE INEQUALITY: UNIVERSAL H UMAN

    RIm-ITS
    STRATIFICATION WlTffiN NATIONS: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECI'IVE Distribution of Wealth and Income Prestige Social Mobilily BOXES 9-1 Around Ihe World: The Infollll<ll Economy 9-2 Around the World: Ine qua lity in Japan

    f)r

    any slate, however smal~ is in fact divided into two, one the stale of the poor; the other of the rich; these are at war with one another.
    Th~

    Pinto lUpublic, w. 290 H.G.

    L OO KING AHEAD
    How are former colonies kept dependent on their past colonial masters through lhe process of neocolonialism? ''''hat impact do multinational corporations have on the world's developing nations? Which nations have the highest and lowest levels of income inequality? How are women and racial minorities treated in Japan? How does immigration affect social mobility? How has the legacy of slavcl)' shaped race relations in Brazil? What has the tenn e/hnir ckansing meant. in Bosnia and other pans of the former Yugoslavia?

    an article published in 1993 in the WasMugPOs[,journalislJulia Preston (1993:8) used the stol")' ofa woman in Santa Rita, Brazil, to illustrate lhe struggles of life in poor villages in the Third World:
    1011

    In

    where they are buried; village tradition lIlandat~ that m01hers stay home during funerals of tin\" offspring, and the little wooden crosses that marked their graves have long since fallen do",.,.. Sequiera. now 42, has given birth 18 tinH:snot an unusual nllmber for the Brazilian intcrior, Playing the steep odds of n1ral survival, she has seen only five of her 18 children grow-a record that might seem abysmal in the developed world but by standards here is nothing less than SUCCfS.). Despite the changes Ulat have swept the glob!' in the past two decades, the miseries endured b\. countless millions of rural women in the del'Cloping world remain unarneliorated. I n this arid back-coullu)' lillage of Brazil's NorUle(Ul, poverty is the great oppressor, ske....ing women'~ lives and their relationships \\ith thcir children in \\'ays that arc mirrored Ulroughout Latin America, Africa, and Asia. The poverty of rural families in Brazil must br undcrstood in broader perspective. Alan Durning. a global environmental researcher. points oUllhat while the world has 157 billionaires and perhap.~ as Illany as 2 million millionaires, some 100 million people live on city streets, in garbage dumps, and under bridges. More than half U1C world's popula tion lacks sanitary toilets. Durning (1990:22) add~ that "in 1988 lile world's nations devotcd SI lIi~ lion-$200 for each person on the planet-to the means of warfare, but failed to scrape together the $5 per child it would have cost to eradicate thedi!leases that kilted 14 million that year." As DUI"riing reminds LIS, worldwide suatification is e\ident in the gap betwcen those enjoying la\'i~h

    Somewhere under the sun-hardened !,fTotllld of this village's cemetery lie the remains of 13 babies born 10 one mother, a farm woman whose life, in natlands seared by chronic drought, has been edged with Ulirst and hunger. The woman, named Celli Seqlliera Games, says without regrelthat she does not mourn her dead children and cannot even recall their faces, since they di ed as infants ofamictions she summarized as '"weak blood.~ She does not know precisely

    242
    PART "I"ImEI." \00.'01- ISEQUAlJ I Y

    l\'(!allh and those sufTering from overwhelming poverty. This chapler wi ll rocu~ o n slratification around the .....orld. beginni ng wit h all examination r,f",ho controls the .....orld marketplace . The impact 01 colon ialism a nd neocolonialism on social inrquality will be studied. as ....<ill world systems theory and the im mense power of multinational corporations. After this macro-level examination of the clliparity bet .....een ric h a nd poor countries, we will focus on Slrati fl(:'ation within the lIalions of the world through discussions or the distribu tion o f l\'e3hh and income, com parative perspectives on prestige, and comparative social mobility. To better undt'rstand inequality in anothe r country. wc will present a case study of slratifiC;l1 ion in Bra.lil. Finall~" in the social policy section, wc wi ll address the i.ut' of international human righL~ and the violatH1I15 of human righL~ evide nt around the world .

    ~TRATIFICATION

    IN THE WORLD ~m:;M; ~Q.~9.I!A.I,. ..~.Il.~!;r.~c;::rrYll. ..

    Whilt the world markctplace is gradually being uni6('d in tenm of space a nd tastes, the profits of busin~~ are nOl equally shared . Thcte remains a sublIQotial disparity between Lhe world's ~ h a\'e~ and l!a\e onC nations. for exam ple, in 1993 Lhe avcriIJile \.lIue of goods and services produced per citiItn (per capita gross national product) in the lniu;-d States. J apan, S.....itzerla nd, a nd Norway "'as mort' than S22,OOO. By COlllraSI. the figure ,,,".is $200 U1~"eral poorer coun tries. The 140 de\'cloping nalIooS accounted for 78 perccllI of Ihe "'orld's popIIbtioll but possessed only 16 percent of all .....ealth IH;&ub and Y anagish ila. 1993) . These CO nU"3SL~ are mldly ilhLStrdted in Figu re 9-1 (page 244). Two Im:es discussed below arc particularly responsible k1r the domination of the ....orkl marketplace by a rn.- n;ltJons: the legacy of colonialism a nd Ih e adlient of multination al corporations.

    C.nzi

    S~'1ui,.m

    Cornu. u 42-year-old

    8ra:.ilitm jllnn WO/Mill who luu bn1, prq,,"lfllll t8Ii,~. jJ p,oom wilh ht:r luubmlll. llinr Jivr Jllroivmg thl utrt1l. 1/11/1 a grmldell/lit.

    Colonialism, Neocolonialism,

    .... ,!>~!~S~t.~~~!:~e?rL

    Colnialism is lhe maintenance of political. social, tronomic. and cultural domination over a people 11'1' .. foreign power for an extcnded period of time

    (W. Bell . 1981b). In simple lenllS. it is rule byoutsiders. The long reign of lhe Hritish Empire over much of North America. part'! of Africa. and India is an exam ple of colo nial domination. The same ca n be said of French rule over Alge ria, Tunisia , and other parIS of north Africa. Relations between the colo nial nation and the colonized people are si milar to th ose belween tJ,e dominalll capil<llist class and the proletariat as described by Kart Marx. By the 1980s, coloni alism had largely become a phenomenon of thc past; most of the world' s nations that were colonies before World War [ had achieved politic,,1 independence and established their own governments. However, for man)' of these countries, the transition to genuine self-rule was no t yet complete. Colonial domination had eSlablishcd patterns or economic eXI)loitation that con-

    243
    ClIA/'INl 9 S()(iAL. INEQUAliTY IIlJRIJ)\I"II)Jo

    FIGURE 9 1 Worldwide Gross National Produ ct Per Cap ita , 1991

    UNITED STATES

    -[? ~~""i~.:;r-~ ~iL-, .


    ~
    I

    OfNi6/lCA

    a;E ~ ,

    ""

    ..

    ~ " '" 8 :t
    ~

    "
    ~

    ~~

    'L oo

    ill

    8
    .::.0 L . . . . ,
    -0'

    K.,,,
    GNP pet copilo
    $.430 ond below

    Scole:

    $.43.5-$2970

    D '297S-$6J30 D -. ""'" '6335

    0 - 1 million inhabitonh

    Qo
    ..ot."\,U: t;row
    ~"d

    TI"""..", ]'JIj3:1 4;

    H~"b

    :""cI

    "all~gi'hh.a.

    19'J.'I.

    TIIis It)'liud mall rfj/Dll lilt difftrl'1ll sius ;11 pupula/jollS (If thl W(IThI'l Iwli(J/I$. "/711 rotor frrr Mdl (QU1ItT)' shows Ihe g"I"OSS nalio nal produ c t (the /O/U/lJ{l/UI! of goods ami M"virl'S /lmdur'.li It)' Ill#' I/(I(ion in a given )'I'm ) I'" m/Illfl. , \$ 1111' map sh01"<, wmt of the wmvl', m""IIIV/II-l/OOS f/(dian.- .... rh fJ.' flU' Peopkj Rl'jmMic
    0lehin,a. /r"n". /"'/,,,u'.';a. 1Ja ..f{kuf,,-h, ,,,.d l'alr.jsU",-~,"" 1.....'If " . "' ....... ..-.1 ,., 1-- ""1''''' JP0S> .""iQ",. 1 pn ..I .. . , .

    ""'''''g I/U' (olmtne;

    ",,'11, /I., 'owt'!'1 s/o"da rd of

    tiDttt'd t!\'C1I after nationhood was achicved-in pari I!rt<luse fo rme r colonies wc:re unable 10 develop I.hl'ir own ind ustry Cl nd tec hn ol o~,.}', n ld r depen,Ieltf"e: On 11101"(' industriali zed natio ns, incl udi n g Iheir rormer colonial masters, ro r m;:magerial a nd It"fhnictl expertise, in\,estmc nt ca pital, and ma nuj.trtmt ci g()()(L~ kcpl rnrme r colonies in a subscrllem 1 >05itio n. Such cOlllinuing de pe ndence an d Ivrcigll dominalio n is known as lIeQI.' QI OII;aliSIll , rhe econo mic a nd pOli lical conseque nces or ",loniJ.lism :1Ilt! neocolollia lisllI arc quitc cvident. l)rdl\ingon tltc conflic t pe rspec tive, soc iologist Immanud Wallcrstcin ( 1974, 1979) vit'ws the global ttllllomic system as divided betwce ll natio ns who Itltltrol wea lth and those from who m ca pita l is I"ken, Neocoloni,llism is one mea ns by which induttrializcd socie ties accum ulate even more c:lpiut. W aHentei n has advan ced it world systems I/ltor, of uneq ual et:Ollo rui c .md po lit ical relatio n!hips in wh ich certain ind ust riali i'cd natio ns (among the m, the U nited Sta tes, J a pan , ~Hld Gc rmMl\"j and thei r m uhinat io na l co rpo r-.tti oll s a r'e ill l dominant POSitiOl l althe core o r the s)'stem . Fo und ~Itb(' ~mjpniplu:,., of lhe syste m a re countries ",ith m.tr)tinal economic SI;:ltUS, such as isr-Id, Ire/and , .rnd&ruth Ko rea. Wallerst,e in suggcsts that thc poor dc1doping countries o f Asi<l. AJricd md La tin -\mcrica are 011 the pnil)JII~'Y of 1.he world ccull o rn ic ...' t('m. Their econo mics are controlled and cxplOlll'<l. by cOl'e na tions a nd corpo ratio ns much a.~ Ht~ old colo nial e m pires ruled th e il' colonies
    (Ki'r bo, 199 1: 495-498).

    ,witers and filnnn a kc rs, noted : "[T oday) we arc more fam iliar with European fairy tales tha n with our own tr:ldilional SI.orie5" (R. Emcrson, 1968: T. Mc l'ha il, 198 1:244-245; ~1 e mm i, 1 967: I O~ I 08; Schram m e t a I., 198 1; \Vorld Oevelopmclll FOt'um , 1990,4).

    Modernization
    F.or nrilli om of peopl e aro ulld th e world , t.h e introductio n .of t.elevision into the ir cultures i ~ but onc sym hol o r a revolutio nal")' transition in day-tod a), lire, CotHem pomry sociologists use the term mod erlli.:.otioll to descri be the rar-reaching l)fOCeSS by whic h a society moves from trad itio na l o r less de\'e loped instituti.ons l.o dlOsc characteristic of mo re developed societies. \Vendc ll Bell ( 198 Ia), whose dc linirj.on of m()( I, h c m iZ:II.1.o11 we a rc using, nOtes L a t mode rn !KlC ic t.i es te nd tu be urhan , lit e rate, and induSU'ial . They have soph isticated lra nspo l"la tio n a nd me dia systems. Families Le nd to be nrg.lIl ized wi thin tJle lIuclear fa mily IIn it rather tha n the exte nded-ra mily model (sec Cha pter 13), O n the iudividual k ....cI. m e mbers of societies which have un dergone modcllliza tion shift a llegiance rr.om such tradi tional s.ources .)r 'UItho rity as ,,,, rents a nd priests to newe r a utho rities sllch as go\'emmc nt offi cia ls. Many sociologists :lre quick to no te that terllls such as lIIode/'IliUl /ioll and even deflr/Q/",,,ml cont:lin a n e thn ocemric bias, The unstatcd assumpti o ns behind these term s are th at "tJleyM (pe opl e living in de velo ping coulltries) arc slruggling lO become mo re like MU SM (in the core inciusu; alized na ti .ons), Viewed rrom a conflict perspective, such use of mooemiUltion a nd development perpe tua tes the domina nt ideology .or ca pi t:,list socie ties. By contrdst, eontt!m pora ly socio l ogisl~ e mphaOUIlsize tha t bolh ind l1strialized and develo ping C tries arc "mode m ." (Indeed , developing countries are inextricably linked lO th e econo mies of core tH!tio ns thl'Dl lg h col.onialism, neocolonia lism , and the activities o f Illultina tiona l corpora tions.) Currc rlt researche rs arc increasin gly viewing modernizatio n as movem ent alo ng a series of social indicators-amo ng lhe m , degree o f urb:lniz:Itjo n, enerf,'Y use, liter.lcy, political democracy, and me or bil'l h control. Clearl)" these :Irc often subject ive indic:lt.ors: c"c n in induslrialized na tions. no t all o b-

    1.1 addition to their politica l a nd ecollo mic illlw lonialism and lleocolo nialisUl have a n impotI;ltll cultural componen t. The colon i7ed people IMc their native values a nd begin to ide ntify with Ibr culture of the colo nia l power. The naLivc la n~(' oflhe coulltr)' is discarded an d e,'en h idden uprople allempt to emulate the colo ni7.ers. The n -lore, il1the vie ..... of o ppo ne n ts orcon lCmpOra r)' Ileo(,~on ialism, every consumer product, fi lm , o r tele "cmn progr:Ull rlesig ned b), a colonial nation h an Itlvk 1)11 the traditions a nd cul tural auto no my of Ih< (IC IX'T1dcllt pe.ople. Even th e po pularity .or BfI/WIt>!!)r Ikverly /-litls 90210 may be \iewed as <I threat ,.. rr;l l i~e cu!! ures wht'll such prngra ms dnm ina te dlrir media :\1 the expense.or local an forms, In reDn:ting .on thl! dangers posed by televisi.on , Sembtnr Ousmanc. o nt' .of AJdca 's mnst prom ine nt
    ~"

    245
    ClMYI'M ... . 'ifJ(""J,t/, I'I!Jo:{l.( 'u nl' II"OW,0111/1J-

    AUhtmglr Krn)'fl

    is Qf!fT 78 pcrren/lUm.(

    'lIlJI'UmizallOn ~ (kart)' IIIu/enOO)' in Nairobt ami ulhn- KnI)'IIIJ ali'~.

    would agree tha t wide r Ll SC of binh cOlllroi rc prcscllIs a n example o r " prog ress~ (Anner and K.'l ts illis, 1992; I-icdlcy, J 992), COIlLCI1IPOr.:U)' 11I0 de mizaoOll swd ies gene ra lly take a convergence perspective_ Using the indicators noted a bove. researc hers foclls o n how socie ties arc moving closer togelJler despite traditional d iflcrc llccs. Initially, such modcrn iz,lIiOI1 studies emphasized the convergence between th e United Sla les a nd the (form e r) Sovie t Unio n or be twee n cflpita list Nortll Ame rica and th e sociali st de mocracies o f weste rn Eu rope. Now, however, tllis co nverge nce pe rspect ive increasingly includes lhe d~ vcloping COllnlries o f the Third World . Researchers recognize the inte rde pe nde nce or core industrialized na lio ns and L e developing world-;L well as h " the continuing e xplo ilatio n o r the latte r countries by the rorme ,' (c. Ke rr, 1960; O' Do n nell , 1992: 472-473). Wc can a pply the mode rnizatio n a ppro:.ch (as it has been refin ed ) to a case stu dy of Ke nya , a n African na lio n o f 28 million people. Ke n ya rema ine d a Bri tis h colo ny until 1962, a nd i L~ people exercised liu.lc a uthOli lY, as European se ttle rs clung to Lheir privileges and powe r. For Kenya a nd most othe r dc\-eloping na tio ns, colo nia lism sLim ulated the use 0 1 modern techno logy. but i( also delayed the developmen t of new leaders,
    SC IVCrs

    In il ially, the im pact of tt.:ch nolot;ic'll and instill\> (ional cha nges can be q uite unsettlitlg. For example, the illlrod uc tio n o f imp roved he,ll ,h mcasureo; in Ken)'a led to a rise in tht.: binh rale, a decline ill the death rate. and a n ovcrdll incremic in popul:.. tion g roh,th . Yet. at fi rst, there we re n ot adeq uate food su pplies o r school faci lities 10 cope with the la rger popula tion. Upon indepe nde nce in 1962, Ke nyans turned tu the charism atic J o mo Kenyana, lo ngtim e organizer against co lon ial rule, for po li tica l leade rship. POJr ularly elected a nd in o nice u nlit his dea th in 1978, Ke ny.uta ma intai ned a model of }wrllllliJ, a Swahili te rm wh ich means - let us all pull togclh er.~ This mOlto symbol ized his e Oort to bring together Kell)'<In ..- nlra l a nd urban , Black a nd Whi le, Or vat io us tribes a nd g roups. As o nc indiC:llor or Kenyaua's c ITectiveness, preside n Lial successio n occ urrerl pe a cerully rollowing his death . However, Ke n Yd re ma ins a t Ihe pe riphc l)' of the glo ba l economy. Accordin g to lhe Unitcd rhti ons' Hum a n Dcvelo pmen t Index for 1993, Kenya ranked 127 o ut o f 173 natio ns ~ tlld ied . Wh ile a sma ll , p ri\- leged African el it.e ho lds di.~ p ro po rtion. i ate wealth and power , the World Bank has estimated per capi ta income a t $370. According 1 United Na. 0 dons' swdics, about 30 percelll o r the natio n's POP' ulatioll is ma lno urished ( Barne t, 1990; Pe rlez.

    246
    I'ART HIREE SOQAJ. fNI'.Q(1A1fl1

    1991; United Nations Developme nt Ilrogr:unrne. 1993). The political situation in Ken)"l had been charJc:terized inlhe early IWOs as a retreat from de moerdC)', In 1991 , weste rn COlllllfic.o; suspended hUIldmh of millio ns of do lla rs in aid 10 Kenya as a means of forcing econo mic and political chan ges. Umsequently. in laic 1992. Kenya held multipany deCIIons for lhe firsl tillle in 26 years. Nevertheless, '1J ormid-1993, Kenya was experie ncing severe ecer nomic: problems, including infl:Hion rates as high ;Ij -is pcreent pe r mo nth . re pealed fuel sho rlages. unprecedented price incrcases for b.."l.Sic goods, and Iledines in food production (Lorc h, 1993). From a conll ict perspec tive. modernization in de.. \'t'.blping countri es such as Kenya one n perpetua1es dleir depende nce o n and contin ued cxploilrl.tion bI' marc industriali zed nations. For example, in re-(mt d;ldes Kenya has been the second-Iargesl rt.-clpicnt of United States assistance in sub-Sahar.1Il \Jrirn, owing in good pan to Kc nya's amicommulIl\1 posture (more or a fac tor during the cold war) ;uld 10 a 1980 defense agrccment that gives the t n;lcd Slat.cs access to its airpons and seaports. (.nnnict theotists view suc h a continuing dcpentlcnce on roreign powers as an example o f conlempor:u)' neocolo nia lism. In the casc of Ke nya, hUII'I'\'Cr, the dissolution of ul e Soviet Union a nd tht rcsulling reduc tio n in cold war tc nsions led la Hignificalll decline in foreign aid rro11llhe United
    :t\JiC1.

    mllltirw lio" ai corpora tions refers 10 commercial org<l l1izalions wh ich, wh ile headqu.U"tered in one COLlIl t1)'. own or co ntrol other cOIllorations and sl.Ibsid ialies throughou t the world . Such private trad e and le nding relationships are not new; merchants have conducted business abroad for hundreds of years, trading gems. spices. ga fln enL~, and o ther goods. However. today'S multin.nional giants are nOl merely buyi ng and sell ing overseas; they arc also producing goods aJI over the world (I. Wai ler sleill , 1974). Moreo\'cr. toda),'s "global factory" (the factorics th roughout the developing world run by mul t.i.naliol1al corporations) now has alongside it the "global o m ce. ~ Multinationals based in corc countries arc beginning to establish rcscJVations services, (enters 10 process insura nce claims. and data processing centers in the peti phery nat.i.oHs. A.~ service industrics become a more importa m parI of the in ternational marketplace, many companies S have concluded thal the low COS1 of overseas opcrntions more than onSet the expense of transmittjng infonnation around the world (J. Burgess.
    1989).

    SOUOlogiSl York Uradshaw (1988) has modified Imm,muel WaJlersl.ein's world system a nalysis as it I'tblo; to Kenya. After examining changes in the tfOn'Jmyand the role of fo reign clll);tal since 1963, 8ra(l~haw concluded that while multinational corpcmHiolls obviousl)' find it pro lilable to invest in Iit'l1rd, they do no t completely dominate the nal~m', econom),. These co rporali o n ~ are heavily 1l~1'C 1 aud are required by law to form joint \'CIItUft", I'oith local business people. Howcver, as noted f'~lli('r, a small, privileged el ite he nefi ts from such IU ll'ign investment-while most Kc nyans gain littl e !run\ economic dC\'clopme nt.

    MuI~.~~~.~ .. ~.?T..?~~~.?.~....................................... .
    \ ~t'Y role in the neocolonialiSIll or the 1990s is plr,\d by world,,";(\e (orpor.l le gian ts. The term

    Trad itionally. a high pe rcentage or multinationals have bce n based in the United Stat.es, but this pattern has changed signilicantly in rccent decades (sc~ Table 9-1 on page 248). The size oflhesc global corpo ra tions should 110 1be unde restimated. For ex ample, u nilc\'er. on I)' the Iwcmielh-Iargesl multi national , had 1992 sales of $43.9 billion-a figurc which cxceeded the fina l \';llltc of goods and services o f Nigeria and Sri L'1nka combined for the ),ear. Even more striking is the f.lct that thc sales of thc top 500 multinationals account for almost onc-rourul o r the gross world product ( l'ladjian and Tduo. 1993; Haul, and Yanagishita. 1993). Foreign sales represent a n important source or profit for 1llultin:Hlonal cO'1>Orations. For example, foreign subsid iaries account ror ahoul 40 percent or all sales of larger multi na tiona ls headquanerecl in the Un ited Slates. In genc ml, foreign ~al cs havc grown ma rc rapidly than domestic !l:lics for such corpor<llions, a fact ,,'hich e ncourages them to expand into a lher countries (in man)' cases, tile developing nadons). The economy of the United St:lles is heavily depclldcnt on roreign commc rce, much of which is cond ucted by 1Il\lllina tionals. Acconling to a 1991 repon by the Uurc:1lI of the Cell-

    247
    r.1I111'l'~.R

    so SOCIAl. IN/:,' QljAlJ/l' 11'01UJ)11'lt:

    IadaeWodd
    SAlES ..

    RANK

    roMP_

    0lll0NS
    HEADQUARTERS

    NOUSTRY

    Of DOllARS

    !" I
    Genefol Motors
    Eu~

    Of """'"

    """" "
    MllOO

    5 6 7 B

    9 10
    11 12 13

    16
    17 IB 19

    IS "

    20

    Ford Motor Royol Dutch/Shell Grovp Toyolo Motor lRI Internotional Busil'\eu Mochil'\es Doimler6enz Generol Electric Hitochi British Petroleum Motsushilo Electric t!'ldustriat .v.obil VoIkswogen Siemens Nissen oV.otor Philip .v.orris Somsung Fiar Unilever
    ~"tI

    Detroit Irving, T8)(. Deorbofn, Midi. 1o!'ldon/The Hogue Toyoto City, Jopon Rome Armonk, N.Y. Stuttgort. Germany Foimeld, Conn . Tokyo
    '~don

    Osako, .Iopon Foirfox, Vo. Wolbburg, Germany Munich Tokyo New York Seoul, South Koreo Turin, Italy london/Rotterdam

    .Y.otor vehicles Petroleum refining .v.otor vehicles Petroleum refining Motor vehicles Melols Computers .v.otor vehicles Electronics Electronics Petroleum re'iniog Electroob Petroleum reliniog N.otor vehicles Electronics Motor vehicles Food, tobacco Electronics Motor vehicles

    132 .8 103.5 100.8 98.9 79.1

    - 23,498
    4,nO

    67.5
    65. 1 63.3 62.2 61.5 59.2 57.4 57.4 56.7 51.4 50.2 50.2 49.6 47.9 43 .9

    - 7,385 5,.408 1,B12 - 3,811 - 4,965 929 4,725

    619

    - BOO
    30B

    ..2
    50
    1, 136

    449
    4,939

    ". ..,

    food

    2,279

    ....; .. .., r bdl"'''

    Trillo. 1993: 1 91.

    sus ( 199la), o ne OUI of SC\'c n manufacllIringjobs in thc Unitcd States had to do with tJ1 C export of goods to foreign countries. Mulr.inalional corporatio ns ca n have a posilive impact on th e developin g nations of th e world . Thcy bring jobs and industl)' to arcas whe rc subsistence agricuhure previously scrvcd as the only mcans ofsUfvival. Muhinationals promotc nlpid de velopme nt through diffusion of invcn tions and in nOV'dlions from industrial nations. Vie.....cd fro m a fUll ctional ist perspectivc. thc combi nation of skilled technology and management provided by multina tionals and the reJativc1)' cheap labor avai l able in dcvcloping nations is ideal for a global cn terprise. Muh inat ionals can thus take maximum ad "'Ullagc of tec hnology whilc reducing costs and boosting profits. T hc imcrnlltional ties o f mullinalional corporatio ns also fa cilitatc the exchange o f ideas and tech nology around the world. Th eir worldwide influe nce conuibulcS 10 interdependence among nalions, which may prevcnt ce rtain disputes fro m reaching thc point of serious conflict. A cou ntry

    171 1993. 14 ojlhl l/JOrldS 50 InrgtSl irldustrial firms rallktll by w its Iht!r huulqum1t:rl 11/ fill Uni/tti SlIJl4 8)' am lrml, sllfh firms ilad uCct)1lrllftl Jor 42 DJ/M 50 /nlllt:rl ill thl ynr 1960.

    "ad

    cannot alTord to scvcr diplomatic relations, or ell'" gagc in warfarc, ....ith a nalion that is tJ1C headqu,lr!crs for its main business suppliers or is a kt1 o uuc t fo r cxpo rts. Conflict theorists challcngc this fa"omble ('''\'3.hr .nion of the impact of multin ational corporatiom and cmphasizc that multinatio nals exploit local workers to maximize profits. Th ey po int o ut lhac whcn busincss finn s build plants in places such as South Ko rea, residents (including those as young as 13 yca rs o lel ) may work scven days a wee k, 1 0 h O lll'S a day, for as liu1e as 62 CC lIts an hour. Mort' than 80 pcrcent of the lo .....-skillcd assembly jobs in tJl CSC plants are he ld b y women , many of whom earn o nly $5 IJt'I' day. Thcsc womcn pcrfonn m ~ noto no us. I)ainstaking work under stressful and hazardo us working condilio ns. For examplc, a stlldy in South Ko rea found thal most electronics

    248
    I'AH1' l UR. . WCIAJ. IN"Q!JAtJl1

    a'lCmbly workers developed seven' eye problt;ms af ler one rear of employment (Ehrenreich and Fuentes, 198 1; Ciuc!sohn, 1987). Because there is a pool of cheap labor available in the de\e1oping world , llIultimuionals arc able to mm"e factOries Olll of coun tries sllc h as the L'nitcd !nates, whe rc o rgan il.cd labar illsists 011 decelll lIage5 and humane working conditio ns, thereby in(reasing unemployment in core IIiHio ns. :\1oreover. in the developing world it is difficult to build strong trade unions in facLOdes 1"1111 by multinational corporations. The cvcr-p reselll. d:mge r cxists that if tabor', demands become threatc ning, tht: !tnn will limply move its plant c.!scwherc. As a result, governments see king to allnlCt 01 keep Illultinationals W ma)' deldop a Wclimate for inveslll1 cnt which indudes repressive antitaoor laws rcstriCling union acu\ity and collective bargaining. Confl ict thcorisL~ thcrdorc conclude that, on t.ht: whole, tnultinalIona] corporations havc a negative social impact Oil workers in both industrhllizcd and developing IMlions (Blueslone and Harrison, 1982: Harrison Jnd BluCSto Il C, 1988). Sc\'eral sociologists have sune)'ed the e ffects of f"reign il1\"esun cllt and concluded that although it ma, initially contribU1C 1.0 a host ""lion's wealth , it ('\entually increases ccono mic ineqllalit), within dewloping nations. This is uuc in terms o f both ;n-

    come and own ership of land. Tlw IIppe r and middle classes of sllch COllntries be nefit most from economic expansion, while Ihe lOwer chlSses are less likely to benefit. Such disparities result from Lh e peculiarly une\'e ll economic d evelopme nt which results from fo rl'ign ilH"CStlne llt. :\1ultinalion als in\'t!St in limiu. d are as of ,Ill economy <tnd ill restric te d regions of a nation. AJlhollg h cC Itllin sectors of the host nation's econo my expa nd, )ouch as hotels and expensive reS1aunt nts, this very expansion appears to rcmrd growth ill agric uhurc ami othe r economic sectors. Moreover. multinational corponttions often bur OUt o r force OUt local e lluc prc ncurs and companies, the re b}' increasing economic and cultural dependence (I~orn sc hieret aI., 1978; P. E\'ans, 1979; Wallerstein, 1979). Recent slUdies suggest lhat multinationals te nd to generate income for a developing nation 's elite, while at the sallle 1ime undermining the market for goods produced by the poor. Moreover, multinationOlls consciously a CL to preve nt redu ctions in ineq ualily in h osl COllntries, For cx.unple , foreign corporations opposc increases in minimum wage levels and issLle grants 10 suppOrt legislation that would restriCI labO! IInion ac ti\il),. While lhe relation ship between forl'ign ill\"e~ImCIH and economic inequalit}' nee ds further research , the best data c urrentl} available poim direc Lly to the conclusion that

    Mlllly llll1lfilll/l/Ol/(lI rm1)()mliol/\ bilII'II


    ill IJUl U rl;ll'If SIII/I'.I IlfilH' IJjJnIl'</

    fn</ol'il'-s

    fldlJ(mlllW

    Ihl' (In "'lofiill~ ",mM 10 IlIkl' of I/IU IH'I<lI /If rl1I'1I1' /floor. Shown In', ,,'Or/m'" (If (I UI'I'I1CIt jucUn)' ill /IJdrm"-.l/fl.
    1)1

    249
    CII,wnu.,. 'OOCJAI INtQCl lI n IIVHl.lIIl/fif

    multinational corpor-dtiom inte nsify inequality in the developing world (Moran , 1978). Socioiogisl Dale WimberJcy ( 1990) sludied the impact of foreign in\,esunelll on lhe infant mortality rates of 63 developing nations, among them 8nlzil , Egypt, India, and lhe Philippin es. (The infant mortality rate-the number of deaths of infants unde r I year of age per 1000 Jive births in a brivc n ye,u-is widely regarded as an effective measllre of genera l health care in a sodely.) WimberIcy found Ihal a reduction in the infant mortality raLC was mosl likely to occllr when there w:1.~ ie.(S pcncl.ralion by multinational corpol1ltions into the 10c.lJ economy. How cou ld OllL~ide invcstmenl be detrimental to a society'S level of health? \4,1imberIcy concluded that foreign investmc nt promotes low-wage labor and therefore income inequality within developing countries-wh ich , in turn, retards advances in health care (Bornschier and Chase-DUllIl, 1985; Bradshaw, 1988). In man y respecLS, the rise of multinational corpormions has become a threat to national sovereignty. Ol1l' of the most flagrant illustrations of the power of muh.inationals took place in Chile. In 1970, Intemational Telephone and Tclegrnph (ITI') allempled to stOp a Marxist politician, Salvador Alle nde, from coming 10 power-e\'en though he was running for the Chilean presidency in a free and democratic election. After AUende was victorious, lIT and the Centrallnlclligence Agency (CIA ) participated in t.he ove rth row of !lIe legally cOllstitl.1led govern menL In 1973, AJlcnde a nd many of his supporters died during a bloody mi1i ~ tary coup. The elected regime was then re placed by a milit<ny dictatorship which was widely denounced for its violatio ns of human rights (A. Sampson , 1973; M!e also Barnetand Miiller, 1974; Michalowski and Kr.UllCI', 1987; R. Vernon , 1977). We will examine the issue of universal human righlS in more delail in the social policy section <.It the end of the chapLer.

    Consequences of Stratification for Develoninv Nations .... _.......................L .... J? ............................, ........................................ .
    As discussed above. colonialism , neocolon ialism, and foreign invesunent by multinationals have of ten had unfortunate consequcnces for residents of

    developing nations. From 1950 to 1980, t.he gap IJt. ""'ce n the world's rich and poor nations continucd 10 b'TOW, primarily because the ric h nations goI C\'e n richer. As for the decade of the I 980s, it is tstimated that morc than 40 Third World COllnlm fini shed lhe decade poorer in per capita terms tlua they started il. The world 's 14 most-devdSuned nations-inclllding Zambia, Bolivia, and Nigeria-sa'lll pCI' ca pit.1 income plummet as dr-dmati cally as it did in the United Slates during thl! Great DepreSSion of the 1930s. With these trends in mind, researcher Alan Duming ( 1990:26) observed that the tenn"drM \'cloping nation has become a cl1 lc1 misnofOO': many of the world's less affiucnl nations are dlO' integrating mthcr than developing. The day-to-day impact of lhe economic hac k.~hdr in Africa , Latin America, and parts of A~ia duritJK the 1980s was tr.tgic. Malnutlition rose in Burma. Burundi , the Gambia, Guinea-Bi.~sall, Jamaica, Nigel', Nigeria, Paraguay, the Philippines, NiClrnguil, El Salvador, and Peru. Accurding to the World Bank, life expectancy declined in nint African count.ries over the period 1979 to 1983. Today, mMC t.han 100 million Mricans are believed to lack sufficient food 10 sustain themse lves in good health ( Durning, 1990:26; World Bank, 1990), The 1980s were a particularly crue l decade for Latin America. El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Peru, all torn by war, went into economic tailspins, k cording to Peru's government, onc-third of lht country's dlildrcn are malnourished to the extent that they have slUllfed growth. The per capita 1!l' come of the average Lati n American--onlyabout S3500 in I 980-rleclined by 9 percent over dle l1ell eight years (Duming, 1990:26-27). Faced with .wt ing ullemploymellt and desperate poven)', mam res ident.~ \\'crc forced to participate. in, and wertof. tcn exploited within , their countries' underground economies (l>Ce Box 9- 1). Like Ceni Sequiera Gomes, the 8razilian woman profi1c.:cI al the beginning of the chapter, women in developing coulltries find life especia lly clifficuk. ~WomC Il are the most exploited among the opprc!>Sed,M notes Karuna Chan a na Ahmed, ao anthropologist from India who has studied the JKlII" tion of women in de veloping naLions. In addition to the debililating poverty experienced by mal11 men in these countries, women face sex discri~ nation beginning at birth . The), arc com monly fed

    250
    PIoH"/' THHF.f: SOCJIoL f.W:'QfJIofJIY

    _ _~_...._ _ ...;;O X 9 1 AROUND THE WORLD B.;;.:


    THE I NFORMAL ECONOMY

    1<) be pKIuced and consumed in officially recognized and rcgislcfI..'d tlll\Illt'5se5. Instead . Ihey can be
    ut

    Good.5 and services do not h:l\'c

    nl<lde, sold, and lra{\l-d h) members mfommi social Ilctl.-orks. Anthropologists studying del'e1oping rldllons and preindusuial sociclics h~\'(' long acknowledged such net-

    I\HrkoJ, but only rCCI'lltly h;l\"c Lhese

    nrtll"orks heen identified iI~ C::OIII mOll to all socic..,ties (Fcrm:m ct at, 19Ki). Tht u:nn i"formal economy rt/crr 10 u'ansfcr.l of money, goods. or '\el'\;cts Ul<l1 arc not reported If) the SO\'crnmenl. Participants in [hi, economy ;I\'oid taxes, rcgu\OI lIo~ and minimum "'~lgC prO\;.
    'loUI. as \;'cll as certain eXI)(:II.'!oCS

    I1IrufTed in bookkeeping and nnandoll reporting. In industrial sorI('ll~

    the informal

    (.,<:onOIn)' elll,

    that are mdn'idually qu ite small but which DI1 he qlliu~ sig nifican t when take n 11JKClhcr. One m.yor segmen t of Ill" l'conomy in\'ol\'c~ illegal tram;.lions-5uch as prostitution, !<lIe 1,( illegal dmgs., g:.lIubling, and hnhcry-teading SOme obscrvers to drscribe il as ;m Mundcrground ttnnomy,8 Vet lhe informal ecoll' "ntV also includes unreg\llated dllkl care senlCCS, galOlb'C sales, .mri the unreported income of tr,Ut.<,pfilplc, street vendors. ,lIld
    hr.lll.'S

    transactiOIl~

    employees "'ho receive subsl<llltial tips. According 10 eSlim:ltcs, the illfOnllal economy may accoun t for as much as 10 IQ 20 perCel11 Of llU economic ;Ictl\,it y in the United States. In 1993, it W-dS estimated that New Vork Citv's underground cconum)' had increased to S54 billion per rear. or about 20 I>crccnl of Ihe ci ty's ecollolny (Iler;hc)" 1988; Sonlag, 19")3.1;42) . Alt hough 111(._ in forll1a l economic tra nSlc tions Ltkc place in \';rt uall) all :>cieties-bo th l':lpil.al. ist ami ~(>cialbt-the pattern in devdoping coulIlries differ!'. some"'hat from tI lt: infomml economy of industri:tlil.{,(1 na tions. III the ck... \doping \~orld , gO\'crnmen t bll' reallcmcie5 are onell unable to respollcl to increased rC(jllcslS for licenses 01' services, thereby forcing legilim'He entrepreneu r"! to go undergrollnd . ~ IlIfonllal iudus trial e ntcrpr'iscs, such as tcxti le (aClo l'ie5 and rClxli r shops, {cnd 10 be labo r in tensive. Underground elllr'epre 11('III'S call1lOt rcly on a{I\~lI1ced machinery, since ;1 /inn '5 MSCts can IX' confisc:tted for failure 10 opel'ate within the open economy. Viewed fro m a functiou:liis t perspt..'Clilc , the b urdensome bureau Crdlil' regulations of developing socielies have contributed to the ns.of an e!licient informal crono01Y in cert:lin cnUlltrics. NcvertJleless,

    Ihest' regulator), ~)'SteIllS a.n: d).. functional to over.11I political lllld economic well-being. Since informal finns l)'pically o per.lle in (t" mote locations to ,\Void dt' leClion, the), canllot easil)' expand ~\'en whe n lhey become profitable. Given lhe limiteci protection for t.hcit pmpeny ,IIHi comrachlal righl$, p:utic i p;tlll~ in the informal econo m y art' less likely to save a ud invest their income . Infonllal econom ies haw' a lso lX'en criticized for p(01ll0tinll highl)' unfltir and dangerous workin)o\ conditions. In h is study of the 1111(lerground economy o( Spo.in, sociologist Louis I..emkow (1987) found that wO I'ken' incolllCli were low, there was litde job secur'ity, arid sa(et)' ami hC:llth standards were r.trcly enforced. Both the SI>anish government and lht. ml' lioll',O; trade unions seemed 10 ig. nore tile ex plo itatio n of pa rt ici. panl" in the info nna l econom y. Vc\, especially in rhe d e\'elo ping world, the cxi~tence of a substantial IInderground ecorlorny--estinlatl,.'(l. for example, to accounl for about ollethird of the gl'Oss domcstic produCl of l'e!1l-renects the abse nce of an C('onomic sysle m a (,cessible loall rC5idcms (Fiola. 1990; PnrtCli I't ai., 1989; Weigard, 1992; World Bank, 1987:74-75) .

    h. tha.n male c hildren, arc denied educational opp"nunilics, and arc often hospitlllized on I)' when rmirally ill. Whether inside or outs idc the hOllle,

    "limen's work is devalued.


    nlt're arc d isturbing reports of sex discrimination

    all through the de\'clopingworld (and also, ofcollrsc, from core industrialized nations such as the UnilCrI Stales and Japan ). SUI'\'cys show it significant degree ofJell/ale illJantiddl! (th e killing of b., by girls) in China and nU'al areas of India, Only one-lhird of Pakistan 's

    251
    UIJtJ71Jo./I 9 ' \()(:JtII '''''''QUAff ll' II'(J/{I.J)II1IJf.

    &x disrrim;I/fII;uI/ jJ n.';lifnl mn w 1.\0 : wO/M. /11 SlHllii Ambitl, WQIllf,11 /lTf

    I,rohibllfll/rom driving, loolking. ill ,mb/it", IHul :woalizing Wllh IIItII ulfbilit! /Ill'" /alll;lio .

    sexually segregated schools arc for women, and oncth ird of these schools havc no bui ldin!-,>'S. I n K(' n }~1 and Tam.ania, it is illegal fora woman to own a hOllS(' . In Saudi Arabia, "'omen arc proh ibited from driving, walking alone in public, and socializing \,1th men out~ide their families (J. AndcT50TI and Moore, 1993:6-7; C. Murphy, 1993:10-11). We will explore women's second-class stal.\ls throughout the world morc fully in Cha pter I I. " 'hat factors have contributed 10 the recent d ifficulties of developing nations? Certain ly runaway population growth has hurt the ";:lIIdart! of li\';ng of many Third World peoples. So, 100, h a~ the acccienlling em;runmelllal dedin(' evidellt ill the quality of air, w:.uer. :"Uld other natural resources. (Wc will exa mine pOJllllalion growth ami CllvironlllcnL"l1 decline ill marc dctail in Chapter 19.) Still llllother faclO l' has heen the developing nations' collectivc debt o f 1.3 trillion. Today. poor na tions are I>aying ric h coulllries $50 billion each )'ear in debt and imerest payments bcyond \\'hat thc), receive in new loans. If wc add to this ligure the estimates of capital night involving weahhy cit izens of poor nations. the a nnual oUlfl ow of fun ds may reach 5100 billion (Durn ing, 1990:25-26; Ke rbo, 1991:498). Viewed from a world systems appro;lch , a growing .. hare of the hUlllan and natural resources of developing counuil;;;'i is being redistrihuted to the core industrial ized nat.ions. Conse(lllclltly. the

    global debt crisis has intensiFied the Third World dcpelu\ellC)' begun under colonialism . m:ocoh nialislll, :'\l ld mul tina tional im'esllllCtll. In tt-rtI)lional Financial institutions arc pre51. lIring indebted coulltries 10 "dopt :lust.c ri t), measures in order 10 l1Iorc easily mect tJlcir interest payments. Dt.,\'eloping nations may be forced 10 devalue their CUlTtlldes, ijeeze workers ' W,lgCS, incrca.<>e primtil. mionnI indtl'illl'. and reduce government selvices and cmployment. These policies often lead to high inA;tlion. reduced purcha~ing power. substantial layo/fl of government workers. and hig her l1ncmp~ ment-all of which arc harmful to a nation's O\(:r llll economic developme nt ( Bmdshaw ll11d J-luang. 1991: George. 1988:77-85; Roddick, 19X8:8 1-I().l) World systcms thcorists add that th e policies dic tated by intcl'11ational iinancial inslillltions are dfstructivc to the quality of life in developing countries. For example. in 1990. as part of an au.sterin program designed to case debt repayment. thf African nation of Zambia ended go\'cmlllelltalsubsidies which had reduced citizens' costs in buying food. Once tlt e Mfree markc.:t~ dete rmined food l)l"ices, these prices increased dramatically, quicUl leading to inte nse anligovcl'11rnelll riots. At least 23 people died during lhe unrest , which included an ullsuccessful attempt to O\'erthrow Zambia's go'>erumen!. Such an explosi\'e response 10 austerin measures is 1I0t unusual ; sillce 1976, Third World cou ntries have witnessed more than 85 protests d~

    252
    I'Mlr fJlla:f: ,OrJAI IMQ",u .fIl'

    rcc:tro toward austerity programs imended LO (:tci liult intcrnational de bt paym e nts (Braclshaw and Huang. 1991: Wahon and Rag in . 1988, \989). l'nhmunatcly, th(' massive exodus of money lrum poorer regions of the world only intensifi es Ihcir oesU1.lctioll of natural resources. From <\ COI1flirl view, les.') affluent nations arc being forced to 1'\pIOlttht!ir mineral deposits, forests, and fi sheries T)l lwder to mee t their debt obligations whil e offerlllg ~lLbsiste n ce labo r to loca l worke rs. Thc poor lurn 10 the only means of survival .w.lilablc to them: otlrgin:1llands. TIley plow mountain slopes, burn pInt- in tropical fo res ts. a nd oYC rgrale grasstu)11~-often knowing that their actions are d e'Imnirt to the e nvironmcllt. Btll the), see no altl'rnalh't' in their agonizing fi ght for simple SllI'viml IOnming, 1990:26; Waring, 1988).

    STRATIFICATION WITHIN NATIONS:


    ~ C\t.f~::f.lTIr.~~r~g!y'
    TIlt 11'01'10 m;trketplac(' is highly stratified, with affluent, industr ialized natio ns well in COJllrol whil e (lIMIH'l developing Cou nll;es face desperate pro b11 UH. Worldwide strat ification is eviden I nol on I)' in
    lh, lli\parity between rich <lnd poor nations (in W.dlt'Ntcin's Icnns, between cou ntries a t the core ~ncl.ll the periphery of the world economic system) but ~II,() u~/lIin nations in Ihe substantial gap berich ;Illd poor citizens. Strtltification in d eveloping nations is closely rclawd to their relative ly weak and depe ndent position in tlteworld economic syste m. As discllssed car hrr. IQCal elites work hand in hand with
    ml,{,ll

    $62,99 1 0 1' mon:-acco ll nted 1 1' more than 44 per0 cem of lo tal wages and salaries in the nation. I~y contras t. Ihe bottom fi lUl of the populalion-earning $ 17,000 or less-accounted fo r less than S pC I" cent of income (Bureau of th e Cen sus, 1993a:463). As Figure 9-2 on page 254 shows, the degree of in come ine qualil ), varies markedl y aro und the world. Of the .seven nations studied that a re conu... .lStcd in the fi gure, Brazil had the greatest gap hem'ce n its most aHlue nt and least aHlueill reside nts. Th e tOP fifth in Brdzil receivt:d 68 perce nt of total wages and salaries, while the bottom fifth account ed for nn ly 2 perce nt of income. Similar disparities a re fou nd in man>, developing countries, where small c1itl!s cont rol a large portion of the nalion 's inco m e. The re arc 10 counu;cs a round the globe in which the most affiu e nt 10 pe rcent receive at Ica.st 40 percent of income, and they arc all developing countries: Brazil (the leader atSI pe rce nt), Kcn>'<I. Sd L'ln ka, Botswana. Gua w mala, Chi le, l}ana m a. Tanzania. HonduraS, a nd Lesotho.

    IIlll.ltinational corporations and prosper from such


    .illJantrli, while Il,e ex ploitation of industrial and
    ~W((Uhllral workers is created and pel"pct ualcd by th"rnmomic syste m and preva il ing d evc lopme nta l lalUt"i. Consequemly, forei gn investme nt in dcvel-

    I!pHlg

    fOUIl!!ics tends to increase economi c in Cllualil\' (Bornschic r e l "I .. 1978: Kerbo, 1991 :
    '~17-,~ll).

    \Vol'km

    aloe

    shown clIlIing dOl/m 11


    (;llill(I.
    /e51

    fortSt in Pnpl/(I , New


    amjlict pel'St)ecliVf',

    Distribution of Wealth and Income


    In Ch,lplcr 8, we noted that in 1991 , Ihe top firth 1111211 percent) of the U.S. po pu lation-earning

    P'rmn (j affluf!nt ,wliollS fir' beingforml 10 t.'1J/f)il/heir mi""ml dtposits, f()r,.sL~, (md Jl.She/-ies ill ord,., 10 r7W!f flle;r debf obligll(iOI1S whil" offi-ril1g suhis/nICf: IflOOr (0 loml wOl'kers.

    253

    FIGURE 9,2 Dis tributiO/1 of I"come

    ill

    Sevtm NatiollS
    Thi~ figure shows Ihe dislribtlliO'1 of Ilt)useha/(f illWllle by po/mUJ110l1 fifths

    ;11 seven U!Il.IlI,ifj. /JaW were (()lIutu1 bJ (he iV(nid Ikmk anti by Ullilld Nations agrllcies. As Ih, figure sluJWS,
    11If!. prvpm1ivIl
    IIlOSt
    (if/lllelll

    rif il1WI1l' "cM /.1j


    20 j!elr ellt of tlll~

    file

    IKJfJUill1i1J1I is highest ill Brazil (1i8


    jJelumlJ alll/jalll(lim (48 p.-t"W II) and lml'tJIIII Swttinl (371ICrUl1t). BJ cf)l1lpari"g lhe /xmfor Iht pooresl mu! rirhest qUjllti/e.1 (a (/lIillfliR is 20 lH'fTffll O/Ihf lW/mliJ/irlll), 11N!. C(111 sn 111(11 Iht gap beltUl'ell Ihe Idghtsr (lI1fl /cnotsl quilltlles is slIIallest ill Ballgkulesh, }fJpall. and Swedf"1!. ('.(Jwtqunlll)', of IIIe Sewl/ col/nlries /J1clllml, tI~lf. lit/fialls hllllP. the lowest

    Brazil

    Jamaica

    USA

    Grool Baoglodesh Japan

    ,wed..

    Britain
    ,,"Oll.: Odta arc ( omid .. ,,,,. compardhle although <ot.1<U : Wodd Ha"k. 1993:296-297.
    ~d

    1ew.1 of illt"Ome
    on !lati'lic> cov~ri"K 1979
    to:)

    illf.fjlw/if)'.

    19')1).

    In examiuing the world's adV".mced industrial economies, researchers have found tbe [Past income inequality in Sweden, Japan , and Belgium. The highest income inequality is evide nt in the United States, Switzerland, and Australia. Redistributive tax policies have reduced incomc inequality in many European nations; the factors which contribute ID Japan's comparatively low level of income inequality are explored in Box 9-2 on page 256 (World Bank, 1992:262-263; see aJso P. Nolan, 1992 ). A.. we saw in Chaptcl' 8, weahh in the United States is much more unevenly distributed than income. T he richest fifth of lhe popula tion holds aJlllost8D perce nt of the nation's wealth (refer back to Figure 8-2 on page 223). This extreme concentration of wealth is evident in most industrial societies. In Great Britain , for exam plc , the disuibuti on of wealth is even more lopsided than in the United Stales. In good part, this is because in the United StaLes many people with rather modest incomes own automobiles or homes, whereas owners hip of automobiles or homes is less com mon among poore,' residems or Great BriL."l.in (Samuc1son :111<1 Nordhaus, 1992:355-358).

    SociologisL~ have recognized that companul\,c research is essential in determining whether observed pauerns of stratilication are unique to a si ngle nation, arc restricted to " particular lype of society (such as ind u.strial o r developing nillions), or arr applicable to a wide range of socie ties (Kalleberg, 1988). We have seen that socie ties as diffe re nt as Brazi l, Bangladesh , the United States, and Japan all share a marked inequality in th e diSl.riblllion of income (refer back to Fib'u re 9-2). But, as we saw in Chaple r 8, a person's class position, defined largel) in econom ic tenns and refl ecting his or her level of wcalth and income, is but one componcnt of stratiii cation. By ranking the prestige of mrious occupation~ sociologists can gain a dceper unde rs tanding of an other aspect of incqual ity. How do perceptions in the United States regarding the prestige of ocellpatjons compare with those held in other societies: [n an elfon to study stralilicatioll from a cros.t cultural perspect.i\c, sociologist Donald Trciman (1977) exami ned the reputation that cenain joll had ill 53 different nations. People were asked 10

    254
    pA/lr TfIIlJ ' SO<JAL f,W:QUAUI1'

    J \lU .F 92

    . ,'

    ,"

    ,.

    . '

    .
    NATKlN

    OCClFATION

    USA

    CANADA

    NIGERIA

    PIlyslCion or medical officer Coptoin HIgh school teoc::her W manager Tnd: dri....
    .. 011 l'",pIe in Ih~ SoMel Union '\~' (""la om a,".ilablr.). ur.l, ,.,riman , 1\l77:..1S-4(l.'>. '
    wen'

    78 63 63 53 32
    1101 a,ke<110 .-.Ulk

    83 67 63 67
    31
    banke~;

    70 66

    """"'"
    81 44

    TlWW<>

    SOVIET UNION

    " "
    lwl1r". lhi!

    70 49
    44
    i, \!larked

    73 69 70

    n
    60

    57
    NA

    49

    "

    29

    45

    (~ l ell"ry

    r.ue occupations, and the results were tabulated .JulIg a scale mnging from 0 to lOO, with hig he r '!((lr~ !king more prestigious. As th e data pr' ... ~llIed in Table 9-2 illllstrd.te, Treiman found a hig h d~brr('e o f correlation 01' si mi larity in a ll contemporary societics, illdudillg both indusuialized and 11()l1indwtrializcd nati ons, Trciman's pioneering research inspired subsequCnt efforts 10 gather and compare data from many OCieties using the objccli\'e method of mca\Ul;ng strntificatio n dinCIc nccs. In one important '4udv, sociologists Nan Lin a nd Wen Xie ( 1988) intt'nleo,..'ed a rd.nd OIll sample o f rcsidc n ts o f Bcij ing, the capital of the Peoplc's Republic of C hina, to study occupa ti o nal p restige. The researchers recQgnized the putential bias of sampling those who Il\t to onc of C hina 's most cosmopo litan c ilkos. They found that 47 percem of the 1774 respondenu. questioned were professio nals, managc rs, or ~d!11ioislralOl's-whcreas this was true of only 23 JIl'f(enl of reside n ts of othcr urban areas. NeverIhrlcss, given the constrdi n ts o n acquiring social scif1l!ific data, this study o lTers unique ;nsighL~ re~m1ingslratin ca t ion in the world 's 1110S1 populolls noltion. tin and Xic fOllnd tha l physicians were near Ihe inp of the occupational hierarch y in tCllllS of presrigr.I'.'i:ilc police office rs were near the middle, and ~]'hage collectors we rc close to the bouom-a lindtnll ~imi la r to the results of surveys in the Un ited Xltes (refer back to Table 8-2 on page 220). Interestingly, however, lcache rs a nd professors It'ce1\'t:d mllch lower prestige ratings in China,

    The tau, abcw prts~lIb 11 $(1lr1plwg DJ dlllll roilecttri by sociologiJI 1 )Q/wUl

    Trrinulll rry,,'1mlillg Ihe mnking o/vflTimu ocrupatiom t}U'OUghQllt lhe lVQf'/d. Th~ jimiillgs lrutGl a .drikwg simllariLJ oJ
    mlings in thl SIX nalioru.

    rell ccting the compar dtively limitcd economic rewards they rcceive relative to o ther occupatio ns. The C hinese resjXlndents g<lve a much higher prestige rating to textile workers tha n did respondents in the United States. III explaini ng this finding, Un a nd Xie point out thal lexti le worke rs in C hina fare much better relative to olher workers than they do ill the United States or Europe. A'I one part of their analysis, the researchers compared the prestige ran kings of ma lc and fe male re..'spondents. Although C hina has officially maintained a national policy of gender equality since 1949, occupational segregatio n by gcnder has not becn com pl e tely el iminated. Panly as a resul t, the prestige rd.nkings of C hinese me n a nd women seemed to reflecl the Slruc ture of occupational oppOrLllllity. Males, for exa mple , gave highcr ratings t.han females to suc h o cc upations as natural scie nlisl, a lhlete. driver, and mecha nic-all of which are more like ly to be held by males. Each gender showed a tendency to 1', lte marc hi ghly those occup:llio ns most open tu it. Treiman 's c roS5-ClIhul<Il research reminds us lhat prc.!s tige dist.inc tions are IInl\'ersal: the study o f C hina by Lin and Xic underscores lhis finding. Evcn a socie lY th at has expcrienced revolutiona l), movements alld decad es of Comm unist parry rule

    255
    ClIAl'/ER 9 SOCiM INEQUM.J'I1' 11'O/IUJII'IIJE

    BOX

    AROUND

    INEQUALITY IN J APAN

    lowis! J apan may at first c:tpcricnce a hit of culture 5hock an Cl" noticing Ihe degree \0 which (.,\'clythin g inJapancsc life is ranked: corpor.uions, universit,ics, even educational progmms. lllCS<: rankillh'S are widely reported and accepted. Moreover, day-to-da y s0cial in lcr;IClio ns :\I'C shaped by r..lI1l:.ings: Japauese find it di ffic ult [0 si!, talk, or eat together unless the relative ran kings of those Pl'cs, em ha\'c been e.stablished, often through the p.-delice of Inn$11I (tile exchange of busi nc'iS cards). Tlli! apparent preoccupation \\11h ranking and ronmllit)' suggcst.o; an exceptio nal dcgn' l' of slralifica tioll. Yel researc hers have d c te rmilled lhatJapan' s Ic\d ofinCOlllC iucqualil), is aInOllK the lowe~ 1 of nl<~j(Jr illdusu"ial societies (refer hack 10 Figure 9-2) , Wherea.~ the pay golp between J apan's top CUI'poratt: t:)(ec utjve~ and Ihe nalinn '~ 10WCM,P<lid ..... o rk e l's is about 8 10 I, Ih(.' comparable figure for Ill(" United States ,,'ould t>c 37 10 I , In addition, Ihc hU__ I ~ lli\'e stock up-lions received by top c)(ecllth'I'~ of U,S. coqJOrations are ;l('lu;llIy pn>-h ibilcd b) law in Jap.1n (Alx:gglen and Stalk, 1985: IM7, 192; KCl'bo, 1991:421-423; Nak:l1le, 19iO ::~O). This rclath'e Ic\'cJ of equality in Japanese society is r,lI her I'ccelll; it dates back to post-World W,\I' 11 cconomic chan~es, including cx-

    \'i~itiI1K

    lI'hilt' 1001111'11 mllslllldt mo,... IhMt 40

    tcnsivc land reform and the breakup of !Xlwctful holding COIllpanics. Amon g the factot"!! contributin g 10 a lower ICH:I of ine(lllalit) itt J :tpan ha\'e been an cxp:tttding CO/tWill}' combi ned with a ]abol' shol1age, an edllca liollal S)~lem that treats slUd e n ts a like reg;lrdless of fami l), b...1ck-~rolll1d at least t.hrough their' ju-nior high seho, ,] years, restmitlLs on eXI-e~si\'d y high incomes, rclath'cI)' linl.:: discr1tllinatioll ag-.unst male h ead~ of huuseholds, and certai n governmcntill p()lieics Utat se rve to rcdi~lribUlC income ( Kt'rlx ), 199 1:431 -"i:i2, 454-457). Still anot h er (,lctO r that works ag-;linst incfjuality i~ thal.JapHu is

    pn-Cflll 0/Jafmll ~ loom fm'cf, tilt') arr

    gel1errlll)"
    jJOsilimu.

    15/11'(/1'{/ /0 w/)(}f"rJiIIllM

    l~ltll cr IlolllogenCOIJ5-<cnailllt whe n com pared wilh the United Slales-in teflllS of mce, elitnicil! lIatiuuality, and language, Japan'l POPUhHiotl, racially and ethniaJ]I, is 98 pcrcentJ:lpancse, bIll thell' I d i'l(;rilllinalio n against lite nation" Chinese and Korc,lIl lIlinoritit\ ;Hld the Burakll cuns titute 11 IOW-Itatlis mbculture who encounter t~ tensh'c prejudice ( H inlsa"~l , 19!:r!] The re h;", been growing controversy conccl"I,ingJapan ' $ treatment

    256

    cl its Korean minority. About &75,001) Koreans li \"t~ in Japan , of 1Ihom more than 85 percent were bn there. It is not easy for Kore 810 obtain Japanese citizenship; IiIbout citizenship, they cannOt ,*, cannot ""ork as teachers or ptmment officials, a nd must any alien registration cards at a ll IiaIC'I (a practice that has been ~I to the South African requirement that Blacks carry pa.~s
    """). Korcam in Japan disproportionIItII work for low "'~ges, without ~r, st;lfIdards, and witho ut any real hope or ad\mlCemem. More 0Ift, bttause diSCliminatiun is so I1IntmOn, less than 5 percent of Komm U~ their own names in busi tIr!II circles: simila rl y, many )'ouug inn;lllS U3C J:tP;UH:SC a liases to l"fIOft'al their herirage in sc h ool~, la 199'1. arter )'e:u1. of hilt Cl' dehate, pPut's p;ll'liamCTlI agreed to end IM mandlltory fingerprinting of ..... t Koreans and o ther foreign I'l:llcicnt5 requircd under the na WIll', Alien Registration !..;\w. Ke\' t\'th(oless, Korean I'csidel1t.'r-lllany 11 ",-h(M ramilies hal'e li"cd in jlpait for gene ..... tions--sti ll have lIP right to l'Ote, to \\'ork in govMMt'nt jobs. or to Icam :loom .... heritage ill public schools (\klihara, 1990; Nrw York Ti11U'J, 1991.1; Stemgold. 1992). {;ender discriminalion :uul in

    equality arc deep-rooled. J apanese girls do not receive the same en coumgemcnt to achieve in education thal boyll do (refer back lO Box ~I 011 page 70), ~ot surprisillgl~', Ihcrefore , Japanc~e women occupy a subordinate position in hig he r education. Whe reas 80 perceJlt of t.he na tio n's male college studellts :arc in fouryear unh'ersities, twolh irds of fe male smdenlS arc in women '5 junior colleges which promote tr.uliliOllal domcstic ro1c~ for womcn. EVell when J"P"IWSl~ WCl lncn e nter fOUl~}'ear ulli\'ersities, the y oftel1 l1l~or in hOIl1(, eCOI1OI11ic~. IlWritiOIl. or litcr;I.\11rc. Women COIlM.illllC morc th.1I1 40 perce nt ofJap;Ill .~ work force, ;lnd 70 percent of marril..'<i women with teenage c hild rcn work outside [he hom(~. Ilnt . whethe r in tenlls of illcomc. sta tus, o r po....er, women occupy a secondary po~itioll ill Jap an'~ p.lid labor force. Less tban 10 pcrcent of'/,Ip;tncse wOlllen ill Ule wo rk force hold llll\n:lgcmCI1\ posilions; OVC I~\ll, women earn o llly 50,3 percent of men's wages (Watanabc, 1991 :18-22). In 1985, J apan's parliament-;iI the time, 97 perce nt male-passed an EClua l f..mployment bill which e ncn U t~lgcs em plo)'et"S to e nd st.x discrimill;lIion ill hiling, assign. mellt, alld promotion policies. Blit feminist Orbraniz:ttions remain dis s:ttislicd l)Ccatlsc the law lack~

    Stro ng sanctions to prCl'ent con tinued discrimination 3g".tinn women. Michiko Nakajim:l, a law}"l'r who has argued many discrimination cases, notes: ~The only way 10 make the equal opportunity la ...: work is t.o gi\'e it power 10 punish comI)a lli es.~ Employme nt data co n~ ceming J apa n 's largest and most prestigious trading companil..'S underscore the law's inem.'("ti\"cl1es~. In 1992. MilSUbishi h ired 4 .....omen and 2 13 men, C. !toh hired 5 \\'omen and 198 men, and Nissho Iwai hired 3 \\'01l1en ami 127 nH!n (Sa nger,I992:A10) . There has, hO\\"Cl'e r, becn progress Oil UlC political front for J :tpaJlese \"I'omen, In 19!.11. I-Iame Kitamura of A~hir.t City bee-.une the uations IiI"St female mayor. 1\.lorc women were e lcctl.>d that y(':\!. to local government pOSl~ in cities, towns. and villages than ever before. .\1.o'co\'er, a..~ was nOLCd in the social 1)Olicy section in Chapter 6. in 1992 a ./apanese d isniet court issued an irnpol'I:ulI ruling ag"dinsl sexual ha rassment ill the workpJacc. nuCllllrt held that a small publishing company and onc of its male em p lO)'ecs had ,>iolated u le rig hts of a female employee becau.'lC of cOlde remarks th<ltled her 10 qui I her job. nl is ruling "'~dS a dr;ullatic victory for Japan's femilli~1 mOl"enu. nt (Watanabe, 1991: Weisman, 1992: scc a lso Brinton, 1992).

    ---

    257
    QlAfTll:Jl <i .
    ~O(f,1I

    fS"QUU"I1' "VR/,J)II1/JP

    st ill e xhibi ts not iceable stratification ill r, u.i ng some occupatio ns as most prcstibrious a nd o thers as less desir.tble.

    In Chapter 8, "'C saw tha t the a mount of social Illo\'eme nl in a socie ty-both upward :md downward- is ra the r limited in societies c haracterized by slavcl)', casle, and eSL'ltc systcms o f stratifica tio n. for exa m ple, a study of agricult ur'al ho useho lds in ce ntral In dia between 1975 a nd 1983 fo und tbat. on average, 84 percent o f th ose who were poor in a ny year had been poor in the previo us year. Over the nine-year period of study, 44 pel'cent o f houst.... holds had been poor fo r six or morc yea rs, a nd 19 pcrcc nt we re poor in all nine yea rs (World Bank, 1990: 135). More rCCC I1l studies of imc rgene ratio nal mobility in induSlrialized nat io ns have fuund th at ( I ) the re arc substantial simila rities in Ih c ways that pare n LS ' posit ions in stratification syStcms a rc tr.1IlSmitll:d to thei r ch ildre n ; (2) a'i ill the United Slatcs, mobility opponunities in o th e r na tions ha\'e been innucnced by stntct ur.t1 factol's, sllch as Jabor marke t c hanges which lead to tJle rise o r d ecline o f a n occupational gro up within the wcial hie rarc hy; (3) inllu igratio n continues to be a significalll factor shaping a society's level o f in te rge nc rationa] mo-

    hility (Ca llzeboom e t ai., 1991: Haile r ct al .. 1991 lI ausc,' and Cntsky, 1988). Cro"S<ultural studies suggest tha t intcrgtnthLio nal 1II0bility has bee n i n c rca~ in g in n'(tIII decades, il t least among me n. Dutc h sociologKo Ha rry Ganzeboom and Ruml Luijkx joined by $m olOb I)onald Tre iman of the United States (198'J1 rlst exa mined surveys of mobility in 35 industrial and developing natio ns; th ey fo und thal almost allthr coutluics st ud ied had witnessed increased intcrgt'l~ enllional mobility between the 1950s a nd 1980s. le particular, tJtcre 1....,\5 a com mon p<l\Iem of tllIMme n I a\\~tl.y fro m ag,i cuhurc-bast.:d occupations. Mobi lity patte rns in ind ustrializcd countries an: usually associated with intcrgeneratio nal or imr.. gc neratio nai mobi lity. I-I OI\'CVCI". with in de\'e lopil\~ natio ns, micro-level movemc nt fro m o nc occupilion to It ' tOIJler is o ft e n overshadowed by macrolc\'cI social and economic challges. For cxamplt. thc re is I)'pically a substantial wage d iITe re ntial br tWCC Il rllra l a nd urban areas, whi ch leads to high levels o f migration to th e cities. Yel the urban 111dustrial seCtors o f developing countries ~e n erall\ cannot provide slIflicient employmen t for all thI.R seeking work. C.onseqllemly. such in temai mip lion cOlltri bmcs to a n expansion o f the informal econo mies dcscribed ea rlier in Box 9-1 (Thirll'l'3ll. 1989, 103). RCC(' nt researc h o n social mobility has pers~

    Ilait;all rmm;gT'tlrlt.1 rlrt .!ha",,, ;11


    (l

    potato fidd

    ;n N~i/J

    )'0'* Slim.

    Sociologim/ r~rlrrh SlIggrsb thol "".. rater of jmm;l,'ml/Q1/ fUl/lntn.lff W 0'11 npal/s/QI/ of)flb OPIKJrtlUlltlO f.l/ld
    Illrftfor't farililnlr ,writ/I mobility.

    258
    I'ART IIIHH:. ".OCiAl l.\'fQtlllI.ffl

    -.wl\- pursued a (O nn iC l view th a t cross-nat io nal dit: Irmlcn in mobility are innucnced by lhe differing Rb.tions of countries to the world economy. Om""III on Wallerstcin's world syste ms them),. retf'II'CMrs argue that the re is like ly to be g reate r illfCI'UIiry and less mobili ty in the developing coumries than in the core ind ustrialized nations. ","her studies examining lhis thesis can ix, anLieipoIj (1;". 19920187). On~ recen tly have researc hers begun to investiPI' Ihe impact of gendCl' dint:re nccs o n the 1110IiIirt pallenl$ of developing nalions. Many aspects III tht de\'eJopmclll process-especially modemlImOn in nu.u areas a nd the nll-.d -lo-urban migr.t_ dncri~d alx)\'c-may rcsuh in the modifica. . or abandonment of tr.lditional cullum] prankt'S .lOd even marital systems. T he effects o n .....n ~ social standing and mobility arc nOl nct:~I) po~iti"c. Th rough devclopmcru and mod mUltion, womeu's vital role in food p rod uct io n _norate!, thereby jeopardiz.ing both the ir aulIIOmy ,!lid their matc rial well-be ing. The moveMlI of f.unilit:s to the cities wea ke ns wome n 's tics to II'WIl\t'S who can provide fOod, finan cial assis_". dlld social suppon (Abm , 1985; Boserup, M7, rallu, 1987) . Onc n:Cl'nt efl on to investigate gender a nd mo took. place in Sri Lanka (foI111cd), kIl0"'I1 as o.,ton). Re5earcllt:rs examined the impact uf fOI'"" .aid-in the form of plans to improvc agliculIInl production, iITig;:ni on, and rural c lcctrili cal100-011 the local population . Virtua lly a ll the :;;;;::~g,a)d progr.uns were more successful in inthe incomes of me n lilan or women . IIIttt ~Olllell ' s incomes did rise, it " 'as usua lly in IXrupalions as rubber and tea c ultivation , in lIidtwomf"1l ram almost 40 percent less than their ,-cuuntcrparts. Q\'e.-all, foreign aid in Sri Lanka W w unintended consequence of increasing in_ inl'quality between male and fe male wo rkers: conclusions were reachcd in studies COliin Indi'l a nd Malaysia (Stoeckcl and 1988).

    wili1in a wide range of societies. Clearly, a worldwide view o f stratification must involve not o nly the sharp contrast between wealthy and impoverished nations but also the sU-J.tification hiel'archies within indlL<;lrialized socielies and developing CU UllIrit.'S.

    STRATIFICATION IN BRAZIL: A CASE STUDY


    Thus far in the chaple r, o ur discussion of stratifi c.nion , inequality, and mobility has examined mall Y diverse socie ties. In ill uslrdti ng the dynamics of stratifica tion o u tside the UnitL-d Stales, it will be helprul to study ont: Country in somewhat rnol'c detail. Brazi l is an economic gia m ; it has the world 's te nth-largest economy. Brazi l's 150 million people constitute a m'ti0l'ity o r all South Ame ricans. As in lhe Un ited Stat es, face rela tions in Bfa/j l re nect th t! legacy of European colonizatio n and the slave trade . ru ill lIlany developin g countries. womc n in Brazil <Ire spcaking Ollt against their tl~t(lition;11 second-class status. Mo reover. in recem years , Bl"azi l has been the focus 0 1 considerable intcrnational <11temioll, lx uh because of the destruc tio n of the Amazon rain lo rt'st a nd the natio n 's se riOl!) debt probl e ms. For these reasons, B.-alil seems <In ideal c hoice for suc h a case study. Thc gap bel\\'cen 8rdzil's richest ;m d poorcst citizens is o ne o f the widest in the world-and it has grown since 1960 (refer back to Figure 9-2). Ac cording to Bra1il's 1991 census, th e richest 10 pcrcem of the population held 49 percenl of the nation 's wealth . By cont rast. the poorest 10 percent of the popula tio n held less tha n I pe rcent of a ll wealth. Data from the World Bank indicate that in the 1980s about 4 1 percentofall Brazilians sUlvived on less tha n $2 per day (Brooke. 1993b). In COllllOlS t to the u pper class in the United States, the Brazilia n upper cla.';s (t he lOp I percen t in t~ rm s of income) is com posed primal'ily o f la rge L andown ers and successful immigrant industrialists. ReHecl ing the continuing im pact of colonialism and neocoio nialisrn , less than one in five of Brazil's leading industrialists is a child or even grandchi ld of Brazilians. The upper middle class, cOlllplising about 2 percent o f the population , incl udes professio nals, civil SCIV<lI1 ts, lUld mil italy olTicers, while

    IIor ",.."".00'" of l.h ~ distri bUlio ll o f wealth a nd


    widlill various COll ntri es, of coml)arativc of prestige, a nd of cross-<:uhural research mobility consiste ntly reveals tllat stra tification "".. '''' class, gende r. a nd othe r fac tors is eviden t

    259
    CflM'7JJl 9" SOC .JM_ fNEQlJAlflY 1IU1U.J)WII)f.

    A poste r 0 11 the wailing room in the o nly IllL '!Iical Sl;llio n in Rocinha, the largest slullI ne ig hborhood i11 Rio de .l a ne; ro . IV <lms o f an o utbrt:ak o f le proS)'. '" Everybody's suffering h e rc,~ ex plains a nurse. "but we all It,we views. We sce thei r m ansions, but t.hey do n ' t sce liS" (Brooke, I 993b; Da browski et al .. 1989:64 ; 'o\'ood and de Ca l....alho, 1988).

    Race Relations in Brazil:

    !.h.~...,::</;;.~ .cX ..o.f.. ~.I ~~e.ry........ ........................_

    0ft~II

    TJ", /i/.,j ()f poor IJrofIk ill 8m:Ji (Ill' birok, f3ptrillfly wlll'lI Ihry Ilff' C ()n/r(JI! IM lI,illl Ill, l/IIoish mM"II of /Iif' /wlio/l's ,lilt.

    t.h e middle class (a bout 24 p CrC('l1l of the populatio n ) is com posed of cra fl.~ pcopl e, whi te-collar worke rs, govc rnm e nt e mplo),ccs. a nd wOl'kcl"s in scn'icc occupat io ns. Finall)'. al the bo UOIll of Ilrazil's slI':uification hie rarc hy al'e the nll, ll a nd urban poor. who togethc r" constitute a n o verwhelming 11l ;~ o ri t )' (i3 pt'rc cllt ) of the na tion 's pe ople ( Fiechte r, 1975: 15-17). As we saw a t the begi nning of lhe chapte r in o ur discussio n o f lhe I"lu-al woman who had 1 13 chil0sI dre n , the Jives of poo r people in Ikazil a,'e oft e n bl eak. In deed , in 1992. the re were more than 16,000 docume nte d cases of people falli ng vic tim to slavc ry pl~ l ctices, suc h as the impl .sonmcnt of inde bt ed rUI-a 1 workers by employcrs (refer back to Box 8- 1 on page 211 , whic h focuses o n slavery in the 1990s). In the ci ties, poor people are confrOllled \villl lhe 1,I\"ish wealth of the na tio n 's eli te.

    To som eone knowledgeable in raei,ll and eth nic lations in the L"nited Sw tes, Brazil seems f,'lmiliar i a number of re~pec LS . Like the United Slales, Brazi WilS coloni zed by Europe ans (in Brazil's case, th POl1llguesc) who o\'clw helmcd the naljvc popu tio n. Like the Uni ted Suites. Brazil imported Blx Afdcans as slaves to meet the d e Ula lld fo r labort' Even loday, excluding natio ns 0 11 th e Afdcan ro linc n!. BI-ail is second an i}' to the Uni!.ed State!! ill Ilumber o r people 0 1 African descent. Br.uil dcpende d much mo re o n ~ I;l\'e tmele thall thc L'n ited Sta les did , ('\'(.'n tho ug h a t the height ... Iavel)' e:lch nalion had approxima tely 4 la 4.5 mi lion s];t\'es. Ura7.il 's re lia nce o n a cOlllinual inn of slaves rrom Africa mean t Ih;1I typical Br.rziliJlI sla\'es had closer tics to Afr ica Iha n did their cou l e rparL~ in th e United Slales. Revolts and e5Capc: we re m ore commo n amo ng sl,wcs in Brazil. n most d l<t ma tic exam plc was the slave qUllombo t hideaway) o f Pallllores. wherc 20,000 inhabitan I'c pcatcdl), fou ght o IT Po rtug ucse assaults un 1698. In 1888, Br::tl.il relucta ntly became the ];LSt tio n in the western he misphe re to abolish sla c ry-tho ug h , as we ha, 'e '\CCIl , .~ I a\el)' re m:lins a hi ter rea li t), in cOlllc ll1p0r.t ry BI<'1.il (lkookc. 1993 Dcgle r, 1971:7-8, 47-:12). T oday, rathe r than Ix:ing classified simply ~ Bl ac k ~ or M 'Vh i l ('~ (as is typical in the Unit Sla tes) Bm fi l's racial gmupings constitute a typt calo r grMlic nt on a co ntinuum rrom li ght to dar skin color. Conseque nLly. MIII"lloS (people m ixed racial ancestry) arc \'iclI'crl ' L~ an idcntifia social g rOllp. Accol'd ing to the 1980 ce nsus, Br.u:iI" po pulatio n was 5& pe rce nt 11f(l ll fO (White ). 38 pr cent Mulano, 6 pe rccnt Pu lo (Black). and I ccn t o the r, Over the last 50 ),ea rs, the p ropol"I of Mulat tos IllIS grown, while the proportio n of

    260

    &11II(t))

    and

    P".ltJS

    has declined (Brazil , 198 1; Wood

    anti de C:uvalho, 1988: 135-153). l'h~lOrian Carl Dcgle r (197 1) has suggcsted that

    lhr kev diffe rence be tween rAce relations in Brazil relations in the United States is Bnl"l.il's '\lubuo escape hatch ," unde r which Mu lallos arc hut classified with Blacks. BUL while ligluer skin minT doe~ apl>car to enhance Sli.ltus in Brar il , the ilt!II,'ICt of this escape hatch has been exaggcr:lled. Income dat..1 show Ihat Mulattos CilnI 42 pcrcclll I/lClll' income than Blac ks, but this differc nce is not hpefill11) rema rkable, given that Mula ttos have IIVlrt' fonnal schooling. More striking is Ihe finding Ih3t Whitcs cam 98 perce nt mo re income than Mulluos. As a result, the most signific.<lnt disLincwIn appeal'" to be that betwee n Wh ites aucl Al Brazilian "people o f color," mth e r than that bt""~en the counlly's Blacks and ~'Iul allos !OlJ(llicll)"O, 1987; Silva, 1985). In 1988, Ikalil marked as a national holiday the hundredth anniversary of the abolition of slavel)', hill for 40 to 50 pe rcel1l of Brazil 's people of color lbrrc was little rejoicing. lezc Molta , Snuil 's lead~ng Bbck. actress a nd a longtime campaigner fo r BI.lCl chil rights, Ob'it!lVed : '""We have gone fro m Lhe bnld oflhe ship to the baseme n ts o f society." As o f bit 1992, fev.e r than 10 me mbers o f BrAzil 's 584m.,nber CoIl81" CSS considered themseJvt!s Black. "'biu:s ar~ still mallY times more likely to gradualc Irom college than Blacks, Ioihile job advcrtjselllenlS lunllllUC to seek individua ls of" "good appearan ce" (~euph emi s m for light skin ). According \11 ccnsus rI"t,1 tch:ascd in 1993, the average Black lTlan in &rollrl t'arns $ 163 pcr" month, or 4 1 pe rce nlthat o f k" \\1\ite male countc rpart ( Brookc, 1992. 1993a: "'mon~, 1988: 1).

    mu rdce

    product) in such j obs as domestic scrvant1l a nd street ve ndo rs. DOIUt.'SLic service is soli thc leading fonn o f e mployme nt fo r Brazilian wome n. Factory ""ork is gener.lIly resen 'cd for lhose women who have grown up in cities and have more educm io n than migr.m lS from rural areas (Fiol;!, 1990; Sa rti . 1989:76) , Although women's participation in Brazil'~ in,"onnal economy is accepted, traditional vicv.'"S of women's ro le in society discourage married wome n's e mploymcllt in full-time jobs out1lidc th e family. Widl many children working. a large fami ly means more wage earners-but having a large fa mily reduces women 's e mployment options. finall y, factory owocr'S are rcluc ta!!t to hirct married women because of dle malernity benefit s to which perma nently e mployed pregnant women are e ntiUed ( Patai , 1988; Safa, 1983:96; Wood and de C.uvalho,
    1988:174-175).

    J'he_~~.~:~

    of ~~.ilian

    w.Q~.~~

    . . . . . . . . . . . ..... .

    !'he position of women in Bralil is typical of that vhl'4)lnen in many developing nations. Whil e Brali l mnrt' induslriillilcd than most developing co untnrt, It stiiJ has a labor sll'l}lus and high rales of IJIII'mplo),me nt. These factors cO lluibulC to the exdrl\t{)l1oflarge numbcrsofwome n fro m thc Br.llil"'I .... ork forcc. Consequently. m,lIly wome n ill Bwil', cities, especiaJly migr.-Int womell , must seek d\(mne within thc informal economy (which acIflUfll.~ for 40 percent of Brazil's gl"Os.~ national

    I,

    In 1932, Bralilj a n women won th e right to vote and became tht: first women ill Latill Amclica lO gain sumage. In recent decades, women have emphasized their identities as mothers and homemake rs in pro testing shortages in food and o ther necessities. Mo reove r, women have takcn the lead in de monsU'llting against human rights violations, including the M disappcardllCes" of loved o nes. In many of these protests, women have attacked the viole nce of thdr nation 's male leaders ( Pawi. [988). Fe minist initiatives are evide nt in conte mpol<ll)' Brazil. but havc I>cc n me t widl n :sistan ce. Often, in working for social c hange. wome n's gro ups musl presenl iss ucs ill a way that will be less threatening to Ule largc r, male-<lom inated BrA",ili:.m society. for example, in order to recei....e broad public support, feminists defend the need for child ca re center.! as a Mworkers ' is.mc .~ a Mchildren 's issue," or a M heahh issue," rather than as a ~wo m e n ' s issue~ (Alvare7.. [989) . In 1985, th e N:nionaJ Council for Wo me n's Rights wa.~ establish cd within the MillistT), of.I us lice, This WdS the firs!. time that the Br:.llilian government had formally recognized the exislencc of sexual inequality in the counll"}' and had taken slC pS 10 guarantee full equality for women. Among the council's goals are Ule elimination of sex is III within tllC c riminal justice system and the reduction o f violence ag-dinst womclI (Sarti . 1989:88) .

    261
    ClII\I>Jl-.R 9 SOCIAL ISQUAUll' I\VRlJ) " 'IlN-:

    As one response to fcminiSl prOlesl'> regarding violencc against womcn , Brazil has crea tcd more than J85 women's police staLions run by all-female staffs at which policewomen take all statements and make arrests. These stations are intended to provide a "sccure and sympathetic aunosphere" in which \\'omcn can report crimcs such as rapc, incest, and batteling. If they arc injured, thcy can receive immcdiate medical treauncnt at thcse stations. Unfortunately, thc women's police stations are hampered by inadequate government funding. In addition, there are only three shelters for baltered women in all ofSrazil (Corr-al, 1993). Brazilian feminists won an important vicwry in 199 1, when lhe nation's Supreme Court ruled U1al a husband who kills his wife can no longer be acquitted on the grounds of "legitimate defense of h onor~ because of her alleged adultery. This defense had been used by aHorners to win acquitll1ls for thousands of husbands on trial for killing their wives. Brazilian women had rallied againsl it throughout the 1980;;, using the slogan ~Lovcrs Don' t Kill." The Supreme Coun majority declared IJlatsuch killings defend ~not honor, bUI vanity, cxaggcrated self-importance, and the pride of a lord who sees a woman as his personal propeny" (Bmoke,199 1a:816). Just as violence against heterosexual women is common in Brazil , 50 LOO are attacks against lesbians and gay me n. One gay rights organization in Brazil has listed 1200 killings of gays since 1980 and estimates that the actual number of killings is twice as high. In early 1993, a town cou ncil man in Alagoas Stat.e publicly revealed his bisexuality; six weeks later, he was kidnapped, tonured, ami killed. With such events in mind, in mid-IH93 an immigrationjudge in California granted politi cal asylum to a 30-year-old Brazilian housepailller who himse lf had been badly beaten outside a gay bar in Rio de Janei ro. This marked the first time that an openly gay person had won asylum in the United States on the ground that homosexuals wcre a persecuted social group in the. individual 's COUl\lI)' or OI;gin (Brooke, 1993d).

    ~.~.~~.~~...~~?~.?~.r....~.~ . ~.~~?.~.~ .~.!~.~ .....


    By the 1990s, Brazil 's economy had reached a state of crisis. The rate of inflation had risen as high as

    2700 percent in 1989, meaning thal workt"~ could gel a raise cvery week and sti ll nOI stay ahead Otiflo nation. At the same time, Brazil's foreign debu' $ 130 billion was The largest of any dcvelopinl\" lit tion. Br<l.zil has found itself unable LO pay the pro. cipa1 or intcrest on its debt since 1989; as a TtW!! Lh e United States Export-Imparl Bank demlJl~ Brazil to its riskiest loan category. In response to this crisis. President Fern:lm~ Collor de Mello-the collnu)"s r~l dircctlyelwN civilian preside nt in 29 years-announced a s/lI tling economic plan in early 1990. In an cffortN modernize Ule BrJ.zilian economy and to "li~\II' date" inflation , the president proposed dedarill~i rnor<l.torium on intemal debt, privatizing Statl'11H) trolled companies, imposing new taxes, 1000nm. foreign exc hange controls, establishing a llf:'l'CIttrency. a nd streamlining lhe government burcallcracy. The preside nt's program provoked con~ versy as soon as iT. was introduced. By late I\!IN unions had Called hundreds of strikes 10 prOLes! lbt dismissals of 250,000 public employees and lIIall priv<lte-sector workers (Brooke, I990b, 199Oc:$iI. \'erstein, 1990). Throughout 1991 and 1992, tllere was liLtk t"!ldence that the prcsidelll's bold economic planlt.lI achieving success. Evenlllally, in late 1992, Coln de Mello was forced to resign in the face of 111> peachment charges of bribery and influenc~ pm. (lIing. His successor, Vice Presicientlrall1ar haUl: appeared to have little popular suppOrt. By mill1993, the nation's inflation rale was 360 perctllll'" yC<lr; unemployment in 5.10 Paolo, Brazil's busiua cap ital , s\.ood al L6 percent; a.nd Brazil 's large.~tl\f nomination bill, lhe 500,OOO-cru,tirro IIDle, ~. wort.h only $10 (Brookc, 1993c). Bmzi!'s severe economic u-oubles have COTr uibuted lO e nvi ronmental destruction in Lhe mifteral-rich areas surrounding the Amazon River. Tit. destruction has become a global concern. Uti ye<lr, some 12,000 square miles of 1I1e Amazon rail! forest are cleared for crop~ and livcstock thruuv buming-all area larger thall Belgillm. It i!i J,w. lieved that the elimination of the rain foresl~l1t'(1( worldwide weather patterns and heighTcm df gradual warming of The earth in a process kUlIWiI as U1C gl'/Pllholtse eJJecl. This deslJ'llction is additklll' ally unfonumHc in that the Amazon region I'(~P' se llls a potential source uf imponan! phanll~(t'\ll

    262
    PART 'IHRt:J; ' SOCIAl INI;;QUIoUIl'

    ,,11

    rli"l.";t.;('S

    inctuding drugs that miglll cure (Linde n , 1989), '1lU' buming oflhe rain foreslS is not thc only ~Ly. pi.'C.lol lIrazil's enviro nme ntal !.roubles. By 1990, ~fl\itnnlllenlal activillts around the world were expre.\Sillg wnCCI"n about the conlt ict between minin)!: cmnpanics and the Yanomani Indians, cOllsid mrl hl 1.x.' the last m~or isolated Indi a n tribe in rhr \mericas. ~'I ore lImn 40,000 illeg- gold .d pnl'opcrrors have bee n mining in the traditional LllLd; (If the ,'anomani in recent years. The miners JU' primarily poor Bnt.zili ans wh o move from gold Hl\h to gold Il.ash- all the whil e dcs lroy in~ fo rcsts .md polluting rh'cl'S \.,.ith c he mica ls used ill pu rifyU1g gold. In lhe view o f Fernando Ccsar Mesquita , pl"~iclcnt of the Brazi lian In stitute of Environme nt dllll Renewable Resou rces, ~thc 1lLin e r~ leave a traj1 ul dt\'astation wherever they go. They level nature ;uuund the mines. They leave th e rivers useless" IRmok 1990a:3; Schmink and Wood , 1989). Tilt miners' presence in the Amazon lands has llttfl a disaster 1101 only for the environment, but d!<,jl for the Yanomani. As a result o f tlleir contac! ~,dl miners, morc than half th e 9000 YanOlllani 1!l(It,UlS in northern Brazil have contraCled malaria Jud uther dead ly diseases. Yet the Ya no mani have l)rtn largely without me dical care since Funai IBrazil's national agency for In dian a fll irs) dosed 1\\1I1lt'ahh pOSts in their ICITiwry in 1988. In 1990 , Indian rights organ izations as far away as London launched demonSU<Hions to p rotest th e mi.sll"eatnk'nt 01 the Yanomani by tile mining companies ,md the Bra7jlian governme nt (Urooke, I990a :

    ad\~lll(eS,

    M (>1"( Ihlln 40,000 iflRgal go/tl /noVIf('lml IJm~ ~n milll1lg i n 1111' trrull/i(lllflf IlIIlds of /Jra;.ifS l'ulltmumi "!l/ium. Till' milll'll dfMIVy f(}rf:~IS (lIul
    /JOI/lllt> ';lIf'rS wilh

    rIU IJ;m/J Ilsl!ll ill ? 1

    /mdf)'illg gold.

    Rahben, 1990a).
    Worldwide protests cOIlcerni ng the Yano mani in"'tenew govemment policy. In 1991 , Presidclll (.;1101' de Mel10 signed a d ecree resclving a stre tch .A t)lol,33l squa re mi les of th e Amazon Ia in foreSl as ~ lM)nu:land for lhe nation's 9000 members of the hnuOlalli tribe. The rese rve will be linked to a "'ighdy smaller park across the border itl Ve nezl le la . hJtcm,llional supporters of the Yanomani cause ~frI'CC'Lltic; anthropolo gist Napole on Chagnoll of tht, Coiten States said that "this will go a long way IfllJlaliug cultu ral SUlv ival of the Ya no mani a re al p!1\.\ibilit( (Brooke, 1991 b:A3).

    111e con llict over t.he Yanomani lands is bill onc of tllany in Brazil in whic:h Illultination al mining companies and the government arc pilted al:,rainst Ind ian tribes and e llvirOlllne nlali51S. U nderlyi ng t.h ese disP lllCS is overt racism again st Indians, wllose concern fo r thdr tradition al lands is d isparaged by land specu laLOrs and d evelopers. However, in t:ontrast to the mille rs ill the Ya nornani territories, thousands of Indians and other forest reside nts have learned to conduc t extcnsive activities \:i thOut d cvdstat.illg the environment ( Ra b bcn. 1990a, 1990b).

    263
    f:/fil/"n,1I '" \'(Jc/AI. INI::QIJlIlfll'

    It"OIlIJ)ltWI-

    SOCIAL POLICY AND WORLDWIDE INE IJALITY


    UNIVERSAL H UMAN Rl GHTS Why d id violence in the fonne r Yugoslavia become a concern of the world communi ty d uri ng th e early 1990s? Is the re an inhe ren t conflict bch,:cC II a colllmitme nllO intc m :u ional huma n righ ts a nd a res pect for the distinctivc traditions an d practices of each culture? How have fe min ist groups broadened the debme over univers. .~J huma n rights? the ir ho me... and fo rced to become refugees. M Q over. th(:re have been reports of substa ntial num ben of rapes of Muslin 1 and Croa tia n wom c n byStr bia n soldiers. In a 'KM crime trial ill S:1r.~evo in eo.utl 1993, a Serbia n soldier testified tha t the mpe'i h committed had been o rdered for ~Serbia n morale: A :'$-year-old Croatia n and Muslim wo man rccal L~ th a t soldiers would invi te their fricnds lO come an~ "~ .Hch tlle m pes, as if they were in a movie t,hcatt'f. In late 1993, a United Nations Mlr c rimes commission suggested tha t th e re we re indi cations th:l1thl' Serbs had used rape :LS a wea pon of tCl1'or in thrit campaign to drive Muslims Ollt o f nosnia and J-Ie rLegovina (Binder a nd Crossc1te, 1993; P. l.cw is. 1993: MacKinnon , 1993:27,29: O IlRway, 19(3). To ma ny observers, Serbia's po licy of ethnic cleansing is a blal<tn t violation of people's human rights. Thc l c nll h u ma n righ l$ refers to univers.d moral righ ts belonging 10 all people bccaui>C thl') a rc huma n. The most import:l m elabo ration o.! Ihe!>C righlS a ppea rs in the Universal Declaration ut Huma n Rights, ado pted by tlle Un ited Nations w 1948. This decla ration prohibits ~ I avery, l.ortUTl:, a nd degr<lc1 ing puni ~ h me nt ; grants everyone the right lO a na tio nality and its c ulture; aHi rrns fretdom of religion and the riglu 10 VOle; proclaims th~ ligh t to seek asylum in othe r countries to escapt' pcrsecutio n; a nd prohibi ts arbi lf<uy illlerferc!lC~ with onc's privacy a nd a rbitrary ta king o f' a person's prope rt y, It also e mph asizes tha t mothe rhood anrl c hildhood are e ntitled to speci,, 1 care and assi.. t" nce. ElIch rear, the United Natio ns receives between 20.000 and 30,000 comp!:lims " bout human I'igh L~ viola tio ns (Sclby. 1987;8,58). In 1992, lhe United Natio ns conde mned Serbia fo r driving non-Scrbs fro m its tcrri to ries as pan 01 ilS policy o f' ethn ic cl eansing. Twcnty-twu co un tri('\. especially Iran and Cuba, were cited 1 1' h Um:ltI 0 righ ts a buses. The United Nat io ns also suGGC$tr6 th at the United Statcs might be violati ng the hI}> Ill a ll rights of Hailia n refugees by rCLUl1ling them 1 Haiti \\'i tho ut allowing th e m to appeal for pm. 0 tection and asylum (S\\~ ft, 1993) . The issue ofH aitiall refu gees will be examined ;11 mo re detail ill the ~oc i a l po licy section ill Chap tcr 10.

    T he linal decade orlhe twentietb ce ntury began wilh grea t prom ise, but in a short time the world was remin ded of how quickly peopl es and their righ ts can be lrarnpl eci. After the reunilicat ion of Ge rrna ny was j oyously celebrated in the fo rme r EaSI and West Cen nanys, street g-.m gs revived Nau-style rhetoric <l nd launched ugly aU<lcks o n Turkish reside nts a nd fo reign im migrants. T he end of Sovie t domina nce of eastern Europe sel o ff bitter a nd some timcs violent clashes between rdcial, ethnic, a nd religious groups in the forllle r Czechoslova kia, t.he fo rmer Yugoslavia, a nd the former Sovie t Union itself (Auc hindoss, 1993). The mOSl gripping of tllese u<lgedies brought tlle tenn et/mic ckansing into the world 's vOGlbu lary. Within the f0 n11e rYugoslavia, ethnic Sc rbs instituted a po licy inte nded to wdea llsl''' Muslims from pa rts of Bosnia-Hc rzegovina. Acco rding to onc re port:
    Hu ndred'!, probably thuusands, CIf ch~ l ians and caplured or wo und ed combatants wc r'e dt'li bcra tcly a nd <lrbill'Olrily killed in tilt' course or armed (;onllic1. T{'ns of thuusa nds of people were dc.a illed in corr rl<-'C .io rl wi.h lh(' fighti ng, in mOSl cases .wlcly because of tJ,eir eth nic origin, sornctinws as h o~,ages for cxeJmnge. T o rture or other ill-, rc allne n t of dClaill('CS, inc hrdi ngra pe, W.lS COlllmon. Al though all sides in the connic. we re n.'Spo nsib lc for abuSt.'S. lhe m:~ori lv of ,ic . i rn.~ were Muslims a nd the main perp<"I'OlIOf:S were local Ser-

    bian armcd foro!'s (Amn csty Imc1'I1ational. 1993b:70).


    As of August 1993, as many as 670,000 people had becn ki lled in fighting in the fO lllle r Yugoslavia. wh ile a n equal numbe r had beCIl uprooted !i'om

    264
    I'AHT 1JIIIJ.1I MJUAI. 1,w:.QUMJIl

    In itially. the United StaLes was opposed to a preand binding obliga tion to tbe Universal Declal'ation of Human Rights. At the lime that [his ded:uation ....~dS ad opted by the United :'\IaLions, the luiled Sta tes feared imcrnaL;ollal scrutiny of the 1I3tion's dome~li c civi l righL~ controvcrsies (since r..u:i:11 scgrcg-.lliull by 13\\' was sti ll common ). Con)('(Iucmly. the United Slates worked to limit the budget for Ihe Un ited Nat io n:.' Human Ri ghl~
    d~ St;t lc ~ briclly began 1 usc th e Universal D ec\::U~ l lioll of J-IUIIl'1Il 0 Rig hl~ to prom o te d emocracy abroad, but during the Vietnam Vlar era l'e1ations b(, l\\C~e ll the l,; nilcd )t.ltt$ ;md the u n ited Natio ns d e teriorated. Alkr \ielnam , the CaneI' administl':ltion e mph asized inlrmatiollal hum,m rights concern s and initiatt.:d an {'1llbargo or SOllth f\rrica. yet it dcrerred action ,Lg3inst friends like the Shah or Iran who were gui lty oherious human l'ig hlS abu.$CS. During the Rea~r-lIl Bush rears, tJle Cl;' o f ~ hulllan rights~ wa .. commonly invoked when criticizi ng ~LQl<lliL.1.ri a n~ CO Illmunist adversaries, while "all th oriHuian" a llies of the Uniled States were not held to a simi lar SULIlclard (Fursythe. 19(0).

    Cmllmissiol1 . In the early 1960s. the t:nileri

    In 1993, Prcsidclll nil! Clin to ll began his <ldmillistration by takin g a more aggressive stance on inte rnational human right.s. I-It: has p ressed the Un ited :-.Jatiolls fo r the appointmen t of a High Cunllnio,s;oner fo r I-Iuman Rights as well as a special envoy to investigat.e abuses aga inst women. (But h Ronald Rt'agan and Gcorgc Bush had o pposed having such a commissione r.) Wh ile many o bsenc r" welcomc these changes. skeptics wonde r it this .. dmini ~trnl i O Il (like its predecessors) \",ill ignore human lights vio latio ns committed by :11I;cs o f tJ1 C Uni ted States (5. Holtn es, 1993). By its vcr)' tj lle, the Universal Decl .. ration of Human Righ ts emphasizes that such righ ts sho llld be 1W;llf!rSal . In some ~ itll at ions, ho\\c\'er, conflicts arise bctWCf'll iIHerna tional human ri~hL<i standards and local social practic(:s Iha t rest 011 alternative views or hulIlan dig nit),. I ~ India's castc system (refer back 10 C hapte r 8) an inhcrent \'iol:uion of hUIIl .:L1l li ghts? What aOOm the man y cultures o f the world that view the subordina te SIM IIS of womc n as :m essentia l e le meu t ill their 1 ,l'aditions? As wc saw in Chapte r 3, c ultura l relativism encourages unde rstanding a nd respccting the cli .... tine !.i\{' nonns. \'a lm. S. and clIstoms of eac h cultu re. "

    265
    C/IAI'J}/f
    ~

    ~OCJAI. J.W:QI'!IU1'Y \t'OlIInlt1DJo.

    TABLE

    t_:~

    Azl!:fboijanis aoo Armenians in the Caucasus {former Soviet Union1 Muslims in Bosnlo-Hl!:fzegoYina (former YugosloYio1 besieged by Serbion and Crootion forces Kurds oppressed in Turkey, Iraq, Iron, and the former Soviet Union Mozombiconl suHering from a IS-year ciyiI war Peruvians caught belween Mooist Shining Path rebels and the government Rohingyos, 0 MUllim group 11'1 Burma Somalis threotened by slorvotion, drought, and cion worfore Sri lonkans cought beiwtJen Tomil rebels and goY1lfnment forces South Sudanese victims of 0 government attempt to crush 0 revolt by storving the entire oreo Tuoregs, 0 nomadic group of the Sahara Desert, who are endangered by clashes in Moli, Niger, Algeria, and Burkino FoWl
    !'O!! KCt.: Je~" ,

    t\lll2.

    Mithcirn St1/U Frrmtihn" (Dotwn !\'illumt Juu idDlhfiM 10 /NOPkl around Ihl' WtJrlJ u.oho are lhi- most Jl'(1f'I'r ly Ihrlalllm b)' "Vlrfa" mu! Of'Pmsioll.
    1Jorr.k,~)

    Does this mean that human rights should be interpreted dilTel'en tly in d ilTerelll parts or the world ? In mid- I993. in a major speech at the first World Conrerctl ce on Human Rights in 25 years, the United States' Secretal), or State. Warren Chtistopher. rejected sllch a \~ew. ChrisLOpher insisted that tlle Uni\'ersal Dedar.ttion or Huma n Right'; sets a single standard fo r acceptable beha\~or around the world. 1 warned tl,at the Ull itcd States wou ld 0lr le pose any attempt to cite rcligious or cu ltllral traditions as a rationale for weake ning the standard of un iversal human rights. Christopher concluded that -we cannot let c ultural relativism bccome the last reruge ofn:prcssio n ~ (Dollnclly. 1989; Sciolino, 1993A I). The mOSt rar-reaching denial or universal human riglus is evidc nt whe n an cntin: grou p races a nnihilation. Mcdecins Sans frontiCrc r (DoClors Wi !.hout Borden), the world 's largest ind ependent e mergen cy medical aid organ ization, has identified 10 minorities and nationalities wh o are the mo..<;t severely threate ned b)' warrare :lIld oppression (sce

    Table9-3). Founded in \ 971 a nd based in Paris. thf. org-<tni1.ation has 5000 doctors a nd nurses ",'orkin~ in 80 cOllntries. ~Our intcntion is to highlight CUI rent upheavals , LO bear witness to foreign tragediM a nd reflect o n th e principles or humanitarian aid: explains Dr. Ro ny Brauman, !.he president d Medecins Sans frontierer Uean . 1992; Spielmann. ,992, , 2) . Amon g the endangcred peoples of the world art many indige nous (or native or tribal) peoplM whose se u.lement precedes immigration rrom othet societies a nd colonialism . They incl ude nomadir Bc:douins of the Ardbic peninsula. the Inuit (u. kimo) or North Ameri ca. tJl~ Sami (or Lapp) d northern Scandi navia, the Ai nu of Japan. the Aborigines or Australia, and Brazil 's Yanomani Indian! (discussed earlier in the chapte r). Indigenous pe0ples are organ izing the mselves to dere nd their "'",1\ or lire; their elTorts arc being assisted by voluntal\ associatio ns of suppo rters in the core i ndltStriali1~ nations. As one result of this activism. the Unitt'd Nations has established a working group to draft a Uni\'ersal Declat-ation on the Rights or Indigenou\ Jleoples (Duming , 1993) . Like Mcdedns Sans Frontiercr, Amnesty Intellllltional is cOllcel"l1t:d with human lights violatiom around thc world. Founded in 1966. Amnesty Itr IcrnaLional has c hapters in many COllntries and 400,000 members in the United States alone. It \vorks ror thc rclease of men and wome n detaint-rl anywhere ror their conscient.iously held beliefs. their color, e thn ic origin. scx, religion. or lailb'1Jage-providcd !.hat thcy have neither llsed nOt advocated violc nce. The winner of tl,e 1977 Nobcl Ptize ror Peace, Amnesty International opposes all rorms or torture and capital punishmcllt a nd ado vocates prompt trials for all political prisoners. In its 1993 annual re port , Amnesty Inte rnational ( 1993a) docu me nts human rights violations in 163 counlries-nmging alphabetically rrom Afghanistan (where a new governmCIH infli cted cruel and inhuman p unishme nt on thousands of politicotl prisoners) to Zimbabwe (where mass graves were uncovered or prisoners c xecuted witho ut trial by the amlY during the I 980s) . Jnterestingly. the tr.tditional view o r universal human rights-long accepted by the United Nations, Am nesty Intcmationa l, and o thers-is being reexamincd in light of cOlltcmpor.try feminist activism.

    266
    l'AIl)' THREE SOCIAl. /....EQUAlJ7Y

    In mid. I993, the New York Timn nOled lhat \\'O Ulm\ grou ps had c merged as ~eas il )' th e st rongest md Ulost cfTcclj\'e lobby" at the World Confen:ncc
    011 iluman Ri g hts in Vic n na, Some 950 women 's

    Of'RlIoizatiol1s from around the ..... o rld h adjoiucd in Hoalition to bae k \\'hal they called the Global (:.1111pill(l1 tor Women 's Human Ri g hts, All all-day tribunal on violcncl' ag<linsl wo m en was held at the

    fe ring pcrw lla i lesti mo u)' a bout abusc they h ad s ui: fered from hus balld~, boyfriends, and fathers, as well as frolll gOl'ennne n LS, national armies, and guelTiI\a g ro ups, C harlotte Bunc h . director o f the Cc lller fO l' Women's Global leadership (bast'd at Rutgers University in New Jerscy), concluded: ~ Wo m c lI arc tearing down the wall of s ile nce that has prevented the wo rld from recogn izin g OttI' hu-

    VIenna conference, with more than 20 women of-

    man

    righL~~

    (Fl anders, 1993: 175: Riding, 1993).

    ~~'!.l~Y.................................................................................
    \\Mkh,ide 5tr:uific.llio u cau be seen both in th(' g;l P be ~n deh and poor l1\u;om and in tht: inequlIlit), within {lJllOtries ,Irouud tht' I,orld. This c h,.pl c r ~x:lIlI inc:.~ S ll~l\
    IfK;tLlQn wit hin lIl ~ wo rld ct:Orl ornic ~ys t~lI1. moderni/':l-

    the Brazilian uppe r c1:t;"S is composed plimaril )' of large bndowllCr. :md ~u t:cctiSflll immigrant indu~tria lists.

    ri<1II. the impact of multinational corporatioll~ un dt'vdOPLlljt coullIncs, alld the d istriLmciorl of wcalt h 1 11111 wum t' in l';lIiO IlS nalions.

    10 Bra/i)'.'! sevcn : economic tronbles h:tI'c cOlllri\)lIIed to Cl1l'irOIl IlJf.'lItill dClI'union in Ihe mineral-rich areas .~ lI rnmnd i n g the Ama,w n Rive r. 11 To many obsel'\'crs, Serbia's po lk)' or -cthni c elt'allsin~( is a b l ~lI:lI1t violatioll of lX:'oplr's hI/man rig hl$.

    I While the ....mld has 157 bill ionai res. some lOO IllilIinn pC'ople il re homdd.~. ! runner culonif.(:ci na tioll~ art' kepi in ,I SlIbil.'lyie m poqtion, 5uI~cCI 10 foreign domination , through the
    p!'OCC!<' of I,r"cotor/in/ism.

    Am,lYle the "~ Ir in Ih~ Pe rs i;1Il Gulf, drdlO'ing on the cuncepts ;lI1d i ...,.m(.'fi in the c:hapte r (esIX'Ciall y colon ia lism. neocolonialism, w(lrld systems IhcOl)', lIIoc:lcl1liL:l,ioll . ami 1II1I1I;O<lI;o nal corpm--dtio ns). 2 In ...hat \\~I)'S is Ihe in ronml! economy C\ idcl1t in )'0111' coll ege COlllr1lUll ity and in the city or town when' r(m

    , Ilrnwing on th ~ (o unkl p~rspcct i\ c. ~()dologi s l ImmJl1Uci Wallt-fs tti ll \iews Ihe g-Ioblll " C(l n lUllic s)'strUl .l~ di\'id~d bl'lw~~ 1\ lIat io n s \" h o (0111 1'0 1 wl'alt h ((om ~fltio 'lJ) and those fro m whom t:,lpi ta l is mkcn

    l"."pIt"' na/wIIl). t 'tin)' wciologis c~ arc.' quick to no tc Ihat tCllllS Ml('h tdrNlhation :lIId r\'~1l (/noeiO(llnt'lIt contain , 111 .~t h Jlufrnulc bias.
    S O)nJlict Iheofisb arguc lhat Inllllinal;ol/al c:orp osocial imp;lcl o n wOIk('I'S ill bo th IIdlKtrI,diled llllt! de\ c loping natio ns . nlC day-tollI YimpacI Ill' Ihe cconom ic uadtslidc in Nrira, bllil! ,\m(' ric:. a mi pa r1.~ o f A~ia durin g Iho:: 1980s " ,Ill tragic, 7 Of thc wndd 's a{h~mced industrial ecotlomics, S"'cdt11 ~nd j ;lpall hmt' the lowest deK rc:~ or income illMhO'., 11111'C 11 Ilegal il-c
    ftJU,,j1iI~ .

    grew up? Dnlwil1g Oil ttw funClionalist, con!1iCI, .. ud intC I~ ctiC)ll ist pCI'~ pccth'C5, allalp;~ the infO l1l1al ccunom), .. as ),O ll haw' '>t:~ n it in these co mmunities, 3 IIIl;tgi llc Ihat )'011 hlld Ihe opportunity to ~ pend" )'("al' in Br'dlil studyillg ine(l'mlit) in Ihal natio n. Ilow wOI\I<I )'011 draw on tht' re5c:arch ci<. signs of sociolO$,.')' (S\lI'\'C),S, o~I'\';\ tiol1, CXpelilllt:llt~. existing t;Ourc~) to be tter 1111 dCl'lIt;lIId ;ltIC-I <loculIlcnt Slr"tilicatio n in Br;llil?

    I Social mObility is t'.'!lxxiall)' tikd) 10 lx, high in naIWIIllwhich share a r(,Ct'1I1 histol) ,lrIHI\'iIlK n :c:ci\'ecl large fllllnbeu or immigranl"', , In (omrJ.st 10 thc uPI)('r class o r Ihe United SlateS,

    The maintenance of politi cal. sod,IL eCl}< nomic, ami c uh Ul~,1 dominan ce ovcr a IX:'ople b)' .11'0 1'c ig n power lor a n extcnded periorl o rli ll1~ . (page 243) Ullm atl rightt U ll it'~ I'5<I1 mo ral rig h l5 bdoll!;illl( tu all people becau'oC Ihey;art': humall . (2&1) "10.nl morlQlily rQ/1l The number or dc"lh~ of illf.. l1Is un d c ,' I )'~a r o r age pe r 1000 live births in :0 give n re'lr.
    Colonialism
    (250)

    267
    f:JMI'IJ:.R \I . \ou'\t I. :QfjJtU/l 1I0Ul.l) t1llJJ W

    IIIformn l I:'CO/lOlIIy Tmllsfcn. of money. goods. or service!! rhar :tlT lint reported tll the govenllrlCl l t. (251) Mfldenri::.ntioll The 1 :lr-rcachillg rroce'l.~ by wh ich a sodet} mo\'c~ from 1I~\ditiun:ll UI" ks.., dcvdupcd instillltiolls to thme c h;u'3ctcriSlic of more developed so dt' ti c~.

    A collection .. f C5S:I}'S br ,I wd l-kllll\\'n economist. indu{ling both theoretical lreatments and empiriCllI 5l\ldies.

    (245)

    MltltillntiD/1Q1 corpora tifln' CouHllcrciat o rga nilalions wh ich, while heac1qllanered in olle cou nU)', own or control ot hel corporations and subsidi:uies th rollg holl t the wo dd. (2,17) Nl'ocoloniali' In C'.o11linuin g d e pe ndence of fonnel' colo nies on fo reign countr ies. (245) World syste ms th eory Imnmnucl Wallentein 's \;ew o f the global ec()n()lIIic I;)StCIII:\5 dh-ided between certain il1duSlriali/cd II;H.iOIlS ",ho con trol ,,'calr.h .md developing cou n\l;('S "'ho are controlled and exploited . (24:1)

    Bornschier.

    Volkcr.

    al rd

    Christophe r

    Chase-Dun n.

    TmllSlwfifJl!(l1 r.mptJ/'/I/wlu (11111 UIII/I'7'1la'l'/rtj!/nNlI. New York: I' raeger. 1985. A detailed aual}'sis of the impact

    01 multinational cuq>Onlt iolls 011 dc\ elo ping natiolls. Bmull, Ilennr. Thr lilch Get Hicher. Chicago: Nelson-Hall. 199 1. Sociologist Il mu lI look~ ;11 g-rowing inequali ty "'il hi n t he United St;llC~. a~ well as th roughout the world , wi th a special fOUlS un rh l' ';~l~ o f lIlultinational (orpor.u ions. Fennan, Lolt i~ A .. Swan I-Icm),. a nd ~ hchele Hopnan (cds.). '171t f,,[/ln/mf J~(o"ornJ' ~l,,'l>UI"\ Park. Calif.: Sage. 1987. l' ubl i~lu,. d :ll> the Seplem lw r 1987 issue o f lhe AllllfIls of lilt Ammrtlll ,I md('/IIJ flf l~flli/u(rl (111(1 &)('j(jf ~ri(,llu, thb \'o lume pl'o\'idc~ an "''el"\'iew of the informal economy ill both il\{hl~U'i ;1 1 :Ind dt.n:lopi llg na Lions. Fontaine. Pie rre-Mi c- hd (cd .). IlIlU, DII.U, (HId P fIllIff' ill Hf(t:l/. Los t\l1gdc~: l1CLA Centcr lor Afru-Amcrican Sludies. IH86. A COlleCl io n o t essa)" ex'Ulli ni llg- tIle HI'cs uf Bhlrk 1~1~I7.il ians. Simon, Johl1 L. l'OIJIIl(lfitJl1 IIlld f)",dQPIlfl'tI/;rr Poor COI/II1171'1. I' rl llLc lon. NJ .: Priu CCWII 1;1I11'"I'Sily rn~~s. 199:!.

    Third \ Vorld InstitUle (Instituto del Tercc r :\Iundo). nunl Il'tJfld Gllld, 93/ 9'1. Toromo, Call. : GaramOlld. 1993. A Thinl \\'ul ld pel's peclh'e o n dc\doping coUJt. tries, wi th a nation-br-nation exami na liun of prOle\l grOIlP('i. e\1dence ut d iscdlllination. the s\..,uus (~ women, a lld the ~inHllion of indigenous peoples. Ti nl.er. Ire llc (ed.). i'('nulml Illfl/'l(IlltuJ: 1I'0mm alld World iJewllIjJJl/nIL New York; Oxford Unil'crsity Prm. 1990. Tinkc I"5 antholog) orrel's 3n v\ef\;e,, o f past and cu rren t deh.1 lcs reg<lrd ing the ro le of wo men in world d evelopmc nt a nd Ihe impact of dc,'cIopment on wome n . W'll'ing. :\1aril\,lI . If U fI/lU'1I CIJIIII/M: A New f,millut EM/lom;O'. San Frall ci!ICo: Ha rper and Row, 1988. Waring. a social sdentisl from l\'ew Zealanu, cO!rsiuers h{JII WOll1Cll'S labol' is overlooked in the glob;'!1 econolUl. Wcigard, I3n u:e. DJ! th~ Hooks: tI 'l'limry ml(l Cntiqllt of W Umlngwlln d Emlll"'ly. Dix J-1i l1~, N,Y.: Gt:ne ralHal1, 1992. An csa mi mlliol1 uf th e social consequence.! 01 peoplc's parlidpat in ll in aCtivi ties Ol lLSidc the mainstream ccollomy. The World Ban k. IVm-/(! f)/'Iw/rf/immt /(1'j1ln1. l\'ewYork: Ox fo rd U ni \'ersity Press. Pu blished annu:ulr by the Inter na tional Bank for Reconstntrtion and Devclopmenl (t he Uni ted Na tions agency mo re common ly rcfclTed lu a, lhe Wo,-ld ltll1k) . this \,O lllllll' \HOl idcs a lolSI;M, my of.;ocioll alul cconOllli.- indiC'.lwl'l> rega rd ing ""orid d ew\o pme lll.

    J..~~~~.~ ........................ .......................................................~. _.


    Amu ng thOSt, i ourn:tl~ !lra t consi(lc r iS~ llCS of worldwidestratificalion . Illle~'C I1 developmen t. and uniwrllal human righl'; are IloIlXmu/ lIIld ('>f/lqrid, S/rldrl'S (founded in 1987), f-I,IIIUIII Rigfll.1 QIIUrlI'ffy ( 197R) , IlIlcflfltiOfUll Jormllll of UrlHIII 111111 UegiQ/1lI1 HI'_lW rdl ( 1')76). JlltmllJ liMlrI1 Lt/oor RPrllt'W ( I 'J21) . jormwl of Df'IH'/&pirrg Amll
    ( 1%5), Lf/lill Amnl((/II UI'.INlrrJr nl:l'i('w ( 1956), Rn.~tIf Ii/ l llmml' (l1If1 IVeallh (1954). arrd World D~1!dOf!mtt11

    ( 1973).

    268
    I'AH'I' TlI/ItA SO(.IAl 1~"f.QnLn)

    .....................

    t::::::::::::~ ~

    .................... .

    ..............................................................................

    RACIAL AND ETHNIC ..............................................................................

    . . . . . . .~~~.Qy.A:1rr..y.... . . . ..

    269

    .................... 1:====::jI~:jI~:j~===:::I

    RACIAL AND ETHNIC ..............................................................................

    . . . . . . . ~.~.~QY.A~.~IX. .... . .
    MLNORJTI', RACIAl., AND ETHNIC GROUPS Minorily Groups Race Biological Significancc of R.... ce Social Significancc or R.ace Ethnicity STUDYING RACE AND t.iHN ICI1Y Functionalist Pcrspecth'c Conflict Perspccti\'C hucrnctionist "crspecti\'C PREJUDICE AND DlSC RJMI NATION The SU UCt\lr'.t1 Component l)i'ICrimin;uory Ik havior Instiunional Discrimin:ltion PAlTERNS or INTERGROUP RELATIONS Alna\g-.uualifl n
    Assimi latiOlI

    RA CE AND ETHN ICITY IN THE UN ITED STATES Rltcial Groups Blac k Americans N:llivc Americans Chi nese Ame ri cans Japan ese Americam Ko rean Americalts Ethnic G t'H Up~ I li51';lIIio: ~1 cxica n Americans and I'ucno Ricans Jewish Americans White I~lhnics SOCIAL POLI CY AN D RACE ANI)
    ETHN l c rlY: REGUlATI NG

    LMM1 GRATION BOXES 1(}"1 SI)Cakin~ 0111: I-iispank, as an In\;~ibl e Minority 10-2 f:ufrCIiI Research: Asian Alllt'riCIJI~ and lhe ~Modd Minori t y~ Slereol)1>C

    Srgregation J'lu ralism

    271

    O nce riding in old Baltimore, Hearl-jilld, head-jilled wilh glee, I saw a Baltimorean Keep looking straight at me. Now I was eight and very small, And he was no whit bigger. A nd so I smiled, but he poked out His ttmgue, and calld me, "Niwr. " I saw the whole oJ Baltimore Fmm May until December; Of all the things that happened there That's all that I remember.
    CmmlN Cu llen

    Incidenl, 1925

    LOOKING AHEAD
    In sociological tenns, why a re Blacks. Native Americans, and J ews co nsidcrcd minority groups? Why are stereotypes harmful to members of Idcial a nd e thnic mino rities? How does the Marxist perspective view Idce relations? What types of interldcial contact can foster tolenmce between dominant and subordina te groups? Is it harmful to Asian Ameri cans to view the m a ~modcl minority"? What challcnges does the Un ited States face from contemporary immigration?

    1991 , Rodnc), King, a Black construction worker, W"dS beaten by Los Angeles Po lice Departme nt officers after a high--speed car c hase. A shoc king videoL1.pc, shown repeatcdly on t.clevision in subsequent months, captu red the police administering 56 blows to King in 8 1 seconds as he la}' on

    In

    thc ground . A year I,Her, four White officcrs ' c harged in connection with the beatings, but were fou nd nOt guilty by a jury of 10 Whites. Hispa nic, and one Asian Amcrican. '-or Blacks, the acquitta l of t11cse offi cers was all geous reminder o f the historic persecution African Americans. E"en though \"'hite been shown on videoLape repeatcdly beating a fenseless Black ma n, they were not initially victed of a Clime , although they were found guilty o f vio lating King's civil rights, The j ury's w:: rdic t touched o n- rioti ng in geles and other cities across the United $taU,'S. Los Angeles riOls became the nation's worst i twentieth centul)', leading to 58 deaths, 2283 . j uries, 13.505 arrcsts, and about I billion property damage. Ironically, the South-Centnl neighbol'hood where the most serious dislllrbanres took place borde rs WatlS, the area where had occurred in 1965. As in Watts 27 ),cars Soulh-Ccntral was shattered by fires a nd Small blJ s ine ~ses owncd by Korea ns were a lar targe t, renecting cOlllinuing anger about a l' sentence given in 1991 10 a Korean grocer who

    ,ul scq',, ,,,,1 b

    ""tiru,,

    272
    PAl(/' 'H1RE;E SQUill. IXEQL'AUIl'

    ~hl)t

    and killed a 15-year-old Black woman in a dispUle uver a boule of orange juice (M. Oavis, 1992; Kwoog. 1992; Los """geis Times, 1992 ). \ltdia cm'erage of the riolS \'/as rypified b}' a cover \fO\", in V.s. Nr:ws mtd World fUp0l1 e ntiLled ~ Black \"'I Wll1tr.~ Asjournalist Peter Kwong ( 1992:29-32) PI)lIIh out, this oyerl}' sill] plis(ic view ignores the ill]port.OIrll role of Koreans and His panics in the cvcnts III Los An!.{c1es. More than 1800 Korea n busiI)Ni,es-man}' or them groce ries and liquor l>Iort"-were looted or b urn ed. Togethe r, Korean r\Wbli.~hll1elll S su l1cred $347 million in property d.ttnagt"-fllOre than one-th ird or all S"uc h losses Inlffi the riots. lIi\ll.1n ics cOllstiwte abom ha lf th e populatio n 0( tomh Los Angeles-altho ugh the re are no Hispanic elected officials rrom this area. At leas t t 000 01 Ihosl! arrested during the disturbances (pdUDnw for violating curfew) were und(Jclllllenlerl lIislMni( i!11ll1igrnnts who were LUrned over lu th e lmnli~T"ljon and NalUr.llizalion SClvice I'or illllll edutt' drportation. As ror the victims or the riots, !lIOn' thim one-third of thosc killed were Hispanic. BtI'llT'l'll 3Q OInd 40 percent o f businesses wiped out _ng the riots were owned by Hispanic!!, mostly Mnilolll \IllCricaIlS and Cubans. Yet conte nt anal), of rlOOO rcrertnces to racial and e thnic g roups VII majol newspapers in the IWO weeks fo llow-.:lhl! riOtll revealed that on I}' II percent of these rtlfT~llte~ ","-ere lO Hispanics. Morcove r, ll c)::'<l tive _niNions of Hispanics o utllumbered positive dtlcripliorn; by a five 10 olle ratio (]\'ALEO, I 99!'\) . .\blr".UI Americans. Hispanic Amc::ricalls, Asian AlamcatIS, and TlIany o the r racial and e thnic miaribn ill the United States have expclienccd the . . biueT COntrast between Ihe -Arne riGlIl ~. 01 freedom, eq uality. a nd succes..<; a nd the . . n:..Jili~s of poverty. prejudice. and discrimi ~. TIle;' !!(Xial definitions or race :md e thnicIt-tiu cl:us-afTect people 's place and st.'1 tuS in a JllllikatlOll s)'lilem, T his is trlle not o lll)' ill this 0Itma, hilt lhrougholH the world . tr the 19905, as o ne result or the sllccessful re_lpinsl communist rule in th e Sovie t Union N tcm Europe, traditional and lo ng-suprthnic ri\';tlries had once again erupted into ....... ro',mClin many areas. The Soviet l:nion ordl\..olvrd in 1991 along boundaries reflectib many nationali ties. while Yugoslavia's re-

    publics entered into a lo ng ilnd bloody civi l war. In 1992, Czechoslovakia divided (much more peacerully) along e th nic lines into the Czech and Slovak re publics. PrOlesTs against misU'eatmen t by dominam g ro ups cam e from na tional, Folcial , .md e l111lic minorities thro ughout the region-among the m. Hunga ria ns living in Rumania and Turks living in Bulgaria, Moreover, long-standing prejudices againslJ ews ,lI1d Ro mani (be lle r kn own as C}'psies) were be in g ex pressed mo re openl}' in mall}' orthese nations. This chapter \vil1 roclls primarily un the meaning or race and e thn icit}' in IJ1e United Stale... It \vil1 begin b}' idcntjryi ng the basic c haracteristic'i o r a m inori ry group ami dist.i nguish ing between racial and eth nic g ro ups; the n it will consider the ru nctiona list, conl1icl. .md intel'actio n isL perspectives nn l, tCC and e thn ici t),. The next sections or Ihl' c ha pter will exa mine the drnamics of prejudice and discrimination and Ulci r impact 011 intergroup l'clations. Part icu lar attention wi ll th e n be brive n to Ih e experien ces of racia I and e thn ic min o rities in lh e Uniled Slates. Fina lly. the social policy St'ctjon will explo re th e i mmigr;'Hjoll policy of 111C United St.ues.

    MINORITY, RACIAL, AND ETHNIC GROUPS


    Sociologists frequentl}' distinguish between mcial and ethnic g roups. The term racial grOIlP is used 10 describe a group which is sel apart rro m ut h er~ Ix:cause of obvious physicaL differences. Whites, Bl acks, and Asian Am ericans are all consid e red racial grotlps in the United States. Unlikc racial groups. an ethnic group is set apart rrom ot hers prima rily because of ilS na tional o rigin o r distincthe cultural patterns. In the United StaICS. ]lueTlo Ricans, J ews, and Po lish Americans a rc a ll calegorized as c thn ic groups.
    ....., ................................~........ , ........

    Minor ity Grouos

    A Il umerical minorit), is a group that makes lip less Ij1an half or some larger popula tion . T he popula tion o r the Ulli lCfi States includes Ihousands or numerical minorities. including te levisio n ac tors, green-eyed people, tax la\'I'yers. a nd desce ndants or the Pilg rims who a n;ved on Lhe AlayjlolVPr. How-

    273
    UfAY/1:R
    If} '

    I/A.ClAL .""\1) ",}lSle I,\'IQI ~/J'n

    of f/ minurity groutl hmJ( (I Mmng smst of grouJI solidfln'/)\ !1'/UtA drlll'lops /larlly as /I resuli (If Iht pTl'}udiCf and dilcnmilwlion 1111:) eXllI'rienre. /V;m>an AmerimllS (/" shown dnnOlulmting flfler IIv 1992 riots in Lo~ Allgl'lis.
    iH~

    ever, these numerical m inorities are nol. considered to be minorities in the sociological sense; in fact. the number of people in a group does not necessarily determine its status as a social minority (or dominant brrouP). When sociologisL~ define a minority group, Illey are primarily concerned with the economic and politjcal power. or powerlessness. of that group. A minority group is a subordinate group whose members have significamly less control or power over their own lives than the members of a dominant or rmuority group have over theirs. Sociologists have identified five basic properties of a minority group-physical or cultur.tl traiL~. unequal treatment, ascribed status, solidarity, and ingroup marriage (Wagley and Harris, 1958:4-11): Members ofa minority group share phrsical or cultura l charJ.Cteristics that distinguish them from the dominant group. Each society has it~ own arbilI-ary standard for determining which characteristics are most important in defining dominant and minority groups. 2 Members of a minority experience unequal treatment and have less power ove r their lives than members ofa dominant group have over theirs. For example. tbe management of an apartment complex may refuse to rent to African Americans, I-lispanics, orJe....'S. Social inequality mar be created or maintained by prejudice , discrimination, scgreg-J.tion, or even extermination.

    3 Membership in a minority (or' dominant ) grollp is not voluntary; people are born into the b>TOUr Thus, race and ethniciry are considert:d IlSm/lf,d~ta tuses (sce Chapter 5). 4 Minority group members ha\'e a strong sense group solidarity. William Grahatn Sumncr, writjt!~ in 1906, noted that individuals make distincti(!n' between members of their own group (the illgrmipi and evcl)'one else (the uu/gmufJ). In-grollp~ allll out-f,>TOUpS were discussed in Chapter 6. \\~len a group is the object of 10ng-terTn prejudice and ribcri mination, tlle feeling of '"us versus them can and often does become extremely intense. 5 Members of a minority generalry many othtn from tlle same group. A member of a dominant group is often unwilling to join a supposedly inffrior minority by marrying onc of its membc!1. In addition, lhe minority group's sense of solidari~ encourages marriages within the group and di~ courages marriages to outsiders.

    I.

    Race
    As already suggested. the term ranlJI group is reselved for lhosc minorities (and the correspc;md ing dominanl groups) set apan from others by ohvious physical differences. But what is an "obviotll' physical difTerc;nce? Each society determines which differences are imponant while ignoring othtt characteristics that could servc as a ha~is for social differentiation. In the United St.'lIes, differcnce~irt

    274
    PART 'I Ill/FE SQ('JAI. /,\'/:.t.!.liALn'1'

    both skin color and hair color are generally quite ub. . ious. Yet people learn informally that differtnca in skin color have a d r.t1natic social and p0litical meaning, while differences ill hair calor are not nearly so socially significant. " 'hen o bserving skin calo r, Ame ricans lend lO lump people rather casually into suc h ge ne ral cateROncs as ~ Black .~ "White.~ and ~As i a n ." More subtle rliffrrences in skin calo r ofte n go unnoticed . How~'H, this is not the ca-.e in o ther societies. Many nations of Cent,raJ Ame rica and South Ame rica have color gradie nt" distinguishing peo ple o n a continuum from lig ht to dark skin colo r. Afli.can slaves ",err brought to almost all these coulltries; these people inlCmlarried , 10 V:lrying degrees, with each other or witl, indigenous I ndians. Conseque ntly, as noted in Chapter 9, Ikazil has approximate ly 40 raci<tl groupings, while in o the r CQ umries people may])e described as ~M cstizo I-Io ndllrans," Mulatto t:olombians," or ~Afri c;an Pamunanians." Vie wed in lIu~ light, residents of the United States must recogrme that what wc sce as obvio us" dilTeren ces arc .ul~ect LO each society's social definitions. The largest racial mino riti es in the United States ~H' Blacks (or Mri can Ame ricans), Native Am e riGms,Ja.panese Ame ricans, Chin ese Ame l;cans , and other Asian peoples. Information about the popul.i.tion and di.stribution of n lcial g ro ups in this COUIl uyis presented in Table 10-1.

    T\lII .... IU-\

    NUM8ER.
    IN

    PfRCENTOf TOTAL
    I'ClfULAllON

    CtASSlf1CAllON

    ltiOUSANOS

    Racial group,
    While!

    Bloclu/African Americans Native Ameficons, EskilTlO$, Aleuts


    Chinese

    199,686 29,986 1,959 1,645 1,407 8'8 815 799 615 149 147

    80.3 12. 1

    Filipim
    Japanese

    Asio/l Indion!
    Koreons
    Vietnomese Laotians Combodion!

    0.8 0.7 0 .6 0 .3 0 .3 0 .3 0.2 0. 1 0.1

    ! White OnCe!1!'y
    (single or mixed)
    Germons

    Eth/lic gfOUpJ

    Irish
    English

    Itclions Frll'lCh
    Poles low>
    Hispan ic! (or tatioos) Mexican AmericQ/ls

    Poerto Rican,

    IioJogicaI Significance of Race Viewe d from a biological perspec tive, the te rm mu would refe r to ~ genetically isolate d g mup with diSlincli\'e ge ne Il"ttJuencies. It is impossible to scie ntifically dcfme nr identify such a gmup. Consequently, corumry to popular belief, there a re no ~ pUrt: races.~ Nor arc tbtrr physical traits-whethe r skin colo r or baldnrss-that Can be lIsed to desc ribe o nc group to thr txdllsion of all others, If scie ntists e xamine a iIIltar of human blood under a m icroscope, they ('.aUlOt tell whe ther it came fmm a Chin ese or a Smjo, a Hawaiian or an African Am e rican. \ligr-.ltiol1, exploratio n, and inva.sion have further compromised the mainte nan ce of pure races and led 10 in creased racial intermingling. Scientifir. ilwestigations suggest that the pe rcentage of Sorth American Blacks with White an cestry ranges from 20 perce nt to as much a.s 75 perce nt. Such Gll.nics undennine a fundam e ntal assumpti o n ~Iif{' in the United StMes: tllal we can accur,uell'

    Cubans

    OthM
    rolol (011
    '101'1; ;

    57,986 38,740 32,656 14,715 10,321 9,366 5,935 22,354 13,496 2,728 1,044 5,086 248,710

    23 .3 15 .6 13 .1 5 .9 '.1 3.8 2.6 9.0 5.' 1.0 0.4 2.2

    grOllps)

    I'e rccnt:ogn d o 1>01. 10\.011 100 P"'(CIII. ~lId . ubhearu d o not ;odd m~jor h,,~d . lOfe ,we. lap bet" ''''"'' group> null (e.g .. Poli, h A"'criOln Jc"~ or people of ,ni. cd ~H CCl1ry, . uell ~I Im h and It:olian) . l1Ic . c forc . n",,,be .. and P"'( CIII~gtll hollkl be con,idc,cd

    li p to figuro in

    app .oximation" D.ua on JC'A'S arc for 198\1.


    SOO,JIIC: B".u u ofth" Cc", ,,s.
    1 9'J2: ~N -~$;

    1!l93a: IS. !> 1

    categorize individuals as "Black" o r ~White" (Herskm;ts, 1930: 15; D, Robe rts, 1975). Som e people wo uld like lO find biological explanations which could help us to understand why cenain peo ples of the "'orld have come to dominate othe rs (refe r back 10 the discussion of sociobiology in Chapt e r 4) . Given the absence of pure racial groups, the re can be no salisfac tory biological answers for sllch social and political questions.

    275
    C/'1I1"I1i1l IQ WlClIII. M7) CIU NIC J.....CQUIlUIY

    Social Significance of Race Onc of the llIost crucial aspeclS of the relationship betwee n dominam and sulXlrdinate groups is t.he ability of the dom imUll Or majority groups to define a society's values. Sociologist William I. Thomas ( 1923:41-44), an early criti c of theories of racial and gender differences, saw that the ~ dcfinition of the situation" could mold the personality of the individual . To put it anothC I' way. Thomas, writing frolll the illleraclioniSl perspective . observcd that people rC!lpond nOI on l ~' la the objectivc features of a sihlation or person but also to the mea ning that ~i l.Uation or person has for them . Thus wc can c reate fa lse images or ..,tereotrpes that become rcal in their conseque nces. Stereotypes are unreliable generalizatio ns about all me mbers of a group that do not recognize individual dilference.., within the g roup. In the last 25 years, the re has been growing awareness nr th e power of th e mass media to introduce stereotypes imo everyday lire. As onc result , stereotyping of racial and e thni c minorities in I-Ioll)'wood film s, on televi..,ion . and in Broadway shows has cOll1e under increasi ng fire. For example, in mid1993 Asian Amel;can g roups in seve rn I cities picketed olllSide movie theaters shOWing Rismg SI/n. Th ey ('harged that tJl e film re inrorce d traditional ~rcl1ow perW stereOl),pes conccming J;'pan and would lead to increasing attacks un Asi:lI1 Amen-

    cans. Hispanics note th.u Hollywood has gencmllv prese nted them as vic ious b. ndilS, lazy peaalm. .... or hnmorous buffoon,,; the media's treatmelll or Hispanics is examin ed in Box 10-1. III a striking example of stereotyping in th e print media, Netvs'Wuk used two photos of African American roo. bers to illustrate a 1991 article entitled ~ The Banl Robbery Boom~ ----even though the article stated that the modem hank robber is "' lIsually White.While the use or stereotyping can promote ingroup solidarilY, conniu th eolis L~ point out that stereotypes contribute to prt;judice and thereby assist the sllbordination ofminoritygroLlps (Kaplan. 1991 :6~: Schaefcr, 1993:46--49). In certain situatio ns. we may respond 10 stereotypes and act 011 them, with the result that false definitions become aCCllmte. This i.., known as the selfflllfilfillg proph ecy. A person or g roup iJ dt'o scribe d as having particul ar characteristics and then begins to display tJ1 C \'cly traits that were said to ex ist. hi ;L"scssing the impact orself-rulfi lli ng prophecies, wc can refer back to labelillg theory (see Chapter 7). which emphasiLcs how a person ClHncs 10 be labcled as devian t and e\'Cn to accept a self-image of d<:viance. Sclf-fu lfillin g prophecies can he especially de\'ay la tin g for minority gr ou ps (sce Figure HI-I). Such groups olien find thaltl!ey arc allowed 10 hold onll'

    FIGURE 10-1 Selj",d/ilfing Prophecy

    White toxpayen don't want 10 wo~1e money

    -+-

    MG/ il inferior

    MGl .._ _ .... NG drops oul attends -- or poorly ~ MGI pvshed out linanCed ... or Khool . . MGl perlo<m.

    -+ ... ;01> opportunity

    MGI ha ~

    """"" ~ ~
    MGl 1. Has poor health 2. Shops 01 less attroctive stores witn higher prices J. Hos poor houling

    by cultural ...- {Judged moosures of by olhers! "-wccest

    !
    cu",,,!au,,,,

    TIle uif-validaling effert.1 DJ rifjiniti(m.r modt IfI/ 1111' dmnmunl gnmf! f/fI' s/wQ,,, in Ihis jigul"t. A minorifJ'I,"wuP fJmOn M/null (I ptxrrry jin(lluxd school and IS ItJi lHltqUlpptvilO fi"JQI1PI jobs /1""/(11 Qffi.,. high ~1(lt!U (md high /Xry. H t tr
    .ihf Ihl11 Kfls {/ 1000v-jm.),mg job llIld ""WI sCllft for // lipstyv Jor SIwI1 n} ~nritlJ'J slcm([n,.dJ. Sil!(f Ilv PI'1"~Q11 sham rhtsl . umdtlrds. ht tff sht IIUI1 bt!gill tu 1nl { 5ofIJ-(foubt (/lid MlfholT'l'd. This ImJ (uperl of Ih,. ry(U has ~I mllid illlo
    qU#'..Jlioll III 11'(#'''' re.Jtf.lrch.

    (kKlged by . / ...- himself or M' 4. 1 more likely 10 1 h.,,~n be 0 crime mm

    "",p M{; I ...,,,,d< fur -m"lU"" "mcl.


    '"'1I~'''' '

    gmu!,

    ",<1""/,,,,1.- Anu",,, r....',.,...", dir""uoll "r "~Ir~"'"

    Sd,a<:f<:r.

    I W.~: 1 9.

    276
    I'A/(/' 11/l1lJ." . 'j()(IAI
    /W.Q/.I/l1

    rn

    HISPAN ICS AS AN INVISIBLE MINO RJlY


    The ntW:f 111ft/m ami liuI mlertain1lll'111 illdUJJry hmx lrru/ilWPII,11y ri/her igrnm.'d IIlSfJallj(.J or IlOItI(J]t!d l/inn ;n n negt'1/wdighl. In Ih, follmuiflg $i!!nW)7J, Rtm! )U1gIlim ( I 99J: IIA), fmsi,u"t of 1/" ,.,tali()fUl/ (;outlcit of La RaUl-<l IIftIliIMl IllniMlJa org(lIIiulliotl of 150 gAAlPS worlulIg for civil righlJ mId m>MrfIlr DiifJOrtlmillts for /-Iuponio----duU./mgr:l Iht MU! IQ tf.II'" ,''' H ispmllr.
    ikC' U$C the me d ia play suc h a d crucial role in innucncing public o pinion, this siluation h as it d e.,........ L'1ling effect bod] on the public's perception or Hispa n iC5 a nd 011 our community's ability to participale t:fTt.'C tively in sh aping public-policy debates. Pick any fronl -burner iSSlU: an d , in l1105t cases, portrayals of L.'1tinos in the policy process resemble those in the en le rtainmcnt industry. Hispanics are either absent rrom the discussion or arc neg-d' th'c1y portrayed .... All the H ispanic community wants-and dcserves-is balance and rairness. For thc m edia, th:1I means programmin]! and I1l.~ covcrage that full y includes J'liliJXlllics ill I>osili\'t' as well as neg-.Hi\'e rol es. It means making th e elTort to inch ld c Hispanic sl>okespcrsons. nOt just o n bilingual eduCltio n a nd immigration, bill on i.ssu('! like the economy and Imde policy. Maybe the ne xt limc I do an other ullscie n tific tclc\;sion su n 'cy, I'll get 10 ~e the Hisp:Ulic COlnlIIu ni ty I know: l.ht' doc lors, la,,)'CI'5, farm wOl'kcl'5 andjallitors; Ule business people stnl ggling to make a rayroll and houscwin'! sU11ggling 10 ra ise a fam il )~ I.he n:ltil.......bol'll dti~en as well as the recenl immil,'TAll t; the ri ch :..,d Ihe 1 )(lO1 the ': lihcr.u and the COl1scIVJti\'c. If lIothing else, I'll sleep beller at night.

    JII""'ltIit:y MII, balllllu and fainu:ss:


    .\ rem ni ght of td(!\;sion viewing led me 10 cc)ndllCl my own totally un.sciemilic sun'e)'. A.~ I nipped lhroll~h the c hannd~, I watched 'l('1'eml miU II H'S or all economicplan cliscu,,~ion 011 CSI'AN, s;u dllough a couple or n CWlicasts, caughl a rl.,,\\' glimpses or movies 011 the premilllll c hannels a nd even glanced 011 a re w si lco ms. N I watcht.od, the < Iuestions g rew in m)' mind . \Vhen! arc the H i!lpania? Arc Latino~ not illlCrCllted III or affected by th e ccono my? Arc 1I~\p.lnio nO! makillg lIews? Arc we Ileither talented n o r run ny? Then I tm'ned to olle or lhe 1011('OiKht, ~reallire ~ cop shows tha l arc hrroming popular. And, fillall y, I '-11\' some Hisp' lllicsl The screen ",.u filted WiUl images of dark, ,\Qrthy pe oplc with strong accents bemg arrestl.od for t."\'C r}'thing fro m \tIling dO/g~ 10 itbusing thei r

    'poUiCS.
    ')'ly Cod, ~

    Ilho llg h l, "is this lI'ilal

    Ihe Imblic thiuk.s about my pf"Cl-

    pler-Islept fitfully th at n ig h t. WI: ma)' be ncarl y 30 millinn

    SI.rong in Ihis count ry, hut r Oll would nC\'cr know il by "~Atc hin g te lcvision or listening to policy dl.... hales. America's soon-to-be largcst minOrity is also, to 111051 Americans, its mOSt ill\';~i hle minority. J11~ 1 last month , m y own scielltific obscn~lIions we re conlirmed by a Scree n AClol's Guild SHld), thal ~ ho"'crl the al most complttc abscllcr of H isp;miCli in films ;111(1 on televisio n. /\no lher study. by Ule CelllC" for ).1cdia and Public AlT.'1irs, confinu ed the otiter aspect or lily own unsciemific suncy. It round th at the rew media po rtraya ls thOlI do exist foclls prind p.'1 I1 )' 011 Hispanics as "pl'Ob\c11ls"-as riot.el's, looters, g;lIlg me mhers. elmg deale rs . Crilllin;tls or " il1cgals. ~

    277
    CJMNJo.H If) l(,Ia.M . AND f.~nlx/c I.\'F(!! IMJT)' .

    low-payin g jobs l'Iith liule prestige or o ppo n unity for advancement. The rationale of the dominalll society is Ihal these members ofa minorit), lack the abi lity to perform in more iml>orl!1Il1 and lucrative posilions. Millo rity h'TOUp mc mbers are then denied the lr';:lining nelded to become scientists. executil'cs, or ph~icians and are locked illlo socie ty's inferior jobs. As;\ resull, the fal~e dcfinitjon has become re al : in terms of employme nt , the minority has become inferior beca use il was originally defin ed ;L~ inferior and W-<IS prevented frOln ach ievi ng equality. BecallS(' of this vicious circle. w lcnt('d people from minority groups may conl(' to $Cc the worlds of c ntcl'Ulin ment and professio na l .. port~ a... their only hope for achieving wealth and fame. Thus, it is no accident that succt.'Ssi,'c ,.....vcs of Irish, J ewish, ILalian , l3lilck. and I-iispanic perl'ol'llwrs and athle tcs have 1l1MIc their mark on our society. Unfortunately, these very SlIcccsses may co nvince the dominan t gl'Oup that its o ri~il1al stcreotypes are valid-that these arc the on ly areas of society in wh ich mino riLies ca n cxccl. Furth ermore, at hle tics and the arls arc well known in QUI' society as highly compe tilivc arcnas. For c\'t.1)' Clod.. E.<;(eHm, Michael J ordan. J ose Canscco. or Oprah Winfrcy who ~makcs it,~ many, lIlallY more will end up disapl>oin ted (Al lpon. 1979: 189-205; MCrlon. 1968).

    Socio logist !-Ia rry Edwards ( 1984:8-13) agrM that the self-fulfi ll irig prophecy of ~itlnale Black ,tt! le tic supel'inrity" ca n have (i;unaging conscqucn(ts. Ed"~lrds points out that although this perceptior of a thleLic prowe.'>S may causc many African Anl!f icans to be channclcd into sports. OIl best, onlt about 2500 o f them cu rrently make a Ih'ing in pn, fcssional sports ;L~ pJayer~, coaches. u'aincrs, tearn d octors, and executives. In his "iew. Blacks should no longer put footba ll playbooks ahead or text books, and th e Black cOllllTl unity should abandl'ltl its "blind belief in sport as an extraordinary route to social and ecollomic sa!v.ltion" (sec also Gatf\. 199 1). Afric.a n Atllcricans and other minorities do 00 ah,,<.)'S passively accept hannful stcl'cot)'J)Csandd fulfilling prophecies. In the 1960s and I970s, main' slIbordi nau: minorities in thc Unitcd StalL'S rejecttd tradi tiona l definitions ilnd n:placcd 1hem with ff(!. ings of' pride, power. and stretlgth . ~ Ub c k is heautiful" ;1l1d " Rcd powcr~ movcmen1.~ among macll and Nativc Americans were clTorts tu lake conllOl or their .own livcs and sel f-images. Ilowcver,.&J. though a minori1y can make a detcrmined effort \I rcdcline a situation and rc~ist iIolcrcotn>cs, the dtJ. inilion that re mains l~lOst importan t is the one ust'd by a society's most po. . . crful groups. In this St'mt tJle historic While, Atlglo-Saxon. I'rot.estant nonn-

    III 1111' UlliUri SUl/ff. III1I1lJ mrialnM fllmi( m;mmlil'-l lIokllHlI'fllln and (l'/~bm/IO'U 10 pr~ mill displftJ /Act UIIII'II~ ndlllmllmd arltJ/l( /r(ldi. Showll is " Uhf "uti(l'! Day parodt it! Nt!l! l'orA: Oty.

    278
    /',\HI fll/tll SUCJIII " f..Q! /t llffl'

    uflhc United States still shape the definitions and ,[{'u'OIypcs of racial (lnd e thnic minoriti es.

    ~.?,~~~.!.r........................,.............................................................. .
    .\11 ethnic group, un li ke a mcial group. is set a pan

    inleractio nist researchers stresses th e manner in whieh everyday con tact between people from dif~ fercllI racial and e thnic backgrounds contJ;bllld 10 tolerance or leads 10 hostility,

    lrom Olhers beGl usc of its national nrigin o r disunruvc cult ural pattel"lls. Amo ng Ihe e th nic gro ups !!I the United States are peoples rc/erred to colkllJ",lyas Nisplmics, s tlc h as )}ueJ"\o Ricans, Mexi('.m Amenc;ms, Cubans, a nd other La tin American s (n'fer back. to Table 10- 1). Other e thnic groups in t11i.~ country include Jew1~h, Irish , Polish , Italian , ,!Uti Norn'cgian Americans. The distinction be tween racial a nd e lhnic miflnrilif'S is no t always clear,ul. Some memhcrs of ra(ial mi nori ties. suc h as A~ian A m c rican.~. may hJ~e signillcant cullural differt:nccs from nther ItffiIlJl!l' At the sam e I]me. ce rtain ethnic mino rities. ,uch as Hispanics, may ha\'c obvioulo physic.iI rli l ~ k rt'ncc.~ which set thell1 apart from othe r rcsidenl~ ,~ Ihe Uniled St.;ltCS. Ikspite such problems of c ltcgorila liorl . suciolIrgi~l~ cOlllinue \.0 feel that lIw distin ct ion be twee n rM"r<ti groups and e thnic groups is socially sigil ifM~nt. l n mD.S1 ~dc li es, includin g the Unit ed St(ltes. phl'Sical dilTcre nccs lend to be \IIorc visible tha n tulOic diffe re nces. PartJy ilS a result o f this fact. ~r.lliicalioll along rada l lines is less sul"riect to change than slr.llific:u io n along t:thnic lincs. Members of an e tJmic minority sometimes can . m'cr lime. become indistinguishable from the m.yoritl'-although this process may take gencrations .llld may never include all mcmben; of the group. 61 COntrast. me mbers o f a rada l minority IIru"! It much mon' diffi cult to blend in with thc larger 'lltK'tyand 10 gain acct:IH:tncc from the IIl;UOI;ty.

    ~~.~~.~~~.I.~.~~..~.~.~ .~~.~.~ ~~..............................................


    It would seem reasonable 10 a.'\Sume tJlat I, Icial bigotry offers no essen lial benefitS fo r society. Why, the n. does il exist? Functionalist tJleoristS, while ag reeing tbat I';.l.cial hostility is hardly to be admired , poin t Out titat it indeed ser\'es positi\'e functions for those prdcticing discrimination. Anthropologist Mannin g Na."h (1962) has identifi ..-d three functions that racially prej udiced beliefs lI<1ve for the domina nt group. Fi rst, such ";e....'S provide a moml j ustification for mai n taillillK an unequal $OCie ty Iha t routinely depti\'es a minority o f itS lights a nd pri\'ikges. Soulhe m \,Vhites justified slavery by bel ieving That Afric;ms we re physically 3nd spitiwally suhhuman and devoid of souls (lI ocbel, IIJ'19:H5-86) . Second. racist beliefs d iscourage the subordinate minority from atte mptin g tu question its lowly lotalus. since 10 du so is to qUL'SLion lhe vcry foundatio ns of society. Finally. rdciai mylhs encourage supporl for the ex istin g onlet" by i'Ill"OdllCillg tll<' a rglunent IJ1;It if 1I1c "c were a lly maj or socie t.;ll change (such as an c nd to discriminatio n). the mino ri ty wou ld cxpel;enee greater poverty and the Ill,yority would sce itS st,lIldard or living lowered. As a result. Nash suggests, racial prejmlice grows wht! n a socic ty's \'a llle syslem (for example. that unde rlying a colonial empire o r 1I regime J>e '1>Ctll<ltjng slavery) is being Ihreatened . Alth ough racial prej ud ice ali(I discrimillation may serve lhe intCreSl~ of the powerful , suc h UIlC<lual treatment call also Ix: dysfunclional to a St")l' ielY and even to its dominant group. Sociologist Arnvld Rose ( 195 1: 19-24) Ollui ncs 10111' dr l\ lIlclio ns associated \"';th racism:

    RrI.l.iQlIS illItong r.tcial and (:lh n ie groups have len t


    .bnmc\vcs to analysis from tJlt: three m:ti0r per-

    'fluvcs o f St)Ciolo~ Viewing race from the macro ')'.


    he!. fun ctiQnalistS obscrve Ihat I~ \cia l prejudice .od discriminaliOll SC IVC positiw fun c tions for
    durmnalll groups, whereas conllict th eoriSl~ I'(:e the tlHuomie structurc as a ceu u'al Elelor in the exl~u'lauolI ofminorilies. The mic ro-level analysis of

    A soc ie ty \".. hie h pr";: lclices discriminlllion fai ls to use the resou rces of all individuals. Discrimina tion limits Ihe search F tale nt and leadc rship to the or do minanl gl"O llp. 2 Dillui mination aggraV"dtc.s social p ro bll'lIllo "lIch as poveny, delinquency. and c rime and places Lhe finan cia.l burde n lO alleviate th ese proble ms on th e do minant group.

    279

    3 Society IUllst invest a good deal or lime and money to defend iL.~ barriers to rull participation or all members. 4 Goodwi ll and rriendly diplomatic relations be-twcen nations arc ohen underc ut by r.tcial prejudice and discrimination.

    dice, . . . rationalized self-intel"est or Llle. I


    cIasscs.~

    .~!:':~!.~~~~~.~~~.. ~~.~p~:~~~...................-.... ..
    A Ulack wOlllan is transrerred from a job 011 ,ID scmbly line to a sim ilar position working nexlllt White man. At first , he is patronizi ng, assuming must be incompetent. She is cold and resell even when she needs assiSL"l nce, she refuses 10 mit it. Afte r a week, the growing tension be the IWO leads to a bitlerquarrel. Yet, overtime, slowly comes to appreciate the other's strengths talents. A ye<lr aft.er they begin working lOge these t .....o workers become respec tful rriends. is an example or what in temctionists call the lac/hypothesis in aClion. The co"tact hypothesis states that imer comacl of peopk WiUl equal stalUS in coopen' circumstances ...,'ill cause them LO become le$ udiced ami to al: ndon previous s((:reotYJ>C$' '1 m facton; or (qual stfllus and a pkasa nt, 7 1muompm fllmo. phere must be underscored. i.J1 the exam f abO\"C, if lhe {WO workers had bee n competing onc. vacancy a~ a s trpeIVi ~or. U1 C I-::Icial hostilit\ twt:en them might have worse ned (AJlport. 19 26 1-282; Schaefcr. 1993:63--64). As African Americans ;Illd olher minorities si. gaiu access to bctt('r-paying and more respOlbLI jobs in thc Uni ted Stales, the cont."Ict hypo'h may take o n evcn greate r signilicancc. The Irt in OUl" society is towa rd inc reasirrg contact belli individuals rrom do minant and subordin groups. This may be onc hope or eliminating at leau reducing-racia l and ethnic stereot)pi and prejudice.

    .~.?~~.!...~~~~.~~.~.~........................................................ .
    Cu nni ct theorists would certainly agree with Arnold Rose Umt racial prejudice and discrimination have man y harmrul conseq ue nces ror society. Sociolog ists such as OliveI' Cox ( 1948) and Rober! mat Iller ( 1972) have used the exploitatioll theory (or Marxist elms Ihror")') to explain the basis or racial su bo rdination in Ihe United Slates. As we saw in ChapterS, Karl Marx viewed the exploit;H.ion orthe lower class as a basic pan of the capi talist economic s)'s-tcl11. Unde r a Marxist approach , mcism keeps minorities in low-paying jobs, thereby supplying t.h e capitalist mling class with a pool of cheap labor. Moreover. by forcing rdcial minorities to accept low wages, capitalisL.<; ca n reslriCl the wages or all memben OrUH~ proletariat. Workers rrom the ctominant group who demand high e r wages can always be replaced by minorities who ha\'e no choice blll to accept low-p<lyingjobs (0. Cox, 1976: H. Hunler and Abr.tham, 1987; G Johnson, 1939). This Man:isl perspective seellls persuasive ill a number or insL."Illces. Japanese Americans were the object or liulc pr~judice until U1CY beg<1I1 1.0 enler jobs that brought them into compcl1tion with Whites. The mm'cmem to kc..: p Chinese immigrants out or th e United St.aIeS bccalfl(" most fervenl during the latter hair of the nin e teenth century. when Chinese and Whites rouglll over dwindling work Oppol1unities. SoUl the enslavemen t ur Blac ks and the removal west\\lilrd or Native Americans were , 10 <I significant ext.en t. economically motiV:lled (McWilliams. 195 1:144-1 50). I-Iowever, though some examples support the exploil<ltion theol), or race relations. it is too limited la ex plain prejudice in its many rorms. :'\lot all minority groups have been economically exploited to U1C s<lme extenL In addition , m:!ny groups (among Ihem the Quakers and MOnllOns) have been vic timized by prejudice ror reasons other UIan economic ones. Still. as Cordon A1lpon (1979:210) CO I1 cIudes, th e exploitation theory cOITcctly M points a SUl"e finger at one of the factol"S involved in prcju-

    False definitions or individuals and groups arc pctuated by prejudice. Prejudice is a lLega ~h'c ~ tude toward an e ntire category or people. often' ethnic or racial minority. If you re.~enl your TOO malC because be o r she is sloppy, you a re not " essarily guilty or prejudice . Ho .....ever, ir you imm diatcly stereo type your roommate on the basi~ such characteristics as race, ethnicity, or religiol that is a form or prejudice. In recell! rears. college campuses across the

    280
    I 'll HT TlIRF.E t;(}(""JIIL /l\"f.QIIMJI1 '

    In 1' t1l1 'Pars. cnJ~'" lUll/PilUS fltrru.5

    fhl' Unilm Sla/#'.$ IImM lwn IM ~fI'TV uf birWTrlll/eel incidents. A/IIII': SlIIllt lilllr,

    racial (HId ethni'


    ha~

    mj,um'/II 011 cam/fIIS

    agairu/ mcism alld in suptKJrl of a "fIIl/lOd/llml alllal/ioll. In Ihis pholograph, M f xil(lll AlIIeriolll
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    I nilt:d Stales have been the scene of bias-related inddl'r\(!. SLUdent-rul1 newspapers :md radio St:1IMI5 have ridiculed racial and ethnic minorities; IlIrt"Jltning literature has been slillTed under the Xo)I'$ of minority students; grdniti e ndorsing the N\\'~ of White sLlpremacist o rganizations such as tile NI Klux K1an have been scrawled on unive rsity "'Jlb, In some cases, there have even been violcnt llotshrs between h'l'OUpS of White and Black SIII!<'nb. These distrt..'Ssing inciden ts sen'e as a reIIlder that prej udice is e,~dent among both edul;ilt'd IInd uneducated me mbers of our society IRllllld, 1992; Hivc ly. 1~190). Prt'judice can resuh from elh"Qce"tr;sm--thc udl'ncy to assume that one's cuhure and way of h JJl'~lIpcrior to all others (scc Chapter 3). Ethnolrmric people judge othe r cultures by lhe Sland.Lrd~ of their own group. which leads quite easily prtjudice against c ullUres viewed as inferior. One imponant and ","idespread fo rlll of prejut l~ racism, the belief that one race is supre me ad all other.> are innately infe rior. Whe n nadsm IJmails in a society. members of subordinate ~ll)lJf>'\ gcnenally expcrience prcjmlice. discrilll lnann,<llld exploiL.'luoll. In 1990, as concem moullted Xlut rJcist attacks in I,hc United States, Congress .;.0 "",d ,md Preside nt Ccorge Bush signed into law ~ll.lle Crimes Statistics Act. This I"w direcu the [lqlanm~1l1 ofJustict: 10 gatllt:1' dala on crimes moah'(i by the victim's race, religion, ethnicity, or \1131 orientation. In 1992, a towl of 4755 hate rulK~ were reported to amhoritics, an increasc of

    4 perCCllt ovcr lhe prcvious ycar. Some 62 percent of these crimcs invo lvcd racial bias (with African Americans lhe L.'lrgcts in more than half of sllch cascs), wh ile 19 perce nt rellected religious bias, 9 percem e Lhll ic bi;rs. and 9 pcrcent bias based o n sexual orientalion (:\1<luro, 1993a).

    !..~.~. . ~.~.!.~.~~...~.?~P.?~.~~.~.......... ........................... .. . ~~.


    \Vhi le cullur<:1 1factors are importanl.colltributors to prttiudicc. SlruCLUr.11 fanors must alw be given serious cons ideration. Sot.:ictics devclop soci:ll norms that dict;He-for cxample-not on ly what foods are desirablc (or forbidden), but also which nacial and eth nic groups are to be favored (or despised) . These n0I111S are ofte n re inforced by thc social instiHuions of a society'S social SU'lJcturc, such as govcrnment, religion , cducation, and thc economy . Social psychologist Thomas Peuigrew (198 1) collc..-ctcd data Ulat substantiated lhe importance of such social nonns in e ncouraging or discouraging prejudice, Pettigrcw found Ulat Whites in the somherl! Slalf"S were more anti-Black than Whites in the northcrn Slates and that Whites in the United Stales were not. so prejudiced against Blacks as were \OVhites in the Republic o f Somh Africa. He concluded lh at stnlctul'iIl factors explain differences in thc levels of prejudicc between these regions and coutltries. A more recent study by psychologist J. LouwPotgietcr (1988) supports this view. Typically, personality swdics have lIlainL.'l.ined that White SouLh

    281
    aIAl~J'HI.

    10 IVICIAL .{Xl) f:7 IIA'IC ISI:QLlAUTt'

    Africans rear their c hildre n in a slrict, disciplined, and patriarchal manner. These studies lend 10 ascribe allthorit;u;a nism particularly to the Afrikane rs, who a rc lhe leaders of govern me nt and the architects of rule by the nation's White minurity. Yet Louw-Potgieter finds that empirical research does not sUPI>Ort these assumptions. Indeed, previous work in South Africa shows evidence in olle sample that Blac k stude n tS arc more autho ritarian than White students (Heave n and Niewoudt, 198 1). Louw-Potgieter points to studies showing intergroup variability in the levels of prejudice that can be explained only by the kinds of stTtlcLUral varia bles fi rst described hy Ilenigrew. Consequcntly. in ex plai ning prejudice ill South Africa, both perso n ~ ality and structural fa clO rs neeo to be considered . T he structural faclors identified by Louw-Potgicler include group membership, group positio n, peer p ressure. ideology. and the fIlcdia. The pe rsonality a nd stnlclUral approaches to prejudice sho uld not be viewed as mutually excl ush'e. Social circumst.'lnces provide cue." fo r a person's attitudes; personality dete rmin es the exten t to which people follow socia l cues and the likelihood lh;u they will e ncourage others to do the 5."lmc lhrough social inlCl'1tclion . Sodetal nonns Illay promOte o r deter to lernnce; pe rsonality trai ts suggest the degree to which a person will conform to norms of intolerance (Allpon , 1962).

    above, the White president might c hoo'IC-despi l~ his or her stereotypes-to hire the VietnaJl'tM' American . T hjs would be prejudice without di ... crim ination. On the o ther hand , it White corpo r.lte preside nt \\~lh a comple tely res pec tful view of Vietnamese Americans might refuse to hire them for executive l>ostS out of fear that biased clicllt\ wou ld take thei r business e lsewh e re. In this (<Uf. the prcsidem's action wou ld conSlitute di scrim~ nation without prejud ice.

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    The biased atlitudes of the prejudiced person ofte n lead to discriminatory bc havior. Dist:rimi1lation is the process of denying opportunities llnd equ;IJ righ ts to individuals and groups because of prejudice or other arbitrary reasons. Imagine that a White corporate president with a ste reotyped \1eW of Asian Americans has an executive positio n to fill . The most qualified candidate fo r lhe job is a Viet namese American. If the president refuses to hire this candidate a nd inst.ead selects an infe l;o r White ca ndida te. he or she is e ngaging in an ;H' o f racial discrimina tion. Prej udiced attitudes should not be equated wi th discriminatory /)thaviar. Although the twO are generally re la ted, they are not ide ntica l, a nd eithe r condition can be present with out the o the r. for example. a prejudiced penon does not ahV"dYS act on his or he r biases. In the situal.ion described

    Discrimination is pmcticed nOI on ly by individlllb in Oll e-Io-one e n counler~ bUI also by inS L itutiomin Lheir daily operations. Socia l scielllislS are partirulal"ly concemcd wilh the ways in which stmctura! facto rs such as e mploymenl. housing. health cart, and governm eOl operations maintain the 50Cial Slt nifican ce of race and ethnicity. Institutional di,. cnm;'lOtion rders to the denial of Opportllllitin and equal rights to individuals or groups which I"csuIL'i fro m the nonnal operations of a society. Institutional discrimi nation continuousl), im~ more hin drances on-and awards fewer beneliu t.o---<cnain racial and e thnic groul)S t.han it don olhers. In some cases, even oste nsibly neu tral insti tutional standards can Turn OUt la have discriminatoryeffects. In 1992. African American studenu.r a midwcSlern state university protested a policy unde r which frate rnities a nd sorori ties who ,..,;shcd \0 use campus facilities for a dance were required In post $ 150 security deposits to cover possible dam ages. Thc Black students complai ned that this p0licy had a discriminatory impact on minorityslUdnu o rganizations. Campus police countered lhal tbr university's policy applied to (lU studenL groups U~ leresled in using these facilities. Howe\,er, since overwhelmingly While fraternities and sororitio.ll the school had their own houses that they used kw dances. the policy indeed affected only Afria.n American and othe r mino rity organizations. The U.S_ Commission a ll Civil Righ ts (l9il1 9- 10 ) has identificd various fonns of inslitution discrimination , including: Rules requiring that on ly E.nglish bt' spoken 31 ~ place of work. cven whe n it is no t a business lie> cessity to reSlricl the usc of othcr languages PI('ferencc5 shown by law and medicaJ .schoob ill

    282
    I'MI'I TffRFF. S()ClAL I,W:Q.liAIfIl'

    rltr admission of chi ld ren of wealthy a nd influ ential alumll i, nearly all of whom are White olU:<ilncti\'1: employmenl-Ie;we policies, coupled wi lh prohibitions on parl-limc work. Iha t make il diffirt~llor the he-<lds of single-pa re nt fa milies (most of lO'hom arc 1\'OI11Cn) to o btain a nd keep jobs
    nl( '>(lCial policy section on allirm<lt.ivc ac ti On in f:iMplcr l!i will exami ne legal prohibitions against in~ritutional discriminat.ion. Di>eriminalion in Lhe United Slates has proved diltiniltlO eradicate. Th e 1960s saw tJ1 C passagc of "!;In) pionceri ng ci\'il rights 1<llvs. illclllding the LuKlmark 1964 Civil Rights Act (\"hic h proh ibits discrimination in public accommodatiom and pllbIj(h nwned facilities o n the basis of .... cc. colo r. cl't'tci. national OIigin. and gende r). In twO illl porI.Ull mtmgs in 198 7. the Suprel11e CoU I'! held that kd('i.tl prohibitions against racia l discrimination pml('{\ members of a ll ethnic rnino riti es-inc1udLn~ liispanic.s, Jews, and Amb Allle rka ns-cven 1~I\r~h they may i)l" considered Whit e. YCt di.smrnm<ltQI)' practiccs continue to pervade nearly <Ill Mra, (lr lift!' in thc Uni t.ed Statcs Inday. lu l);in, th is is beca use-as Manning Nas.h s flln cuUIIJhsl analysis suggesLS-various individuals a nd ..... '''1>'' aClual1y fJmeJiI fro m racial and ct hnic disrnmiuJljon in terms of money, status, and inillltnrf'. Discrimination penniLS members or the maJIlfirv 10 en hance their wcalth. power, and prestige It Ihf' {'xpense of o thers. Less qualifi ed people are bircrl and promot.ed simply hccallSl' they arc mcmbrnol the domi n .. nl group. Such individu;rls and rr""p~ \\lllno t surrender these adVolntagcs easily. , member of a racial o r ethnic mino rity in the I nllt-cl States is likely to face variou s forms of prejudllt ,lIld di'lc;rimination from dominant group mrmOCn. and rrom important insti tu tions or our s0Ul'''. rhi i.~ the underlying and painful context of JOltlgroup relations in Ihis counu1'.

    PAITERNS OF
    ~~G!\Ql!-"'~!AT~QN~ .........

    Undesirable palterns include genocide-t he dL ... liberate. sys t.e matic killin g or an e ntire people or nation . This term has been used in reference to th e killing of I million Armenians by Turkey beginning in 1915 (Mclson , W86:64-66). It is most commonly appl ied to Nazi Germany's extemli n aLion of 6 million European J e ....1>. as we ll as members or other eth nic mino riti es, during World War 11 . However, the term gewJride is a lso a ppropriate in dcscdbi ng th e United Sta tes' pulicies tow'. trd Nati\'e Arncricttns in the ninetcenth rellllll1'. In 1800, th e Nati ve America n (or Arncrican Indian) population of the United Statcs was about 600.000; by 1850. it had been reduced 10 250.000 through wa rfare with the cavah1'. disease . md forced relocation to inhos pitable e nviro nmenLS. The t:qmlsio11 or a people is anothe r extreme means of acting out racial or eth nic prcjudice. In 1'::)79, Vietnam expe ll ed nea rly I million ethnic Chi nese, panly lL~ a result of cen turies o f hostility bc... .... twee n Vietn;rm and neighbOling Chi na. These Chinese ~boat peo plc ~ were abruptly e liminated as a minOli ty wi tJl in Vietnamese society. In a more re-cent cX;:lInplc of expulsion (which had a..~pects o f genocide ), Serbian forces began a program of ~e lh !lic clea nsing" in 1991 in the ne .....ly independe nt states of Basnia and He17.egovina. Throughout th e former nat ion of Yugoslavia. the Scrbs drove more than I millio n Croats and Muslims from their ho mes. Some wc'e tortured and killed, others abused and terrorized . in an attempt [,0 "pll/'il}' ~ the la nd for the rema inin g eth nic Serbs (re fe , back tn Cha pt cr 9). There arc four identifiable panel1ls that desClibe typical intergroup relations as they occllr in North America a nd thro ug ho ut the .....o rld: ( I ) amalg-dmalion, (2) assim ilation , (3) segregation , a nd (4) pluralism. Each pat tern de fin es the dominant group's actions and thc minority group's responses. Intergroup relations arc rarely restricted to o nly o ne of the four patterns, alth ough inval'iably o nc does tend 10 dominate. T he refore. th ese pa tte rns sho uld be viewed plimarily as ideal types.

    .
    ~~.~,~.~~,? .......,................................................................
    Amalgamatiortdescribes the end result whe n a ma jority group a nd a mino rity group combine 10 fonn a new group. Through in tennaniage over several generat ions, variuus groups in the society combi ne

    lacut Jnd ethnic grou ps can rehlle to onc anOlhcr in a ~ide \-<lriety of desira ble a nd undesirable ways. lahgill!:: from rrie ndships a nd ime rma rr iages tJla t rrquire mutual approval to be havio rs imposed on \b(' ,uoordinate g roup by the dominanl group.

    283
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    IQ RIo Q AL /oND t.TII.WC

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    Assimila lion
    Many llindus in India complain about Indian citizens who copy the lrnditiOIlS and customs of thr British . In Australia, Aborigines who h.we bcCOIllC part of the d omina nt socie ty refuse to acknowled/:t their da rker-skinned grandparents 0 11 lhe street. In the Uni ted Stales. there arc Italian Arnc ricans. Puj. ish Americans. i-l isp<:lIlics, and J ews who halt changed Iheir e thnic-sou ndin g famil y namC5 III names t)1>ically foulld among Whi te, Protestanl families. Assimilatioll is the proces'l by which a pcrsoo forsakes his o r berown cullll ralt racli tion to becomt part o f a different culture. Ccnernlly, il is practictd by a minor il)' group member' who Wlllts to confOflll . ' to the Man d a rd~ of the d o minant group. Assimiblion ca n be described as an ideology in I'o'hich !\ + U + C =: A. The majorit), A do minates in sucb a W3)' t.hat members of minorities Band C imiWe A :md :tHem!'t \0 ix'co me ind isti nguishable from the dominant group (W. Ncwman . 1973). As~ imi l :lliol1 call strike at tlte VC I)' roots of a petson's identity as he or sh e seeks to ga in full accq} lance as an "AmeriGm. ~ Iknce, Alphonso O'Abntllll changed his name \0 Alan Alda :md Chc::ril)'ll L"lPiert Sarkisi:m shonened hers to Che!". (This process is Ill. unique to the United States: Joycc Frankenberg d Great Uriwill changed her na me t,o .lane Scymour.l Despite such ellOrts. ' L ..imiialion d oes not ne< S-. it)' blillg acceptance for the mino li t)' group indio.idua!. !\ Chinese Amcl;can ma), speak fl awless English. go failhflllly t,O a Protcstant ch urch, ;lIId know the namcs of all Illt.:m bcl'S of the Baseball Hall of Faltll'. Yet he 0 1' sh e is still SII as dilTe re nt and may thertfo re be rejected as a busill(,'SS associate, a neighbor. " a man;agc pa11J)er.

    SI,owI' U (/ "Shogun Sall/(, /PI , ' ' ' L,ltf~ Tal/la III-ighbarhaat.i of (.os Angeln. Thll lKJln,U,rity af lhu "$hogtm
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    form a new group. This can be expressed as I~ + C =: 0 , where A, B, and C represent dil:' fcrcnt gl"onps present in a society, and 0 signifies the end result. a unique cu ltural-racial group UIllike a ny of the initial groups (W. Newlllan , 19i3). The belief in the United Slatc~ as a "melting pot" became vc ry com pelling in the firs t pan o f the lWClllict h ccn lllly. parti cu larly since it suggested that the nation had an almost d ivine mission 10 amalga mate \" oIl"io us groups int o o nc peo pl e. However, in ac tua lit), many reside ll LS wen: no t willing to have Native Ameri can s, J ews. African Americans. Asian Amc ric-.lIls, and Iri<>h Ro ma n Catho lics as a part of the melting pOl . TherdOrc . this pa tte rn does no t adequately descri be dominalll-subordi !latc:: relations cxisling in the United States.
    \0

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    Segregation refers 1 the ph)'Sical separation of l\lo .0 o f people in tc rm.~ o f resid e nce. workplact, and social fun c tions. Generally. it is imposed 11)' l domin:1I1 t group 0 11 a mino rity group, I-Ioweve r.~ rcgmion is rarel)" complete; in tergroup contact inevitably occms even in the most scb,,cl(.ltt..'d societio. In the 1990.'1. lh e Republic of South Africa finalk bcg<l n to lift the severe rt."s ll"ict i o n ~ o n the tnO'ol" mellt of Blacks and other no n-Whites that had hem

    284
    1'/l IlT'rlfHJo.J, sorJ<I./ I\"i-Q,c/I/Jn

    ht'olorkally enforced through a wide-ranging syslem "r ~regalion known as apartheid. Apartheid has Ul\UIH'r! many form s of segregauon , including lhe u'f".llioJl of homelands where Blacks arc expectcd III hit' Moreover, as of 1993, Blacks were sli ll not .lIol\\,td 1(I vale in electio ns for the Soulh African parliament. From a conflict perspecuve, aparlheid ml perhaps best be understood as a twenUe th-cc n. Imy drart to reeSl.1.blish rllC form of race re lations "pitied by the masterslavc relationship. Sonth Africa is far from Ihe only cOU1ltry in which 'lfJ,jf\g-.ttion is common. Housing prac lices in the rlliled Slates ha\'e often forced subordina te l' lcial mdethnic groups into certain neighborhoods, usu ~ urule~irable o nes. In add ition , members or a minl/rit)' group may volunrarily see k 10 separme tbtmSt"l~es from the domina m majoli ty because 11lC\' ft'drreprisals. This is not. however, the primary '..-tof conu'ibLlting to segregatio n. The central call'i(~ of residential segregation in the United \tues "ppcar to be the pn~judices of Whites and thr re'tllting discriminatOl), prac ti ces in the hallS-mi\ and It'nding markets. Dat.a consistently show t1u! Blacks, Hispanics, and (to .. somewhat les.scr I'\lrnt) -\si,IIIS face scb TJ'egalion in the nation 's met lopolil;m areas. Such housing segregat ion is cvi &-m .ifflund the ....,orld : studies in Swedcn, ror cx1Illplr. document th;:11 m ig rants from Chile. t;'rt{t, and Turkc)' are confined to segrcgated a l" t""or~II'('c1ish c ities (AndcrssonBrolin . 1988: Doig
    rlJI .. 1993).

    Pluralism
    In a pluralistic society, a subordinate grolll) will not have to forsake iL'i li festylc and traditions. Plrlra l~ is m is based 011 m utual respect betwcen volriolls groups in a socie ty for one another's cu ltures. It al lows a minority group to express its own c ulture and still to participate without prejudice in the larger society. Earli e r, ama lgamalioll was described as A + B + C = D, and assimilation as A + B + C = A. Using Ihis same approach , wc can co nceive of piu ralism as A + B + C = A + B + C. All th e gl'Oups arc able to coexist ill the sanle society (W. NCl\'man . 1973). In the United Stales, pluralhm is more oLm ideal than a re::llil)'. There are disti nct instances of pluralism : Ihe e thnic ncighborhoods in major cities, sllch as Koreatown, Little Tok.yo. Andersollville (Swedish Americans), and Spani~h HarlCIll. Ye t thcre arc also limits 10 such cultural freedo m. In order la survivc, a societ.y must promote a certain conscnsus among iL~ members regarding basic ideals, valucs, and beliefs. Thus, if a Rumanian mi gr.lting to th e United States wants lO move up the occupational ladder, he or she cannOI avoid le arning the English l,mguage. Sever 1 :HlI.hors argue persuasivel), that Sw1l.Ze r.. land exemplifies a mode m plural istic Slate. The absence both of a natio nal language and of a do mi. nant religious faith le;:lds to a LOlenmcc for c Llltln-dl divers ity. In addition. various political devices have

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    f llll btu/m!/ l'xlIlnple l!!i1!.llinllimwl ducriminulilm in NOI1h Cumlillll ill 1950, IJlodu l~,"l' /lot II//OI1"1( IiJ llM a wol" foul/tain USPl"liI'd far 1\7,i/oO'. bului. 81adts hnt/lo Ilrillk 0111 of" /ltalUy 511111.

    285
    GI.1/'n;/f 1/1 i("f,I L .INl> ITfI.\/C ,-W:QPMJIl

    been adopted t.o safeguard the interests of etJmic groups in a way .. hat has no parallel in tJle United SL.ucs. H COlllr.L<;t, Great Britain has found it dim' r cuI! to achie\'c cu ltur.ll pluralism in .1 IHulUf'.Icial society, East Indians, Pakislanis, and Blacks from tJle Caribbea n a nd Africa a re expe rie nci ng prejudice and discrimination wi lhin the dominanl White British soc ie ty. There is inc reasing pressure 10 CUi, ofT all Asian a nd Black immigr:uio n and to expel those no n-Whites clII'rcntJy living in Britain .

    tures was not complc::tc : some aspecls survh-ed ill oral lilt!!'ature, rc1ib';uu~ CU Sloms, and mlls ic. Blacl resistanCe to slave ry included ma ny sla\'C rC\"Oltl, such as those led by De nmark Vescy in South C;u. o lina in 1822 and Na t Turner in Virginia in 1831 . Still, m OS l Hlaciu; re main ed s lll~iec lto the a rbiuan and OftCl1 c.ruel actions of their Whi te ownrn
    ( Oil Bois, 1909: II crsknviLS, 194 1, 19-13). The end of till" C h~ 1 War did no\ bri ng genuinr freed om and equali ty for Blacks. The -Jim Cfl)\I

    RACE AND ETHNICITY


    ~l'<I~!!NITIj:!l!'T~T~
    Few societies have a more diverse po pulation than th e United Sllltcs dot:s; Ihe natiulI is truly a mllltir'ltial , mult.ielhnic SOCiCL or course, this has not Y. always been tHIt:. The dilTerc nt groups listed in Table 10- 1 h.we come to the United SL."ltcs as a result of immignlliutl , colonialism, and , in the case of Blacks, thc inslitlllioll .of slavcl),.

    .~.~.~~.~...~~~.~p.~ ...........................................
    The large<;t racial millori lies in the Uniled States include Black Americans, Na live America ns, Chi nese Ame ricans, J apanesc Amel'icans, and Korea n Americans. BlaCK Americans ~ I am a n invisible man," ....'tote Black ;mtho r Ralph [lIison il l his novd Invisible l\If1n ( 1952:3). 14 1 am a man of substance, o f llesh and ool le, libe r and liquids-alld I might even be said to pO.~kSS a milld . I am invisible, understand, simply Ix:causc people rcfu..<;e 10 see me ." Over four d ecades lalcr. many l\1acks (or African Americans) still fce l invisible. De~pile their large numbers, African Americans have long been treated a.~ seco nd -chL~~ citizens. Currclllly. by lhe standards of the federa l governmenl , nearly I OLlI of every 3 Blacks-as upposed tu 1 om of every 9 Whiles-is poor (Bureau of the Census, 1993a:4(9). Contempor.lry illstilutio nal discri lninat ion and il ld ividual prejudice agaillst Africal l Americans are rooted in the history of slavery in lhc United States. Eve n in IXlIIdagc, the Africans were forced to as-sinlilale and we l c stripped of llIuch of the ir Africa n tribal he ritage. Yet the destrucuon of African cul-

    laws of tJ1C south , wh ich were designcd to enforCt official segregatiun , wcre upheld a.<; constitutional by the Supremc ('.ollft in 1896. In addition, Blacks faced the dangel u l lynchin g campaigns, often lrd by the Ku KJu x Klan . duri ng tJ1(' late nincteenth and early lWl'lltieth t:e nt\lri e~. From a conllicl pt'I' specli vc. th e dominanct' of Whitc..'s was m ai ntain", formally through le).f.tli 7cd scgn'gatinn ami mail!:' lilined infunnal1y by lll C; lll $ or vigil<ln Le terror and violence (Fra nk.lin ;llId M o~s, 1988). A turning poill t in .. he stl"ll!{glc for Hlack equality came in the II nan iln!lllS SUp l'cllle Court deci'iioo in the 195'1 (;lSe of limllll/ I!. Ilnll rd DJ Edu((Jliflll rJ TO/H'ka, Kill/MM'. T he Cou rt ollllawed segregation u public school s Uld e lll ~, n tling that -separ.u.c cdV'" Gilio nal facililies are inhere ntly llllequal.- III tilt wake of thc IJIYmm d(c i ~io n . there w....s a surge orae ti,~s lll o n behalf 0 1 l3lac k civil rights. including boil" COILS of .scgreg;.lled bus companies a nd si tins at reSl..'lurnnlS and lunc h counte rs which refused tCl serve Blacks. During the dec'lde of the 1960s. a vast civil rights movcment e merged . with many compeung factiolb and stratcgit.'S fo!' change. T he Somhel"ll Christtan Leade rship ConfCfl'nce (SCLC) , f(lunrled by Or Martin Luthcr King, J r., used nOlwiolcnt ci"il /litobedie nce to oppmc segregation. The Nalional.\~ ~odatio n for the Advan cement uf C.olored Pl'oplt (NA.ACP) ravored usc of lh c courtS to press for equality lur AJ"rk,lIl Americalls. Bill many younger Black l eader~, most notably Malcolm X, tUlllcd I!lw', ml all id eo l l~b'Y of Hlack powcr. Proponentll lll Bla ck pt/wer rejected t.hc goal of assimi la tion into While , middle-class society. They defended Ih" beauty a nd dignity of Black and African cullllra and su ppo rted the creatjo n of Black.-corllrolled 1"" liucal and eco no mic instit utions (Cann ichael a04 Hamilton, 1967). Although nUlllt'rOllS cOllr.lgeolls actions ha\...

    286
    I:ART I1/RI-.F; - SiKJIII, IN"QUIIJII)

    During the 1950$ and 1960s, Blacks were in.lpired b:J' the ieruiership of Dr. Martin Lutlu:r King, Jr., who led numerous ooyrollS and rlUlrcheJ on bfhalJ of civil righl5. Afore rrwllly, H/acks haw bfPrl. iml,irrd Ify Nelson MrHl{Wia, lend" of the African National Congress. Mandela, who sptml IilmiJsl 28 years itl South AfriCflIl fJriSOIlS, was rrwasi'd in 1990 and toured the United Str/Us lal", Ihal year.

    287
    UI,1I'I1./I !O 1/A(;lAL ANn I:""I"//NI(; INEQUAI1IY

    takcn place to achievc Bl .. ck ch'il rig hts, Black and Whi le Amcrica are still separate. Sl iII un equal. From birth to death . Blacks suffer in te rmli of uLe life chan cc~ described in Chapter 8. Life remains quitc difficult for millions of poor Blacks. who must attempt to stllYh'e in ghetto arcas shattered by high un em ploymc nt and abandoncd housi ng. T he econunL positio n of 8 1 ;:u:k~ is shown in Ta blc 1()"2. A~ ic the lablc ill ustrates, the media n incomc of Blacks it> o nly 57 pe rcent that of Whitt!s. and lh e unemploymcn t mte among Blacks is mort: than twicc tha t o f Whit.es ( Renne u , 1993). The economic position of African Amcrican women and their c hildre n is p:u'licularly critical. Two-thirds of households headed by Hlack females are below lhe poveny linc. Econo mist Bemard An d ersoll o f the Rockefcll cl' FOLlndation o bserves: ~Yo u can not discuss Black pov" l'Iy wit hou t d iscllssil1 g the dreadful co nditio n of life and opporlunity among mac" women who arc puor and raising children" ( I\ennclt, 1993:68: Noble. 198'I:E20) . Th er'c h:w! bee n eCClnorni( gains for SOInt Black.<t-especially middlc<lass Biack.<;---o\'cr the last 35 years. Fo r example. dam compi led by the Dt.'pal'lmcnt of Labor show that Blac ks in management areas of the labo r market inc reased nationally from ~.4 percelll of the total in 1958 to 6.3 perce n t in 1991. Vel African Americans still reprcscm o nly" percent or less of all physician s, cl1gi neers. sdentists. lawreni, j udges, a nd markeling ~Ul d fina ncial rn ,lILagers. Mo reover, wit h regard to an area that is l'spcda lly importalll for developing mic model ~. I-\Iacks lImlllispan ics togethe r account for less tha ll 7.3 perccn t of all editors and reporters in the Un ited States (Bureau of thc Census, 1992:392).

    In lIlallY respects. the civil tights movement I' the 1900S left instilllliOl Lalized discriminatiul' ag<linsL Blach untouch ed. Co nsequently. in tbr 1980s. Black leaders .... orkcd to mubilil.c Black p0litical 1 )O\\'er :1:-. a force fo r "Dcial change. Bct'ol>(n 1969 a nd 1986. the number of African AmeriCMI elecled oOicials increased by more than firer..' (Joint C.entcl' fo r Political SlLIdics, 1992). Native Americans There al'c approximately 2 mlt lion Nati\'e Americalls (or American Indians). TIll"I re presen t a diverse a rray or cultures, d is tingu.i~~ able by lanb'1.lage, famil)' orga nil<ltion, religion, aild li\'d ihood . To theoll(5iders who came to the Lniled S ...'ues-European se u lers and their dc~e ndants the nalive people came to be known as ~Amcrian I ndialH .~ By the ti me that Ihe BureaLl of Indian,-\(. fa il'S ( BIA) \\~lS o rh'<lnized as paL"t of the lI'ar lkpartme nt in 1824, Indian-White relations had already included three cc nturi e~ of mUIua! misunde rs tanding (Berg. 1975). A$ wc s.aw earli(\'. many bl oody wars took place durin g Ihe nineteenth century in which a sig nifiillllt pan of the nation', Indian population was wiped o ul. Uy Ihe cnd ofthr nineteenth cemury. :.c hools for India ns oper.urtl by the BlA o r c hurch missions (ll'o hibited the Pili' tice o f ;'\Iativc America n cultures. Yel such schoolt. did litt le 10 make the c hildren elTectivc COll1petilM in Whitc society. Today. Native Americans arc an it npoverishrd peo ple; life is dimwit. whether they live in cititsor on Ihe I'e~e lva tions. For cx;unple. the dealh nlle ~ Navajo babies o\'el' 18 wet-'b o ld is 2 ti mes Ihat ri Ihe overa ll population of Ihe United States. Out ;'\Iali\'e Amelicilll tecnager in six hils attempted SUI

    r,\UU 102

    _ _ _ or-. .... _
    -

    ....

    CHARACTERtSTIC
    Fouryear tollege edl.lCotion, people 25 ond over Median Iomily money intome UNlmp!oyment fete People below rhe poverty line
    ..... "';t'

    BlACKS

    WHITfS

    RATIO, BlACK TOWHtTf

    12%
    $21,548 14 .1% 32.7%

    22%
    $37,782 7 .4% 11 .3%

    .55 .57 1.91


    2 .84

    Jkspik wmt progrfM II>lUmg 8/(/ckll~ tile 196& Imd 19iO~, l/Urt rt'flftll/l.l. u>ide gall ill the ff()ll(ltmr /JOS'ill)flS uJ A/rim" ..\ tHtI"irmu mill U'hitl:J rII W Unittd Slfll~.

    Iknnrtl,

    1~:8--'J.

    12. 16 .

    288
    I'. I/I11"IIR1':t \,(}('J1f I.WQJ.l1U'11

    IlIk-a I".ue ro ur tim es higher than the raLC lo r ,IIh{"1' lCenagcJ'~. In 1987, the f\:ationa l Ud}an In d~m Coullcil estimated Ihal60 to 80 perce nt ur Natl\\' .\mericans living in cities were unemployed (Gi"I!u;md 1II0W"AY, 1982; D. Marlin , 1987:46; .I\/t..w York

    OH,IT'S YOU ~GA.\K

    nlll/1, 1992b:D24).

    hi 1972, a regional director of the Commission nn (;hil RighlS characterized government pol icy to1QJ'd American India ns as "assimi lalc--()r starve'" ~~ti\'(' Americans who choose to abandon all \'es~ of their uibal c ultures may escape certain forms of prejudice. Native AmcliC:lIIs who remain ~, the resenmion and cherish their cultural hertu.Rt ....,11 suffer the consequences of their choice t\luMm" 1972). \C\'trthele.ss, a n increasing number o f people in d!r l lnitcd tales arc openly claiming;\II idcmity \ilUl't American. Since 1960, the federal govf'fIlUlt'nt's count of Nativc Amclicans h,LS tripled. lIJ.m e~limau! d 1.8 million. According to the lY90 U'Jl'll.l\, there has bee n a 38 pe rce ut inc rt:ase in NaIl'o{'\nlf'r"icans ovcr th c lasl 10 years. De mographers !trli<-\(' 1hat more and more Native Amcricans who pm'luu\lv concealed th eir idemily arc no longer prtlL" tl'1ing to be While. Russdl Thol'll ton , a soc i06tl(i'1 .1Ild member of iJle Cherokee nation of Oklihurn~. notes: M Thcre "'ere many peop le who were ~'d of their Indian past, so they hid iLMBut. 1Ild. , many Indian lribes have reportcd sharp il1.... nr.... III applications fo r membership, lmd there ... bren d noticeable rise in part icip:Hion in NaIivt "'.Illrrican cu llUml e\'enL~ (D.Johnson . 19(1 ). S"UI'(' American aCli,ists have hille rly proteSted Ibr rnl\tn! ~IJll c nt of th ei r peop le in the United nlC I,ttest b.auleground-nol o nly in the lInrtt'd States, but al ~o in n,dzil and oiJler soc i~h.\S been land and natural resources. Rescr 'n\ Irpically cOIlt:.tin a wealth of resources. '-n Ihr I~l'\, Indian tribes have lac kcd the technical MowI"ciJ:t' 10 negotiate beneficial :lgrcc me n ts SIlC-ccNuIh with priva1 e corponu ioll s: when they had wdI ,l.hiUth the federal gon.' l"IlmCIII 01'1(' 11 stepped IbIi m.tdt' the rimt l agreements more fal'ot'able wrpllr.llions thall lO residents of lhe reSC lYJ.Mr.rt' recen tly. however. a coalitio n of Nativt. fll'.tn tribes has had irnpre~si\'(: results in its bar:p!IIn1: drons. An Atlantic Richlield Company JAIl; ill ,llll'r of $300.000 for an oil pipelin e Tigh1on a Nal~o rcse rv.ll.ion was conver led

    '1'111' 1101-1 ill Los Il ng~lc.~ mill olher nlies fol(uwillg the acqllil/tJ! offqu, 1\11/111' poijf' ojJi(n-l m tit,. vid~tafJf!ff betllmg of 8/1I(k {(JI1.ltru(tion. U1(}1'k1'f Rotilll"J Kin.K 'l'mmd~( prop//' thot the noljon \ /rillvrir nlrlal pmblems 11(11.'1' 1101 6th! rna/vet!.

    lh l'o ugh sk.illful negotiati ng imo a conu-act lha t will bring th e 1ribe $78 million ol'er 20 rears (Schac:fer, 1993: 179-181). Chinese Amerie.nts Unlike African slaves and Native Americans, the Chinese were initially encour aged to immigr.l1e to the United Stales. From 1850 to 1880, o\'er 200,000 Chitu~se immigrated to this CO llntry, lured by job opportunities created by th e '!owe\,c l', as e mployme nt possidiscovelY of gold. 1 bi lities decreased and compe tition fo r min ing grew. th e Chinese became Ihe target of a bille t" campaib'll 10 limit the ir numbers and reslricttheir Iights. Chinese laborers 't\'ere ex ploited , then discarded . In 1882 Congress enacted the Chinese Exclusion Act, which pre\'entcd Chinese innnib'TIltion and cvcn forbade Chincse in thc United St.'\tes to send for thel l' families. As a result . there was a steady decline ill th e Chincse population until after World War 11 . More n."t:cmly, Ihe descendan ts oflhe nine tCen t.il-ccntUJ)' immigrants havc been j oin ed by <l new inOux from Ho ng K.o ng and Taiwan. Thc groups of immigra nts sometimes form shall) COI1t,mslS in their degree of assimilat..iun, desire lO li\'e in Chin<Jlowns, a nd reelings about tll is counu)"s re-

    "*"

    289
    C}ltln7;H. If) IIAC/AI_AN/) t.TIIAlr: I\'~QVtll,rl'r

    latio ns with tJ1C People's Re public ofChinit (Kwo ng and Lum , 1988). T here a re curre ntly abOlu 1.65 m illioll Chinese Amelicans inlhe United St.IlC..'S, Some Chim.'SC Americans have e ntered lucrati\'c occupatio n!>, 111is has led to the popular concept that the strides made by Chillese American!! (a nd othe r Asian Amc rican.s) consti tutc a success story. We examine the consequences of thi.s "model minolityM image in Box 10-2. Many Chinese immigrants stmggle to survivc u nd e r living a nd working conditions that belie the M modcl minorilyM stereotype. New York City'S Chin alown district is filled with ill cg-dl swc;mhops in which recent immig ralHs-many of the m Chinese women-work for minimal wages. Even ill " Ieg-dlfa ctories ill the ga nnent industry, houl's are long a nd rew,uds are limited . A seamstress typically works 1I ho urs pCI' day. six days a wee k, a nd eam s abou t SIO,OOO it rea t'. Other worke rs, sllc h as hemmers a nd cutters, earn on ly $5000 pCI' year (Lum and Kwong, 1989). Japanese Ame ricans There arc approximately 800.000 Japanese Ame ricans in lhe Un ited Slates, As it people, uley a re rela tivel}' reCCIIl arriva ls to this natio n. In 1880 there wcre o nly 148Japan csc in the

    Uni tcd States, blll by 1920 thcre were over 110.000. T he ea rlyJ apanese immigrau lS-\"ho arc called lilt Issei-were usually m ales seeking e mployment 0ppo rtun ities, Along with Ch inese immigrants, lh('l wc re see n as a "yellow pe li l" by many Whiles, and th ey ,vere subjected to widcspread prejudice and discriminatio n . In 1941 , th e auack 011 Pearl Harbur by J apanby then allied with H itlcr's Genn:IIl)'- had 5C\el'1' re percussio ns for Japanese Ame ricans. The federal governmcnt dccn:ed tha t a ll J a panese AmeriOUl! on the wcst coast must leave th eit' ho mcs and I'tport to "emcuation c amp s.~ They beca me, in eITec!. sCl1lxgoats fOl' the a nger tha t o the r peoplc ill Ihi' United Slates felt concerningJapan 's role in World War U. By Augusl 194 3, in ,Ill unprccedcnted application of g uilt by virtue of a nceslry, 11 3,OIWl J apa ncse Americans wcre forced la Jivc in hastih built camps ( Hosokawa, 1969), Finan cially. thc Federal Rese rve Board placed th~ losses e ntailed by evacua tion fo r J apanese Americans a l nearly half a billion dolla rs, or more thiUI $4500 per person. Accounting for inflation, this f~ lire represents a loss of abou t $27,000 per PCflOll loday. Mo rem'er, the psycho logica l cOCCI on tht$( ci lizc ns-includillg the humi liation of being la-

    ShaWl! is Gnj~ Sogioka'~ w(IIr.f(lJUJr,


    ~/'1JI Tflkf f Falh" A WilY. " IkJm ill ulii/omill. Sogiolw lIIol'lm / IU I1 bwifgl'fmlll/ m'l/sl fill' 11'(1/1 OiHll!J SllldiQ.I IHlII taught art P"rl,til1lL,

    DI/ring World War 11, I" was IflhIt (along 1II111t Ms "'if' /I1;n; alld Ihtir
    I It:IJ

    JfJlwg am/gM,.,.) 1 all I'VIlI'lU/llul4 0

    fIIml! for )f/pantSf 11mnifllllS in 1'0lU1l Ari:Ol1l1. nI, rem,/, lIitU ioravd QII Q
    dffn1l'1/ liulhm I'tYrIJ(//iOll
    ( ~I1do

    n,"r flit

    lilt" MIi 0/ SodoU,gilfl R~(4r(h tQ doom",,,llh, In'f':!S oftN (( IIIfi""'/ jllpall'M AmnT((l/u IhM,;' hif 1II1w()I* ((;'.\nHTl,~ry filld IWJtIIW~. ffJ87: / 66) ,
    looJ

    UiVf'l". Sogiok(l
    8IH'tal/

    by /lIt WfI1Timf

    290
    PANT 1'IIHJo:r: ' SOCIM, I.W:.Q!.lAlJ1Y

    ASIAN AMERICANS AND THE "MODEL M IN ORJ1Y' STEREOlYPE

    A~j~n

    It u

    commonl y believed that Americans constitute a model or ideal minority group, ~ul> p!~ly because, d espite P.1S1 ~uf rtnng from p rejud ice a nd disclimwon, they have succeeded rconomically, sociall y, and educationally without reso rting to polititill and violent confrontatio ns ,,;tl1 \\1llt6, Some obsen'ers see the exlSi(n(e of a model mi nority as a (C".uJirmation that anyone can get we<td in the Unite d States with talnlt and hard work, Indeed, there is an implicit critique or Bh.cks, i-lispanics, ,\lLd uthetl fol' failing to succeed as wdl as tile model mino rity has, Viewed 1"'111 a conflict pt."rs pective, tll is berolllleo; yel anotller instance of 'blaming the victim ~ (refer back lO 1\0;( s.\! on page 227 ), for the hidrItn allegation is that any minorilil"> who have been less slLccessful Ih,w Asian Americans lire comjActdY rtsponsible for t.heir own bilurn. Proponen ts of the model "'''lOflry view add that becausc \!.t.ol Americans ha\'e ac hie\'cd suer"", Ihey have ceased to be a disid\'iltlt1ogcd minority (Hurh and
    Nm, ]989),

    a model minorIj{non:s the d i\'ersity a mong \..i.m Americal15: the re a rt' licit 41!d poor Japa nese Americans, rich ,Ill!! p<Ml!' Filipino Americans, and 10 Inl'lh. Moreover, evelL .....hen (erwn Asian Americans are cl ustered j( thr highrr-paying e nd of 'he IlIJIilic-.IIKJn system , there ma y Ilt.-V~t!.rlbl be limits on how far they an MI\'3t1ce, A study conductc d in I f\!! ~howed that only 8 percent o f \u.l1I Amcrican~ were classilicd
    nt(' concept o f
    III

    a.,

    and "managers,~ COIllpare d ..... ith 12 pcrcent for all groups (Takaki, 1990), The d l".ul\;uic success o f Asian Ame ric.lIlS in the educational system has undoubtedly contributed to the modelminolity stereotype, In comparison ..... ith the ir numbe rs in the population of the United St.'lIes, Asia n Americans are o\'en'e p resented by far as students in the nation 's most prestigious public a nd prh'ate unl\'ersitics, TI,eir success can be allTibutcd, in pan, to the belief in malL Y A:;ian cultures in the value of education , famil y prcssure!l LO succeed , :lIld t.he desire to LISt! academic ac hie\'ement as a means of escaping d iscrimina tiOn, Even the posi ti\'e slereol)pe o f Asian America n students :~ "academic stars" can be d ),sfun c tional. Asian Americans who do o nl y modestly we ll in school ma y face criticism from parents 0 " teache1'5 for their failure to confo rm to the "'wh iz ki d ~ imllge_ In fdc t, d espi te the model minority label, the hig h school drop'out r.He fo r A~ian America ns is in(reasing rapidly, Califom ia's special program fo r' low-i ncome, academicall), disadv:lIltaged stude nts has a 30 percent Asiau American clien te le, a nd lhe propol'lion of Asian stude nts in the progl'3ll1 is on the r ise (Tachibaua, 1990), A sllId y of lhe Cali fornia SIMe universitysYS lelll, released in I9<JI , casts further d oubl on the model minori ty ste reolype of A~ia n Alltericans, Accord ing to the report, while Asia n AmericAIlS are often viewed as successful overac hievers, they sufTer fro m unrecogni zed and

    ~omcial s"

    overlooked !l eeds, discomfort. and ha rassment on campus--as well as from a sho n .. 1ge of A~ian faculty a nd staR' members to \~hom lhey can turn for suppon. The report noted tllal. an ~a larmi ng number" of Asian American s tude n ts appear lO be experiencing intense s u'e~! a nd alie natio n- problems ..... hich have often been ~exacerbated by !"dcia l harassm enl ~ (Ohnuma, 199 1: 5; Takagi. 1993), Ben Fo n g-TolTes ( 1986:7) worlies that while reporlJi of succes.ses ac hieved by A~ial1 America ns may inspire pride wi thin this minorit y, they may a lso intensify fear and envy ill the dominant White majority and C\'en in other minorities, Combined with rcsentme lll about the growing economic dominance of J apan, such jealousy may contribule not o nl y 10 racia l slurs and biasc~ ag'd.inst Asian Americans bUl 10 viole nt attacks agai nst this id e ntifiable mino rity. Viewed fro m a conflict pel'Specti\'C, the model minori ty stereOlypt." is likely to provoke funher preju" dice- and di.'lCriminatio n agaillSt a r.tcial minority quite easil y viewed as " differcnt ,~ Full social acceptance of Asian Amcricans lIIay be hi nd ered if they a re resented ror bet:oming ~too successrul loo fa.~t.~ Ginger Lcw, a 'I\'a.shinglO n anomey and fo r'me l' State Departmc nt ollicial, co ncludc~ that the" 'mood minority' myth isjust that, It's nOllfue in terms of income or sta tus, Srer('()types, whelher positi\'e o r neg-.t th'e, a rc a disscn,;ce to the community" (Commission 011 Civil Rights, 1992: Oxnam. [986:89,92; Schaefcr, 1993:340-350),

    291
    CHAPTER 10 HAeMl. AND ,,-rIlNIC lNEQUALJI'Y

    hcled as U dis l ()yal~_was Immeasu ra ble. Evenlually, the Japanese horn in the United Slate~. the Nise;, were allowed 1.0 en list in the Anny and serve in a segregated com bat ullit in Europe. Others resettled in the cast and midwest to work in facto ries. In 1983, the federal Comm ission on Wartime Re-location and Internme nt of Civilian s recommended go\'ernmcm payments to all stJrvi\'jng J apa ncse Amel;cans held in dett:mion camps duling World War 11. The comm ission reponed that the dctenlion was motivated by ~race prejudice, war hrsteda, and a failure of polit.ical l e<tdcrship.~ It added tha, "no documellled acts of espionage. sabotage. OJ' fifth-column activiry were shown to ha\e been COIllmiued byJapan ese Americans ( Pear. 1983). In 1988, President Ronald Reagan signed unprecedellted legislation , entitled the Civil Liberties Ac t, in wbieh the United States government apologized for the forced relocation of 120.000 J apatH:se Americans and eSlablished II $1 .25 billion tn lst rund to pay reparations to those placed in delentioll clImps. Under the new la\\'. the fcd e r;JI go\'cfIl melll was to issue individual apologies fm' all violations o f Japanese Americans' constilll1ional rights. Begin ning in 1990. awards of$20,000 were to be given to each of t.h e approximately 77.500 surviving J apanese Americans who had be(:n in!emed hy the l"edel";:11 govem lllcnl.
    H

    Korean Americans The population of Korean Americans is now nearly as large as th,H of Japanese Amer;cans. Yc t Korean Americans arc often o\erlooked in favo r of the large r groups from A~ia, Today's Korean Ameliean commu nity is thl' reSlllt of three \\':\\'cs of immigration. The initial w.ave, ofa liltl e more than 7000 immigranL~ , came 10 the United States between 1903 and 1910, whe n laborc rs migr.ued to Hawaii. The second wave followed the cnd of !he Korean wa r, accounting rO r about 14,000 immigranl.~ from 1951 through 196,1. Most of these immigrants were \\~ves of U.S. service men an d war orphans. The th ird wave, continuing 1.0 the present. has rellectcd the admissions priorities set up in the 196fJ Immigration ACl. These immig rants have been well edll cillCd and have arrived in the United States with prores~ional skills. i-I owever, be r allse of language dillicu lties and discrimination, man y must scnle at least initi<llly for positions of lower responsibility than those !hey held in Korea

    and mllst suITeI' through a period of disenchant ment. Some may experience stress. loneliness. alld f:unily strife as pari of tile pain ofa(ljusnnent (Hutft and Kim , (994). Today's young Korean Americans face 1ll311~1Jf lhe cu ltural connicL;; common LO any first gener1tion born in a new counlry. Their p.uents )\1;/\ speak the native Korean tongue, but the l'OlId to (IP' pOrlttnity fol' the younge r generatio n iMOh~ adapting to the English IaJlguage and the dominan: culture of the United States. It is difficult to maiJI. tain ;] sense of Korean culture within the Uni!tfj Statcs; the host socie ty is Jar fro m hel pfll\. Indctd the few studies of attitudes to ...." .al"d Korean Americans indica,e that other residents of the Unitt'\l Stales respond with \~.ague , neg-.nive atli1Udesor~im ply lump KOI'ean Americans with other Asian groups. Korean American women commonly panidp;l!e ill the pllid la oor fo rce. as do many Asian Amencan wom e n. About 60 percent o f native-born k,n. rcall American wome n and half of those born abroad work in the labor force. These fi gure5l1i:11 not seem striking compared with data for Whilf \1'Olllen. but the c ultural di rTc rc nces llIake the fi~ llres morc significant. Korean women immigrav from a family system th;1\ establishes wellrle/inat marital rules: the woman is expected to serwal moth e r and homemaker 011 1 Although these rokl )" are canied over 1 the Uni ted Stales. women an.0 pressed 10 support their families because of thl'i! h usbands' sU'uggles 10 establish themselves linanci<llly. Many Korean Amcl;can men bcgin small tr, vice or re tail businesses and gmduall), ill\'olvc utril wives in the bminess. W;:lgcs do not malleI' as tllt' household mobilizes to make ;t prolitliblc cnt(1" prise o ut of it ma rginal business. 111(' situalion , ll1ade more difficult by the hostjlity Korean American- run businesses ofte n e ncotlllter from thtil prospeclive customers (K. Kim and H urll, I98~). In lhe early 1990s. th e apparent friction belWCI'II Korean America ns and another subordinate mriiu group, African Americans. alu-act ed nalionwidea~ temion. In Nl'\\' York Cit),. Los Angeles, and Chicago, the SCl'lle \V.as re played where a Kon-.I!I AmcIican me rc hant confronted it Black pel".101l.dIcgedly threate ning or robbing a store. The Ulart neighborhood responded wi,h hostility to what tll(, perceived as ' he disrespec t a nd arrogance of!h,

    292
    l'Am 'tImfJ . ':iOClll INEQUAI.i'f)

    llCW;

    Korean American elllrepreneur. Such fri ction is not earlier generations ofJe wish , Italian, and Arab mcrchants e nco unte red similar hostility from what tQ Olltsiders seems an unlikely source-a noth e r oppressed minorit),. Th e cO nlempomf)' conflict was nen dramatized in Spike Lee's 1989 movie Do the Right Thing, in which African Americans and KoIran Americans clashed . The situation ste ms from Korean Americans' bei ng Ihe latest immigrant group to cale r to tb e needs of inncr-cil), populalions abando ned by tbose who moved up tlle economic ladder. The tension tllat can al;sc between subordinate ~r()llps g".!ined national attention during the 1992 :.outb-Central Los Angeles riots. In that city's poor arras, the only shops in which to buy groceries, liquor, or gasoline arc owned by Korean immigr:mts. They have largely re placed th e White busirl('_'~ people who left th e ghe tto area afte r tlle 1965 Watts riot. African Americans were well-aware of the tl\)rninant role Lhat Korean Americans play in their local relrtil market. As noted earlier in the c hapte r, Black resentment had been fuded by the light sentence gi\'en to a Korean grocer after the fatal shoming of a young Black woman in 1991. More than 1800 Korean businesses were looted or burned durill~ the 1992 I;Ots; Korean est.'1blishmcnts suiTe red $347 million in property damage (Commission on tit'il Rights, 1992; Mclntosh , 1992: Mydans, 1992) . Among Korean Ame r;calLs the must visible organimioll holding 111 e communit), LOgeth e r is th e dmrch. Hal f th e immigran ts were affiliated with Christian churches before immigrating. Onc study urlillrcans in Chicago and Los Angeles found that 711 I){'rccnl were aJliliatcd with Korean ethnic chlLrches, moslly Presbyterian , wilh small numbers IlfRolllan Catholi cs or Me thodists. The church pe rfnrms all important function , apart from lJl e manikst religious one, by giving Korean Americans a \C'ns<: of community attachment and a practical way (0 meet other Korea n AmCI;cans (Hurb and Kim , I!I':IO: I. Kim. 198 1).

    Talum logel,,", Ihe variau.1 gmu/J5 which (Ire included wltler the grtln'a/
    lerm

    I-lispanics (or Lalinos) rtpmnll

    Ihe Imgrst ethnic minarily in lilt Uniml Slates.

    e tllllic lIli nority groups sl.ill face Illany fOl1l1S of prejudice and discrim ination . This will be apparent as we examine the situations of the cOllnuy's largest ethnic groups-l-lispanics, J ews, and White cthnics. Hispanics: Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans Take n together, the v<\r;ous groups which are included under the general term His/JulIics (or Latillus) represenl th e largest elllllic minori ty in th e United Slates. It is estimated tllat th e re arc more than 20 million Hispanics in this country, includin g 13 million Mexican Ameri cans, over 2 million Pue rto Ricans, and small er numbers of Cubans and people of Central or South American origin. The various Hispani c grou ps share a he ritage of Spanish language and culture. Yel people whose first language is Spanish have serio us problems wilh

    E~~.~.~.g,~ .~.p'~.................................. .
    I nlike racial minorities, membe rs of subordinate t'lhnic groups are generally not hindered by physIl'aldifferellces from ao;si milating inlo the dominant rultufc of the Uni ted States . Howeve r, me mbers of

    293
    CJll!vr~:J/

    IU - RACIAL 1t ....V t.7'IINIC INEQUALIIY

    assimilatio n in th e Un il ed Sla td, An intelligcl1l StUd t'llI fo r wholll Engl ish is a second llmguagc Illay ht' Il\'csuntcd slow or c\'cn unruly by ElIglish-

    have 1101 hec n so sm:cesslul as Mt'x ic:m Amen


    in organizing fu l' .heir rights. For mall Y mainla Pue rto Ric<l ns-<lli rOl' many rcsidt'llIs or the' land- rhe par:-t l\loutl l poli tica l issuc is the dc.-sti 0 1 Pue rto Rico iL'iClf. Should it cOII I;l1l1e ill iL~ P c nt cornmonwcallll slalus. pctitio ll lo r admission." .he United Sla' cs as .hc I1f.y-firs t stal e, Or attempt 10 become llll indcpcl1dcllI nation? This QUt:5 ' ha ~ divided Puc rto Rico ror decoides ilnd rcmaills cellt" ll issue ill 1 )lIcl'lo Rican eiecr iOlI:'. In Nore 1.)(:1' 1993, a referc ndum was h e ld on l>u c rLO Riru' fulllre :lIId \'olel'S narrowly fil\'orcd continuing Ihl COll1l1l0llwcalth staltls over state hood , wi th lill SlIppOrt fo r inde ptnde nce. T he 1a."lcstgmwing s(~glll cnl. b)' fa r, of Ihe If p a n ic c:omlllunil), consistS of people from Cent or Solllh Americ;.l. Until recenll)" this group has bet.:n c:losely sludied: gU\'Cfllmc lH d ,Ha ho mu wt.: clillcrc ll tiatt.:d .hese p eople by nal io llality a nd h..~

    speaking

    schoolchildren,

    a nd

    rrequently

    by

    English-spcakin g teac hers as well, This s<:lfrllll1lling j>t'ophecy can lead to Ih e immediat e lahding of I-Iis--

    panic childrCII as being unde rachieve r!'!, as havi ng teaming: disabilities, o r as s uITcritlg fro m Cl notional problems-all labels which som e of Iht.: children may the n fu ll1l1 , Uilillgual education has been introduced in mlm y sch ool disllicts as:t m ean s of cas-ing the educational difficuhies experiCIH'('c( by His-panic children an d o thcn) whose first langllagt: is
    not English .

    The cducationa l difTIcuhies of 1lisllanic student.. cert;tinly contribute to Ihc gcncmlly low economic stOl tus o f I-lispanics. By 199 1. o nly 10 peret'lIl of I-lispa nic ..dulLS had completed college, compared ",'ilh 2~ percent or Whites. AI the same till1e, Ih c median 1 ;lIuily illcomc 01 I-lisp:mics was o nly 63 1 x:rcen t lhat of Whit cs. It l IW I. 6.3 million Hispan ics (o r 29 perCe llt oral! I-i ispanics in Ihc Un ilcd Slatcs) live d below th e poverty line (Bureau u f lhe Census. 1993:1:469). Despite commOll problcms, lherc is considemblc divt'l si.y a mong the \'<Irious H ispanic g ro ups round in the Ullil ed Slal es. The ];U'gCS l Hispanic papulaliun comprises Mexican Amcricam;, who can be f",'Ihc r subdivided illlo those dl'scClldcd fro m the reside nts o r the:: lenit,orit:s annexed aliel' tht' Mexic.--an -American W:II' ()f 1848 and Ihose who have hnllligr,1lcd rro m Mexico 1 .ht: linilcd talt'S. The 0 o ppurtu ni ty fora Mexican to calli in o ne hOUl' wha t it would ta ke an e ntirc day to earn in ~'ic xico h:l~ "H) liv-IIed millions of legal and illegal illltllig!':lI1ts 10 C()mc no rth . The scco nd-I :trge~ l segme nl uf I-li::.panics in the Unit ed S.ates is composed of I'uerln Rkall ~. Since 19 17, rc~idt: llIs of I'uc rto Rico ha \'c hcld thl' statu:. of Amcrica n citizens, flhny h :we mig raled to New York a ncl o the r easlern cities. Unrorllln:u el)', Pue rtu Ricans expericnct' se rioLls poverty both in .he United Statcs and o n lhe island, Thosc living in Ihe contine ntal United SlaleS have barely hall Ih e la lllill' income of WhileS. As a result.. a re\'c l'SC migralion beg;m in the I 97<kj more Puerto Ric'llls bcg-an 1e:lVil lg fO l' lhe island Ihall \\,(' re coming 10 Ihe mainland ( Lc mann , 1991). Po litically, Puerto Ricam in thl' Un ited Stales

    ins tead lumped thc m IOget hcl' ;t'i Olhc r.M YCl IX p lc 11'001 Chi le and COSt" Ric l may h avc liuh: j C OIllI1lOlI cxcept Iheir he nlispllcl'c of orit-:in ;l1Id Spa nish language. Mo rctl\'er. illlllligmll l$ fr 1\"'1:il speak POrlllg uCSC, th o~ rrOIll Surinam Dutch . ;tIld .hose f,'u m Frc nch C uillna s
    Fre nc h . III rccc l11 )'C_a l's, in cre asing IIIllllbersofC::n ' tl~ll Ame ricans a nd South Americans havc "cd the United Slates to esca pe political unreSI. Man~ l!lIve had difficulty g:lining o nidal ~ talus refugecs. The .uTi"al of immigra nts and refug

    from countries in Cent ... 1 and Solllh Amclira


    COl11riilutcd to changes ill lhe "Idal :lIId e thnic a nci' of Ihe populatioll (If lhe Uni. ed Statc~.

    Jcwish Americans Jews constitule allllost3 P('(ctnJ o f the populatio n of the nir ed State .., They play a prolllincllt rule in the "'o rldwide Jcwish communi" bcc:msc the Uni. ed Slates has lll(' worlel 's larg~ concentralion of,l ews. Like IheJap:ulcse, manyJt1Iish immigrants camc to this country and bcClUllt whhc<olla r profcssionals. BtH again, as in the C'.tSC
    or tl,c .lapanesc,Jc\\lish ae hicw; m c " t.'Ic l,a\'C cOlliedC'

    spite prcjud ice and discrimination . Anc;-Se mitis",- lhm is, ami:Je wish Im-:judict-in 1I1e Uniled SIOUl:S 11<l:. ofl,e n bt:en vidOl ts,:llthouJt!. roil'cl)' so widespread 'lIld Ilt.'\'c r so formal ized as it Eu ro pe. In mallY ca:.cs, J ews have been tlsed '" scapegoab for o the r p eop le's !;lilurcs. 'l11is ,.AI clearly illdicatcd ill a ~ Iud)' o f Wo rld War 11 \'tttf

    294

    tU\~

    by Bclldheim and .!<UlO\\'ill, (I964), The rt.... 'll?afchel'll found I,hat men \"ho had experienced dO"'l1",';u'd mobility (for example. job failure) were mon: likely to blame lhei r setbacks o nJ ewish Amer il<tI1S Ihan o n their own sho rtcomings, Jews have nOl achieved equality in th e Un ited SI.,tcs, Despite high levels of education and proressional II-:lining, they are sl iII conspicuollsly ab" q'tlI rrom Ihe top nmnagemc lH of largc corpor,'t" lions (except for the few finns founded by Jews)" tlllil Ihe late 1960s" many p!'e~tigious universities lIld.iu[aincd restrict ive (llIo tas Illal, limited J ewish e n" roJlmcnl.. Social clubs alltl fratel'llal grou ps fre ljlll"ntly limit membcl"'\hip [0 gentiles (noll:lcws), a pm:tice upheld by the Supreme Court ill the 19G<I f.I~ of &ll v" Maf)'lrllui.. Onc recent study suggt'SLS that anti-Semitism in lilt' (o'l)(mlle world may be declining" In 1985 alld 1986, !>OCiologist Samuel KI:msner ( 1988) and his colleagucs questioncd 4<1 '1 peuple with Maste r of Blhinw Administl,ltion (M"B"A,,) clebTJ"e ~S trom t/m'c busilless sch ools" The purpose of th e sludy \\a.\ 10 compare the ex pcriences ofJ cwlsh :uld non" In.ish cxcclIth'es who began their careers at the \JJ1Ij,' business schuols, Researchers lest("ci ~even in" di(;lItll1 of discriminal ion and, in each case, Jflift:tl to lind cvide nce o f discrimination against J ewish cXl'cmivcs, (The same study, however, did detect ,uirltllllial discrimination against Black and ICmalc 1''i.l'ClItivt..S" ) ' :\5 IS true ror o ther minorilies disclls~d in this dupter.Jcwish Alllelican'l face the choice of main Willing tics 1 their lon g religiolls and cuituml her0 !tagt' O!" becoming as indisting uishable as possible frum gCll tiles, Many J ew"" h ave lended 10 assimilate, ",h{'vidcnt from the risc in maniages belween..lcws ~lId ChriSliilllS" Indeed, a s tud y condttelc rl fo r lhe r (Iundl of J ewish Federations reported Ihat since l'#!,j ~Iightly morc than half of Jews who married Iho~ 10 man)' a non:Jew, f\.'ioreovcr, of th\lsC chil t1rt:U of inle rmarliagcs who recei\'c religiuus ill" \lntction, 72 percent arc reared in faiths o ther th:Ul /utlJ.i.,m, These tre nds WOl"ry J ewish Icader'S, some III 1I1t01ll ft!ar that the lo ngterm future of thc J e ..... ~h (k"ople is in q uestion ( llPligiml \V(lt(h, 1991)" Wc '<IlllI':X3mint! Jewish religious life in grcater detail In Chapler 14, III Ihe 1980s, there were dist u rbing incn"'-:L'lCs in .11 1'1 of I'iolcncc againslJcws andJl;!wislL inslitutions,

    In Ih,. Jt'llr

    199],

    Ihi! Ihlll"DI'/amfl/ultj

    of 8 '1/4/ Wrilh "1KJrltti (hi! S(Jnd"hIKI/(~Sf 1II1fI1bt>r 0/ (111/;, .'Wolllllir jllClflnl/$ jll Iht L'IIjtffl ,,)/(ltn ;n
    l ..mglu (AOt,
    Iht

    15

    rm /ha/ ADI. haJ Im/JJ.i.lhl'tl 1/$


    fIIl/lif,

    filiI/lW/

    This SottllC period was marked by a wave of cross burnings lInd bombings cJirec ted at Blacks living in predominantly White neighbol"hoods, Tht..-sc actions seemed lO coincide with renewed "ctivilY among anti-Semitic Whiu.' slIpl" macisl b,,"ollps such c :tS the Ku Klux Klan and the Aryan Nat ioll" The Anti-l)cEun:tt ion Lcag'l lc ofB'nai B' rith ( 199<1 ) ."epurtl'd Ihat in 1993 amiScmitic incidents ." hcd eac the '\t'cond"highest level since the organi1ation begol!1 cullt:ct ing statistics 15 years earlier, Slid I thre .. tcn ing I>cha\'ior only underscores Ihe fears of many J("wish Americans, who find it dimcult to fOl'get the I-Iolm:aust-Ihc exte rmination of 6 million European J ews hy IJ1C Na7 i Third Reich duli ng the hu e
    1 9~Os

    a nd 1940s,

    White Ethnics A ~ i gnifi c:1II1 segment of the popu" la tiOlI of the Utlitt'd Stales i'lmade up of\Vhit c eth nics whosc ancestors have come from Europe within the Ia~l 100 years, In tenns o f anCel>lry, the natio n 's Whit.e e thn ic population includes ,tbout 58 million people who claim at leas t partial Ge rman .. ncesu)', 39 million Irish Americans, 15mill ion Ital ia n Americans" and 9 million ro lish Americans, <IS well as immigrants frolll other Europe.m nations, Some of these people continue to livc in c1c.scknil ethnic neigh lXlrh oods, whilc others h1l\'c largely aYsim ilal,ed and hal'e left the "old wa ys- be hind (I\u real! o f tht~ CenSus" 1993a:5 1),

    295
    ('JIAVf'l:.R J(I II.A.fJAI AN/.! t: fltSII /\'f'lJL'\/J"II'

    fABLE IO;i

    , __ , .,

    BlAOO,
    WHITE ANGleHISPAl-KS,
    OTHER
    WHITE

    OTHER tRISH
    WHITE

    ASlANS,
    NATM

    SAXON
    PROTESTANTS,

    PROTESTANTS,

    CATHC>tJCS,

    CATHOUCS,

    JEWS,

    AMERICAN>.

    Notional population

    Men born

    before 1932 Collegeeducated


    men born

    22.9

    22 ..5

    ' .2

    17.2

    2.9

    14.4

    before 1932
    Overall elite

    31.0 43.0 57.3 23.9 44 .0 32.7 37.1 53 .4 39.4 3.5 .8

    19.8 19 ..5 22. 1 15.2 18.0 13 ..5 11.3 19.0 28 .8 22 .6

    6.0 8.5 5.3 37.0


    14.0

    1.5 ..5

    8.9
    11.3 6.9 ' .3

    5.2 3.9 0.0 2.2 ' .0


    19.2 0.0 3-'

    Business lobo.
    Pali ticcl

    8.7 6.1 13.0 ' .0 7.7 9.7 8.6


    13 .6 9.'

    porties Voluntary ossociotion,


    . cm medic M

    8.0
    17.3 25.8 3.4 10.6 1.5. 1

    Congre

    1.9 ' .8 6.9 1.5 9 .'

    Political
    appointees

    Civil servonil

    3.0 3.8

    This MIX,

    sh(JI~

    Ihl!

    ~/(i1iorl

    tf

    To what extefll are White e thnics fo und among the nation 's to p decisio n makers? SociologislS Richard Alba and Gwen Moore (1982) co nducted interviews with 545 peop le who held import..nt positio ns in powerful social , economic, and poli tical institutions. Table 10-3 compares tJlC representation of Whitc Anglo-Saxon Protestants in these p0sitions with that of certain minorities. It shows that White Anglo-Saxon P rulest.anL~ arc overrcpresented among the nation's e lite. while White Nhnics are underrepresented (althoug h nOI so dramatically as are Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, and Native Americans). Some e thnic minorities appear to have risen to key positi o ns in particular areas of the elite struclUre. Irish Cat holics arc well represented among label' leaders; J ews and racial minorities compare fa\'orably among leaders of \ '01ulHary associations. White elhnics and racial min orities have often been antagonistic to o nc a no ther because of econo mic competition-an in terpre tatio n in line with

    lI'hilt! Angfo-Sax/lll Prott$l(mts, frUIt Calholics. orul ollu= mfUmg lhi lradtr. uf pownfij{ 50riai. I!wlwmif, (HId POlitical j/ulitutiom o/Iht UllilM S/(l/ts. Thl! rr"mnl/oliOlI of toch group
    within /~ lI(l/iolll otH'mfi ,U" and wilhill/Hlrticuhu' tJjH!s of POS'liollS is wmpm"fd with the pnum/uge of group mnll/!eJl who me //je/! 00171 INfOll {932 or wlkgNtlu(fl/l'(/ 11U"1i bor/l "'fort 1932. ThN' rompara/iVl! data orr offrrtl.1 bmJll.v QUl~ m(J/'.s mill to/lrgfrOum/,d rrwlr.s M'OI! Irwiili(mlllt, bMI Ih,. groups frum which /IIr.1IlMs of Ik

    elite N''"K'.

    the conflict a pproach to sociology. As Blacks, Hi!r panics, and Native Americans e merge from the lower class, they will initially be competing "itb working-class Whites for jobs. housing, and educalional opportunities. In times of high unemploy-

    296
    I'AWI '11I1I1-:r: SOClAI ISf;QUAU1Y

    mcnt or inflation, any sllch competition can easily grncratc intense intcrgroup connict. In many respects, the plight of While ethnics raises the same basic issues as that of other subordinate people in the United Slales. How cthnic can people be-how much can they deviate from an essentially White, Anglo-Saxon, Protest.'J.nt norm-before socicty punishes U1cm for a willingness to be

    different? Ollr society doc.-; seem to reward people for assimilating, Yel, <L" we have seen. assimitation is no guarantee of equality or freedom from discrimination. In the social poliC}' section which follows, we will focus on people who inevitably face the question of whether to strive for assimilation: immigrants and refugees who come to the United States.

    REGULATING IMMIGRATION
    Why are immigrants "pulled~ and "pushed" 10 the United States? From a conflict perspectivc, how does the nation's ur:nmci1I of illegal immigrants reinforce s!I<ttification based on class, race, and ethnicity? ID what way does the debate over immigration and refugcl' policy renect the deep value conflicts in tllc culture of UlC United States?
    least a few hundred of its passengers latcr died at the hands of the Nazis (Mol'Se, 1967; C. Thomas and Wius. 1974). As in the past, immigration remains a controversial pan of U.S. public policy. According to the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) , as of mid-1993 some 8.9 million people had immigrated k:gally into the United States during the previous dccade , while an estimated 3 million more had entered lhe cuuntry illegally. In 1992. there was almost one immigrant clltering the United Slates for every two new births. While national allenljon is largely focused on legal and illeg-d1 immigrants from Mexico, the immigrant population of the United States is rather varied. For example, a study released in late 1993 of illegal immigrants in New York Statc-sccond only to Califurnia in the number of illq"ral immigrants it absorbs each rearfound that the three m'!ior groups coming lO Nev. York are from Ecuador, Italy, and Poland (Mydans, 1993; Sontag, I 993b), As subslantialnumbCI'S of Hispanic and A~ian immigrants enter u1e United States, Ule proportion of residents with European origins continues to decline and the nation becomes much more diverse. This tfcnd is enhanced by the faclthat families with European origins have cGmparauvely lower birthrates than Hispanic or Asian inrrnigrants. As is evidelll in Figure 10-2 on page 298, in the coming decades Hispanics will O\'crt;tkc African Americans as the nation's largest racial or ethnic minority group. Howcver, Asian immigrants will have a cultural influence well beyonrllhcir numbers hccause ther are cspeciall}' likely to be rp[(1I1 imrnigranL~ (and therefore less assimilated into the dominant culture of 111C United States). Accurding to popu-

    The
    rlred,

    words of poet Erl11na Lazarus--"Cive us your poor, your huddled masses rearning 10 hreathe free .. ,~-are inscribed 011 the Statue of Liberty, long the symbol of hope for those who \\\lJlled to come la the United Slates. Yet. by the beginning of the twentieth century, this country had begtU1 to turn its back on some of the huddled mmes. As early as 1882, people of Chinese de~eJlt lI'ere prohibited fTOm establishing permanell1 residence in t.he United States. Campaigns soon began 10 limit entry of OIher peoples regarded as ~\Inde Sir.lble." In the 1920s, the United States instituted an immigration policy that hJ'flve preference to people IWllllI'cstcrn Europe, while making it difficult for t('lidents of southern and eastern Europe, Asia, and .\fli(a to enter the country Then, during the late 1!130s and early 1940s, the federal government rehlSf{1 to lift or loosen restrictive immigral,ion quotas in order to allow Jewish refugees to escape the tl'l'm!' of the Nazi regime. In lint" with tltis policy, the S.S. St. Louis, with more than 900 Jewish refugees on board, was denied permission 10 land il.J tlte United States in 1939. This ship was forced l".sail back to Europe, where it is estimated tl1at at
    ~'Our

    297

    FIGURE 10-2 Papulatjar! af the Ur!ited Stales by Race and Ethnicity. 1993 (JPld 2050 (Projected)

    1993

    2050 IProjododl

    )UUoa::;'"

    8",,,,,,u'" th..

    un,..., 199:'1.
    According 10 projeclifllH. by tll/. 1~lm'(1!I of tll/. V1Lms, 1111' Pro/lOrilon of rtlllll'Tlls of the V,II/m Stain who (lrt U'h i~ 'HId IIQ,,-f{bjJ(IIlir rmU dtn"fflS' sifJIlifimntty by Il" J",r 2050. 11)' rOIl/I"(I.I/, /hl'rt will IN (J 5tnlcirlg riM ill tilt 1Jr()p.>rtioll of bolh I/upanju and liJi(HI AmnimrlS.

    lation proj enions, by the middle of the twenty-first ce lllury approximately 86 pe rcenl of Asian }\.mc.icans will be foreign-bom or children of a foreignborn parent, compared with 66 percent of" Il ispanics (Edmonston a nd Passe!, 1993). Since lhe mid-1980s, public opinioll polls have shown that people in lhe United Slates arc inc reasingly unhappy about high r,\tc,-s of immigra-

    tion . In a national telephone survey conducted i mid-I993, 6 1 percent of those questioned felt ilia immigration into lhe United States should be d~ creased (as compared with 49 percent who favortd sllch a decrease in a 1986 poll ). Beneath this ~ ing opposition to immigration is a bias against Hi,. paTlic and Asian immigrarus. For example, in 1993, 64 percent o f responden ts (in a different SUI"\"t.')') said thal lhe re were toO many immigrants from A<lia and the Middle East, and 62 percent said there were too many from Latin Amclica. But only 33 percent fch thatthcfe were too many immigrants from Europe (Mydans, 1993; Pue nte, 1993 .. ). Survey data demonsn<lte that many people in the Unitcd States adhere to the ste reotype that immib'Tatlts wind up on welfare and thereby cause increases in taxes. Howeve r, social scientific studies llndeNCore how false this ste reotype call be. For example, a team of researchers from the Universiryof ~1ichibran explored the mobiliry patterns of southeast A~jan irnmi~r~lrlt families and found that they had succeeded extr..tordillarily well despitc major econo mic and language obstacles. While nOI tI1I these immigrants achicved success, many did-in good pan because of p.lrellts' support of teilchc1"S and thd r active involvemc lll in sU lIctuling a suppOl1ive learning cnvironmCllt at home (N. Caplan Ct al., 1992). Pe rhaps the greatest conlrovefllY ovcr immigration has .esuhed from the federal governmellt'sapparcnt inability to control illegal or undocumented immibrralion. Illegal inunigrants arc commonI-,' known as ilkgal (llip-mallel are somel ime..'i refened to as Illuioo.onenlro lIJ(J1kers. They come to the United Stales in search of higher-paying jobs than arc avai~ a ble in the ir ho me coutltries. Thc immigrants art pulled here by the lure of prosperity and belief li\"O for their children, while they are pushed out of their ' native lands b} ullemploymelll and poverty. Despite fcars to the conua ry, inunigranL_..... hcther legal or illegal-have had only a slight impacl on the employment prospects of longtime United Stat(.'S citiWIlS. III gcneral, imm i gr.mL~ arc e mplo),ed iu job!! Ih,1I employers lind difl"icult lO till and that mam /"csidt'I1LS do not \\~dnt (Botjas, 1990). Throughollt the 1980.~, therc lvas a growing pt'rception that the United Stales had lost cont.l"Ol of its borders and simply W;:L'i no longer able 10 pro\'ent illegal imm igr.tnts from entering. With public

    298
    I'MO IJlIIf.J ,"JCjM l.w.QIIM.rrr

    pressure for immigration cOlllrul on the risc, ConI,'R:'S ended a decade of debate by approving the hnmigralion Reform and Cuntrol Act of 198G. The ~(t marked a historic c hange in immigration polk)". For the first time, hiring of illegal alie1lS WoIS (Hltlawcrl. and e mploye rs ca ught doing so becmne )1I~t to fin es and cven prison sentences. Just. as liKnilicant a change was th e eXlcn siorl uf legal staIU.' hl many illeg-<i1 immigrants a h'cad) living in !.he Unih:~d SllIlCS. It appears thal lhe 1986 immigmlion law has had IDix~1 resulLS. According 10 d a T compiled by lhl' a L,S. Border Palrol. arresLS along the Mcx.icllt1 bordet declined Subslllntiall), in lhe rU's t three years ,\Iter the law took encct. However, in the fi scal year I'nding in September 1992, more than 1.2 million iIll'j.\':tl immigranLS were arrested crossing tht' bordCI .\s of 1993, it was estimated that 3.2 million iI1t1l"1 immigfilllts cOlllin ucd to live in the United '1.111,':~ {Frankcl , 1993; Pue nte, I 99:.Jb j. "lthough the Immigration Refor m and Control ,\(1 prohibited ell1p loye r~ from discriminating Jgain I leg-dl aliens bc;:causc Illt:y werc no t U.S. ci t-

    izc.ns, a 1990 reporl by the Ge ner-dl Accounting Office revealed that the laIV had produced a M IVide_ spread paltem of discrimin:uion" :llf<.linSl people who looked or sounded like fore igners. The report estimates that some 890,000 employers ini,ialCd o nc or more disc riminato!"), prac tices in response to lhe 1986 illl1l1igf'd.tion law. AlLhough these firm s e mploy nearly 7 million workers, feIVer than 1000 complaints of discriminatio n have been filed with governmelll age ncies-in guod part because mOs t em ployees are unawal'c of the protections indudc..>d in the Immi gration Refo rm and Co ntrol Act (C. Brown , 1990:3). Critics of tJlt! new immigration law e mphasiz.e th at while it has been extre mely beneficial for man)' immigrants who qualified lo r amnesty. it has had a devaslating impact rJ1l those who could not qualify. Many alie ns in this silllation are being ovcrworked or unde'l:mid by un scrupulous cmplo)'c rs, who arc wcll-aware that. these workers h;l\'e few options. Consc(!ucntly, milliolH of illc&,, 1 immigranLS continue to live in fear a nd hiding, subject lO cven marc scvere harassmen t and discrimination than before.

    299

    From a con ni ct per"ipcctivc, these immigr.tIlL'i-pdmaril)' poor and I-lisp.'lll ic-are being lirllll)' e ntre nc hed at tJ1C bottom o f tbe natio n's sodal and cCOllomic hierdrch ies. JUSI as tJle United St.'lles has traditionally preselU cd itselr as a haven for immigrants, so too has th e nation taken pride in its histo ry of welcoming political refugees. Despite periodic public opposition , the Uni ted St~ilcS government is conuniu ed to accepting about 130,000 addi tional refugees per ),ear as pan of an agreement to relieve tJle pressure on intemational refugee camps, Under the Refugee Act of 1980, aliens may qualif)' for political asylum in lhe United States if the), have a ~we Jl -fou llded fear of (X'rsecmion" in their homelands "on ac count of mce, religion , na tiunality, membership in a particular social group, or political o pinion.~ In rece lll years, U.S. policy toward rcfugt.-es from Haiti has received much publicity. Haitians have been fl eei ng their COUlllIY, often on sma ll boa ts, ever si nce a rnilitalY coup ill 199 1 overthrew the elected govern me n t of President JcanBenrand Aristicle. The Coast GwU"(i inte rdicts (or in te rcepts) many Haitia ns at .sea, which saves some of these "boat peo pl e~ from death due to uu::ir dckelY a nd ovcrcrov.ded wooden ships. The Haitians fear detentions, beatings, I"Orture, and execution if th ey remain in Haiti , However, the Bush admi nistration viewed most of the Haitian exiles a~ econom ic migr.lnts rather than political refllgce~ a nd opposed granting the m asylum a nd permis.'iion 10 enter the United St.lles. During the 1992 presidential aUn l)ai!,"'l, candidate Rill ClinIOn denounced the policy of interdiction as "crut:!" and illega l. yet after assuming the presidency in 1993 he kept th is policy in place. In 1993. the Supre me Court. by an S-I vote, upheld the govern me nt's riglll tu intercept Haitian refugees at sea and return the m 10 their homeland wi thoHt asylulIl hearings. Steven Forester, an anomey at Ihe Hai tian Refu gec Genler in Miami, wondered how the j ustices could uphold a policy u r forcibly returning Haitian n :fllgees to "tlll'ir militalY pcrseCUlOl'S, who the State De parUlle tH condemns fo r their ho rre ndous humall

    tights practices~ (Creenhouse, 1993: 18; refe r back 10 t.he social policy section universal huma n rights in Cha pte r 9). In 1992, more than 103,000 people from counu;es sough t pol itic.'l l asylum in the U States, with I.be greatest numbe r coming Guatemala , El Salvador, the form er Soviet L'n' and Haiti However, as or mid-1993, 1I10rt 250,000 people .....ere wai ling for hearings r ing their petitions lor political asylum: som(' beeu . . . aitingforyeafll!. The fede ral gO\'emment on ly 150 asylum officers available to hear I cases. Th e logja rn of asylum seekers became ciall), co ntrovers ial in 1993 ...... he n it was disc that o ne of the suspects in lhe bombing of, York City's World Trade Genter had entered Unit.erl States by pleading for asylum . Partly this in mind, in mid-I993 l~residen l Clinlon Congres,'\ fOI" additional fun ds and new 1 ....'5 wc " bat illegal immigralion :lIld to speed inu:rvielW! those aski llg for politi ca l a.~ylum (Friedman , 1 Wcincr, 1993). T hroughout the history of the Un ited Slat"' .....c have seen , there has been inte nse d ebale the nation 's immigration and refugee polici~.1a sense, this debate feneets the deep value C<1ft . in ,he culture of the United States and parallc" ~Am c ric a n dile mm a" ide ntified by Swedish )4 economist Gunnar Myrdal (1944), O nc 5tr.11ld our culture-well e pitomized by Emma La .....ords, MGive us your lil'cd, rour poor, your hud masses yea rning to breathe free ... ~ has em sized egalitarian principles and a desire \0 people in t.heir t.ime of need. At th e same ti howcver, hostility to p(ltcntial immigranu rcfugecs-wheth crChi ll ese in the 1880s, Eu J ews in the 1930s and 1940s, or Mexicanll,llai ' a nd Ard b.~ today-rcllects no t only racial. em a nd I'cligiolts prejudice. bll t also a dcsire 1 . 0 lain the dominant culture of the in-group by illg out those viewed as outsiders. The connid t ..... ccn these c.uitur:.tl valu es is ct!IlIml tn ;'Ame rica n dil e mrna" of tbe 1990s.

    300
    1'1111"1 'IIU/f}o; SOO""I_ /NI' QIIAI.rt ~

    SUMMARY
    The KJoCial di ll )(',,~iuus o f race a nd et hnicit), arc im por+ tint raclon; in sha p;"/{ people's li\'l's in the Un ilc d Slales oIlld oth er (OlllllriC$. In t his c hap tcr. we ex, lmi ne Ihe rntaning o f ract' and et hnici ty and study lhe 1Il:~or I';l{"iat wt cthnit lIIil1oritic~ of OtC United St:HI!S.

    ph)~ical

    I A racial grQUp is set ar;u'l trom o tlu:t'!l by obviuus dHTcrcnc('s. whereas an ethnic l,'TOUp is St' t ap;tfl

    Jltituarily bcr<lusc of na! iUllal urigin or di ~ Li llcLi\c c ul tt1!',,1 p;l((erns.

    2 The Lext \Iltle~ Ih al ~ill the United States, plur.tlisllI is more of an IIie ,,1 t.hau a realil)'.~ c:.111 the c0ll1l11u nil1 in lIh ich }'Oll g rew lip and the col kge ),011 atte nd be I iewed as gt'n llint- (.'l4unples of plural ism ? Exami ne the rc!atio n5 belllce n d Om in,lIlt a nd ~ubordi na\c moal a nd ethn ic gro ups in ) 01\1 hmnt'lOlI'n and ),our collq~e. 3 Wha t a rt' SOlUe oflhe simi larities ami r\ilfen'Hec~ ill the position of Afriran All lcrimns and t-l iSP,III ic:S;lS lllino ritk'tl in th e L"llill'd StilICS;' What an: some of tile simi lOlrilics and dilfercllI:es ill tlit IK1Sitioll of Asian AJlleri c~lIl s a ll(ljewish Amcticans?

    2 Wh e n .'luciolugisL~ ddiue a m;,wrily grOl' p. II K1' MC rimaril}' rOllccrnccl I<'ilh the (.'Conumic and pulilic.tl
    JlI,,",'Cr. or I)()WcrtcM nc~. of lhe group.

    KEY TERMS
    Amalganratioll The process by whie h a m:tiorilY g roup an d a milloril ), group combine through inlcllnaniage 10 ronn a IICW group. (page 283) Anti ,Semitism Anti:Jewish prejudice. (2\1<1) Apartheid The poiiq of the South African gOI'Cl"Ilmell1
    designed to rnaillta in th e se pa ....ui oll of Ulad. \. . Coluurt.""(ls. :\lId .~ians from th e d om;n:IIH \\'1litl's, (285) Assimilatiun The process bv wh ich a perso n fOI1k-. kes his or her Own cu ltu ral tr.ld ilion tu Ix-collle 1 ),,1rt of ,I
    dilTercn l ("lIl1l1re. (284)

    , III a biological sense, there lI re 110 M purc '~ IC(.'SM an d no physical trai ls that call be used It) cksn ; l)(' 011(: g ro up III Ihl' I"xdusio l1 u r all o the rs. ~ Prcjlldicl'd ani tud cs oftcn lead \0 discrimillatiarl, l'lll the twO a rc nut idcmical, a nd eac h Gin 111' prc~C rH withoUlthl' othcr. S bulilulialwl discrimillaliOlI result.~ fl't111l Ih e 1101"IlUI Oper.lljllll ~ ot .. wcitI). , Four paucl11 ~ describe I yp ical ;nlcl'group rela tions III Sunh AllleriLa a nd elsewhere: amalgamalioll, as

    "",,.'olioll , sf'gregatiQ/l , and pluralism_


    lrt11

    1 Irl tIle Uni ted Sta tes, the mmt h igh ly r t'IV:;U'd c d pill ' of imergrnlll' rc!,lIions is a.os imiialion. I'h.II"<Ilistl1 rt.... q~lin, mo re o f an ideal tha n ,I fca lil)'. S Llulrempul'a IY prejudice ami d iscrimina ti o n ag'linsl \lrican ,\ml'ri c<l ns 'Ire rou lcd ill th e IlislOIY o t . 1 ry ill ,lIlc thl' linitcd SI:UCS. , Asian A1l1 c ricall~ are commonly vit- wnl a~ ;i ~l1Iod cl 01111')1;1),," ,I Slelcolypt. not ncct.".sll-arily iM"",tki'll1n mcmI!mllfthis gmup. ,t nu.' l"ariOUS groups inclu d ed under Ihe gc ne[';\llcrm //UptHlU'1 re prcM!ll t the largest ethnic mino rity ill the I nitI'd Slates. 11 Much of lhe d clJ<lte in the Uni lt.""(1 S l a ll'~ t.orll.:eming l/I~nl)~T.lLioll It.1S celHcred o n the fcdc I~11 gO\'cl'lllllen t's oIpIMlt'nl imlbilil)' to co ntro l illclr,il Of uud OC UllIetlll'"rJ IIII,jll![rnliun.

    Blaclt.

    I \\l dch sociologic;.. 1 per.;pccu l"t: would he lIlOSI h ell)ftd in d lscu\'~II1K rht., no ts in Los Angeles ill 199:!? Apply IIrUl p<'Tli[X'clh'c in expluri ng th e causes ot Ih(' rio l.ing al ld Lh!' IIllphutlOns of th ese c"cnt~ 101' r.1 .ial allfl ,t hni c re~'III1) ill Ihe t ' n itt 'd SI'lles.

    po w~r A IlOlilical philowphy plOmored by many yo unger Bl.lck.s in Ihe I 96th " 'hi e h suppo rted rhe (:Tt.".ui on or Hlac k-comrolkd political alld eCOllomic i!lSDtUt.iUIIS. (2I:11.i) COli tact Iryp olhuis An ill1eracti oni~ 1 pe rspective whicll ~U\te~ lh:u illr erra cia l contact of peuple with equal status ill 1I0l1COlllpeliti\'e circllln't:\l1CC~ will reduce p,cjudke. (:!80) Discri mi"utiOll The process of dell\;lIg o pportun ities a nd t.""fIual lighlS to illdiliduals a nd gl'OU pS bt:cau..se CJf prejud ice 01" lor mher .ubi lmry nasons. (:!82) Elhnic grollp A g roup wh ich is set apa rt from ot hers oc... Gllise o f its naliOllal urigin o r d ;stinl'lll'e c ulrurn l pa lterm. C!7.3) Eth"Qc~/Ilris m The tcnd e ncy 1.0 assUlllC I.hat olle'~ cuilu re alld way of life "re superior lO all o lh ers. (2H I) Exploitation th eory A MarxiSI Ihcolyw hic h vit'""S mci:.! ~lIbordillat.iO Il in the United Stll1t"S as a m'lIlitc u auon of the da~s ~)"st t'm inh e rent in ca pilali\llI . (:!80) Genocide nil' d c1iber.lIe, sysle malic lUlling uf illI clll.ire pt.. )p l( 0 1 nation. (283) .. Irutitlltio/lol discriminotion The deuia l o f opportunilit'S :lIld t'(llllll lig h lS 10 individua ls 0) 1' gmHJlS which It.~ ."lts fmul thc normal o perariol1 of a soclel)'. (21:!:!)

    301
    (.lIAl~rHl

    III H.HJM. II,\'/H..-III.' /1 /.\"I.Qt

    ~I

    In

    Isse; The early Japanese inunigr.uHs Slaf'ClO. (290)


    Minodry grOIlP

    \0 lh~

    UIl1tcd

    A 5ubordi u:uc group ,,'hose m e mbers have sign ifk:_n tly less cOnl rol or power over fh e ir own lives than the meml>crs of i1 domillanl or m'!iority group h:lI'c over theirs. (271) Nisei j apallc~ bom in fh e Un ited S ratl.'S who were ti t... scend:mts of lhe 15sei. (~J2) Pluralism Mu tual respect bc::twt.'cn the various KrQups in a society for o nc anolll('r's c llllures. whic h 1Il1ows mi norities 10 exprcss uwi r nWII cult ures wi tho ut cxpcriencing prejudi ce. (28[,) Prejudice A lIeg'dlh'C :mitud e 10w..Inl :ltl c llIi re ca tegory of people. "uch a~ a racial or eth nic minorit y. (280) Racial group A group which is Set apart from nlhcrs beca use of obvio us ph}'llical (lilfcrelll:('s. (273) Ra t ism Thc belief tha t Ol _t' racc is SlIpn' llle a nd al l o lher.! arc innate ly inferior. (21:1 1) Stgrf'gatilJTl Thc act of p h )'SiC'dlly se p;u -.uil1)1; two groups; oftc n il1lposed on a minority group hy a domil1:llIt g ro up. (2801) SdffuIJiIIillg prophecy Thc Itmlcn cy of people 10 respond to a nd act 011 the b:_si~ of stereotypes. a prcdi .... position whirh can lead \0 \~,lid:ujon of talse defini liuns. (276) Sle r eolyp eJ Unrel iable j<:e ncral im ti o ns aboll! a ll m e mbcl'S of a grnu p that d o 1101 n:co b'l,izc individual diffefCllces within the group. (276)

    nll!JU:H'S ex plore UIC assimilation CIf eastern EUfOjX1II j c,,'S and Ihe illlpliC'd liOl\5 this load for j cwish idC':l1ull Hacker, Amllc". TIlJ() Nalions: muck/HId lVIIiit'. ~rfIIr. /l ost/It, I1nl:l{llI/. New Yo rk: Scri b u e.r. 1992. i\ IJOIiliul ~ci c nti.'ll ana lp .es Ihe relati ve status of African Amen callS in lI:nn~ of I~tmil r. incomc, em ploymcnt. edu..:. lion. crimina l justice. a nd go\e l1lme n t. <110 J.limes, M. A IHlellc (ed.). Tht Silllt' of NlIlive , , _ Boston: South Elld, 1992. 1)1~"..illg m'lSliy 0 11 N<lU\t' AmetiC:ln wlitt'I'S. Jaimc."-:I membcr or th e Juanefi~ ;md Yaqlli Indian lIibc5-C"plorc..~ the \~ lriuH! circUH~ St. nces co nfronted by Na ti vc Amc ri C:l1l ~ in the IInitC\l 1

    States.
    Dungl") 5 .. .md NanC)' ;\. Demon. , , _ Apm1lJrid: St!,'TtgIIlj,m (Hili Ih~ Mfl/UlIg of /M VIII/m"l! C llllbtidgt. Mass.: H:uv,ml Un iversity Press. 1993. 1 lhe \~CW of Ihe ;llIlhu l':'I, lhe 1>CI'l>iMenc(' or the ghtiu is no acci(tem. and is a signilic:ulI factor in perpc:nt.J ing pO\'<:'I1)' among Mrican Americans. Moon;, J oall. and f larry Pachon. ffisPlHl/(,s ill tilt { Sla/lIS. Englt.: ....ood Cl iffs, N,).: Pl'e mi Cl..-Hall, IfIR;. concise sociological c:!(:unin:_rion of H ispanic Amm cans. Sc::hadcr. Ril'h.ml T. f laal" IHld Elh"j{ Grrmp$ (5tb ('d 1 New York: l-I a'1)erCo mn ~, I !}IJ~. Comprc h ~nsil(' '" 11\ CO\'c l~_gc n l' mce a nd e th n icity, th is leXI a lso dlJf\lWl wome n as a sodal minority :tlld exami ltcs rtlinoril~1{'o l:lliollS ill Gn::! t Britain. NOl'th c nl Irt'land. I~r.dt occu pied It.'ni loric5, Hra7.i1, :lIId SoIlLh AfllC'oI. T a kak i. ROII:lld. A Diff,,",ll Mmw: A J/is/1Iry of /IIullit_ lllraiAlllmm. Boston; Litlle, Uro ..... n . 1993. An onnin of Ihe IlislOry or the U nited Slates as ilCell fl'OlllrW pe rspectivc of Ilumerous I'ncial nnfi ethnic mill(rrilll'!. West. C.ornel. IlIlITMfl/lIU. lkls IOll ; Ik a(olI . I99S, TIt('_ rector o f Afro-Amcricall Stu di e~ al PrillCt'lOn liMr. ~il}' examines lhe b;1Sic racin l problems confrufH.ingik United Slatc~.
    l\'\:t5SC)"

    APP!TI.9..~A!:..~I.N.G.S....... ............................
    Alba, Rich ard

    I~'/hllir

    1d""lil}.'

    -" n

    Trr"'~fa17l1Cl/ion.

    ()f

    \lIh'/f A""."m. New Il a\'c n , Conn.; Yale Unh'c l'l'i iI YIJre!lS.

    1990. A $(.lCiolugisl looks :11 th(' changing p;_uerns of eth n ic identity in the Uniled Sla tes and focuses on the nl)'ths that today's White ethnic~ hold aboullhcir plaCI' in the n:ltion's history. llu m .eI. J oh n 11. /ilia IVltJ/IO/H 0 /1 Camplls: S/lwjiml S/I/ dnlls SI>MiI. StlIn ford. O llil. : I'o rt;tble Slan f" rd , 1992. Ilunzci,:1 tOllller preside nt ofSt:lI\fonl Unhcrsity and memhe r of the U.S. Co'lllrlissiml on Civil KiJ.: h ts, anaIyl.cs campus l'acinl ten~inns and d raws heavily on illtc n 'icws wit h stude n ts. Cow"n. Ncil M., ;md Rnul Sch warl7. CoW:UI. Ollr/JOI'tt!(j' t.il~: I'hf ,lmnTCllnlUlI;a'l af fMt"". EII1T)Ptllll j rtlJS. New York: Ilasic I\ooks. 1989. Dmwlllg Oil oral histories, lhe

    ournals J................................................................,.... ....................M.__


    Among tht journals that focus (>Il issues of r.6CC ;tnl'!!'I) nidlY are tlmmuiml }ollmll{ (founded ill 19711, .,., Uillrll S(hJ/flf ( 1%9), UnlltmfNrary j~11rj ( 19711), f _ IIlId Ului(,1 S(/ldi~.5 ( 1978). I hS/JlInic j Olll7la/ of lk~ .'illldio (197tJ). ami }m.mral pf Uifllgtl SllItiil:J ( 19&\). I. C'.il puil1ic:atio1l5 produced by r.tcia l and ethnic' j, nmnilies are a lso useful.

    302
    "MIT /HIIf.R SOClM /...f:lItlAUIl'

    STRATIFICATION
    ..............................................................................

    BY GENDER

    I
    r

    ,
    303

    ......................::::==*11=:::::1.................... .

    STRATIFICATION BY GENDER

    CENDER IDENTITY AND GENDER ROUS Gende r Rok-s in the United S,au..'S Ge nde r-Role Social i1.alion Men's Ge nder Ro le Cross-Cultu ral Perspecti\'c
    EXPLAlNING STRATlflCATlON BV GENDER T he Functionalist View T he Coll flict Res ponse The Inl.cr.Klionist Approach

    WOllwn in the Work


    S I:nCS

    Forc(~

    of the Un ited

    A St.:HisticaJ Q\-c rview Social Consc(llIc n ces o f Women's Employmcl l l Wom e n: Emergence o f a Collective
    ~l i norily

    Consciousness Women: Double j eop,udr

    SOCIAL POUCY AND GENDER STRATIFICATION: THE BATTLE OVER ABORTION


    BOXES 11 1 Cu rre nt Rcsc:trch : Gend e red Spaces

    WOMEN : HIE QPPRFSSED MAJORJTY T he Globa l I>cnpective

    11-2 Curre nt Research: Male Nu rse." in a


    Tradi tio nal
    ~Womcn's J obM

    305

    really think that women ought to h.ave representatives, instead of being arbitrarily governed without having any direct share allowed them in till: deliberations of government.
    Mary Wollstonermft A VindicaliOlI of the Rights of WQllUm, 1792

    LOOKING AHEAD
    How are girls socialized la be ~reminine~ and boys la be "masculine~? How are gender roles apparent in everyday conversations between men and women? Why is it mat, despite outnumbering men, women arc viewed as a subordinate minority by sociologists? How pervasive is sex-typing of jobs? Are there many jobs viewed either as "men's work" or as ~women's work"? \Vhcn married wornell work outside the home, do their husbands assume equal responsibility ror housework and child care? \Vhy is it said that women from racial and ethni c minorities face a kind or Mdouble jeopardy"? How does the world view or reminists involved in defending abonion rights differ from tllat of antiabortion activists?

    Among the significant events in Japan during 1993 were the marriage of the crown prince and the summit meetings of seven major industrial nations in Tokyo. InJun e, Crown Prin ce Naruhito, the future emperor of Japan , took as his wife Masako O ....'<1da. The Japanese were definitely impressed by this Harv.lrd- and Oxford-educated woman who had held a series of important positions in the M.illiso)' of Foreign Affairs. While some feminists applauded the role model sh l~ would provide for

    Japarwse girls, others were troubled by her enlrJ' ing a new life defined by hcr husband's statlL~< indecd, at precisely the moment she exchanged 10111 with tlle crown prince in a traditional Shinto ceTl' mony, thc name of Ma.sak.o Owada was literalh r(Io movcd from the birth registry in her hometown rl Murak.ami City. She had ceascd to exist as Ma.sakn Owada, sin ce she was now Japan's crown princ.... (RafTeny,I993b). The following month, Hillary Rodham ailll"lI allraCled as much press altention at the Tokyo Sw... mit as did her husband, Ihe prcsidcntof tile Urlitl'1l Statcs. The Japan ese wcrc cu rious la see the II'Cltn:l1 who until 1993 had carned more money than !to spouse. But they saw the first lady of the Uni1td Stales rather than th e nation's new healU1 can' cur I-lillary Rodhmn Clinton LOured Tokyo'S lalldmarb and museums along ",ith the \Iives of other he~ or state; she didn't speak a word in public. A!.krd by rcporters whether his wife had been ~muZl.led: Bill C1inton responded Witl1 a straight face: ~No,~ht did what she wanted to. She thought about it qmft a lot~ (R. Thoma~, 1993: 19). Differentiation based on gender is evident in Iif. lUally every human soc.iety abom which we hal'c;nformation. We saw in Chapters 8, 9, and JO th.iI mOST societies establish hierarchies based all socii! cJa~s, race, and ethnicity. This chapter will examinr the ways in which societies st.ratify their membrn on the basis of gender. It. will begin by lookin~ at how \~.trious cultures, including Oll!' OWI1, assign women and men lO particular social roles. Then~ will consider sociological explanations for geudn stralification.

    306
    PART Till/El: S()("J.... L ISf.QUM.rn-

    Next, ChapLer II will focus on the unique situation of wome n as an oppressed m:yority within ule United States. Particu la r attention will be give n to the social, economic, a nd politic,,1 aspects of WOillen'! subordinatc positio n a nd to th c conseque nces of gender stratifiClltion for mcn. Tht: chapter will also exami ne U1C e mergence of the contempordl)' feminist moveme nt . FinaJly. the social policy section .,.ill analyze the inte nse a nd continuing controversy Q\'er abonion .

    Two women who nl/metd. 5ignijicant al/efllioll jlljll/!(W in /993 wt:rt IliUm] IWdh(lm Clin{(m (who visited dl/ring IM Jllmmil mu/ings ofstllot'7l
    indl4.lfrilll n(l/ion$ in Tokyo) and ,\1a....11110 01lladll (a/orm('T offinal ill lfu

    j\,1im51ry 0/ Fortign Affairs WM ~(a~ japatl $ If\'.lz,m /!rinCl.5.f through hn manlllgt IQ Croum Prinu Narnhilo).

    GENDER IDENTITY ~GJ;;l'!!:>J;;RRQI"E.:~


    TIlcre arc obvious biological diflcrc nces betwee n the sexes. Most impo nant, women have the capacit) to bear childre n, whereas me n do nolo T hese biological differences contribute to the development of gender identity, the self-concept of a person as being male or fema le. Gender ideTllity is onc of the first and most far-I'eaching ide nt.iti es tha t a human being learns. Typically, a child learns that she is a ~rl or he is a boy between lhe ages of 18 months and lJ rears (Cahill , 1986). Many societies have established social distinction~ beJween the sexes which do not. inevitably resultrrom biological diffe rences. This largely refl ects

    the impac t of COI1\'C ntiOllal ge nde r-ro le socialization. In Chapter 4, gender roles \\'cre defined as expectations regarding the prope r bchavior, attitudes, a nd activities of males a nd females. The application of traditional ge nde r roles leads to many fonlls of dilTerentiation between wome n and me n. Boul sexes are physically capable ofleaming 10 cook and type, yet most western societies determine that these tasks sho uld be performed by women. Born men and women are capable of lea rnin g to weld a nd fl y ai rvlanes, but these functions arc generally assigned to males. It is imponalll to stress that gende r identi ty and gendcr rotes a rc distin ct concepts. Gender identity is bascd on a sense of oneself as male or fe male; gend cr roles involve socialization into norms regarding masculinilY and femininity. Yct being male does no t necessarily mean being "m a.sculine~ in a traditional sense; being female does no t necessar-

    307
    (' IAYI!.R t t s/RATfFtCIIT/ON IlY GI~'1:J/ J

    GIRL! 5"'5 A GIRL.!


    A TOUGH , 'OTf(ON6-

    GIRL II

    ily mean bein g remi nine." Thus. a woman who en ~ lCrs a hiswrically male occupation such as welding. and who displays such u-::ldi lionalty !lI;!scuL qual ine ities as physical strength and assertiveness, may have a positive and highly secure gende r idemit)'. She may feel quile comfortable abOllt being femalea lld, in filCt , proud to be a woman-without feeling "'femi lLine~ as femininity has conventionally been defi ned. Similarly, it gentle. scnsiti\'c man who rejects the traditiona l \;C\\' ofmasculinily may be quite ~ccure in his gender idelllity as a man (Bem, 1978: 20-2 1; L. HoITman, 1977; C. West and Zinunc rman . 1987).

    Gender-RoL Socialization All or liS C<ln describe e the u'i'lditiollal gender-role pancrns which haw been inOuential in lhe .m cb li7':lIion o r children in the United States. Male babies get blue blankets. while remales gCt pink ol1es. Boys arc expected to play with trucks. blocks. and to)' soldie rs: gi rls arc gh'en dolls and kitchen goods. Boys mllst be m"..,.. culine-activc, aggressive, loug h, dari ng, and dominant-whereas girls must be rcmininc-soft. Cnl()-> lional, sweet, and submissive. It is mi1ll1s, of cou rse::, who play a critical role in guiding children imo those gender roles deemed appropriate in a sociel)'. Parents arc nonnally the lirst and most crucial agents of sociali z.lIioll (~ct' Chapter 4). l~lIt otJler aciul ts, older .~ iblings. the mass med ia, and re ligious and educa tional inSliLU-

    tions also exert an irnp01'lanl inOucncc on gCII~tT role sodalizatioll in the United States. P~-yc h o l ogist Shirley Weitz (1977:60-110) 11" poi nt('d to two mechanisms which arc primaril) rr sponsi ble rO f gender-role social ization: difTcreuWl treatment and idcmificalio n. [ n an i llumin;HJ!\~ stud), of differential u'e::tlmelll. a baby 11"<15 ~m.. times d ressed in pink and called "Belh" and at ()tht. limes dressed in blue and called "Adam," Adulh who played wi th tile h."lb)' ind icated that. wi(hclUC qClestion, they knn/Jwhether the child was trl:tl/""fit fe male from its bchavior. They remarked on !lOll s\\'ect a nd feminine she had been, and on hUll $lurdy and vigorous hI! had been. Clearly, tbe.. ad ults perceived lh e bab)"s behavior on !he basiso/ their understanding of its sex. Such gender-rclau'li a ss umplion~ commonl), IC<ld to dilTcrential trtai' rnent or girls and boys (J. Will ct aI., 1976). T h e process or identification noted b)' Wdll ~ !flore complex. How does a boy come to develop .. m,lsculine sclr-image whereas a girl develop:; (1ftC tha t is remini ne? In pa rt , they do so by identmln~ with fe males and nli'll es in their families and nti~h borhoods and in the med ia. Ir a young girl rtjlU lad}' sccs female cha r~ c te r.> on television w(lrkil\i as dde llSe auornc)'.~ and judges, she may lxliC'l'l' lhat she hersel f Ciln become a lawyer. And it will ,~~ hurt if women that she kllO\\IS-her mother, c,illtT parents' rrie llds, o r ncig hbors-;.re lawyers. B) contr<lst, if this }'O UIlg girl sees WOIllen portr.l)'cd iulht media on ly as models. 1l 1ll'seS, a nd secretaries, bel idcmHicat.ioll and selr-image will be quite diflc-rcru

    308
    f'A/o" rWIJoJ-; sor,JA/ , J.\'f.Qt'MJ! I

    TIl t! ponrayal of women and men o n te levisio n 10 reinforce conve ntional gender I'o les. A cf05S<uhural come nt analysis of tc:levision ad,cnisi ng in the United Stales, Mexico, and Australia found sexual stereolyping common in all Ihree (OUlllries, Allstmlia was fOllnd lO have the lowest 1e\cl of stereolyping, but eve n in that COU ll tl)" femUlist groups were working to elimi nate the "use of Ihe woman'<; body to sell pl"OduclS~ (Collrtncy and '\11 1pplc, 1983: 183; Gi lly, 1988). Television is far from alone in ilS ste reo lypin g of womell. Studies of chi ldre n 's books publi .~h cd in the United States in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s found that females were signifi cilnlJy undcrreprcStnled in cen tral roles ;1I1d ill ustrations. Virt ually all fema le charaClers were pOIu-dyed as helpless, passhe. incompe te nt. and in need of a strong male C'.11"eI"J.k.C'. Even books thal had been awarded Ihe celcbrated Caldecoll Medal we re found to have ~ lcreOlype d girls a nd women. By IJlt': 1980s. th e re was somewhat less ste reotyping in childre n's books, \'onh .some female c har,IClcrs shown LO be active. "'\C\crtheless, boys a re SIill shown e ng'".lged in ",c Live play threc times as orten as girls are (KOr1.ellhalls dtld Demarest, 1993). Females have been most severely restricted by tradiliol1O'lI gender roles. Th ro ughout tJ1is chapLer, we lI'ill sce how women havc heen confined to subordin:uc roles witJ1il1 the poHlical and economic inS liulI.ions of the Un ited Slates. Yet it. is also true that g<'ndcr roles have restric led malcs.

    has te nded

    so often a bait looked li ke it W:I~ coming up in m y di recl.ion and I pr.. )"cd to Cod that it wouldn't h<tppen . If it d id collie. I promised God to be good for the next 37 }cars ir he let m e calCh it-e:spcciaJly if il Wil! a ny baJl (F'age!" el al.. 197 I :36).

    Boys \\'ho do not conform to the designated male


    gendcr role, like t.he righ t field er quoted above,

    !ace consta nt criticism and e \fen humiliation bou1 fro m o lher c hildre n a nd fro m adullS. It com be agonizing 1.0 be treated as a ~c hic kc n ~ 01" a ~s i ss( particularly if such remarks come from one's father o r brOlh e rs. Althe same tim e, boys who successful ly aelapl 10 cultma l sta ndards of masculinit.y mOl)' grow lip to Ix: inexpressive men who ca nnot share their feelillb'li wi th o thers. They remain rorceful and LOugh- bul as a result Ihey afe also closed a nd isolaled ( BaJswick and Peck, 197 1) . I" tJ1e last 25 years, inspired in good pan by the conl e mporary fe minis!. movcment (which will b e examill cd later in lh e c hapler), i Ilcrea.sing numbers of Illen in the Uni ted Stales have c ti tici zed the ICsLrictive aspens o r the tradi tiona l maJe gender folc . Some men have taken strong public positions in SHPPOI"l of women's struggle ror full equality, among Ihem membcrs of th e National O llrdni1.ation for Men Against Sexism (NOMAS). AccountS in the mass media comm on ly indicat.e lhm a ~ n cw l11an ~ e merged in the 1980s. J oumalisl AnthollY Ast.rachan ( 1986:402) defined this M ..... nc m a n ~ as:
    . . . o nt: who ha;; auandoned or transcended 1l1ost U"l!.ditiOllal male sex roles ;Illd lhe maJ e attempl lO moIlopolir.e pow("r. He doesl!"1 insisl on l.Jeing the rote or dominant ea rncr of famil y income and he resists beillg 11 slave to his job c\" though he prizcs com~ cn ICnce and achievement. He belie\cs th alme n al"ejusl a;; emotional as womcn and should leam 10 express 1.heir reelings, and he call c.lk :I bol.ll bis own problcms and ",'eakllesscs. The ncw man supports women's flllesl ror illd('I:lCndcllee ;111(1 t'llIalilY ",;th morc lh:l11 tip
    ~e ,,; rc.

    Men'Ji Gender Role

    Boys are socialized to think that the}' should be il1vulnerable , fearless, decisive, and cven emotionless in somc si lllati ons (Ciconc .. nu Ruble, 1978). These a re diflicul t standards to meel; yet, for boys who do nOl ~ m eas Hrc IIp,K life ldJ1 be trying. This is especiall)' tTUe ror boys who VU)W an inte rest in activities Ihought of as re minine (filch alo cooking) or ror those who do nOI e njoy trJdilional masculin e aClivilics (s uch as compctit.ivc !porlS). Following are o nc man's reco llectio ns of his childhood, when he disliked sports, dre.. dcd g\Dl classes, and had particlL lar probl e ms wilh base-

    toll,
    During thc gamc I alWi.)'lI played thc outfield . Rigll\
    licIt!. Fi.r right field. And Ihere I would st:lI1d ill lhe hOlsun wishing I W.L~ an yplacc else in lilt' world . Eve ry

    Il owevcr, afte r an ex tensi\'e sludy of me n in the United States, A<;t.rachan esti mated tJ1at o nly 5 to 10 percent of men comc close 10 (or afe moving to ...... lrd) this ideal d efinition . Appa rently, thell , the tradilional male gender fo Ie remains well cnlrc nchcd as all innllc ntial clement of our cultu re

    309
    I:JlAP'I}n 1/ S'I"f/ATlFfCAnONH I' (".I;,\nl-:R

    find Tempermm!llt, r>.kad (1963, original l'<iiti"o

    1935; 1973) describes the lypical1x:haviof5ofnlt"flo bcrs or each sex in three dillcrenl cultuftll II"tthl~ New Guinca:
    J n onc Ithe Arapcsh I, bnUI lI1ell and wOlllel1 :m;ll '" C)(I>e(;1 women 10 act-in a mild parental r~ ..... W"dY; in UtC second lUlc MllnduKumurl. both an;u. .. e)(pCClIllCII 10 act-in a fierce initiating faslJioll; ~I,j in the third Ithc Tchamblllil. the men act :lC.C1lnll!l~ In ollr sterL'(lt)1)CS for women-are cany. wcar cur and go shopping-while Ihe women are encl'Jtfl". managerial, unadomed p,arlnel1l ( Mead. 196~:~. 10 1950 t:d.).

    Altlu:mgh mfljor l//.5lilllliQIIJ nxialiu


    'jmlll1:,'$I~~' ;11/0

    rolo,

    euny MKit'ty

    cmmen/iQ/wl f"rnuier has wmnl"1l ann IIInI

    who rtSis/ /Inn !ilu(6.sjillly Ofl~ lradiflmlll/l,'t'1u/n" stt:I't'Ol)(H:S; JiI'Ollg 11!(ll11P.11 m/m I~come /((1(/"5 or tlrojeHwlIllll'. Wfltll' /fit''' IIhf) Wl'f jOl
    child1l"l1, alld
    W JOrlh.

    As is evident. Mead found IWO societies (lhc Anpesh and the Mundugumor) in which there Q 110 dramatic gender-role differentiation bct'Al't"ll women and men. From the perspective of y,-eqtm society, we might say that these cuhllt"es urall11 women and men who arc both feminine (Ihe Ar~ r)C~h) or both Inasculin e (the Mundllgumor) I Ihe third cullure analyzed by Mead , the Tcharnllt ex pec tations 10" each sex were almost lhe Tt"\"(Ilt of those fOlll1d in lhe Uniled States. Mead (1963:260, OI'iginal edition 1935) {(Illeludes:
    The m;Il('rial iuggCS IS that ... many. ir nol all. of" pt:rsonalit) 1f<liUl which wc h;l VC C;llIed masculi!l(" III fcm i!1i!1e <11'(" as lightly li!1kt'd to sex as :Ire tht d,,~ ing. the 11lanIlCro;. and the f01"111 of headdres.s th~( a ... c::ie l ~ al a J,('iI"ell pcrioo (If lime :lo;sib'lIS 10 either lit")..

    (.scc also Craig. 1992; Kimlllcl, 1987; LlIIlllll. 1977; Pleck, 1981. 1985).

    To what exl,cm do the actual biological dilferences between Ih e sexes contJibute lO the cultural differenccs associated willl gender? This question brings liS back 10 th e debate (1\"cr ~na lurc ycrsus nurture- presenled in f:hapler 4. In asse...sing: the .llleged and r(';l\ differences belween men and ...mmen, it is useful lo eXlImine crosHuitural dala. The reseill"ch of anthropologist Margarel Mead poinlS 10 the importance or cultural conditioning11... opposed to biological I~\{; tors-in definin g the social roles of males and fem:lles. In ht'r book

    If all differen ces betWt'('11 Ihe sexes were dtttT mined by biolo~,')'. Ihen cross-cu1tural differenrl' such as tJlOSC d e~c1"ibcd hy Mead, would not (:'IN Il e r findin h<S therefore conlinn the influcntial ml!' of culture and sociaJi7.ation in shaping gender,.....
    differentiation. There appears [Q be no innate III biological reason to designale complelely difTrrrnr gender rol t's for men and women. In any socie lY. gender stnllification reqlliTt'~ [101 only individual <iOcializ.'ltiOIl in to traditional g<'noo roles within tll(> ramily. bUI. also the promotion and su ppon or these tradition<ll roles by othcr social in~tilutioTls sllc h :lS religion and education. Moreover e\'ell with all major instilutions socializing tilt young inlo conventional gender roles. e\'Cry \tlCI-

    .sex

    310
    /,MI"I' "l"l1IIF.E SOCIAl 1 ,,'/:Q.UAl.JTI

    tt\' bas

    women and men \\Iho resist and successrully oppose these stereotypes: strong women who become leaders or proressionals. gentle men who care for childrcn . and so lo rth. With these realities in mhld. il secms clear that differences between Ihe )fxes arc nOt dicl:llcd by biolob"Y' IlI{lced. th e mainItnance or I.rnrlilion:li ge nde r roles requires con ~Unt social commis-and tJlese controls arc not al Io.-a\"S effective.

    EXPLAINING STRATIFICATION
    ~I2~.r:!Q~~ ...___.

    __ ....

    .\$ \\~ will consider further in Chapte t 13, c ross<ul-

    !H'-.u .studies indicatc th ..1I .rocie lies dominated hy

    mrll ilre much more common than r.hose in which "omell play UH! decisive role. Soc i ologisl.~ have nlrned to all the rn:tio r lheon:tical pe rs pectives t.o untlCTlland ho\" and why social distinc tions bel'II"t"rtl mait.'S and re males arc cs t; l bli~h ed . Each applU.lch focuscs mt culture. rather than biolo):O'. a.~ Ilk>primarydetcrminant or gcnderdifferences. Yel. III mher res pecb. the re are wide disagree m enl.~ be~,"(:n advocates of Ihese sociological PCT"SI>cc u\es.

    The_f~~.~.~.!!?.~.~~.~..Y.~.~~ ..................................................
    Wilhin Ihe gencr,, ' framework of I.h eiT" Ihcm),. rlIIlChIln.tlis!.S maillt<lin that gender diITcrentiation has I.lIIllributcd 10 ovcra ll social stabili ty. Sociologists t~lcou Parson" and Robe rl Bales ( 1955: I :}- 15. :1-26) aT"gue tllll! in order tn runction 1lI0St (. m(w:nuy, the la mily requires adults who will sfXcia lUt' in particular roles. They view the current .unngemcllt or gende r roles as 'lIi ~ ing 0111 or this C"".Uiler need to esmblish a di,'ision o f labor between nwit.;tl partJlcrs. I~... ~ns and lJales conte nd Ihal WOIII(; n 1 ;lke the nprl'S!livc, e motionally ~upporli,"C mic a nd men IlIr UlSlrUlTlcntlll. pnlclical role. with the IwO COIllpklllrnting each o UH::r. /IIs tn"" ell tality rde rs \.0 rtnpll;l'lis on t:lsks, lOC us on more distan t goals. and j wntent for Ihe eX lcmal rc laliomhip between ont'( ramily and other social illstit lltiom. Expres""I'"tU denotes cOllcerll for maintenance of har.,>11) and the internal ('motional affairs or the [;lInd\: According 10 thi ~ theOl),. wome n 's illLerC ~l in

    ex pressh'c goals frees men ror instrumcntaJ tasks. and vicc vcna. Wo men become M an c hore d ~ ill tht: family as wives. mo th e rs, and household managers, whe reas me n arc ancho red in the occlIl)ational world outside the home. Parsons and Bales do not explicitly e ndol"SC traditional gender I"ol cli. btTlthcy imply tha t a division of tasks between spouscs is func tional for the fam ily unit. Givelll.hc typica l soci<llilation ofwomell and 1n t' 1l in the United States, the functionalist view is initially pe rsuasive. However. it would lead lIS to expect girls and women with no intercst in children to becomc baby-sitters and mothers. Si milarly, males who love spcnding time with c hildrt'n might be Mpl'Ogrammcd into carcen in the bllsines.~ world . Clearly. such dilTcrentiation between the sexes can have harmful conseque nces for the individua l who does not fit int o presClibcd I"Oles, \\'l1ile also depdving society of th e contribllti on~ of man y talen ted individuals \\'ho ,n e confined O\ving to slereOI)'pi ng by gender. Even ir it were comidercd ideal for one marital partner to play an insu'Umenial role a nd the mlle r an expressive I"Ole, Ihe runctionalist appt'oach does nol convincingly explain why me n should be categorica lly :L.Signed 10 '\ the instrume ntal role and women to the expressive I"Ole. Viewed frol\1 a conniel pcn;peclivc. this functionalist approach ma.~ks underlying power relalions between men and womell. Parsons :lIld Ib lcs ncve r explicitly presenl the cxprcs1Oi\'c and in su'Umental tas k.~ as uncqually valued by society. yct Ihis inequality is quite cvident. Although social inSlilU, tions may 1)1.IY lip service to womCIIs expressive skills, it is me n 's inSln unental skills that .1fe mosl " highly re\\~u'd cd -wh c lh c r in tcrlllS of mocH_)' or prclltige. Co nseque ntl),. according to feminists a nd conlliCI theorisLS, any division of laho r by gende t' into illslru men tal and expressive lasks is rar rrom neulc-dl in its impact 011 wO l11 e n.
    W

    ~.~...~.?~~:~!~~ ..~~~.p.?~.~~..................................................
    C".onOict thtX"'is L~ contc nd that the rchtlionship between remales :md males has becn onc of une{lual powc r, with men in a do minalll po.~ ilinll O\'cr women . ~-Icn may originally have become pO\\'erflll in prcindusuilll limes because thei r size. physic tl suength . and freedom from child bearin g dut ies 011-

    311
    Cn\I'IEH 11 <;THAnnr.ATlQN HI (".10.,\'111-.1/

    umflUI Ih,o/U'u ,.mphll:iiu /JIIJJ .'11


    work iJ rmifOl7tlty lIa/rmf, whilt womm lllKlrll (",/r,.ilur urrfJoul/Wltr the IWIII' or ILW taOOr) ix JtvMuJ Shmmr MP wfJrkl'1'l lIIakirrg /('/11.1 Jo1

    camping 1/1 N"" )'01'11.

    (I

    jactmy in &rrghnrNU/I

    lowed them to domina. (' ....omen physically, In C01llempofiu)' socie ties, suc h considerations arc not so imponan., rct CUIlUr:l l beliefs abou. the sexes are now long established , Such beliefs .~ upport a social slnrClUrc which places males in controlling positions. In Ihis sense, traditional gender roles do nOI si m, ply assign var'ious CJua lities and be havior-s 10 fe males and males, Feminist author Lcuy CoHin Pogn.:bin ( 198 1:40) sllggt."Sts Ihal the two cnlciallll cs..'Iages of gende r-role stereotypes arc that "bo)'S arc bener" and ~g irl .. are meant 10 be mothe rs," In order for a system of male dom inance 1.0 main tain iL~elf, she ar'gucs, chi ldren mllst be sociali zed lO accepl tradilional gendcr'-roll' divisions as natur.d and jusl. Sociologi"l Barbara Bovee Po lk ( 1974:4 18), in dt:scribing the ~co nni c . iug c ulture .. approach ~ to gender diO'c rences, obsen'es that "masculin e values have highl'r ~ta tUS and conslillHe the dmnimml and visible cu hure of the socie ty, They, , , provide the Sl;mdarrl for aclulLllOod ami norma l ity, ~ According (0 this view, women arc oppressed because lhey constitute an alLemativc subcu lture which deviates from the prevailing masculine value system. Thus, connicl theorists see gender differences as a rcllection of the subj ngation of o nc group (women) b)' another gronp (men ), If we use an < malogy to Manc's analysis of c1;L~s con1iCl (see Chapte rs I a nd 8), I\'e Gm say that males arc like the bo ur~eo is, or capi .alisls: Ihey comrol most of the society's wealth, prestige, and power, Females

    'H'e like Ihe pr'olelarians, or workers; they can If quire va luable resources o nly by following them. t.a tcs of their ~ bosses,~ Men 's work is unifonnln;J lied, wh ile women's work (whether unpaid labor., the home or wage labor) is devalued, A significant component of the conflict apPfCll' 10 gender slr'Oltificalion draws on fem inisl thror. Vl"hi lc use of thilt lerm is com paratively reccnL tht clitique of women's position in society and cullll\'t goes back 10 <;()IIlC of th(' earliest works that M innuenced sociolOb,)" Among the mosl import. a re Mary Wollslonec raf, '.$ A Vill(/iCflthm of lilt R oJ Woman (origi nally pllhli.~h e d in 1792 and In which Ihe chapte r--<lpeni ng quote is ulkcn),Jv)lr Sluafl f),l ill's TII~ SubJ,rlioll oJH'om~" (onginall) lished in 1869). and Friedrich Engcls's TIlt an".. oJ PrilJ(llt! l'rQ/K'1)" till' Famii)" {tmf 1I1~ Stl/U (onhtirul published ill 1884), Engcls, a close associate of K;u'l Marx, a~ Ihal womcn's subjugation coincided wilh UIt fJr of privat e propen)' during industriali/.alion. ~ when people moved beyond an agrarian e(onoa: cou ld males McnjO( the luxury of leisure anr\lIim hold rCI\'ill'ds and privileges from women, Dralli on L11C \\'ork of Ma rx and Engcls, conten1poti1' fcminis. theoril>LS often view women's subordlion as part oflhe ovcrall exploitation and inl@tl that lhey sce as inherent in capitalist socielie~, Soiro r~ ldi cal femin ist theorisLS, however, view thl'I' p rcssion of women as inevitable in nfl male-duOl. nated SOcil'lics, including those labelcd as' ,

    3 12
    1'11111" I"I/HEJ.. \iH :M/, /SI;Qu lllnl

    italist .~ ~socia li st:' a nd ~co mmull isL" (Fe ue r. 1959: 393-394, Tuchman . 1992). From a cunnict perspective. politic :.J a nd cconomic powcr in weste rn induslrial socie ties is con ct'ntnlted in male ha nds. a nd the re is sll bsl...HuiaJ wcial differentiation be tween the sexes. Ye t connic t theorists (including fe minist theoristS) cOl pha5ize that male dominance of the Uni ted States goes far ht)'ond the cco norn ic sph e re. T hroughoul this texthook. wc examine disturbing as pects of me n' s beh~\io r LOward wnme n . Th e ugly realities o!' nlpe (rcr.. rback to Chrlplcr 7). wi fe batte ring (see Chapte r I ~), sexual h;u"assmcll1 (refer back to Chapte r G). lnd street harassme nt (refe r back to Box 1 on -2 page 24) all illustrate and ime nsiJy wome n 's subordinate positio n . Evell if women reach econo mic parity with men, even if women win c<lual rcpre~ntation in govemmen t, genuine equality betwcen the :sexes cannot be achieved if these attacks rcm,lin J,g common as th ey arc loday. Both fu nctionalist a nd connict th eorists ack.no.....ledge tha t it is not possible T c hange ge nder O mic<; drastically without dramatic revisio ns in a culUlf't"S social Struc ture. For fUllctio nalisti, th e re is pot.ential for social disorder. or a t least unknown lI')(i;'11conseque nces. ifall aspects of traditional gendtr ~t r.ili fica lio n are dislUrbed . Yet, for con nic! th eurim, no social structure is ultima tel), desirable if 1\ h: maintained by opprcssing a rn~orily o f its citi1rn~ . Th ese Lheori st~ argue that gende r sU<.lIifi cOllion may be filllctional for men- who ho ld power and privilege-but it is hardly ill the inte rests of 'IIOlIlt'!l (R, Collins, 1975:228-259; Schrnid , 1980).

    ~e ..!.D!.~~~.~.~.?~,~..~p'p'~~,~.~.?............. "....,...... "... ,.... .


    ~lciologiSL~

    associated with the inte raCT io ni:;t per-

    'fItCu"c generally agree with con nic t theorists thal


    11Il,1

    hold

    domi nant position over women. For ex-

    ;unple, recalling the Marxist view that the man is

    lile the boUl'geoisie within lh e home wh e reas the IItIlIlln is li ke Lhe proletariat, En'ing Goffman d~li7:31.1) has obse rved:
    .0\ 1Il.1Il may spend his clar sufferin g under those who h'I\'t pm.cr O\'er him ... and yet on relurning home cadl night rCK'din a sphere in whic h he dominales....

    While con fli ct theorists studying gemie r Slnllification typically focus on macro-lcvel social fO rces a nd institu tions, interdctio nist researchers o fte n examine gcnde r stratification o n the micro level of evel)'day be ilavior (see Box 11 -1 On page 3 14). As an example, stud ies show that up to 96 pc rcc nl, o f all inter ruptions in c ross-sex (male-female) COlwc r s. ti ons arc initia ted by men. Men are more likely .. th an women to c h.mge topics of co nversation, LO ignore topics chose n by me mbers 0 1 lh e opposite sex, 10 minimize the contributions and ideas of members of the opposit e sex, and to validate their own contributio ns. These patterns renect the (0 11 versationaJ (and. in a sense, pol itical) dom inance o f males, Mo reover. c"e n when wome n occupy a prestigious posi tion. such as that of physician. Ihey are more likcl), lO he in lcrrupled than tJleir male counteq:mrts are (A. Kohn , 1988; Tann c n. 1990: C. West and Zimmerman, 1983). In cC l'lain stud ies, all participants arc advised in advan ce of the ovcrall finding t!nu males ,In! more likely than fcmal e~ to in terrupt during a cross-sex ('onversation. After learning th is informati on , men reduce the fre<luency of their interruptions, yet they continue to ve rbally do mina te conversations with wome n . At the same time . wome n reduce their already low f"equc ncy of intelTuption and o ther convers'ltionally do minant be haviors afc.e r they are laid of UIC gene ral pa[te rns o f male dominance ( H oyeng;.1 and H oycnga. 1993). These filldinb'S regarding cross-se>: conversations have bee n freque lltly replicated . They have. sU'iking implications when ol1 e conside rs the power dynamics underlying likely cross-sex interactio nse mployer and job seckeL college professor and studenl, husband :m d wife. to na me o nly a few, From an illlc racl io nist pers pec ti\e. these simple, daytoday exchanges a re o ne more balllcgroulld ill the struggle for ~cxual equality-as women 11)' 10 ~ge t a word ill edgewise" in the midst of me n's interruptions and verb:ll dominan ce,

    \\llrrewr

    Ihe 1Il'11e gOL 'li.

    apparcnd)',

    he L'an Clr l)' a

    '<'Illal divi5ion of la bo r wit h him.

    Man), people-both male and female-find it rlif: fi cuh 10 conce ive of wome n as a subordinate a nd o ppressed group, Yct. when onc look.s a t the polit ical struc tu re of th e United States, one h as to look

    313

    Aler dinner, the women gather in one group. l>erhaps in the kitchen, while the men .si t together elsewhere in the house, perhaps watchi ng a televised sporting e\'cnL Is this an accurate: piclllrc of day-today social life in the United Slates? According to architect Ollphne Spain (1992). it cerlllinly is. Incieed, the physical separation of
    men and women has been common

    Drawing on h er own research :md 0 11 studies in a \'3.rieIY of disci plines, Spain concludes that: Women are more likely than men to ~ upervise employees who share lhe same workspace or work in adjoining areas. Mcn tend to suo pervise people who work cbe wllt're. These differences are evident even when bOlh men and women have: the same job descriptions. Women in the workplace are uf !.en grouped in open !paces (in th e "sccretarial pOQI ~) or are without.offices altogether (nuTht.>s :md schoolteachers). By controlSt, men are morc likely to work in -pri\~ te- offices. These spatial d arrangements have obvious impliciltiollS in terms of 51:IIU5 and power. Evell when women h:wc private office~, the spatial Ch:II"iICleristics of t.hese offices often underscore Ihei r subordinate position in the \\'Orkplace. Higher~t;lIus jobs within an organization-usually

    held by men-arc ac(:ompanicd by greater COlllrol of space. This is evident when an office has an e ntrance with a door that cloits and locks, a hack e)tit . no gtrn p.'lrtition , soundprooling, il po\Il.lle tl:!lephone tine, and M) rorth. In summary. Spain (I91-J2:22i) found Ihal ~womeu Iypically engage in highly visible work-IO c0lleagues, clients, and ~uper.ison subject to repeated illlelTUptions.' Viewed from an interactionist pt'rspective, these spatial conditions rtneet and reinforce women's ~ubor din01te Status relativc \0 mcn. Thr closed doo~ of men 's offir.CI U! managetial and professional jot. nOI only prolect their privacy and limit other employees' accC5S In kn owledge; they also symbolizr men's dominant position in 11\( workpl;Kc.

    whether in the Mongolian tp' (or hut). the longhouses of the Iroquols tribes of North America, or recreational facilities o n contemporary college campuses. Spain nOlcs that gcndered spaces in workplaces in the United States reneet our society's traditional d ivision of jabor into MmelJ's .... ork~

    and ~women's work." But, as with historic patterns of racial segregatiOIl , the spatial segregation of women and men does not lead to separate but equal" status. Instead, il serves to reinforce the dominant position of men in !.he workplace in terms of financial reward5. slatus, and power.

    hard to find many women. In 1993, theTe were only

    54 women in Congress. They accounted for 47 of the 435 membe1"S of the H o use of Representatives
    and 7 of the 100 membel"S of the Senate. Similarly, in 1993, on ly 3 of lhe nation's 50 stales had female governors. In October 1981,JUSlicc Sandra Day O'Cannor afthe Arizona Court of Appeals was sworn in as the nation's first female Supreme Court justice, In 1993, women achieved two significant breakIhroughs:Janet Rcno became the nation's first female attorney general, and Judge Ruth Bader Ginsburg joined Justice O'Cannor on the Supreme

    Court (the first time the Cou!"t had ever had !'Ml female justices) . Sti ll, no woman has ever sen.'m ar. pn..'sidenl of the United States, vice president speaker of the H ouse of Representatives, or chttf justice of the Supreme Court. (\Ve will examillt women's involvement in politics and governml.'tu in morc detail in Chapter J5.) 'n\is lack of women in decision-making positiolll is cviden ce of women's poweTlessness in the Unllnl States. In C haptc r 10, fi\'c basic properties IIhirh define a minority or subordinate group were idtntified. If wc apply this m odel to the situation li women in this country. wc find 11\ 3t a numerical

    314
    "ART THRJo SOCiAI. INf!.QUAU"IT

    majority group !its ollr definition of a subordinate minority (Dworkin, 1982; Hochschild. 1973: ] 18-120):
    I Women obviously share physical and cu ltu ra l characteristics that distinguish them from the dominam group (men) . 2 Women experience unequal treatment.. In the )t'ar 1991. the median income for year-rounrl. male workers was $30,332: for comparable female workers. it was only $2 1.245 (Burea u of the Ce nsus, 1993a:465). Though they a rc nOI segregated from men, women arc lhe victims of prejudice and disnimination in the paid labor fOl'ce. in th e legal sys1(,1ll, and in othcr areas of society. Moreovcr, as wc saw in Chapter 8, women are increasingly dominating Ihe ranks of the impoverished, leading la ...hat has been called the jemiuiUl(ion oj /J""my. ! Membership in ulis subordimlte group is im'Oluntal)'. .. Through the rise of cOlllempOnll)' femini sm, women arc developing a greater sense of group solidari ty. (The women's movement will be slUdied latcr in the chaplel'.) 5 Women are not forced 10 marry within the ~oup. yet many women feel that thcir subordinate IlalUS is most irrcvocably defined within lhe instiIUlIon of marriage (Bernard , 1972).

    ana lysis is that of the poslllons of wome n and African Americans. Many scholars (H. Hac ker, 1951. 1974; Myrdal , 1944: A. Rich, 1979; Sti mpson, 1971) have dr.lwn altclllion t,o strik.ing parallels between the two groups. among thc m the following: Both are limited by ascrilx."<i charncteristics (Blacks' skin color and women's gender). Both were de nied sulTrage when the Constitution of the United Statcs was first dr;:lfted in 1787. Both have historically been trea ted as propert)' within the legal system of the United Stales (Black. slaves as the property of their masters, women as the property of their husbands). Women and lJIacks, despite intense struggles for ... e<lual rights, remain signHicamly underrc prt.. sc med in the political system of tJle United States. Both groups arc subject to neg-dtive and pn:;judicial stereotypes. Bo[h arc gencf3lly given menial jobs with low pay and few prospeCts for adY.lIlCemelH. Women and Blacks have t.r.tditionally been ignored in the writing of U.S. hislOI)'.

    The most common analogy used for purposes of

    or co urse, there arc also many differences. Perhaps most important. Blacks have faced widespread pal.terns of segregation, whereas women frequen t.ly Jive in illlimate relationships wilh members of the dominant male sex.

    Aft" Ih" J 992 ,,/110115, lVQ1M11 h"ld six StOl5 in Iht UmlM SlfI/6 ,101'71111'fin alMim, high whirh ,nCYM.sM 11) M'IJtI1 in 199). Among /"'11<\'1' ' .ln1aton ,"cttd in 1992 Wa.i C'(lml
    Mru~1Ly

    Bra!!n. IHmocral of Illinois.


    tIXt'

    who iJaml! Ih, jifll Africa'l Ammam


    Jl}omon

    .'IJI/w tAt

    StTltll,.

    315

    Just as African Amclic:tns are vic timizcd by r-adSIll , women in tbe United Slatt!s suffe r from sexism. Sexis m is tilt! ideology th at o nc sex is supe rior to the o the r. The term is gene r'ally used to refer to male prc; judice and diSCJimination abrninst wome n . In Chapter 10 it was no ted that Blacks can su lT r e from both individua l acts of racism and instiwtional disc rimi na tion. h lStitu tiotlal dis crimillatio1l \'" .15 defined as the denial of opportunities and equal righ ts to individuals or g roups \o,'hich results from the normal opemtio ns of a society. In lhe sam e sense, wome n CAll be said to suJTe r both from in dividual acts of sexism (suc h as sexist rcmarks a nd acts of viole nce) and from institutional se x.ism. 10t It is 1 si mply that pa rticular m e n a rc biased in t heir treatment of wo me n . All the m<tio r insti lutions or o ur society-inc\\lding the a rmed fo rces, large corpomtions, the media. the un iversities, and th e medical eSUlblishment-arc controlled by men. These insti llltions, in th ei r no rmal ~ dayt.OOay 0 1)erations, often discriminate abtainst women and perpe luate sex ism. Comequc n tly, if tllC central 01: lice of a nationwide bank sets a policy that single wome n are a bad risk fo r loans--regardless of their incomes a nd inveslm enls--tbe illstillllioll will discrimin ate against women in state aft er sulte . It will do so even al ban k. branc hes in which loan office rs hold no perso nal biases conce rnin g women , hut arc merely ~ ro ll owil1 g o rd e ..s . ~ We will ex.ami ne instilUtional discrimination against women withi n the educational system in Cha pte r 16. Why is t.he re sex ism in the Uni ted States? W hy do individual males. and male-dominated institutions, discrim inate aga inst women? Harbara Bovec Polk ( 1974:4 19) h as summarized the ~ po wer an(1),s is~ of sex differemiation . which holds Ihat it is in me n '.$ i11le rest to maintain powe r and pdvilege over womcn :
    I'o .....cr o vcr\"0I11 CI1 in

    r.ues of ce rL'lin types of mental illness than I'IflllJrI do and grcater likelihood of deaLh due to he.m tac k o r S1.ro kes (sec Cha ptcr 17 ). The prC$urc~ me n to Sllcceed- and th e n to remain on top in compe titive work world--ca n be especial ly inter-.: This is not to suggest that gcnder stralificmion tUII damaging to men as it is to wome n. But it i$11ca that the power and privilege whic h mcn c1tim-". no guarantec of me nIal ,lIld physical well-btiar; JillllllY Can er. sho nly afte r becoming president the United Slates, summed up the potcntial pn*kms of the male role: "If you ' re a woman doi'C Inore tha n your mother did, you fee l successflLll youre a man and you' re nOt preside nt, you ftd like a f:'lilure' (E. Good ma n , 1977; Pq,'lthD.
    198 1:63-64).

    Thus far , we have foc used primarily on the 00IJ{Q) a nd political aspect of women 's subo rdil1aw put' tion in the Uni ted States. Before we UlI1I to tIll' ('fit no mic situation ofwolllen within the n aliOIl ~""1d. force , we will first look briefly at the situaUOfl wome n aro und the world .

    ~.~...~~?~.~.~ ..!.~.~.p.~~~~~..........................-....-..~
    In mid-1993, Canada and Turkey e lected womcn.
    tllc ir prime ministers. These countries l!lllllli Bangladesh . Do min ica. Nicaragua, Norwa). ~ Poland in having wome n as heads of govenll11('IIL Nevertheless, wom en CO lllinue to experitnr second-class status throug hol1lthe world. h b ~ mated that WOm en g row ha lf the world's food.lJI they rarely own land. They constitute one-lhild ll the world's paid ta bo r force but arc generall)' fl~'" in the lowest-paying jobs. Single-parcnt hOIl~hol& headed by wome n-wh ich appear to be on tht .... c rease in many na tio ns-'dre typically found in tbI' poorest sectio ns of the po pulation. IndlX"d. tit fcm iniziltio n of poverty has beco me a glolJl phen o meno n. Acco rding to a United Nations re pon on \\'Ott e n 's lives arOllnd!.he wo rld. the ruajorityof >,o;nllld still Jag far be hind me n in terms of wealth, ~MI" a nd o pport un ity. A 120-page book, entitled '"
    WorM 's WOl1l1m: 7'Tlmds UI/d. $lati$lics 197fJ....19W, ....

    what they

    persunal rcl;Jtionships bri\"c~ m Cll whcth<.:r tll;\I Ix- sex, smiles, chores. ad miration, increased leisure, o r con trol ilSClf. Men occ upy a nd ac tively exclude womc n from positions of cco nol11ic a nd political powe r in ...ociely. These j)1)Si.
    W'1Il1 .

    tions gin' mc n a hC<Jvily disproportionate share of the rewards of lIOciCIY especially cconomic rewards. .

    Yct with the powt r that comts to me n comes respo nsibility. And with inc.reased responsibility call come increased stress. Men have highcr rcpon ed

    released by the Un ited Natio ns in 199 1. Tli.iq rplll represe nts the firs t global alLempt to e\'illu;uc . . , e n 's place sI01tistica\l}'. Among the repOlt's limlill, we re th e followl ng:

    316

    lVomm hnllt sewlII/dllJ.J sla/us Ihmuj;!hllll l lJIt 1II1!rl4. Show" a,...


    WQ lllet)

    /IUHlli'lg IIQ/(I IOI'~ in Mnun /fli ,u of Polml/I.

    Ihl' Ta/m

    In almmt all COUll1ri C~, t h e wo rkpl<lce is segrc-

    g;llcd by ge nd e r, with wOll1 c n fo und in less prestigious and lowe r-paying j ohs. Am o ng th e countriC!l wi th [ile lo west wome n '1o wa gc.~-aboul half tho~ of men-we re Japan, South Kore a , and m 1s, - Wome n are poad } I'c prescllled in the hig he r ' r.lIlks ofpo\\er, po licy, and dec isio n making in politics. gove rnme nt, unions, a nd husi n c~. . The number o f i11iter..ue wonlt'1l in lhe world rose from 543 millio n in 1970 to :'97 million in 1985. BV C Onlr'aSI, in 1985 tlwrc were 352 millio n illiterate lIle n in the world (U nited Natio ns Dcparlmem of Inle t'na tio nal Econo mic a nd Social M fall"S, 199 1) .

    Cn

    A study by th e Po pulalio n Crisis Comll1ittee ( 988). a lIo llpl'ofit g ro up wh ic h prom otes inter-

    NaLional famil y planning prO){r'l ll1s, a u c lllpted to as. and compare th e status of wOlll e n in five maJOf an:as: health . ( ontrol ove r childbe aring, rduca[io n, employm e llt, and leg;.11 proteCTion . In ~tneral. the riche r The country, th e g re ate r the measure ofwo me ll 's equalit y fn und by rese;lrc hc rs. W e<;tem industrializcd countri es te nded to r.lI1k high : Swede n scored 87 po in LS ( this was th e high('St score) out of a possibl e 100, while the United "tatCS ranke d third with 82.5 poinl~. By contmst,
    ~~

    Aflican , middle easte rn , alld south A~ ian countries clustered at th e bottom of th e list, with Bau glildcsh milkin g last a t 2 1.5 po inL~. In reviewi ng th e global IX'NPCCtivc o n wome n 's e quality, two conclusio ns can he offe re d . First, as anduo]Jolo gist Laum Nader (1 986:383) ha~ o bdlitarian nasen 'ed , even in the relatively more egtions of the we!>t, wome n 's su bordinatio n is ~ ins ti lutionally struc turcd and cllhtlrally rationalized , exposing thcm to condi tio ns of defcrc nce, de pendency. powerlessness, and povcn y.ft While [he siltlation of wome n in S""'ed c n a nd the Uniwd Stales is sig nifiGlntly be lle r tha n in &lUdi Ara bia and Bangladesh, wome n nevertheless remain in a scco ndclass posi[jon in the wo rld 's most amue nt and developed countrics. Second , as W " .S d isclIsscd in Clw ]Jte r 9, th ere is a J link betwee n lh e wealth o f industrialized nations and the pove n )' o f th e developin g countri es. Viewed from a cOllnk:t pCl'speclive, th e econ o mies ofd eveJoping nati OIl S "re co ntro lled ,HId e xploited by industriali zed countries .md multinational corpo rations based in those countri c1o. Mu ch of the exploitcd labor in dc\'clopin g natio ns, cspcci:llly in th e no n;ndLlSlr;al seCto r, is pe rformed by wo m cn . "'.'ome n workers typically [o il lo ng ho urs fo r low pay, but contribute .'ig niucalllly to t.he;r famili es' incomes. Conseq ue ntly, lhe amue ncc of weste rn na-

    317
    UI,uI'f.H 11 STRATlF/{:Jt I'ION
    IJ) rJ-~\,I*.JI

    tions has come, in part, at lhe expense of women in Third \Vorld counu'ics Uacobson , 19(3).

    Women in the Work Force of the United States


    ~ D oc~ \\'ife.~

    your mothe r work?" "No, shc'sj llst a hOllseThis familiar exchange re minds us of women's u' l<lit io nal role in the United Sl;Ites, and it reminds u.s that women 's \.\'o rk Ius gcnc mlly been viewed as unimportant. The Vnited States Commission on Civil Righl~ ( 1976: 1) concluded thaT the passage in the Declaration of Independe nce I>roclaiming that "'all me!! are c reated equal ~ has been L'Iken too lite ra lly for 100 long, This is especially true with respect to e mployment. A Statistical Overview Wome n 's pan tc tpation in the paid tabor force of [he United States has inc reased steadily throughout the twe ntie th cennl1Y. No longe r is the adu lt woman associated solely wi th the role o f home make r. Instead, millions of women- mall;ec! and sing le. with ilnd witholil c hildre n-arc working outside the home. In fact, a greater prOpOt1ion of women arc seeking and obtaining p.,id e mployment tha n eve r belOl'e in our counuis hisLOry. In 1992, more than 58 pe rcent of

    adult women held jobs oUl5ide the home, pared with 43 percent in 1970. A majority or", arc now members of the paid 1;lbo r forcf', fu ll' lime ho memakers (Bureau of the et 1993a:395) . The most dramatic rise in the fe male work ~ has been <lmong married women (sce Figure 11In 1992, 5~ pe rcent of married wome n ''r'orkt'd side the home , compared wilh less than 5 pt in 1890; and more than half the manicd \\' with childre n under 6 yea rs old I'o'erc in the forcc. Yct this c ha nge in women's work 1i~t.'S is " recent revolution. Women's panidpatioll In p<lid labor force has inc reased sTe:ldily th rall the twentieth celllul'Y. Unl'orlunat,ely, wome n clHe ring the job find their optio ns restricted ill important \\-m~ lic ula rl y damagi ng to women wOl'kcnl is O( tional segregation, o r co nfine ment to sex "women's jobs." For example, in 1991 women counted for 99 percent of all secretaries, 96 per of all private ho use hold workers, and 94 percent all registered nurses . Entcf'ing such sex-typed cupalions places women in "sc rYi cc~ roles p;u;lliei tlte tmditio nal gende r-rol e standard u which hOllscwi\'cS "se r"e~ their husbands. I~y COtHnlSt, wome n are lIlId err~ prt. nled in 'M! c upiltions historically defined as ~ lIIcn 's .

    f'lGUIlE 11 -1 Tre1lds i1l Womell'S ' )articipa tifJ/, it! thr Paid Lobor Force, 1890- 1992

    70'l1

    6O'l\
    50\1,

    Single WOtTIefl

    j
    .s

    ' 0'lI
    30'l1 20'l1

    IO'lI

    "i'8'~90;;-;I~900;;;;-;Cl9t,I"O-;lo;920~-;;9;'30;;;-;; I I9~M);;-;I-;;9~50'--;~60;;;CI"9~70;;-;I;t l98 I9 980;;;-;C~9-;I-;;'m

    y"",

    /n 1992, 66 /If't'wlt oj5illgk W. alld 59 ~U"f ojl/If/mtd IMMI

    fOllnd III tM /Xiifllabor fom of" U"iWSlatt:J.

    3/8

    WQY.EN AS PERCENT Of A.U WORKEItS IN THE OCQJPAllON


    OCCUl'ATlON

    "SO
    40
    I
    4

    I'tof.mionol workers Engineefs lDwyers ond judges


    Phyciclf1$

    "" 52
    9

    Registered nur:r.es College teochers Oche!' teochers

    9' 23
    75

    21 20 94
    41

    75
    42

    M0009'"
    Soles workers Clericol wOI'kers
    fo4ochlr-.. operolors lroruport operotiwlS

    14

    35 62
    34 I

    48
    79

    40
    9 60

    Although l"lrifJn have hf!.nj

    ITl(llJ~

    in

    .lIJm~ m"ffl.v. IT"my (Knl'JIItiU1l~ wl/limlt

    Service workers

    57

    10 bt- jilll'(i nmlilltiy IJy sex.

    m#'m bt>rs

    of UII#'

    which often carry much greater financial rewards ,md prestige than women 's jobs do. For example. In 1992 wo men accuunted for approximately 46 percent ofthe paid labor force of tile united St;.HC"s. "et they constituted on ly 9 perct'nt of all e ngineers. !lpcrccmofall d e ntisLS. 20 percent of all php;icians, and 21 percent of all lawyers and j udges (Burea u IIf tilt" Census. 191-)3;:1:393. 405-407). A gcneml picIlu-eofwome n 's clnploymcn t in ,~trious occupations Appears in Table 11 - 1. According to a stlld}, released in 1991 by the Fe mlIl~t ~Iaj ority Foundation . women continue to be dramatically underrepre.~ellted in top positions at Furtune 500 comp."lnies. Ni of 1990, of 6502jobs at the \ice presidential level or high e r in these corpur.llions, only 175 ( 01' ~.fi pcrcc m ) were held by \\olOcn. Onl}' fin.' womcn were c hief executives at forlllne 500 compani es. Howcve r, women appear tu be making progres ~ in g;lin ing middl e-managcItIentj(Jbs. In 1990, women held 40 percent ofa11 t'Xrcutive. management. and administr,tlivc posioons at FOi"luTle 500 compllnies-compared with :.!4 percent in 1976 (USA '/ OOll)'. I YY I ). Key roles in lite mass media and tJle ell te rt;.linIOCn! industry have similarly been regarded a.~ mt:n '~jobs.~ According to stud ies released in 1989. "'linen hold only 6 percent of top management

    jobs in th e news media , compared with 25 percent of middle-managemel1t jobs and 57 percent of el1u)'-le\'el jobs. The researc hers suggest that women face biases in salaries and promotions. and are segregate d into "dead-cnd job'iH with IittJe decision-making: amhority. Ho llywuod st udios ha\"e also been rel uc tant to place women ill pos itions o f autJlOrity. In 1990, women dircc tors--who aCCOU1ll fo r 20 perce nt of thc membe~ hip o f the Directors Guild of America-received assig nments fo r 5 percell! of all leature films. less thall 3 percell! of television movies, and 0 pe rce nt of tclevision lIIiniscrics (R."lSky. 1989a; Ruhtcr. 1991 ). How pervasive is sextyping of occupations? In onc study, researc he rs compile d a "segregation index~ to estimate the pc rccnt... lge of women who " would have to change their jobs lO make the distribution of men and women ill each occupation mirror the relativc perce ntage in thc adult working population. This study ~howcd dial 58 pe rcent of women workers would nee d LO switch jobs ill order to create a paid 1 001' force wi L .. hout sex segregation (j . Jacobs, 1990; Reskill and mau. 1990) . In Box 11-2 (page 32 1). we examine the en u), of men into the [raditionally female profession of nursing. TIle result of the workplace pallerns d escribed throughout this scclion is that wo me n ea rn much

    3 19
    CflM' T,.J/ J I \T/Ul "/'lP/Cli TION HI' (;jJ\'/JIo.H

    /)t5IJiff lilt

    wrr~m

    IJj ftrnok dir.:


    f!lau
    IIMI\II'"

    \!teh ""j/Jfli,. Fos/no, Hollywood Itw


    /1111/(' /;NIl f('/lIr/rl/l/ /Q

    ptJsilllJm of alllhtml)'.

    less mOlley than me n do in the p;:lid lalXlr force of th e Un ited States. In 1992. Lhe median income of full -li me fe male wod:.e rs \,,"..IS 70 percen t tha t of full time lI1a l(~ workers. Given th e..~ data. it i ~ hardly surprising 10 learn that many WOl1le ll arc living in pove rty, particularly whe n they must fun c tion as hCild s of how.cholds. In the disclIssio ll of pover!) in C hapte r S. it ......IS noted that by 199 1 fe male heads of ho useholds a nd dleir children accounted for 52 percent of the nation 's poor. Yel.nOt all women arc in eq ual dan ge r uf experiencing poverty. As will be discussed more fu lly later in the c hapter, women whu are l1lember~ o f radal and eth nic minorities sullcr from ~doublcjeopardy"; strmHk atioll by race and e lilllic ity as well as by g(' nder (Bureau of Ihe Census, IY93a:465. 471 ). T here a rc cCJ"lain c ncouI'<lging tfe nds in wome n's emplo)'lHc llt pallerns. Despite tnulitio na l ge nder-role sodalization and sexist altitudes Ihat have limited their e lllplo}'IlIt:l1t UPIXlrlunitics. women affnloving: into alleaSl somejnhs that have generally been held by me n . For exanlple, between 1960 ;:md 1990, the pl"Oportion of med ical :.chool graduates who werc female rose morc than fivefold . from 6 percen t in 1960 to 3'1 percen t in 1Y90. Nevertheless. evcn as more ....omen have entered the medical pl"OfessiOlI. wom en physician), ~ lill have displ"Oportionately low !)""lY and status. In 1988, fo r ex-

    ample, wome n d OClors canlcd 63 ce n~ fQI t", dollar eanled by a male dOCl.or ( Bureau orthdtO sus. 1993a :85; H ills. 199 1). Social Consequences of Women's Employllltll Thefe have a lready been many ob"ious coo quellces of women 's inc re asing iu\"oh'cment in t pa id labor force . A~ ''''IS seen in Chaple r 4. tht.'l\tQI for c hild care facilitics has gmwn, and Ihc~ tu. been pressures for g rca ter public financing (~ dzI carc . [ vc n thl' rise of fdSl-foo d c ha ins partialh net:LS the facl lhat many wome n arc no longer hi and cookillg during the day. In theory at. least, women sho uld gain III >d esteelll and IXlwer within the fam ily as lllty 11" oll t.side the hom<.: and functio n as producthe Mp ea rners. In a n o ngoing :.tudy of women br", (he ages of 35 and 55. researcher,; have found IS "for e mployed women , a hig h-preslige job, ralhn than a husband , is the beSt predic tor of ....ell-kin( (BOIfuch <.: t aI., 1980:199; 1983). Ho lding Lil~~ of position appear:. 1.0 be till' fa ctor II1OS1 inlh tial in a woman's self-est.eclll . Of course, a.~ Ill' III seell ill this chapl<.:r, the Ilumbel' of ..... omen I1P [>lo)'cd in hig h-pl'csligc jobs is l'a Ule r small. III tenns o f plm'cr d yn;unics, ,,'omell dedl'h K" some degree of pl)\\'cr by earning their (1\\"11 cOllies. Stlldies indicate tltat ",hell a ....,oman fII

    )20
    I'AKr f/II{JoJ. . ()UM '\I".Qt"AUII "

    MALE NURSES IN A TRADIT IONAL ' WOMEN'SjOB"

    In

    her illlpOl1:lnl hook Mm (wd 11.,..". f/t/r,- Corporatjol/, sociologi~1

    R!lQbelh Moss Kanlcl' ( 1977;1) Iilt'n ufied cha racte ristics th;u we re prnent when "lOmell clHcn:.<1 1 , "-01' rllhonal ly ma le OCClIl>:lIions. Sod oIngisl E.Jod Hcikt.'!l (199 1) wontltred if m;tlc nun;(!.S exhi bit similar rillI':tCtcr1S1ics ..... hen clHcring a traditionally female occup.lu o n ; 1'011\('(luC'ntiy. he conducted in-d e pt h IlIIe ....icwll with male reg istered nuno employed in hospi tal SC'lIin~ in Au)Un, Tcx:ts. 1'\ation:IIl). It'''' t.han <l pt:rccllt ofal lllllrscs ,Ire m,lle;in;\uSlin , th e com pamblc figuft'is i.7 pcrccn L In Kanter'5 lit'w (197701, 1977b). ~n importa ll l rlt.:lc rm illan l of workpLlce inlcl;lct;ons between lIIembn1 of a dominant group and a luoordinatc group is the ratio of lIl~iority lO minority cmployc(s. nIt' ,mallcr the minority group, Iht ~ ~ucce5Sful they tend to be rel;tuI'e to group stand:uds. When [1'111 mcmbel"5 o f a minority arc pr~1 ill a workpbce. they arc Ilct.'td as M t.okens,- since they arc l\IJlrally treated as symools or rClr "'~nt:ni\'es of their group rather than as di5tincI indi\'iduals. "~oording 10 Kantcr, tokens 01)rrnlc under' a nUl11 0cr .of disoulwrr"'lIt:!! in the workplact.'. First. their hrgh \uibi lil)' creatCll inc reased perfonllance pres.~u le. which may n :Itlle in either .ovcrachie\,cment or Imdetachievcmcllt. ) erfonll.lllce ~ure makes it more hazardou.ii fflT tokens tQ make mistakes :lI1 d Ulenfore allo\>'S thcm fewer .01)Pom in d.oing their j.obs. Second, IItf- presence .of tOkens leads to IX). Ilri,;ui.on at the wo rkp b cc; tokens "pcnencC' social isolation which

    m;IY exclude thcm from situation5 in \\'hich important inf.ormation rs shared ahOIlt jotrrelatcd I:tsk.~ ,md pnxeduIes. T h ird. ind h'id ual cha raclt-risuc, .of toke ns arc perceived as fitung into preexisung ste re~ Iypes about the minorit> group and oftcn resu lt in further stercotyping. Ifeikcs reports that male nu rses ;n Auslin feci more \i~ible than female n u rses a n d Iypicall y respond by O\'crachieving. There was nOI :Hly dear 1 >oIarizauon be lwt!en AIlSlin's female and male IIlH~', bUllhe rlIa\c nUl1ie~ did experience .'i()cial isol:llion. T ypically. theY\>'erc excluded fro m Il"JdiuonaUy fcmale ga thcrings .~ n("h as fe ma le n uf.S(s b.1by an d bridal showc u. Such s0cial isol:ilio ll did nOl re du ce the male n urses' skills lr.\inillg. hut i, excluded ,hem from informal inte l~l cuom. in which Ihey could h,\\'e ~ n c l worked- with female nurses and Ic-.trncd mo re about ,he day-today workin gs of the hmpiml. The stereotypi ng dis.;ussed hy Kanter \\~l! also ~1dent in Ausun: l1Iale nune! "'cre commonly misla kclI for phy~i cian~. E\'en lhough ocin g mistakell for somco ne of highcr status II"'Y appear to be ad\~III1;lge()IlS, il can often ha\'c negative connotalioll~ IQr U1C male nUI~. It is a constant reminder of hi:. d c\ialll I)n~ilion in a tr.lditi.ona ll y fC lTlille occup..uio n . wilh Ihe illlp licit mCS~:' Kc thal 111('11 should be dOflon; rather Ihan nllrso. Indeed, whell cun'ecII> identified as nu!"5C5, 1I1t'11 f,lCC a much more seriOlls f.orm o f stereotyping. Becausc of Ihe persistence of traditional gen1' d er roles, it is assu lIll:rl tha l a ll 111:11 u urscs m ust be g;ly. M:m y male nufSCS tol<1 Ilelkes th;u they felt a

    necd to dl'UY this stib'lnatilcd idcntity, Whilc H eikc~'s rcsearch 0 11 mal" nurscs c.on lil'll1cd mall)' o f Kalllt'r's findings abou l t.okenism. the Austin sIud y suggests that Ihe social c.ontex l in which toke nism d yna rllics take place lIIay influence whetJler the dfects o n individual t.okens a re positive or negative. O ne year after Hd kes's study \>~...~ published . 5OCiologisl Chrisune WiIIi:UllS (1992) examined the under"cp"cscnuuio n of mc n in four prcdomin:llltly female proressions: nuning, c1eUlt'IlI<1ry .school teaching. librarianship, and social work. Omwing o n in-depth intel'\<1e"'S wit h 99 mc n :U1d I\'omcn in tht'st' professions in four citiC!; in ule United Statl'S. Williams found IlIal the t'xpclicnce of tokcnism is very diffcre nt for women and men. Wh e reas 1\.1nt.cr had o ffered a more ~ gc nder nelllr.\I Mvit'w .of t~ kc nism, Williarns cmpllasizcs that the cnldal r.ICtOl' ill the expericnce of being a token is the 50Cial stams of the minority group mther than ilj numeriGl1 rarit),. Indeed . Willi:ulls e mphasizes tha, while men in these tr.ld iuo nally fe male pro fessions com nronly expcricllce negath'e stereotyping. they ncvertJ,elcS!i bencfit from hidden udoon'agts stemming from their Slatus as 111(;11 . such "I.~ receiving early and displ'Oponiomllc e ncou mgement 10 become aclministl'atol's. By conU'aSI. wornclI in u'aditiunally male profc,~ions ortl!n find that lircir ad\~U1 CCmelH is limited a nd their 10ken status is ha rd ly an ;lSset (.'Re a lso Zimmc l'. 1988).

    321

    ill Ih, lflSt 25 )'Uus. 111fT' htH henl a Slrikillg ;nlTt'f!.I' in Ihp prolIVrtiml of women lllIlil"ll/.l ill mrr:fifll{ sdwQ!.s ill IIv Unilt!d Slata.

    vides sole suppor! lor her fa mily, e mployme nt e\'en in a low-sullus occupatio n has a posith'c cnect o n her self-esteem ( Hoffman a nd Nye, 1975). For married WOIllt:n, such income from e mployme nt can be e ffective security in case of se paratio n or divorce. III th e pas t, many full-time home makers had little co nfide nct: in their a bility to make a livillg. As a result. some remained in unsa tisfyi ng marriages, believing that they had no ahe rm)live way to sUlvi\'e. This is still the case for a conside ra ble number of women in the Uni te d States a nd around the world . As women become increasillg ly in\'olved in employmen t outside the home, men will have a ll opportunity to become more involved in the care and sociali1.:11io n of children. In indusll'ial societies, the de mands on men as primary wage earners have t.raditio nally contributed to a dee mphasis on lh e social roles of being a father. Freda Re bdsky and Cheryl Hanks ( 1973) exa mined interactions between fa thers and babies amI found that the longest time period any fath e r in the samplc dc\'oted to his infa nt ....-as 10 minu tes 26 seconds. The a\'Cr"<lgc period of \'crbal interaction be tween father and baby was only 38 st'C(mru per daJ. Mo re rece ntly, psychol ogist Wade Mac key (1987) conducted a cross-

    cu ltUr:.ll study of 17 societies-i ncluding Moroc{ HOllg Kong, Irelalld, and Mexico-and found Ih.tI the limitt. d falllcr-chi ld illle ractio ns in lhe Unilttl Stales were typical of all Ihe societies sur\'eyrd. The division of household a nd child care dUll<"! is far fro m trivial ill defining powe r rclationsl'o,du the fa mily. Heidi Hartma nn (1981 :377) arguHtl~ ~ lilll e spent o n housework, as well as ot her illllih Lions of hOllse hold labor. Gill bt: fruitfull y uSt.d 013 a measure of power relatiorlships in the hOOlr' Hartmann po inL~ o ut that as women spend 1'll4~( ho urs per I\'eek working for Il"dgCS, the amount ... lime th ey de\,ote to housework dcc reases, yel thtr. o\'erall ~workweek" inc reases. Studies indicne that the re is a clear gender 1/2!' in the pe rfonnance o f hOllse\\'ork (Zick and \1, ClIllollgh , 1991 ). Drawing OIL data frOIll a 198,ju.tional survey. sociologistJobn Robinson (198!1)", ports that while me n have incre<lsed their slwr I some hOlLsehold duties-amo ng l.h e m. cari ng r, peL~ llnd paying hills-women in th e United SW-II' cOl1lilllle 10 perform two hours of huust:wolk t, each hour do ne by men. In 1985, nOI includil time spe nt o n ch ild care, wome n averaged 19' hour'! of ho ll5C:\"ork each week, compared with Oh' 9.8 hours for me n. Data fro m a 1989 national RlI vcy underscore the common sex segregation t\l dent in the performance of household t:lsb (Iff Figure Il -~O . For example, 78 perce nt of ....omtuit port that Ih ey do all or most of th e ir fa milies' 1n~ prcpa ralion , and 72 perccn t say th ey d o all or IIIff,! of th e child care. By contrast. 74 perct:llt ut JIIfl! indicate Illal ,hey do all or 1lI0St o r the minor hom: re pairs ( DeSlCfano and Col asanto. I990:2S-29. ~l A slIIdy of C;.madian marriL"(] couplc.s by I00I1 gist Sus;.ln Shaw ( 1988) offers insight in to the rat! different ways in which me n a lld womell In housc\\ork. Specifically, men ....e more likch th;il, .....omen la view these aClivities as ~ l eisure -J.uri.ll less likely 10 set: them as ~work.~ The reason rflrtm is tba t these tasks continue to he sccn as womtn work. Conscquc ntly, men pe rceive I h t: m('l~~;to baving more freedom of cho ice in e n g-dgi/l~ Le hOllscwork and child care; Ihey are more likel) tilt wom e n 10 report that cooking, home c h o~, \~'V' ping. a nd c hild care are, in fac t, leisure. Contl!'! ing earlier I'csearc h, Shaw found that the cmplo mCIII SL'l IUS of women had little elrect on th.o ge nde r dilTerellce.

    322
    PART 'nI/a:;,.: '<;O f'JAI INHJ.ttl-UI1

    FIGURE 11 2

    Division of Household Toslts by Gender

    Cariog I."hi~~

    ''''

    .Percetll
    "Ill ~'" 'eg~rd"'1I child .......:: "'"'.., .... ~t"d on ly of ,

    . w~
    In a national .rurw,' crmductro ill
    J989, mm and WOmffl indiwlM II'no IMy fill did all or _ I oJ a van#] 0/ hQllMhold 1mb. Stgrtguliofl oJ IlQllmm'JTlc and rhild larr. IIIIU ell/d,lll, (HId olhl7" sludies illJiWlt that WO/liell spttld mor~ Ihan twiCI aJ much li~ 01'
    houstworlr.
    ((1ft

    aJ InetI-t:IH'Il

    whl:ll lhild

    is lIol indudtd.

    UlU.: o..Sttfano and

    CoI""''''". 1990:3 1

    = ....,1<1"'".. with child.",,, I"'"g ~t hom<-.

    The cOlllinuing disJ.mrity in household tabor has a rather strilcing mean ing in tenns of power relaoolUhips within the family (a s ul~cc t which will be (xamincd mo rc fu lly in Chapler 13). As lIl.uTicd ""Omen have taken o n more and more hours afpaid tmploymenl, they have been on ly partially successful in getting their husbands to assume a greater roIt in needed homemaking duties, including c hild we. Sociologist Arlie I-Iochschild ( 1989, 1990) has IJIed the phrase Msecond shift" 10 desc ribe the double burden-work Oll tside the ho me fo IlO\\'ed by child care and housework- tha t Illa ny wome n face md few men share equitably. On the basis of illlerviews with and observations of52 couples over an eight-year period, Hochschild rtport! that the wives (and not their husbands) drivt: home fro m the office while pla nn ing domes-

    tic sched ules a nd play dates for c bildre n-and then begin their second shift. Drawing on national studies, she concludes that women spend 15 fewer hours in leisure activities each \\'eek than their husbands do. In a year, these women work an extra month or 24-hollr days because o f the ~second s hift ~; over a dozen years, they .....ork an extra year of 24-hour days. Hochschild round tha t the ma rried couples she studied ,",,'ere frayin g at th e edges, and so were their careers and the ir marriages. With such reports in mind, many feminists have advocated greater governmental and corporate support fo r child care (refe r back to Cha plc r4), more nexible family lea\'c policies, a nd o ther refonns d esigned to ease th e bu rd c n on thc natio n's fam ilies. T he continuing difficulties fa ced by professional women a re evident in a recent sUlVey of902 fe male

    323
    CJ IAJ'I.,.:ll 11 !'-I'HA l'mCA nON HY Gf:A'/ :1l

    graduates of !-Iarvard Un ivcrsily's business, law, and medical school... When asked if they feh they have bel'n successful in combining career and famil y, 85 percent o f l'espondclUs answcl'ed a lTirmativcly. 'I'd 53 percenl of the women qucstioned said that the), had changed their jobs or special lies a... a result of family obligations, while 25 percen1 of those with M.B,A. degrees had len tJle paid labor force completely. Apparclllly, even professional women \\'ith al1 the advantages of advanced degrees from !-larvaI'd still e ncoulllcr significant problems in combining carecl's and family life (Swiss and Walker. 1993).

    Women: Emergence of a Collective Consciousness


    Many people believe that tile feminilol movcment is a new <1m\ recent developmellt in Ihe hislOry of lhe United Stales. Blit, in fact, the I1ght for women's rigllts dalcs back alleasl as far as colonial til11('s. On l'vlarch 3 \ , 1776, months before lhe signing of the Declaration of Inde pendence, Abigail Adallls ,,'rote to her husb.1.nd J o hn Adams, later the nation 's second president:
    . . . I dl,."Slrc fOU would remember lite l..llrlies. and he morc 1:1I'ourable and generous to them t.h,Ul yo\U' allcestors, Du no! pilI such unlimited power ill the hands of H usballd_~. RI:rne lllbt~r all Men "'QuId he tyrants if

    Aftrr /na/ty deemla of l'lrugxit, ~ gailltd lhi righl 10 001, ill IwhorlliJ ,/tctiolls btgillllillg III 1920, 110lm'/
    IlIO",,",t'S su/Jragt (lid 1101 dralftObl4J chal/K' th, f/OSilioo of l<iOllltII u.,tA,

    Unitrd Slatis.

    Ihey cOl lld. Irpanicular care and allellti(tZ1 is nul paid 10 the L:\dit"ll. we are dClcnnilled 1<1 fOlllcnI :1 Rebellioll. and will nOI hold ourselves bound by any l":lws in which wc have no voice, or represen tation (A. Ros.~i .

    1973:10-11).

    In a fanna1 se nse. the feminist movement in the United SL-1.I,CS was born in upslate Kcw York, in a town cal1cd $eneca Fal1s, in the su mmer of 1848. On J uly 19, the tirst women's righls co nvention began, at1cnded by Elizabeth Cady Sa il 1 011, Lucre tia Mott, and othcr pioneers in the struggle for WOI11en's rig hts. This firsl .....'a\e of feminists, as they arc currently known, battled ridicule and scorn as they fought for leg.lt ;.m d POlilic.li eqllality for women. They wcre not afraid 1 risk control'cl'S)' on be ha lf 0 of their cause; in 1872 SlIsan B. Al1thony "'as arrested for attempting to I'ote in Ihal rear's president ial election .

    Ultimately, the early fcminists won man)' 11('[(> rics. among thcm the passage and ratification!W tJle Nineteenth Amendment \0 tJle Constitutioll. which granted women the right to vote in naliotUi. elections beginning in 1920. But sulTrage did TIf lead 1 othel' reforms in women's social and lW ,0 nomic position , and the women's mOl'cmenl came a muc h less powetfui force for social chow in the earl)' and middle twemiclh century. The second wave of feminism in the UOII States emerged in the 1960s and came into {ut force ill the 1970s. In part., the movement WJUI spired by Ihree pioneering books arguing for",,1Ut en's rights: Simonc de Beauvoir's 'I'ht S,cond ,'ir: Betty Fricdan 's The Feminill" M),stiqw'. and KlUe Mi~ leu' s $fxu(l1 PQfitjr~. In addition, lhe general pob cal activism of the 1960s led women-mam t whom were working for Black cid l rights or alt'~ the W<l" in Vietnam-to reexamine their own pt'" erlcssness as women. TIle sexism often found ....ithi allegedly progressil'e and r..diell political ClrG-made many women decide that they needcd tu

    324
    I'AIIT l'HHEr.. SOCIAL IM'.Q/ :ALrn

    I:lblish their own movement for ~woUle n 's liberatlOt1~ (5. Evan~. 1980; Fireslone, 1970:15-40;j. Freeman. 1973, 1975) . Somet imcs. it was ve ry simple. dar-lO-day si tuaIiom that made wOlllen aw-ne of their subordinatc , \latllS. Fcmini<;t writer Jan e O'Rcilly ( 1972;:'5) deICribcd such ,Ill occ urrence;
    In ,uburba n Chicago, rh e party cUllsisrcd (ll llrct: (U U nit

    ler). Fe minists havc condemned violence against women in the lami ly (sec Chapter I ~) , sex ual harassmc llt in organi/.aliom (sce Chapter G). forced stc rili1.. tion of poor ilnd mino rity WOllle n , sexist ad , \.'cnising a nd pol'llography, and discriwill<\lion against lesbi ans and gay men (see Chaptcl' 13). In an overvi ew of the fe minist campaign for so cial change, Uarbara Bo\'ee Polk ( 19 74:4~2-430 ) distin gllishcs it number of b;L~ i c approachcs: Attcmpts by womcn to resocia li ze thcmselvcs a nd m'crconr c tr;:rditional gender condition ing 2 EllorLS lO dlilnge dOl),-lCKiay pe rsonal in le ractions with mc n and other wome n :.md 10 a\oid COIl\'c ntional sexiSI patterns 3 Use 0 1 the media and acade m ir wol'1d to combat sexism and rcsocialize o th ers to m ore egalitarian \-.tlues ami greater res pecl for WUlllen 4 Cha ll e nges to male dominancc of sndal institUti OIlS thro ug h delllonstrations, boycous, laws tlits, a nd oth('r tactics 5 Creati on of altcl'llative institltlions, such as wome n 's self-Ill'lp medical clinics (sce Cha pter 17), publishing house ... and COllllllunes The women 's moveme nt has elll ployed all these appro~r c h e .. simllltanC(ltlSly in its elTorts to transform the Un ited SIOlt es and promote women 's Iights.

    plea. The wome rl w('n' ;1 wli ter. a dOClOr, alld a le'ld ICt. men \'o'ere all 1aW}~ I'S. As the last couple arrived. lht' host !l:lid. jovially, 'With a roolll filII of lawycr!. wc
    ;Ut we? ~

    /Hlght to h,I\'c a good c\cui ng.- SileIlCt. Clickl -What asked Ihe tc;rchcr. - hU'isibk?-

    \ Iore and morc women became a\\~lrC o f sexist Atutudt:s and practices-including altitudes they tli(-nlSt'lvcs had accepted through socialilati on intu traditiona l geltder roles-and began to chall enge In<tl~ domirt a nce. A se tlse of "sist C l' hood . " much like the c\aS!l consciousness that Marx ho ped would emerge in th e prole tariat (sce Chapter 8). became t'\idclII. Individ lral women ide n tified their int en! ~ts Mlh those of the collecLivi ty women. No lo nger \\'c re .hcv ~ h appy~ in submissive, subo rdinate ro l e~ ,-false consc i Olls n css~ in Marx ist terms)_ fhis new senSe 0 1 group solidarity and loya lty "''l.! fostered \\'itll in feminist con sciollsn ess-raising AI'OOPS. In these small discussion groups. ""'omen Ih:lred their personal fee lings, expe ric Hccs, a nd (vllflicts. Many discovered t.hat their ~ illdi vid tlal " prvblems were shared by ot h er wOllle n and oftell reflccted sexisl cond itioning and powerlessness. liurh awa re ness of commo n oppression is a prt. ... fIltldi tioll for <;QCial c h an ge. Consciousness docs !lot Al .....dyS lC' d 10 efforts to trallslol'lll socia l cond JIIUln5, but it is esse ntial in mobilizing :'1 group for '<Jnecli\'c action . Through till' strcn gth gained in cOllsciomncs) raLl(jng, the women 's move ment has undert.aken public proleSts o n a wide nl.nge of issues. FCl ninists hJI,t rf.dorsed pa~agc of the equill righ l..S a mendTlk:nt. gO\'c rIIlllcnt su bsid ies for child ca re (sce UlOI.pttr 4) , g rea ter reprcsenta tio n of women in l:V\'cmment (sce Chapte r 15 ) , affirmativc action I"r "omen and mino rilies (.see Chapter 15). fedrr.J.l legislation oudilwing.sex d iscrimination in cdIIGIlion (sec Chapter 16), and tJ1 C light to legal Jlmtions (which w1ll be discussed later in this chap

    ............................................ ............................... ...... .... f. ................... .

    Minority Women: Do uble Jeopardv

    We have seen that th c h ist,o rical oppression of women limib t.hem by tradirion and law to specifi c roles. Many women cxperie nce dilfel'clIlial trealmen t nOl o nly be causc of gender bUl because of race and e lhnicilY as well. TIll'~e citize n) face a ~doublc jt:o pardy"- tlml of subordil ra tc smws twice defined. A di~ proponio mHe share 01 this low-.smms g roup are also impuverished. so that Ih e double jeopardy dlcc tivcl}' becomes a triple jeopardy. The liwny of sod'll ills continues for nt a ny if wt:' C OIIside I' old agc. ill health , disabilities. alltl the like. FelllinisL~ have .J(ldresscd thenl~clvcs to the p:.u-ticular nc(!ds of mi nority women, but overs hadow ing the oppression of these wome n beca use of gel! ' del' is lhe subordinate status imposed because of mce and e thnici ty. The question fl)!' Mrican American women . Chiomas (M('xican Americall womcn). Asian Am e rican womell .lIld OtJlers appears

    325

    tn he whcthcl' they should unify with their "bI'Olhagains t r.lcism or challenge thcTll for their sexism. Onc allSwer is that, in a trulyjust socicty. bo th scxism and racism must be eradicatcd. The clisc:.ussion o f gendc,' roles among African I\TTle ricans has ahV'".t)'S pro\'o ked controversy. Ad\'oC;ltc5 of Black natinnalisTll contend th;:1l felllini.~ m only distracts women fmlll filII panic ipalion in the mad slIubrgle. The exis\.e nce of fe minist groups among Ulacks. in Iheil"icw. simply dhidcs lhe Black community and thereby serves the dominall! While society. By cO III I~ ISt. Black fe minists 'lIc h as Florynce K(' nned}, argue that little is 10 Ix' br.'l incd by;:uloptiug or maintaining the gClldcr-rule division.~ tha t place women in a subsc"iellt p(~~ i tion. African American j Ollnmlisl Patrida Rayb,m ( 1989) has noted tb.u the mcdia commonly portray Black wome n in :1 negal..he lig ht: as illiler-ne . as wdfarc I'Illllhel's, as prostitutes. and so forth. Black lelllilIi~ t$ t:mphasiw that il i<; not .~o lel y Wh i tl~ ;:m d \Vhite-domin:lled mcdia thal rO( Uii on lilt'S(' !leg-Ili,'c images: mack me n ( mosl recen tly, Bhu:k ma le r:"lp <lni.~b) ha\'e lx'cn (rit,ic:ized for the wa)' the)' pllrtray African Ame rica!! womclI . III tht: view of ll1ack fi.'m inislS. African Ame rica n \,'omc ll d t:se rve and clearly ~ lalld 10 golin from inc reased e mployme nt and educationa l opl')o rtunities (Giddinb'S' 1984: 1...;1<llIcr. 198G). The plig ht o f Chic an as is lLsually co nsidered parI.. or either the Chica no 01' lhe femi nist mOl'ement. Ig noring the distinc tive experie nce or C hica nas. Itl the past, t h('sc \,'omen have been (" xchtded rrom decrs~

    dsion making in the twO institllliolls that /II{1\l rect i)' affec t their daily Jives: the family and church. The Mexican Ame rica n fmnil)', cspN" in Ihe lower class. fee ls lhe pe rvas ive tmditiun lIlaJe domination (refe r back to I~x 4-2 on PIf 107 ). The Roman Catholic chu rch relegates .... to supportive roles while resc n;ing the leaderdlip pos itions fo r men (nurciag:1 Cl al .. 1977: Ra.QJde. 1985:4 15). Activh.ts among minority wome n do not aSrn" whethe r plioril), sho llld be gr.:ulIcd 10 equal' . UIC sexes o r 10 eliminating inequality among and ethnic brroups. Chicana !bn iniSl Emitl Longaucx )' Vasquel. (1970:384). while ,K edf"ring the impon:m ce of the Chicano mo\'C bdic\'es ill stressing sexual cqlmlity: "When ca n look upon a wQman as human , then, and the n. can he fed the tnlC m eanin g of li\)er. . and e quali t),:' Wc ca n scc th at there is disagreell1c III among lIolity \,'om('n activisll>!ln \\'he t!tcl' priority \ be gnllllcd to lighling for sex ual equality or to iu ;tling ill cqualit) amnng ntdal Ollld ethnic I\'rh:l/>s it wlJuld be most IIscful 1 conc1udr ,0 neither component of inequali ty can he igrn Ilelell ~'l a)'er Hacke r ( J973: J I ). who pionl'emi searc h o n hoth Blacks ;111(1 women, stated t tile Ametican Socio logical Association: ~A5a san obsCI"er, it is lily fc"'e nt h(lpe that in fill' th e twin ballles ofscx islll and r'a cism, Blilck w and Black me n \\'ill [createJ the olltlinesoflhr "acil::l)' fi)j' a ll Allleri ca n 5~ (St~e :11,0,0 Zia. 1993).

    J"

    326
    "IHl'I1JRF :>QUAl IVfX)!JMJI1

    THE BATrLE OVER ABORTION


    Why has the isslle o f abortion rights been a fun damel1l.al concern of the fe minist movement? From a connict pe rspective , how arc the fac tors of race, class, and ethnicity an import<tnt part of the abortion coml'O\'ersy? How do pro-choice and pro-life activists view the issues of parelllal consen t and parellml nOlificauon regarding alxntions for teenage rs?

    cw issues seem to stir as much illlc nse connic t

    as abortion. Unti l about 25 years ago, it was vcry difficult for a woman to Lemlinatc a pregnan cy

    Irgally ill the United Slates and must oth er industdal nations. Beginning in the late 1960s, a few state govenune nts reformed statutes a nd made it easier rf)r a wOlllan to obtain a legal abortion . Howeve r, 11;111 abortion pennissiblc on ly ill a small minority urstates, and o uly under certain conditio ns, a large number of wome n continued 10 have illegal a bo rtions (Cono\'e r and Gmy, 1983). 111e light for Ihe light 10 safe, inexpensive, and legal abortions was a key priority of the femini st movement of Lh e lat.e 19605 and early 19705. Feminists argued that the right to abortion was fundamental t.o women's sex ual and re produc tive rreedom. In their \'iew, women- not legislators or judges--sho uld have an unconditional dgh t to delide whether. and under wha t circumSlances, they would tx:ar children. Feminists funh er insisted that no law would ever pre\'e nt .....o men from obtaining doortions. T he issue was sim ply .....Iu::th e t these aborLions would be performed safely by doct.ors, 01' dangrmusly by M back room" abortionists or by the pregn,II11 wome n thcmsch'cs (Pe tc hesky, 1990; E. Willis, 1980). The cri tica l victory in [he str'uggle ror legali l.ed ahortioll came in the 1973 Suprt:llle COllrt decision of ROt v. Wadt'o T he justices held, by a 72 margi n, dill the ~ rig lll l.O privacy . . . F ounded in the FourlI.'l'nth Amendment's concept of pe~ nalli bcny . . . iol broad e nough to encompass a woma n's decision whethe r or not to terminate a prcgna n cy.~ How-

    ever, the Court did set certain limits on a woman's ri ght 10 abortion . During the last th ree months of pregnancy, the fctus was ruled capable {)f li fe Olltside the womb. Therefore, sUites were granted the right lo prohibit a ll abo ni ons in the third trimester except those needed to prese lVt: the life, physical health , o r lIle ntal healtJl of the mo the r. In subsequen t decisio ns in the I 970s, the Supreme Court upheld the right of a wOlllan to te rminate pregnancy W itJlOu t the conse nt of her husb.md o r (in the case of younger, unmanied women) her parents. Th e Coun's decisio n in Roe 11. Wmit', \>olhilc gene rally applauded by "pro-choice" groups, which suppo rt th e right to legal abortions, W;:L~ bille rly condemn ed by th ose opposed to abort io n. For peopl e who call themselves "pro-life," abortion is a moral and o lte n a religious issue. In their view, human life actually behrim a t the moment of conce ption mtJler than al the mo me nt of a baby's delivc t),. On the b.,sis of this judgme nt, the fe tus is a human lire, no t a pote ntial per:ron. Te rmination of this life, even before it has left the womb, is viewed as essentially an act or lIlurder. Conseque nLly, :mtiabort ion activists were alann ed by ule fact that by 1989, over 22 million legal abortions had takcn place in th e Uni ted Stales in lhe years since tIle Sllpreme COllrt decision in Rue v. Wade (Bureau or t.he Census, 1993a:83; LukeI', 1984: 126-157). In the lIIi<l- 1970s, the antiabortion mo\'eme nl foc used not only on legislative ini lialh'CS to pl'even t abortions but also on lennination of government fundin gof abonions. In 1976, Congress passed the Hyde amendment, which prohibited use of Medi caid funds to pay ror abonio ns excepl when th e woman's life was in danger Or when she was the victim of rape or in ccst. The effe cl.'i of the Hyde amcndmelll were dramaric: fede rally fund ed abortions "'ere reduced by 99 percc nL Moreove r, as of 1992, on ly 13 states paid for abortio ns for 1 01"income wome n. Consequently, for 3 million wome n of childbearing age relying on Medicaid , many of tllcm teenagers, it became muc h more dimcult to exercise the righ l lo a legal a bortion (LcI,.r1n, 1992; Schultz, 1977).

    327
    U
    1A1~J;R

    11 ' snlA TIHCA TIO.V

    Hr (",.1>,'1.11

    Both p((Hhoie,- (md

    ~Jm>-life ' attmIt

    u.om: djj(jP/lOHltNi Wllh tI" SUfn't*


    C()UltJ / 992 l1Jiillg ill

    th'MJ roJt rJ
    Y.

    Planned Parenthood

    Casey. 711

    Colllt u~ln~d //J ul,/wld Roe \'. Wad~

    ill fJrinciplt lml at/owed n:.IfI-i(til)f1J ~


    Ih, righl III tm IIbm1i/Jn .

    For at least some low-income wome n , the results o f thesc policies have been falal. In 1977, Ros.:Hlra J imenez o f Texas became the first woma n known to d ie of com plications following an illegal abortion after implemen tation of the Hyde amendment. Viewing the issue from a conflict perspective, it \v:tS not surplising that lhe first gl'oup la lose access to legal abortions comprised poor WUlIlcn , of whom a significant number are Black and Hispan ic ( Washing/on POSI, 1984). In rccclll years, influenced by the votes o f conservative justict.-'s appointed by Ronald Reagan (lJ1d Ceorge Bush. the Supreme Court has increasingly restricted Ihe right lO an a bortion . In tht. 1989 case of Websla IJ. Reprodllctive I- ea/lit .Ylvir.es. the Court l upheld, by a 5-4 vote, thc stale of [\'fi ssouri's ligh t to pro hibit public hospitals from perfonning abortions a nd la prohibit public e mployees from performing or assisting in abortions not necess:lly to savc a woman's life. In 1992. in the case of Pin mud Pftrfmlhood v. CaSty, a narrow 5-4 m<tiority ruled that the "essential hold ing of ROt! IJ. Wade should be retained and o nce again reaAirmed~ but nc\'ertlleless allowed restrictions o n I.he right to a n abortio n. The Courl. up-held the slate o f Pennsylvania's right to require a

    woman to wail 24 hours before I'<wing an aboniol a nd to first hear a prescmation intended to pt! suade her to c hange he r mind . The majority a uphdd Pen n!>-ylvania's righL 10 require a t.etnagtl seeking a n abortion to get the conse nt of one par. ent or a judge. These resLricti ons appeared !iiU to make access to abortion extremely dimcult for low-income women and teenagers (Greenholl!t1992). Parental notification and parcnml consent JIA1\ beco m e especiaJlysensiti\'e issues i n the d ebateo\i!'l abortion . The respected Alan GlIttmacher Inslitn. cstimates that o\'e r I millio n teenagers in thr United States become pregn ant each year and rh. 42 percent of L e m decide to have abortions. PII h life aClivis\S argue that the parents of thr:.; teenagers should have the right to be notiflfd abolll-<tnd 10 pemlil or prohibit-these abortillll.! In th eir view, pare ntal authority deservcs full ~1I!" port at a lime whcn th e traditional nuclear r:ullin is embattled. However, pro-t:hoice aClivislS count" that many pregnant teenagers come from U'oublHt fami lic." where tlley have been a bused . Thcsey11lI women may have good reason 10 avoid di.'ICuSlUlJ such explosive issue." with tllcir paren~ (Saltt.ol!.. 1990).

    328
    P/IRT TI/NEE SOCJ/l1. II\ 'f:Q/I,l1.rrr

    In 1991 , in another contmversial ruling that plCaM:d pro-life activist", the Supre me Court u p held feder'.t1 regulatioll)! that prohibited employees of f{'derally funded fami ly planning clinics from discus.~ing abortion with their patients, Unde r thc~e regulalions, 4500 clin ics seaving a lmOSI 'I millio n ,,-omen each yeal' were not pel"mitlcd to o lTer basic medical infOl1nalio n about abol'l ion. The cli nics were prohibit ed from assisting women to find doctors who would pe rform a bortio ns (Greenho use.

    199 1). However, the election of Bill Clinton as p rcsidelll in 1992 d e lig llled pro-choicc activists and led to an Immediate a nd dr:nmuic c hange in federal polkies concerning abortion. In early 1993, on ly days aftcr his inaugur.l.tioll, and o n the twenticth a nnivc rsa ry of the la ndmark UD/' ,_. \\'tJdl' I"lll ing, I~residenl ClinIon issued a series o fmemorandll lrrs wlrich reversed the pro-life policies of the Rea!"ran and Bush adminiSIr:ltions. Th e president lifted lh e ban o n aboruon COllllsclillg at fcd e ra lly fun ded clillics. cased RO\'cmmem 1 >oIicy concerning abortions in mili wy hospil.."lls, and e nded a prohibition on aid to inlcm:nional fdTl1il ), planning progl'anls in\'olvcd in abortion-rela ted activiti es. As or 1993. thc people of the United Stales appe.. red to Sll pporl the right to legal abortio n in principle. but some were ambivalent concernin g cenain applications of that right. In a Gallup national survey. 32 pcrcent of respondenrs stat.cd lha t Joortion should rcmain lega l in all cases, whill.: 55 pt'fCc nt said that it sho uld be legal o nly in ~o m e fa5tS or were ulIsure. On I}' 13 percent 0 1' respon,Irllts stated that abortion should be illegal in all ca...rs. 1n the S<IIllC survey, 47 percent of respondents indiClltr:(\ that thcy hac! an unfa\'or:lble view of proLilOier' act ivists. 6 1 percent held an Itllfavur;.lhle \icw of pro-Life activist... , a nd 83 pe rcent said that it .J.~ inappropriate for protestors to block <ten"ss to ..honion cli nics (;\1. Ilall, 1993). Public opillio n 0 11 the issllc o f ahonion has been mllucl1l:ed by rhe ex tre me I..'lclics of' ce rtain pro-li fe .Mti\'ist~. In March 1993, Dr. Dadd Gunn, a physi(I.m who perfol'llH..'d al>ortio ns in A I .llxll n~1 :md F141rida, was shot a nd killed by a n abonion 0 1}rXlIH'nl duri ng a de monStr dtiOlI outside a clinic in PI~n""lcola , Florida. The murd er of Dr. Gunn ncIIIrred within 'l context of growing vio le nce ag:.lill.'i t ab)ltion clin ics, including an increasing numbe r of

    personal attacks o n clin ic worke rs and e\'CII their fa milies. From 199 1 to 1992. the number of re-ported incident. o f \'lIndalism at clinics doubled: amOllg the 186 ;\tlack.~ in 1992 were 13 acts of a I'SOli and alleast 50 chern iOl1 atl;ICk.s (\Varncr. 19(3). By lhe 1990s, abortions had also become a con\Xm'ersial issue ill wcste m Europe. As in ure United Stales, man}' European nations bowed 10 public opin ion and libe ralized abortion laws in the 1970s. Wh ile Ireland , Belgium , a nd Malta continue to prohibi t abortion , il is leg-.d in othe r weste rn Europea n cO\lnt l; c~. Austria, Denmark. G reece. Ule Netherla nds, Norway, and Sweden have laws that allow a woman 10 h ave'lIl abortion o n request. Other cOllnltics have much more restrictive legislation , eSpl. .... cially conceming a bo rtio ns in Ihe latcl slages of pregna ne)'. Inspired by theil' counte rparts in Ihe United States, an tiabonion .activislS have become mort! outspoken in Great Britain , F.,mcc, Spain. Italy. and Ge rma ny. In a view!"y fol' a nliabonion fo rces, Germany's highest court ruled in mid-1993 that a liberal abortion law passed in 1992 was un 0 constitutional because thc swte wa.... required 1 protec t human life ( Kin zer. 1993; Simons. 1989). 11 In 1)01 western Europe and Ihe Un ited Slales. rural women experience dirfrc uhy in find ing a physician who will pe rform an abortion. Currenuy, 83 percent or all counties in the United States lack ,I single abortion provider; 3 1 percentofwomc n of childb<:aring age live in counties which have no clin ic or hospital wh ich provides abonions. Since only 12 percent of the nation 's resirlency p rogr:lms in o bste triCS1;.'Ynecology even leach this procedu re, the situation is likel}' to get worse berore it impro\'es. The in ability to find a ph)'S ician , clinic, o r hospit al th at will pCI'fonu an abortion forces rural wome n in the United States ilnd Europe lO tl'3.vel long distances 10 gel an a bortio n. Viewed from a canni cl perspective, this is onc morc finan cial burd e n that rails especially heavily o n low-inco me women (Hush, 1993; Lewin . 1992) . The in tense conflict o\'er a bonion rcOccls bl'oacler diffe rcn c('~ over womell's position in societ)'. Sociologist Kr-istill LukeI' ( 1984: 158- 19 1) has olTcrcd a detai led sllIdy ofa ctivists in the I}rv-choicc an d pro-lile movemCIlt'). Luker illlcn;e\\,ed 2 12 <lCl ivist.~ in California, ovcrw hclm ingly wom en, who "1 )cllt a1 leas t five ho urs II week working for onc of these moveme nts. According to Luker. each b'TOlIp

    329
    (H~I 'flJIII '

    \IJM/1F1CnW.\ ' 1II (,E''/JIifl

    has a "consiste nt , coherent \'iew oflhe world . Feminists involved in defending abortion lighlS typically believe that men and women are essentially similar; I.hey SUppOI1 wome n's full p<'\rLicipation in work outside Ihe ho me and oppose all to nns of sex disc rimination . By conlrnn, mosl antiabonioll activists believe thal. me n and women arc fllndllOle ntally dif-

    fc ren L In the ir view, men are bcsl--$uited for lht public world of work, wh e re as women are best suited for the de manding and cnldal task of rear, ing children . These activists are Iroublcd by women's growing panidpation in work outside Iht' ho me, which they view as dcstnu:tivc to the familr and ultimately to sodery as a whole.

    ~.Y~.Y. ........................................................................... .
    Diffe fcntialio n based o n gende ,' is l."Videul in virtually e\'cl')' human society aboul ..... hich "'e h,,\'c infOnllation . As with race, the biological facl of gender is gh'en a distincl social significancc by soOclY.
    Ctmdllr idt rrtity is o ne of the nn;t alLd most faf reaching identities that a human being holds. 2 Memben; of L fe:male sex have been more S(!\'e re1 y he rcstricted by lI1ldilional gender I"Oles, bill L11eS!' ro les havc abo rcsuicled lIIales. 3 111(' n."search of amhl'o pologisl ~b l-g:.lrel Mead poinu 10 th e: importance of cultural conditioning in ddiuing the- social roles of males and femak-s. 4 Functio nalisl5 maintain that S('x diffe re ntiation con tribu tes to O\'erilll social Slability, whe re:u conflicl IheoriM! conu:nd that th e I'eta tionship between femaJe~ and males has been u ne o r unequal powe r, wil h me n in a dominam position o\"er I,'omen, 5 A'l one e xa mple of their micr()-levcl approac h to the swd y of gendc r 5tnnitication, imcractionists hal'e ana Iy-.t;ed llIen '5 "cl'bal dOlll inance over wome n Ihrough COil' \'e:n;ational inten-uplions. 6 Although nume rically a majorily. in man y rcspecu wOlllcn fit the d efini tion of a subordinatc minority group "ilhin the Unite:d States, 7 In lenns of power d ynamics, womcn clearly gain some add itional degree of po"'er by earning thei r own incomes. 8 As women have totkcn on more and Illore hours of p.. e:mploYll1ent outside the hOllle, they have beell only 1id p;u1.ially lIuccessfu l in gClling Iheir husbands 10 take a gre::tter role in home making duties, including child care, 9 The fig ht fO l' wo me n 's rig hl!l in Ihe UllilCd Slates dales back a!l fa r as colonial times. 10 MinOrity women e.xpt!rience double j eopard y through difTerential ueatme nl based not only on gender but also o n race and etlnlicity. II Th e i!Suc of:lbortion has billerly di\idc::d lh e Ullitcd

    SlollCS and pitted pro<hoice activists against pr()-ijff activists.

    Sociologi!1 Barbarn 80\' ("(' Polk suggesls .hal wOIlII'n are o ppresscd because they COIlSUIIIIC an alte:rnath't$Ubculture "'hic h de:vialCs from the pre\~li1ing masculine\~Il lle: s)'lIle m . Doc1i it seem \~,J.lid to \'iew wo me n as all'iSternative subculture"? In what ways do wo men suppon a nd deviate from the pre\-ailing ma~ ulinc \~tllle S)~IQ e\idelll ill the United States? :! Imagine Ihat rou recdve a gram to spend on~)"W studyi ng the stalus o r women in any C0ll1111')' out5i~ thr United Stales, What cou ntry would yo u ch~? H(IIr would yOIl draw 011 the functi o nalist, cOl1mc!, and int" actionist 1K'I"Spt:c til'e!i 10 guide )'Our sludy? In what '/I'N would you make use of sUI'\'e)'li. ob$(:rv,ltions, eX11CIlIllc nlS, a nd existing sources? Whal sleps would you Wt to COUIHemCI an y possible ethnocclIlriSIll ill your studl! 3 In what way.'! is the position of WhilC "'omen in thr United Sla tes simila r to thal of Africa n Ame rican women, Hispanic \YOl1le n, and Asian American wo men? In ",hi! " "fI)'S is 01 woma n's social posiliun m:lrkedly difftrtnt gh'cn her rAcial a nd ethnic ' Iatlls?

    KEY TERMS
    A tcnn used by Parso ns and Bales tOt'ffe: 1" 1 concern fo r maime na nce of h:lI'IlIouy and ~I( 0 inle rnal e motio nal aflairs of Ihe fhmil y, (page ~ ] 1) Cr"dllf idl'mtity TIle self-concepl of a person as btjJ1~ male 01" fe male. (307) Gllndrr fO /t. Expectations regardi ng the prOJXr behavio r, anilUdes, and actilities of males and femab (307) J"stitutiorla' disc,.i",i"atiQn T he dcni:1I or opponWlities and or equal rights to indi\;dll;1ls or groups ...'hlCh
    ExprruivlIlIlIJS

    330
    l'IIRTIJiRF.E SQC1A1. INJ:Q!jIllIIY

    resulL\ from the nonnal oper"lioll.~ of a society. (3 16) IIII /ru men /ality A term used by I'arsons a nd Bales to refer to emphasis o n tasks, focus 011 more distalll goals, and a concern for the c)(u:m <ll relationship between one's fami ly OInd other social institutions. (3 11 ) Stxism The ideology Iha l one SCl( i5 sUI>c rior 10 the other. (3 16)

    Hochschild , Arlic RUlIscJI. with Anne Machung. TM &0rmd ShiJI: WorJrirzg 1 '(lff!1IlS (md Ihe 1lr.lloIutiOFl at 'Homt!.

    @'.~!I!QNJ.I!._.~I.N.Q~ ......................................
    Bern, S,l ndra Lipsit7.. The Unul of~dn: 'l'rmu[OfflIillg tM Otbateon !itxuullntf/ufllity. New HOIIen. Con n.: Yale Uni
    \'t:rsity Press, 1993. An el(amination of how wome n alld gays are subordinated in 11 culture defined by lh ree len\CS~: maJc.<entercdncSll, gender polarilation. and biological de terminism. B rinton, Mal)' C. 1V0m....,1 Will/he (.Lmolllic M ime/I!: (A.,jder mul Work in Postzutlr j(l/mtl. Ikrkelcy: Universi ty of ('.allfornia Press, 1992. A socioloKical analysis of wo men's education and emplor mcnt in contem po r.. ,)' Japan. Craig, Ste\'e (ed.). Men, 1I1(1.tnllinity, (HId the Mniifl. New bul)' Park, Calif.: Sage, 1992. An o\lerview of men's roles as ]>ortra)'(.'"(! in music. advertiscment.!. mms. and television . Epstein, C}1lth ia Fuchs. In" J!/ilH' Dis/illctiotu: St>x. r""d(7". IJlld fhtSodai Order. N(:w H;wen. Con n.: Yale Unil'crsily Press. 1988. A fem iniSt sociologiSl IlUlVC)"lS social scien. tific research on ge nde r. Faludi, Susan. HocJrbuh: 7k Untltdar1 Woragoiru/ Wum.ttI. ~~' York : Crown, 1991 . A Puliuer plile-winn ing jourrulist exanlines the gro"'ing backlash against women and against feminism , wilh a special roct15 on how th e media ha\'c spread the backlas h ml'SSage. (.ok]in, Claudill. UtlderJlflllding the Gnull!( eop: All t:c()oMlllit lfil/Of)'ofAmmmn Women. New York: Oxford Uni l"trsity Press, 1990. Goldin presen ts a historical framl'.. ork for undcfSlanding how wome n have been a~igned to pa rticular occupations \,rith lo,,'cr p.1r than Iho!le held by men.

    New York: Viking Pe ngui n , 1989. A critical look a t houSC"'ork in dua l-carecr couples. in which Hochschild obser.cs lllal wome n 's duties lit home con stinlte a -second shift" after the ir \\-"O rk in the l:>aid la bor force. I-Io)"eng-d. Kalharine Slic k. a nd Rermi t T . Horenga. ~rukr/Ulaud lJiJ!~m: Origins alld Oulromn. Boston : Allyn a nd 8.1COII , 1993. An m'c rvie w ofbio logiC"dl a nd ps)"chological resea rc h on wome n and men. Richard$on, L1urc1 . and Ve na Taylor. Ft".i'list Fron/ierl 11: IUthitlJrillg &X, Gnltm, alld Socil,,. New Yo rk: R..1ndom 1 louse. 1989. This revised work summarizes the social pcrspccti"e on ge ndc r in the Uni 'ed Slates. RO\ ht~ n bcrg. I'auta S. Rau, CIM.s. and ~/I{l,,' in thl! Unilt!d Si(l/t!S: AI! I lIugmlld SlZIdJ (2d c d .). New Yo rk: Sf. Mar tin's, 1992. A collection of more than 70 articles focusing o n the experiences and difficulties f.1ced br women of color. Schwan1., relice N. wilhJean Zimmerman. BreuJringwilh 'l'roditi(m: WOlllm ami 1Y0rJr, the Nf:JiJ Faets of /..ife. New York: Wamer, 1992. This book focuses o n changi ng ge nder ro les in the ,,'orkplace and includes a full discussion of SchWllrtl's cOlHro\,ersial concept, the
    ~ momm )' track .~

    Tholllt', Ranie. GnuUr- Pia]: Girls and JJqys ill School. New Brunswick. NJ .: Ru tKcn Uni\'eniIY Press, 1993. An el(' amin;uion of how gende r identity dt."'I'c1o p!l a nd is e ncouraged among 10- to I I-rear olds.

    J.?~~~.~..............................._ ........................................................
    Among the joun1als thm focus on issues of gender stratification are CJumgitlg Mt!F1 (founded in 198 1) , G~:f/(kr mid SMt!ty (J987),jQllrn.,rllCl ( 1991). &x RoIn ( 1975), Signs: j ourTwl of Woml'tl i rl Cu l/11Tl and Socitty ( 1975) U'~'I: A (,'rlllllm( (levz't!U) ( 1990), lYoml'tl$ Studies ( 1972) , a nd W OIIIllI S SJWlilS i lllt!f"1/(//ion(l1 Fortllll ( 1978).

    331
    CIIM>n:R 11 STHA '''FlCArtU\, HI' GI-~'T)Io:R

    STRATIFICATION
    BY AGE

    ACfNG AND SOCIE'lY


    AGING WORLDWIDE

    The Elderly: Emergence of a Collective Consciousness


    ROLE TRANS ITIONS IN LATER U t' E A(ljl151ing 10 Re tire me nt

    EXPlAINING THE AGING PROCESS Functionalist Approach: Disc ngagcmcnI


    Theory lntc mctio nist Approach: Activity Theory The Conflict Response

    Death and

    o,~ng

    SOCIAL POUCY AND AGE STRATIFICATION: THE RIGHT TO DIE


    BOXES

    AGE STRATIFICATION IN THE UNITED STATES


    The "Graying of America Agcism Competition in the Laoor Force
    M

    12-1 Aro und the World: The Elderly in !Kung Socie ty 122 Speaking DUI: An Older PeDOIl SI>e;lks to Younger Gcllcr.u ions

    333

    When J get oldn; losing my hair, Many years Jmm now .. Will you still need me, Will you still/eed me, When I'm sixtyfour?
    John LnmOll and Paul MCCaTt1ll)' "1Vhm I'm Sixty-Four, 1967

    LOOKING AHEAD
    .. \Alhr are the elderlr considered a minority or subordinate group? Why does the aging of the world's peoples represent a m;uor success sto!), of the late twentieth centll!)'? In what ways do functionalists and interactionists take opposing views of the aging process? .. Do people ill the United St.Hes tend to accept negative stereotypes of the elderly? How does the experience of retirement differ based on such factors as gender and race? .. How have voters in the United States responded to initiatives that would permit physician-assisted suicide?

    oes this person appear to you to be competent or incompetem? Generous or sclfish?~ Socioloh>ist Williarn Levin (1988) asked such questions of college students in California, Massachusetts, and Tennessee after showing them photographs of men who appeared to be about 25, 52. and 73 years old. Levin 's findings confirmed the widespread age bias against the elderly evident across the United States. The students questioned in Le\in's experiment were not told that the three photographs were of the same man at different stages of his life. Special care ",:as taken to select old photographs that had

    "D

    a comemporal)' look. All three photos wcre then professionally reproduced to equalize lheir lOnf qualities and screening counts. Levin initially intended to do a similar experimcnI. using three ph!} tographs or the same woman, but. changes in clotlling and hairstyles made it much more difficult to pass off a 1940 photo of a young womall as a contemporal}' shot. Levin asked the college srudcnts [Q evaluate tb~ ~three men ~ for ajob using 19 measures. The 2,;.. rear-old man was found to be active, powedl~ . healthy, fast, aUJ'active, energetic, invoJ\.-ed, and in possession of a good memo!),. Students thought that the 52-year-old man had a high IQ and was reliable. By cOlllrast, the 73-year-old man was evaluated as inactive, weak, sickly, slow, ugly, unreliabk. la:.!y. socially isolaled, and possessing a low IQ and a poor memo!)'. Clearly. these findings slIggtll strong and consistent age stereotyping; the negative stereotypes of the elderly cvident in this snld~ could contribute to discrimination in the paid ~ bar force and othcr areas of ollr society. In contrast to the United States, the Sherpas-a Tibel<lll-speaking, Buddhist people in Nepal-li\t in a culture that idealizes old age. The Sherpaslrt a mountaineering people who eng-dge in SIIbsi!tence agriculntre and cultivate land by hand ..\1most al l elderly members of the Sherpa cullUreOl'!ll their own homes, and most are in relatively goclll physical condition. Typically, older Sherpas I".ilur their independence and prefer not to live with !hell children (M. C. Goldstein and Beali, 1981). Although this chapter exam incs aging around

    334
    l'IIl/"l" /"fl/IJo.E SOClAl, INt."QUMJ'Il'

    SooolOj"risl milia", I..tViFl Mlm.w/ (t)/~ sllldl'lIl~ /Ilrse jliw/ogmphs (UJillio ll l

    Itlling Ihnn Ih, photo" uJt'l'I' all 0/ IJuo SlImt man III dlfftrtnl l l/lgtJ Qf hIS 11ft)
    (11,,1

    (uk.tfi

    /111'111

    IQ lVII1 /lntl' /I'i'M! "Ih,"

    "~I

    ns po

    r(HldidnttJ,

    'I'Juo mulls ill

    Ihu rxpmmnll ({)l1jintv.ri MM a~ ,dl'rtOl)'Pillg o/Ih, fUil'lly is commoll.

    lhe \\'Orlrl, il rocu~s primarily o n the posi tion or older people within the agc-str:.uification ~ys lcm of the Uni ted St:llCS, It preSc! II L~ vadolls them'it's de ~Iopcd to explain the impact of aging on the in dhidual and society, including di.~enS'. ge lll c lll theoryand activilY Iht'ory, Th e ('"eCLS ofprcjuclice il nd discriminatio n o n o lder people illld the dse o f a growing polilicnl co nsciousness among lhe eldcrl), are discussed, Pa rticular attcntion is brl\'c n 10 o lder pwple's adjm.tmem lu rcti remenl and 10 the cx perie nces of de.llh ,) lId dyi ng, In the social policy .w-ction. wc explore lhe cOlltroversy o\'er whether people in thc Unit,e d Slates sho uld have a ~ri glll to die~ through mercy killinf,"S 0 1 C\'CII ph)'siciall' ;usistcd suicide,

    Uke gendcl- stnllificalion , agc slratifk.lIion \'3ric"l from culture to c ulture. Onc soc ic ty may U (!:II olrlc l' people with great rc\'crence. while a no th e r secs lhem as ~ lI nprOdll Cli\'e~ and "d iffi cll h .~ Socie li e~ differ, as wel l, in lllcir COIIIIII itment to providi ng so-cial services ror o lder ci lil.c ns, Swcde n. Denmark. and Finland have pioneered an approach lO aging known :L~ ~opc n o ld-age ca re," under which older citizens arc encoUl-agccl alld helped 10 li\'(~ their bter years in dignity in their own homcs. ~ H o lll e lIelpcrs" paid hy local gow' l'lIllle llts \'isi( the elde rl)' Jnd perfonn such chores as hOIlSt:keeping. deaning, shopping, and cooking, But whi le Swed e n had 1500 homc helpers per 100.000 older peol)l<: in need of such aid in 1987, the Uniled Slatl's had

    on ly 66 helpers per )00,000 o lder pcople (Sw\c, 1988). Thc elderly were highly regarded in lhe culture oflmdiliOllal China. The period beginn ing a tabOl l1 age 55 was probably the mOSl secure and comfort able lime for men and women. As lhe closcslliving comact wh h pcop l e'.~ a nCeSlQl'8, older famil ), members received deference frum rounge r kin and had first dailll on all f<rmil) resources. As Chin a has bt..... come more urbanized and less lraditional, o lder peoplc withou t c hild l't'! n have been gi\'cn special assistance by tradc unions a nd ha\'C also becn granted lim ited wdfm'c belle/ill; (Foller. 1984: r , O lson , 1987, 1988). NOI all socie ties h;\\'e traditions of cari ng rOl' the delel'l)'. Among the F'ulani of Africa, oldc l' men and women mon: to tile edge of lhe fami ly ho mestead. Since lhis is where people arc buried, lhe eldcl'l)' ~lce p o\'er ,ile ir own gravcs. fOr they arc already \ iewed m. socially dead. Among lhe ~1<trdudjara. ,\ IUlll ti llg:-and"hralhe rillg: culture of Australia. <lisahled o lder members al'e J,rlven food: however. wh en freque nt tl,we) becomes una\'oidable. some art.' len behin d 1.0 perish (Sll'llning, 1958: Tonkinson, 1978:83). Some 25 societies a'e known lO have pl'acticcd sell ilicide-the killing of the aged-because of extrelUe difficulties in pro\'iding basic necessities sllch as food a nd she lte r. In the paSt, Eskimo c ulture e ncOlll<Igcd elderly members 10 leavc the settl('lIlc n t and die quictly in tJle cold . 'n le social pol icy sce" tion 011 the cnd of the chapter will p l'escllt a ma rc deLailcd diSClls.~ion or the killing, :'Ibandoning. or "death haslclling~ of lhe elde rly in no ninduslrial

    335

    "Being old," in particular, is a master StatuS that commonly overshadows all o thers in the Unitrd Statcs. We can draw upon th e insights or labeling theory (see Chapter 7) in sociological analysis of the consequences of aging. O nce peo ple are la beled "old" in the United Slales, lllis designation will have a major impact on how they arc percer.'td and eve n o n how they view themselves. As will ~ discussed more fully later in lhe chapler, negatiw' stereotypes of the elderly contribute to their p0sition as a minoRi ty group subject to discrimination. Chapter JO introduced five basic properties ora mino l'ity group. This model maybe applied to older people in the United States in order to clarify the subordinate status of the elde rly: The elderly share physical characteristics that distinguish the m from younger people. In additioll. theircullural preferences and le isure-time acthitiM are often at varian ce \\>jth those or the rest of society. 2: As we will show later in the chapter, the elderly experience unequal trealJnent in employment and may face prejudice and discrimi natio n. 3 Membership in this disadvamaged group ~ involuntary. 4 Older people ha\'e a sLTong sense of group s0lidarity, as is reOeCled in the growth of senior citizens' centers, housing projects, and advocacy organ i1.ations. 5 When married (or whe n they marry later in life), olde r people generally are married to otlle,., of comparable OIge. In analYl.ing the elderly as a minori ty, we find onr crucial diffe rence between older people and OIhel subord inate groups, such as racial and ethnic ml' noritics or women. AJI of us who live long enough 1-\111 eventually assume the ascribed status of being an o lder person (M. Barron . 1953; Wagler and I-farris, 1958:4- 1 I; J, Levin and Levin, 1980).

    ''Thfll uw ",1(11. Ihefl. I IIQW f'Spouse Kf'rotllocracJ . ..

    societies-as well :L<; the acceptance of ph ysicianassisted suicide in the Netherlands. At the o pposi te extreme fro m societies p racticing senilicide are the people o f the Andaman Is-lands ofT Australia. In t.heir culture . older members hold dominant positions in the social structure. They get the best available food. and their judgments are valued highly in their commun ities' informa l decision making. Anthropologists have classified AJldaman society as an example of gerolltocracy. or rule by the clderly. This tenn is derived from the Greek word gems, mea ning "old age" (GlIemple, 1969; RadclHfe-Brown, 1904:44), It is understandable that. all societies have some system o f age stratification and associate certain s0cial roles willl distinct periods in one's life. Some of this age differentiation seems inevitable; it would make linlc sense to send )'ou ng children ofl to war or to expect most o ldercilize ns to handl e physically demanding IaSks such as loading goods OIt shipyards. However, as is lhe case wi th stratification by gender (sce ChapLer 11 ), age strati fi cation in the United Sl<ltes goes far beyond the physical constrain ts of human be ings at different ages ( Babbie, 1980,299- 3(0).

    AG.!!'I.G .w.Q!lM>.:@P!C .............................___ _ ..


    Around the world, there are more than 330 million people aged 65 or over; they represent about 6 percell! of the wodd's population . In an imponam sense, the aging of the world 's population reprt-

    336
    I'il/U 1"1fHE SlXlAI. f. EQlIMfll' \

    I('IIIS a major success Story which has un folded durtng the l:ncr stages of lhe twemict h CC lllllly. n uough the efforts o f both naLional go\"cnune llts .Uld inlCmational agencies. man)' societies have drastically reduccd the incidence of d illeasc~ and their r.Hes of death . Conseqllellll),. thlose naliollllrspccially UIC industrialized coun t.rics of Emope ;and North AI1l Cl'ica - h ~wc incrcasingly highc r proportions of older members. This docs not mean, however. that such nat.ions bave nged gracefully. Bebred recognition of the demograp hic and sodoetonomic changes associated \"ith aging has often tt'Sultcd in suffering ( l'laub and Yanagisliit3. 1993; Kinsella. 1988). TIle o\'cml1 population of ElII'ope is o lder than thlt of any other continen t. Wilh this ill mind, thc European Economic Comlll unity (EEC) designated 1993 as thc Euro pcan Year o f O lder Peoplc and sponsorl'd se minars. conferences. and studies examini ng issucs of aging and agc discriminat ion. Ncverthclt:ss. as the proponi on of older people in Europe C Onlinllcs to rise, mallY go\'cm menL'i that ban: long prided themselves on their ~ocial welfare progr.ul1s at'e examining \\'a}'S la shift a larger share of the costs of caring for the elderly to the privale ~tor and charities. Gcnnany. Italy, Fmllce, alld Great Blitain have instituted or arc weig hing plans to raise the age at whic h re tirees will qualify for pen tions (Schmidt, 1993)_ Japan 's popul,llion is aging faster than t"al ofan)' other country as a result of falling bi nll- a nd death roues. Japan has trmlitionaJly ho nored its o lder cit izens and even has a nati onal holida}', Ho nor th e Aged Day. o n September 15. Yet the proponio n o f elderly people living ....ith adult childl'en has de('feascd substantially in reccllL decades. Changing ;altitudes in Japancse cuhure secm 10 includc a decline in the belief that ch ildren are obligated to suppori their aging parcn ts. Indeed . o lder people arc .iugled Ollt fur cl"i ticism if they make what arc vic....cd as exccs-'Iive demands_ Polic)"n akcrs arc WOI'ritd that the Japanese governme nt will bc expected \0 provide finan cial and emotio nal 5111'1'0 1"1 for the nation's grm..ing population o f o lder resirlents (e. Kiefer, 19<)0: l. Martin , 1989) . In most developing cou ntries, aging has no t )(: t tmergcd as a domin;mt social pltenotllenon. Rarely art special resources directed to meCtlhe needs of flt'Op lc o\'er 60, C\'CII though Ihey arc likely to be

    in poorer health than their counterp,u-u, in indus triali7..('d natio ns. Sincc many )'oll ngcr adults in de"eloping nations immigrate to the cilicot, rur-.iI a re~ have higher proportiQn.s of older people. Formal social support mechanisms arc less likely 10 cxist in ntral areas, reI lit Icast family earegh'e rs arc present (sce Uox 12- 1 on page 338). In Ihe cities, these carcgivc t'S e ntCt the work fo rce, ..... hich makL'S it morc difficult for ,hem to care for elde rly fami l), l11 cmbe rs. AI, the same time. urban 1 Jt)lIsing: in devc loping COlllllries is o ften pool'l)' suited to tradi tio nal eXlc ndcci-fam ily alr-.mgemcnts (Kinsella, 1988: Ne)'smi lh and Edv.'ardh , 1984) . In industriali zed naLioHs, govcl1l ntcll lal social prognum. slIc h as Social St.-clll"ity, are the pl"imal) sOllrce ofincol1lc for older citizens. Ilowc\'cr, gh'en the ecollomic diRiculties of d('\'e lopillg COUlltries ( re fer back tu Chapter 9), fe ..... o f these natio ns are in 3 position [0 offer extc nsi\'e financial support to Ihe deled y. Regionall)" South Amcrican cOllntries provide Ihe 11I 0st slIbsL.'\ntia l benefits, often assist iug older people in bot h urban and rural areas. By contrast. sllch govcrnment Sll ppOt1 is nonexistent in man)' Aft-ica n states (I-I cisel, 1985; Kinsclla. 1988). lron icall), mode rnizalio n in the developing world .....,hile bringing \\ith it mall)' social and econo mic advances, has al the samc lime undt:1"cutlhc traditio nally high sta tus of the elderly_ In man}' culttlres, the eaming power of younger adults nuw exceeds that of o lder fam ily members. CO[Hequentl),. the leadership rolc o f the elderly has come; into quesdo ll ,j usl ,lS the nOli oll of retirement has bee n introduced in the cultures of dcveloping nations (Co\\gill . 1986).

    EXPlAINING THE AGING PROCESS


    Aging i ~ une impo nan t aspect of'socialil.ation-Uu! lifelong proccss thrlJugh which an individual learns lhe cult ural nurms and values o f a particular society. A~ \\'C saw in Chapter 4, tJICre arc ne) c1e;u--cu[ ddinitio lls 1 dilfe;rcm periods of thc aging cycle 01' in Ihc Un ited Statcs. n le tcrm ngf! grades refcrs 10 cultu1"al cat egories Ulat identify the stages o f biologicalmaulI' ltion.l1Ie ambiguity found in ollr cullure about exact.ly ..... hen tJlesc age grades bebri n a nd cnd rcfl ects the ;lInbivalencc with h'hich \\'C ap-

    JJ7
    ( .//Anl-:Jl l'! \llIK/ M U fI().\' HI t(J

    IOX

    AROUND THE WORLD

    THE ELDERLY IN lKUNG SOCIETY

    t is 110t alw,I)'5 easy 10 accurately interpre t the treauncu t of the elder ly in another cullUre. For example. long-te nn obsclVation re-

    search has focused on the IKung.


    a nomadic hun li ng-and-gatherillg Iribe in southern Africa. In the c uI ture of the !Kung, sharp and COIl stallt co mplainL~ are commonplace. For example. K"l~\lpe. a 74-year-old llIall and a skilled storyteller, charges:

    plc in lKung society is r.llhcr ravorable. The tribe's elders are invoh"ed in the ir communi ty's social, economic, political. and spiritual life. Most Oflhc respec ted healers -the crucial health care providers for the !Kung-are e1dcl1I. In general, older people ill this cultu re cl~oy personal autuno my, respec t. and a significant degree of control over their da)'-lO-day lillcs.

    My own children do not look aner mc. See the clothes I am wearing- thcse rags I'm wearillg - [ get them rrom ,"yowll work, my own s,,eal. None of them have done anything ror me. Because th ey do not look after me, I, tllcir parent, say they are ittlJ(lra 11 ( ....i thout sense) (1-1. Roscnbcrg, 1990:25).
    In fact , by North American Sl3JI dards, the treatment of o lder Pc~

    Care-giving is ;Ul integral part of the cul ture of the IKung. Incapacitated elders are scmpulously C'dred for by relatives and the larger community. Only 10 percent of tKung rcporl that they ha\'c evcr heard of a n olde r PCI"SOIl'S bei ng ,Ibandoned. Moreover, the elderly are not ma(it: to feci that they arc a burden on younger generations. They do not nl. ed to negotiate care as if " it wcre a f""or; instead, it is perceived as a righL If older people can no longer produce enough to feed themse l\"t~s. they will be gl\'en

    the basics of life in this nomadic cuI lUre: Iircv."OOd. W",1LCr, and food. Why, then, are complaint! liu those of ~u l)C so common among the lKlIng? The community afT pean; to .reI slIch high standards of cOlre-giving-with each person ideally oulig-dted to mcet the needs of everyone else at all times-that no onc can possibly meet this standard. Moreover, the !Kung, deM :ribcd by onc researcher as "cr.mky. funny. and loud, ~ love a captivating story-eve n ifi l is a pa.t" sionale. c!abor.ue compbilU that is not full ~' justified. Thus, when K:!. supe d enounced his uncaring chil dren. another tribal member obsep.ed 1hOl1 it was a ~ big s tory~ (in oth cr words. totally untruc). Rather than reacting angrily to this c harge, K.:lSUPC laughed, ror he knew he had spun an enchanting talc which had captured the allemioll of tiiltener"!.
    oou.a: 11.
    lI. ~nberg.

    1990.

    proac h the aging process. especia lly at its e n d point. Thus, whilc oUi age has typically bee n regard ed as begi nning al 65, which co r responds 10 th e retirement age for many workers, Ihis ddinition of o ld age is n o t universally accepted in the Unilcd States. Indeed , with life expectancy be ing extended. wri ters are bcginning to re fer to people in their sixties as the -young o ld" 10 distinguish them from those in their rnid-cig hti es and beyond (the -old old"), The particular problems of the e lderly have become the focu s for a specialized area of research and inquiry known as gerontology, Geronto logy is the scie ntific study of the sociological and psych ological aspecl.5 of agi ng and !.he problems o f the

    aged. It origina lly d eveloped in the 1930s, as an increasi ng number o[ social scielllists becam e ,m'arc of the plight of !.he elderly, GerontolobtlSIS rely heavily o n sociological principles and theories to explain the impact of aging on the individual and society. They also draw upon lhe disciplin es o f psych o logy, anthropology, ph)~ cal education , coullselillg, and me dicine in thdt stud y of the aging process. Two influential ~ie ......s of aging- disengagem e n t thcOl)' a.nd activity theol) -can be besl understood in tenns of thc ~ logical perspectives of fun c tionalism and inlerac tionislll , respectively. The conOict perspccLh-e can also contribute lO o ur sociological understanding of ag ing.

    338
    P.... IIT J1IHEE S/)('JAJ.INEQU.... UIl'

    Functionalist Approach: Disennvement Theory " _~ l?::J!. ..................................................................................... .


    Elail1e Gumming and William Henry (196 1) inll'"," tlurl:d an explanation oftllc impact of aging known 3.1 disengagement thtwry. This theory, based on a nlldyofelderly people in good health and relatively wmfortable economic circumstances, contends Ibat lIOCiety and the aging individual mutually sever Plany of thei r relationships. In keeping with the luncuonalisl perspective, diseng-dgement theory rmphasizes that a society 's stability is assured when .odaJ roles are passed on from one generation 10 lnother. According to this lheory. the approach of de;:lIjl
    lorc~s people 1 drop most o f their social rolcs0 inrlurlingthose of worker. \'oluntecr, spouse, ho bby enthusiast, a nd even reader. These functions are lhrn undenaken by younger members of society. The aging person , it is held . withdraws into an incrrasing slate of inactivity while pre paring for ckalll. AI the same time. society withdraws from the ckkrl) by segregating them rcsidentially (rctiremc=nt homes and commun itic.'1) , educationally (pro~ms designed solely for senior citizens) . a nd Il"Creatiollally (senior citizens' social centers) . implicit ill disengagement theory is the view th,u so(it!}' should help older people to withdraw from ,hf'ir accustomed social roles. Since it was first outlined mo rc tllan three tlt'C3de-~ ago. disengagement lheolJ' has generated considerable controversy. Some gerolllologists have u'!ected to the implication that older people ....'ant to be ignored and MpUI away~ - and eve n more to the: idea t.hat the), should be e ncouraged to withdnw from meaningful social roles. Cdtics of distnlf.tgcment theory insist that society form the elIkrly into an involuntary a nd painful withdrawal from the paid labor force and from meaningful SI>dd! relationships. Rather than seeking to disengage, older employees are pushed out of their jobs10 many inst.'1.nces. eve n before they are entitled to maximum retirement be nelits (Boaz, 1987). Although functionalist in its approach. discnwment then", ignores the fact that postre tircnlCnt employment has been increasing in recent decades. In the Uni t.ed States. less than half of all rmployces aCLUally retire from their career jobs.

    Most instead move from a longti me career job into a ~ bridgejob~-employm el\t that bridgc~ me ~ riod between the end of a person's longest job and his or he r retirement (Doeringer, 1990; Hayward e t al., 1987). UnforlUnateJy. the elderly can easily be victimized in such ub ridgejobs.~ Psychologist K;llhleell Chrislense n (1990) Wdrns of "bridges over rroubled water~ and e mphasizes that older e mplo)'ees do not I .....tnl to e nd their working da~ as minimumw.tge jobholders e ngaged in ac tivities unrelated to their career jobs. SlUdies of oth e r age groups suggest that disengagement is not exclusively associated witJ1 any pa rticulal' age grade. For example . sociologist Helell Rose Fuchs Ebaugh ( 1988) lIses the concept of di,s. eng;:lgcmellt 10 help describe the larger process of role exit (refer back to Box 5- 1 on page 126). In some instances. disengagemenl from a social role is gmduaJ and minimal, while in o tJlers it may be rapid and complete. Currently, sociologists agree with lhe assumption implicit in disengagement tht.... ory th at agi ng should not be viewed simply as a per sonal process, but rather as a social phe n omenon inte rrelated with the social structure and institu tions of any particular society. Nevertheless, most sociologists and gerollt.ologists do not re~rard dise ngageme nt theory as a valid explanation of aging (Pilleme r, 1992).

    lnteractionist Approach:

    ~~~~o/..~.~?~.:r.......................... ....... ..... ......... ........................ .


    Often seen as an opposing approach to disengagement thcol)'. activity theory argues 111at the elde rly person who remains active will be best-adjusted. Proponents of this perspective acknowledge that a 70-year"ld person may not have tJle ability or de. sire la perfonn various social roles mal he or she had a t age 40. Yet tJley contend that old people have essentially Ihe same need for social interac tion as any OtJ1CI' group. The improved heal111 of olde r people-sometimes ove rlooked by social scientists-has strengtlle ned the argumenLS of activi ty theorists. Illness and c hronic disease are no longer quite the scourge of tJ1C elderly that they once "'ere. The recent elllphasis o n fitJless , the availability of bener medical

    339

    Th, fffnll nll/!fUlSn 0:11 fi/JIt:5J hlu lu-Ip.rd 10 ",itigulf! th, ImllmtU of growmg Q/d i" Ih,. U"ilm Sinus alld

    has slrnlgt"",ml
    aCfivil),
    l"rori~ls.

    /J~ a..","WIt'lIU

    of

    cat'c, greater co ru rol o f infcctio us di sc ;l~CS, a nd the rcd uction of faG!1 strokes and hea rt altacks havc com bined to milig-dtc the lrdumas of growing old. Acc umu lating med ical research also points to the importance of remaini ng socia lly involved. Among those who dccl ine in their mcttlal Gtpacities \ate r in life, dCledoralion is most mpid in o ld pe0ple who wilhd mw from social rela tionsh ips and
    acli \~t ies.

    Ad miu edly, ma ny activi ties opcn to U elderly 1C invo l\'c unpaid lai)Or-cven though youngcr adults may rece ive sala ries fo r the $<lIne work. Suc h U II paid workers include hospital volunt eers (ve rsus aidcs and orderlies), drivc rs for charities such as the Rcd Cross (versus chaulTcurs), lLI t,o rs (as 01 >posed to teachers), and crnftspcople fo r c ha rilY ba7..1i1l'S (<IS o pposed to carpentcrs and dressmakers). However, somc companies have reccn tly in itiated progr'ams to hire retirees for full-Li me or pan -thne work. Fo r example, about 130 of lh e 600 resen <;: nion islS a t the Days I nn motel chain are ove r 60 ye; u 'S of "ge (T . Lewin, 1990). Disc ngageme nt thcOJ)' suggests tha t o lder people fin d :k1.tisfaction in wiUldrawal from socie.y. Functionally speaking. they conve nie n tly I'ccedc into the background and allow the next genera tion to mke (}\er. l>roponelllS of acLi\ity thc.:OI), view sllch wi Lhdrnwal as harmful for both the clderly and socicty and focus 011 Ihe potential contri bmions of older

    people LO the maimc na nce of socie ty. In their opin ion, aging citize ns will feel satisfi ed only when thl) can be useful a nd produc tive in mriet)'5 le nn\p ri mad ly by worki ng for wages (Do.....d, 1980:6-i; QU:ldagno, 1980:70-7 1). Thus far. research findings have not provided consistent support for either discngage melll or ac tivity theOl),. Disengagement does not appear 10 br incvitable, universal, or commonly sought by older people. Rath e r ulan bein g a natui,.1 by-product of o ld age, d isengagemc nt seelllS more related to SU dl facto rs as poor he alth , widowh ood , retirement, and poverty. In te rms of activi ty d leol)'. one study found that people's feel ings about Ihcir li\'cS were nciSJg' nificantly alfected by their level of aClivity. Moreover, research on morlality a mong 508 older M o ican Americans and Whi les revealcd that there l\a! no relationship bc(wcen how act ivc they had been and h ow long they lived -oncc such fac tors asge... de l', age, and health \,e re considered (D. Lee and Markidcs, 1990; Maddox, 1968; Okun e t al., 1984; Reir hard e t al. , 1962).

    ~.~...~?~.~.~.~!.. ~~~.P.~~.~ ~ ......................................._


    Con llict thcodsts have criticized both d isengaj{t" mc nt theol), and aClhi lY lheol), for fa iling to conskie r dle impact of social stnlcturc o n p.."luems 01 aging. Ne ithcr approach altc mpL..; 10 question voir.

    340
    1'1/(1''111111-.1.' SKXJAI IWfit MJIl

    interaction " mllst~ change or decrease in o ld Age. In addition, these perspectives often igno re lhe impact of social cla.~s on tJl e lives of the e lde rly. The privileged position of thc upper class ge ntrnlly leads 10 better heahh and vigor and to less likelihood of facing dependency in o ld age. AffiueIIce cannot foresla ll aging indefi nitely, btH it ca n wftcn the economic ha rdships laced in la ter years. By COnlrast, working-class jobs often carry g reate r hazards to heahh and a greatt'!r risk of disability; aging will be particularly dilTicul! for those who suffer job-related injuries or illnesses. \Vorking-class pt.'Ople also depend more heavily on Social Security be nefits and pri\,,<l.te pe nsion programs. During inflationary timt!S, their relative ly fixed incomes from thesc sources hardly keep pace with the escalating costs of food, housing, UliiiLies, and other ne(l"SSities (Atc hley, 1985). Conflict theorists have noted tha t lhe transition trom agriculULIal econo mics to industriali za lion ~nd capi talism h ,L~ nOt a lways bee n beneficial for the clderly. As a socie ty's producLion met hods change, the traditio nally valued role of o lde r people within the economy tends to erode. Although pellsion plans. retirement p<lc kages, a nd insurance benefits may be developed to assist older people, those whose wealth allows them access to investment funds can generate the greatest income for their late r years ( Oowd , 1980:75; He ndricks, 1982; L 0150n, (982). The conflic t approach vieWli the treatmen 1 of older people in the United States as reflective of the many divisions in our society. From a connin perspeclh'e , the low statlls o f o lder people is relIected in prej udice and discrim ina tion against them and unfair j ob practices- no ne of which arc du"tctly addre s.~ed by e ither disengagement or acIl\;ty theory.

    ~ial

    FIGURE 121 Actu(l1 (lnd Projected Growth of th EJd#J rly Population

    25
    85 yeCI'"' cnd old.
    20

    65- BA """

    ""

    15
    10

    '>0<.1.",," TAeu!>tr.

    199~ :2~~,

    All inC1MSi'lg 1'1'01'01110'1 of the population of th, Unitm Stnm is agtd 6~ and mlfT. /t iJ fwjW that by tM year 2050, Iilis grtlllj' zlliU r01hfituU a/moll 23 pt:rWlI of Ik IUJtion's population. MO/mlJt'T, projertuJn.s point /00 dwmntic riy in tk propurtlOn of Iht "old our (JH!OfJII' agrd 85 OIld ovn).

    AGE STRATIFICATION ~_.:fill: ..YN.!I.~!>....~I.;\'I~............................. .

    ~~~.:.~.~.~f;!..?~. ~.~.~.~.~~........................................ .
    As ioi evident in Fig ure 12-1, an increasing proportion of the popu\;ltion of the United States is composed of o lde r people . Me n and women aged 65 l'taB and over constilltled onl)' 4 pe rcent of the !la-

    tion's population in the year 1900, bu t by 1990 this fig ure had reached 12.5 percent. It is curre ntly proj ected that by tllC year 2050. a lmost 23 percent of people in the United States wi ll be 65 a nd o lde r. Mo reover. while the elderly popul:lli o n continues to lise, the ~o ld o ld segment of the pop ulatio n (thal is, people 85 years o ld and o\,er) is growing al. an eve r-rasler !"ale. By 2050, the proportion o f the popu latio n 85 a nd over will reach 5. 1 percent, compare d with o nly 0.2 perceJU in 1930 (Taeuber. 1992,2-3). It should be noted that the ~grdying of America"' is nOI a uniform tre nd . As Fig ure 12-2 on page 342 s h o~. the hig hcsl proportion o f o lder people is found in Florida, Arkansas, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island , West Virginia, and five mid ....'cstern slalCS. Two different migratory movcmel1ls with differe nt sociaJ consequences have tcnded 1 concentrate o lder 0
    H

    34 1
    CJfltV/,EJ/ 12 SI'/V.11HC!t'l'lf)N IJI' !t(',

    FIG URE 12-2 Ptoplt 65 Yllars and Over as a PtTCt rdage of 1'otal Population , 1992

    HI

    _ 4.01011.9 _ 12.0 10 13.9 14,Oorrnore United Stotes 12.7

    Thl' Ilig/le51 proportio., of nld" P1* in Florida ..4rlw"~(js, I'rnnsy(vwlla, Hjw(iJl blmlll, Wtsl I'irgi"ia, (Hill fillt midWll5/""" 1/0/4
    (ntt

    SOl ~u

    R"",,~u

    of 01,,, er".",.

    I!I!I~:" .

    people in certain areas: rctire menl inlo magn et :'I reas (p rimarily in the South) and Ihe exodus of ),ounger and middle-aged adults from econo mically declining areas (prinm rily in the North). Migrati ng relirees lend to be rdalivcly wcl l-offlinancially and therefore bring with them buying power and consumer demand. By contras t, whe re individlla l ~ and families have left an area owing lO a lack of jobs, the resulting concelllr.uion of o [dcr residents may be viewed as a sign o f malaise-a h arbinger of a rising demand for government SC lvlCC S coupled ,</ith a sh ri nking t.'l.X base to supporllhosc services (Frey, 1993). While the United St.,tes is noticeably graying. the natiou 's o lder citil.cns are in a sense gelling youn ger, owing to improved heallll and nutrition. As psychologist S),lvia Mcnz told a symposium o n aging in 1986, thc activities of a con te mporary 70year-old ~a re e quivale nt to th o!>C of a 50-year-old a decade or two ago~ (Ho rn and Meer. 1987:76). From the perspective of activity theory, this is obviously a welcome change which should be encouraged .

    T he re is signific<l n1 \',mauon in wealth and poverty among th e nation 's o lder people. Some in. dividuals and couples find themselves poor in pan because of fixed pensions and skyrocketing health car e COStS (see C hapter 17). Ncvertheless, as a group, o lder people in the United States are nO. ther h o moge neous nor poor. The Iypical dderIJ person enjoys a standard of living that is much higher than at any poim in the nation's past. Clw differences among the eld erly re main evident bUI lend lO nalTOW somewhat: Lhosc oldcr people w c l ~oyed m iddle-class incomes whi le younger tend 10 remain better ofT after retirement than "'h o previously h ad lower incomes, but the fin cial g<lp lessens a bit (Arber, 1990; DUJlcan an

    Smit h, [989).
    While pan of th e overall improved stan dard u living for o lder people stems from a g,'caler ace", mu\;uion of wealth -in th<.' form of hOllle o ....1ler sh ip, private pensions, and other financia l assetsmuch of the improvement is d ue to more generoll.'i Social Sccutity benefits. While modest when compared ",hh o the r countries' pe nsion programs,.so:

    342
    I'IINTT//I/f)< SOCIAl. IXfQUII/JTY

    (ial Security nevertheless providcs 38 pe rcclU of all Income received by older people in the United ",cttes. Currently, abOlu one-cighth of the nation's tlderly population is be tow the poverty line; withNil Social Secu rity, that figure would rise to hair iDuncan and Smith, 1989; J. Hess, 1990:453). At the extremes of poverty arc those gro ups who were more likely to be poor at ea rlie r po ints in the life C)cie: female-headed households and racial and ethnic minorities. Women accoun t fo r 60 percCIlI of people in the l nited States 65 years old and ove r and 72 percent or those 85 and over. Older wome n experie nce a double burden : they are female in a socie ty which f.a\'Ors males, alHllhcy are elde rly in a socie ty which ,a1ues youth. The social in equiti t.-s th;,t women expl'lienrc throughout their lifeti mes (refer back to Olapter 11 ) only inte nsify as they age. A" a result, in 1990 about half of older women living alone rt.... fci\'ed some fonn o f publi c assistance-whether M edicaid. food stam ps, or subsidized or publi c housing (Taeubc r, 1992). The double burden of older women is evide nt ~round the world. Social workers Marli n Tracy and RQxanne Ward ( 1986) studied wome n 's pensions compared with men's for a period of 20 years in 10 indllsuiali1.ed nations. In lIom~ of these COll nu"ies rlid women's be ncii ts improve compared ....<j' h

    me n 's, while in five nations (the United States. France, Switzerland, Finland, and Sweden) women's benefits not only wcre lower la hegi n with but fell cven further behind those of men. Viewed from a con OiCl perspective, it is not surprisi ng that older women expe rie nce a double burde n; the same is tnle o f elderly members o f racial and eth nic minorities. For example, in 199 1 thc proportion o f olde r Ilispan ics willl incomes below the poverty line (20.8 percent) was more than twice as large as Illc proportion of o lder Whites ( 10.3 percent) in this condition . The median income of an older White man was about $7400, or about S2800 more than that o f an olde r Hispa nic man and about $3300 more than that of an older African American man (Bu reau of the CenSlls. 1993a:470) . Clearly. the gr-.aying of the Unit ed St.lles is a phe' no me non that can no longer be ignored-either by social scie ntists or by govcrnment policymake rs. Advocacy groups on be half of illC elderly have e merged and spoke n oul on a wide range of issues (as we will sec latcr in the chapter). Politicians are often found courtin g the votes of older pcople, since th ey constitute a powclful a nd growi ng voting bloc. The dderl)' arc much marc likely to vote than younger age grou ps, a fac t which lends to enhance their political clout. In 1992. 70 percenl of people 65 years old and over reponed \'oting, COIll-

    Vitllltd from Il conflict fJ"Sp'ctiVf', Q/deT womt.1l ,xprnrnr.e (l dQI/IM hI-mien; IM Mlrni' ;s lru, of tulnl] mnnhns of TUnal (lllll tlh"i, mi,writl'.J.

    343

    pared with 6 1 percent or the tota l population and only 43 percenl orpcople ages I BLO 20 (jcnnings, 1993) .

    ~g~~~............................................................................................
    In 1968, physician Robcl't Butler. the rounding director o r the N:'ltio nal Institutc on Agi ng. coined thc term ageism to rercr 1.0 prcjudice and discrimination against Ihe elderly. Ageism reneclS a deep uneasiness among )'oung a nd middle-aged people about b'1'owing old . For many. old age symbolizes disease, dis.'Ibi liIY, and death ; sceing the elderly serves as a reminder that thry may someday become uld and infiml. Ageislll is so com mon !.hat Butlcl' ( 1990:178) noted thal il ~k nows no one century, nol' culilll'e, and is nOI likely 10 go away a ny lime soon." With agcism alltOD commun in the Un ited States, it is hardly surprising that o lder people arc barely visible on television. A reccn l content analysis or 1446 fi ctional lelevision characters rcvealed thal only 2 pe rcent were age 65 and ovcr-even though this age group accoullts ror more than 12 percent or thc naLion 's popu latio n. In a second study, older women we re round to be particu larly underrepresc lllcd 0 11 television U. D. Robinson and Skill, 1993; J. Vernon e t al.. 1990). Even tmined proressionals a re guihy of ageism, as in the case or medical personnel who too quick.ly diagnose patients as senile or view their ailments as imaginary 0 1' "nothing but old age. ~ T he consequences of ageism a mo ng physicians and other health care professionals can be especially serious. For example. a 1987 study revealed that older women with breast cancer frequently receive less medicaJ treatment than Ihey should. because u r their age (Creen fi eld el aI., 1987). As onc renecLion or agcism, lllallY people in Ihe Un ited St-lles hold ncg,llive stereOlypes or th e elde rly. The study discllssed al lhe beginning of the ch ap1.er documentcd sllch stereotyping by college undergradllal,es: uther stlldies or coll ege stude nts report widespread perceptions or older people as stubborn, touchy. qU:lrre lsome, bossy, and meddlesome. Not su.,)risi ngly, the elde rly resent sllch negative and patronizing steleotypes. As Irene Paull , the author of EVf':lylxxly 's Studying Us, a biting cam menL.'lry 011 mistrea unent of o ldel- people, poimed

    out: "Not on ly is our age nOl respecled: in som( mysterious way it is supposed to nndennine our faculties ::tnd reduce us to Lhe infantile~ (S. He..<;., and Marksnn . 1980; Paull and Bl'l lbl'lI , 1976:7). In contrast to ncgative ste reotypes, researche~ have fo und that o lder workers can be an asset for employers. According 1,0 a ~llIdy issued in 1991 older workers can be rell-ained in new lechnol& gies, ha\'e lower rates ofabsc lllee ism than youngCl e mployees. and arc often more effective sillespMplc. The study rocused on two corporations based in the Un ited States (the hotel c hain Days Innsor AmeriC:1 and the holding company Tra\'elers Cot poration o f l'larlford) and a British retail chainall of which h;l\'(: long-term cx pelien ce in hiring workers age 50 i"lnd over_Th omas Moloney, senior vice preside nt of th e COl1unon",ealth Fund, a pri\".Ite foundation which conllni~~i o ned the stud)', concluded: ~We have here Ih e first systematic hardnosed econom ic ~Inalysi s showin g o lder workers art good in vcsLmcnts" (Tclsch , 1991:A I 6).

    Competition in the Labor Force .....................................................................................................

    _ ...

    In the Uniled Stales in the rea r 1900, fully ~'U Ih irds or men aged 65 and o\'er were rou nd in thf paid labor force, working e ither full Ijme or part lime. Even as rece ntly as 1950, 46 pe rcent ofoldcr men were in the labor force. but b)' 1990 tll15 liglire had dropped to 16 pe rcell t. Even among th~ ~you n g old" ( those 65 to 69 years of age), laoor rorce participa lion has declined from 60 percent III 19501,0 less than 30 pcrcenl l.oday (Taeuber. 1992) Nevertheless, YOl lngcr ad lll L~ continue to viewolOt'1 workers as kjob sl.calcrs," a bia<;ed judgment simibl to Lhal directed against illegal immigrants (<;t't Chapter 10). This belief not on ly inlcnsilles a),'l: con nict but leads to age disCI'imination . Alth ough age discrimination (defined as dl~ crirnill<ltion ag-.l.inst people 40 years old and o\'tt) has been illcg-Jl in lh c Un it.ed Slates sin ce 1968, \1 sti ll persists withi n our socielY. In Ihe words ofthr late U.S. re prcselltative Claudc Pepper. the chid congressional ad\'oc<.ttc ror the elde rly d uring the 1970s and I98Ds: Agc discri mination has oo7.cd il1lo every port: 0( ltlt work placc. h stalks llIallllC workers ami sc\cn them frolll their liI'c lihoorls, oftcn at tilt' pe;lk of IhciJ

    344
    PART'TJ11IEE SOCL1.I_ I.W. QI AlJ ll'

    careers, , , , Those who lose their jom because of age discrimination ofwn nc\'er recovcr froln the shock of 11i(! experiencc (Wca\'Cr. J982:A12).
    III the last decade, age disclilllinaLiOIl has bcc lI increasingly e\;denl in the disproportionate firing of older employees (often in their fifties :me! somctimes in their fonies) during layons, For example. when a new owner look over tJ1C NIW YUl'k Dail), Nf"W5 III early 1993, I 82 of the 544 members of the newspaper's editorial staff lost their jobs. Of those fir(.d , ~~ percelll were under 40 years of age, 27 pcrccllt "'~rt= between 40 and 50. and 49 percent were o\'er :;0. '111C tcnnination of older workers-c\,idellt in \urh iuduSlries as securiues, advcrtising, and pUDlishing-allows employers to drop longtime cmployees with high s<tlaries and la reduce their pe n~on expenses. ~ll doesn't malleI' what company o r ",'hal industry you work in these da)'S,~ noted an emplo)'eC of a Wall Street secu rities firm who asked 10 remain :Ulonymous. "If )'ou're over 40, ),oll're old, J)oes it worry me? You bet~ (M. Webb, 1993:67). According to a report released in 1991 by lhe Older \Vomen 's League. middle-aged and oldcr women are especially likely to face disClimination mUle work place. In 1989, lilt: median annual earnilLg!i of women 45 to 54 years of age were .820.'166, rompart:d with $34,684 for men of Ihal agc group. Women 55 to 64 ),cars of age had mcdian annual tamings of $ 18,727. compared with .832,476 for men of that age. Acco rding to lhe repon. less than half these \V'.:\ge diO'ercntials result from dilTcrenccs in education or work experience. Segregatio n of the "'Ork force by gender is \1ewed as a key fa Cial' ineaming differcntials (refer back to Chaptet' 11 ); 5uch cgregalio n is particularly SC\'CI'C amOllg olde r women. For example, 62 percelH of working women over age 55 al'e found ill low-paying s..'lles, clerical, and service jobs (T. Le....'in . 1991b:8). lJke older people, tJu!" young feci that uley arl.' \ictimized within the job market because of their age. "'01' example. in tll c I980s Congress debat ed a llw setting a lower minimum wage faT teenagcrs in order to e ncourage increased employment of lUung people. C'ltmda, the Nethe l'lands, New l(';lland, and S\\'cden all have inSli lUlcd suc h sub minimum wage progmllls for younger workers. F.wllolllists c ri deal of Ihe congressional proposal in\iSled that it would lead to exploi taLion or

    Tilt tl'Tml1lal/(JI/ of old" in :wch ",lIuslno as McurilltS, mlvf:7'llSing, and jmbii.\hing- fltw!I'f rlll/J10rrs IQ dro" fUlIgtilllt' nllplfJ)'NJ ",ilh high U/lari~ (I/I(f (0 m/uu /I.,';r
    nJld~"

    ,,'(j'*nl-

    /Jf'TUlon bcufiu. Shml'PI art JOU/Ig stodcbroJu'J'S wm*lIIg /11 IM World 1'rndt

    VIII"

    ill .1I,1 n.J

    }'lIrk City.

    teenagers allow wages: oldel' emplo)'ees fcared that lhey would lose lheir jobs lO those \"ho could be hired at ulis lower minimum w tge rate, . The Social Security system has also prm'oked age connicl within the paid labor force or the Un il cd Slates. Younge r people arc in creasingl)' unhappy about paying Social SecUfilY taxes, especially since tht..y WOIT)' lhat they themsel\'cs will never receive bc nefiL'\ from the riscally insecure program. Renecting such concel'lls, AmCI;cans for CCllerational Equity (ACE) was est:.blished in 1984 to l'epl'csellL the itltercsL>; of "younger and future gcnel':ltions of Americans. Uackcd b}' cOlllributions from banks, insurance com panies, and corporations offering health care sC lvices-all of which arc pri\~.nc-scClor co mpelitors of Social Security and Medicare-ACE argues that the poor and the young suiTeI' because society
    M

    345

    miS<lpproplialCs too much funding for older people. ACE activists emphasize that whilt" health care costs for the elderly continue to rise, there is in adequate funding for schools and younger gener.llions arc being saddled \vidl an increasing national de bt. I-IO\\'c\,cr, critics of this \'OIUllt.~ I)' associalion counter that AGE incorreclly and unfairly targets social services for older people lIS the caus<: of OLiler problems . Moreover, critics poinl out Ihal in the early 1990s AGE o pen ly lobbied 10 reduce Social Secu rity benefits yel was silelll whe n social progr.lIllS to be nefit ),ounger peo ple were being de-. bated (I-Iewi u and I-Iow<:, 1988; Q uadagllo, 1989. .<)<J. ).

    The Elderly: Emergence of a CoUective Conscio usness


    DlLring the I 960s. studen ts at colleges and universi ties across the coulltr)' became conce rned about ~s ttld c lll power~ and demanded a role in the govemallce of educational institutions. In the following decade, the 1970s, many oldel' peoplc became ;1\\- ll"e 1h al the), were being tre.lled <IS second-class , citizens. Just as the National OrJf.m izollion for Womc n (NOW) had been cst.ablished 10 bring about equal rights for women. the Cm)' Panthcrs

    organizlllion was Jo unded in 197 1 to work for W righlS of the elderly. Moreovcr. as NOW has enlisted the aid of male all ies. the Cmy Panthers ha,'t ll( tively sought and receivcd aid from youngn gencmtions. In o rdcl' 10 combat prejudice and discri minatiOll againsl oldc r people. the Cid), j):mthers issue pu lications and moni tor indUSl1ies particularly i pOrlanl lO the e1derl)'. sLlch as he<llth care and ho ing. For example. the condition of nursing horn in the United States prompted Gmy Panther leatkr M ab~ie Kuhn 10 declare: ~ We throwaway people. and before we throw them awa)'. we warehouv tllem in institutions. We make them ,egeL~bl es. .. . (C. Collins. 1987:C8). TIle growing collecti\'e conscious ness all101lj\ older people also contributed to the establishmcm of the O lde r Wome n 's Leaguc (OWL) in 1981) OWL focuses on access to health insura nce. Socii Secmity benefits, and pe nsion re fonn . OWL lfad. e l's and the group's 20.000 members hope that lhc o rganization ,viii SCIVC as a critical link bet.....een lilt feminist movement and ac ti \'i sl~ for ~gray paiIer' ( Hille bmnd . 1992). Still another manifestation of the new awarent'll of older people is the fonnation of organizatioolfor elderl)' ho mosexuals. One such group, Nt'I York City's Senior Action in a Gay Environmtnl

    The Groy P(lIllhm; organi1.lltion. founded in /971 , is dtdi{(/W If) lilt frgh l againsl ngnsm.

    346
    PA/lT TI/flU. SOCIAl /,W:Q!JA1.f1"'l

    (SAGE) . has 3500 me m bers. Like more traditional .senior citizens' groups, SAGE sponsorli workshops. classes, dances. and rood deliveries to the homebound. At the same time. SAGE's activities provide a supportive gay e nvironment where o lde r lesbians and gay me n can share their expe rie nces. The vitali[)' of such o rganizatio ns helps to dilipel the stereotype or agi ng ho mosexuals as inevitably is" lated, lonely. and biuer (R. AJexande r, 1988). The largest org-.m i7.ation representing lhe nation's elde rly is the American Associa tion of Retired Persons (AARP), fo unded in 1958 by a retired Khool principal who \\':.15 havi ng difficulty gelting insurance because of age prejudice. Many o f AARP's services in\'olve discounts a nd insurance ror ilS 33 million me mbers. but the organ iza tio n also functions as a powerfllllo bbying group whic h works for legislation that will be nefit the elderly. For example, AARP has backed passage or a uniform mandatory-reponing law ror cases or abuse or the elderly, whi ch would be accompanied b)' e no ugh fooeral runds la gua nllltee l'l1fon;e me nt a nd support sem ccs. The potential power of AARP is cnonn ous: it is the second-largest voluntary associa ti on in the l'nited States (behind only th e Roman Catholic church ) and re presenlS one out of e'very four n :gislred \'oters in the Uniled Stales. While criticized for its lack or mino ri ty me mbership (lhe group is 97 percent White), AARP ha..; e ndorsed voter registration campaigns, nursing ho me refonns , a nd pension reforms (George.o;, 1992; Ho mblower, 1988; Omstein and $chlllil t. 1990) . While suc h organi7.ations as the Gray l).dnthers, OWl..., SAGE, and AARP are undoubtedly ,~.aluable, Ihe divel'sit), or the nation 's o lder population requires man)' diffe ren t responses. For example. older African Alncrica ns and Hispanics te nd la rely more on family me mbe't"5, fricnds, a nd inrormal social networks than o n orbrani z:l tio nal sup po rt syslems. O\\ing 10 their comparatively lower incomes and higher levels of incapacit)' resulting from poor health, older Blacks a nd Hispa nics a re more likely to need subsLalllial assista nce from fami ly members than are older Whites. Re presen tative Edw<l.rd Roybal (1992:13A), chair or the House Committee on Aging, notes: "The minority elderly facc difficulties not unlike th e majority ofl.he population. But their daily sUrvlval is made more difficult by economic,

    cultural. and language barriers which have conframed them throughout most of their lives.? Therc arc sevcml reasons why the influence of older people is expected to grow in coming decades. As noted earlie r, their numbers are increasing substantially in the Uni ted Sta tes, and Ihe elderly are more likely to go to the polls than o the r age groups are. In addition, through the efforts of many senior ci tize ns' groups, including those dt."SClibed above, the elde rly have become much more forceful in de mand ing IJleir righ lS (sec Box 12-2 on page 348).

    ROLE TRANSITIONS IN LATER LIFE


    As we have e mphasized in Chapter 4 a nd throughout this textbook, socializati on is a lirelong process. A., a conseque nce or aging, people experience ma ny dramatic changes in their day-to-dar lives, including a loss of th e primary pare nting role and widowhood. In th e fo llowing sections, we will rocus on two major transitions associat.ed with the later stages of th e human life cycle: re tirement and death and dying.

    ~~j~~~.~.~..~~.. ~~!~~~~.~...................................... ..........


    Re ure melH is a rite of passage that marks a critical IJ'ansitio n from one phase of a person 's life to another. Typically, the re are sym bOlic e\'c nlS as.o;ociated whh this li te o f passage, suc h as reOre menl gihs, a reli re menl pa rty, a nd special moments on the "last day on the job." The prerc tire ment period ilSelf can be e motionally c ha rged , especially if the retiree is expected to train his 01' her successor (Atc hley, 1976). For both me n and wome n in the United States, the ave'dgc age of retireme nt has declined si nce 1950, while at the same time IOll gevity has increased. Co nseque ntly, 1I0t on ly are more people reachin g retirement age tha n ever before; they arc also living longer after retirement. TypiCillly. a man will live morc than 16 yeal'S after reti rement, while a woman wi ll live more than 20 years (Cende ll and Sicge!, 1993). Ge rontologist RobeTl Atc hley ( 1976) has ide ntifi ed several ph ases o r the retireme nt experience:

    347
    C JIJIP1J:R 12 ITRATIFICA TION 111' AGf;

    AN OLDER PERSON SPEAKS TO YOUNGER GENERATIONS


    Irlme P(mll, a jictiun urritc" Ilnti lollgtime activist in civil rights. (l1l1iwor,

    and gm)

    /HJux:r'

    causes. oJ/,.rtd llu!fDl.

    lowillg ItWJOgrJ to young" ptafJ/e (P(luf/ Ulld 8illhii.l: 1976: 79):

    We arc not a special interest group.


    We afC simply your mo thers, faU1Crs, and grand paren ts. We arc nOt asking )'011 [or a handout. Wc ran the I'o'orld until you came along. Operated the factories. Tilled the soit. Bore the c hildren. Taught them. Tended the sick. Uuilt fret.""'dYS and r.lilroads, dug subwa),s. We
    arc simply the
    gCllc l~Hion

    we buih the labor unions and I fann unions; wo n the day: elimi nal.ed child labor: won cial Scl:urity and the concept health care is a human right, nOl al:l of someone's charity. I\.fillious of us fought all our
    f<) f

    a peaceful wo rld . Wc did

    Imll!

    I~UldJ.

    or 11'0'0

    achieve it. Do not indict us failu re. We ic:we it to )'Ou to that stnLbrgle not in millions but ill tens of millions. When we 'L~k for a chance our old age ill comfort. crrathi!\", a nd usefulness. we ask illlot forour selves o nl )', bUl for you. "Ve
    a spt;cial inter-cst group. We are)'OUt
    p..'\renl~ and grandparents. Wc art your roots. You are our contimlin \"'Inn Wt gain i~ YOU!' inheritance,

    that prcccclcd yOu. When wc arc gone rOll will move up [0 the van guard and another generation will wonder what to do with rou short of pushing you ofT a ditT.

    We are asking )'OU, our children and grandchildren, for nothing that is not due liS. At the COSt of great sacrifice, and many casu llies,

    Prerel;reml!!ll, a period of anticip:uory sociati7.:ttion

    as the person prepares for retirement. TIu IIMr fJhoM!, whell the person establishes a specific depanure date from his or he r job. The honeymoon phMe, a n ofien-t!uphoric period in which the person pursues activi ties that he or she never had time for before. Tilt di.sencholll"mll pha.U!, in which re tirees feel a sense of le tdown or even depression as they cope with their new Ih'cs, which may include illness or poverty. The rtQrie1lfation IJ/WM, which ill\'Oh'es the de\'elopmelll of a morc realistic view of I'ctil'cmenl alternatives. 1'1u Slubility plw-s" " period in wh ich the pcrson has learned to deal with life after retirement ill a reasonable and comfonable fash ion. The lem,jllfllion IJ/UISC, wh ich begi ns when the per son can no longer cn~,'''ge in basic, day-to-day activities slldt a.~ self.care and housework.
    A~

    this analysis demonstrates, retirement is not a

    si ngle transition btll I~\lbcr a se ries of "'lju".mem'l that valY from one person to another. and timing of each phase will vary for each vidual, depending 0 11 such fa ctors as his or nandal and health sl.a l us. In fact, a person will necesS3tily go through all the phases identified Atchley. For example, people who ",'ere forced retire or who face financial diflicuhies may experience a ~honeymoon phase.~ Indeed , a nificant number of reLirces continue to be pan the paid labor force of tJle United Stales, often ral. ing p.uHime jobs to supple men t their pension II~ ' come (M. Morrison, 1988; Quadagno, 199~). Like other aspects of tife in the United SlatL'S. thr experience of retirement varies accordi ng 10 gruder, rdce , and ethn icity. White males arc Illost likch to benelil from a struc ture of retirement 'o\'l'l/{cso. well as t.o have panicipated in a fo rmal relircmtUI preparation program. As a result, anlicipaLO'" 50ciali7.ation for retircmcllt is most s)'Stcmatic (or\\'!tit men. By contr.LSt. members of racial and CUIIIII minor;ly 6'roups-espccially Afiican AmcllcanSo-

    348

    more likely to exit the paid l<tbor fo rce I.h rough iklhility than th rough retirement. Because of their mmparativcly lower incomes a n d smalle r s:"wings. men and women fro m racial and ethnic mino ri ty ps work inten nitten tly after retirement mon~ oft~n than do olde r Whiles (M . Hardy, 1992; ~ladagno. 1993). 10 1992. a special committee of thc Ho use o f RClr m;elllativcs examined how \,'c ll women Ewc undcr !he nation 's retiremen t po licies. Whil e at face value lIle retirement syste m does no t discriminate againsl Wl)rncll. lhe Social Security progra lll is still designed kI.\ot'nc the u-adi tiona l nuclcar family of the 1930s. Because \'o'O mel1 e nter and exil the paid labar fo rce IDOrt frequently than men. women ofte n e .. rn klwtr benefits than the spousal o r survivors' I)clll..'its that marricd women would earn based on th e ir husbands' earning records. Morcovcr, plivate pe nlion plans generally fa il to conside r the JXl rt icu la r ..,lrk pauerns of wo men in calc ulatin g bcncfi IS. FiIlilIly, women ill lhe p aid labor fo rcc arc especially bktly to work in low-\\,<\ge, part-t ime, non union scrlk~ jobs ill small fi rms without pension covcr.lge. f(l(mese reaSOIlS, wome n a rc nOI well sc l....cd by reInaut: nt po licies in the Uni ted Stalcs (Selecl ComGIltlet on Aging, 1992). No ma lle r what a person's gcnder, race, 0 1' in(01Itf', the postre lil'emCIU ycars typically involvc dil-

    abet h Kublel'-Koss ( 1969) throug h hcl' piOl lcering book 011 Death (/lid Oyillg. Drawing 0 11 he r wo!'k with 200 canccr rtatiell ls .

    MU adjustmenu to aging :lIId decli ning hea lth. l! Pt<'I llle who e ll ler laler life p l"Oud o f thcir indcptncience and who livc full and activc li ves fo r rl dttade 0 1' t .....o may Ill.....e rlheles.s cx peli(;m,;e it chronic illness or d isability that scvc rel y restricts 1bem. Consequentl)', relationsh ips between t'g ing parrots and thcir a d u lt children may need lO be reddlned; the ch ildren may need to decide hO\,' much time and malic), they will de\'otc to ca ring Ir:Ir ailing pare n ts. L:tter life, of coursc. is no t lhe M~ period in which an adult can become mo re IItpendent o n o ther fami l)' members, b ut il. is cc rDlnly lhe mostlikcl)' time tllal this will occur (Koch .

    Kiibler-Ross ide ntified five stages of the cx peliencc of dying thal a person lOa)' undergo. Whell people fiu ally realiLe that they are dting, they fi rst deny the tmlh to lhcIllSCh'cs, their Jamilies, and their frie nd... Whe n de nia l can no louge!' be mai n lained , il is fo llowed by a pc," of lWgt:l'. which Cim be d i iod recled at ;,lmOSI anyo ne or a nything. I'\ext comes a stage of hmgnini'lg-on cn rcl:llivcly brief- in wh ich people talk abolll th e un fu lfi lled goa ls the)' will p ur-mc if thcy somehow recovcr. In clTect. they arc ho ping to b.l1"gain wi th CoQ<\ for add itional ti me . ' When people realize that these deals arc 1101 realistic. thcy e n ter a stage of lltfm':Ssi(m and expcrience a pe r\'asin~ sellSC of loss. T h e final Slage. a rap((UlCI", is 1 alwilYS reach ed by thc dying patient. T hose 10t who accepl dealh are no t happy ;tboulthe prospcc l, b llt have com(: la terms wi th thei r fate and are r(,~ldy Lo d ie ilL peace. As Kflbler-Ross ( 1969: 11 3) nOl.es: ~ It is a~ if the pain had gone, the str uggle is o\'er, and there comcs a li me for 'the fina l relit before the IOllgjou I11C)" as onc patient phra.scd il .~ Dcspite i L~ contin ued popula r appea l, the KublcrRoss fi\'e-'llage thOOI), of dyi ng h as been ch a1JcnHed. Effort'! by r~se:lrc h ers to substan tia tc these st:tgcs have oflen proved unsuccessful. Moreover, this model relies 011 all assumption Ihat the dying person Cil ll d early rccognil.c that death is neari ng. yCI more th,1I1 20 pe rcenl of people in the Uni ted St:ttcs age 65 :lIld O\'l'r die in nu rsing ho mes; for th em and many others. death CiII l be masked by an arra}' of chl'Onic, debi litati\'C, degenerative diseases. Finally. C1'ili('~ of Kuhlc r-Ross c ll1ph a.~ i ze thal evcn if this fi\'e"Smge model is accllrntc for the Un ited Sla tes. il doe.. nOI a pply to oth er cultures which deal with dca th l1u it c d ifl'crcnLl) (Marshal! and Lev)'.
    1990; Retsi nlls, 1988) . Viewed from a fu nctio n a list pe rspective. lh osc \\'\10 arc dying m us t fulfill distinCl liocial functions. Ccron l o l ogi ~1 Richard Kalish ( 1985) lists ,ullong the ta.'Iks of the dying: completing unfinj"hcd business, such ,l'l sClIling insuran ce and Icg:lC)' matters:

    1 990).

    ~.~.. . .~~~ . ..... .. ......................... . ......... .... . . .. .. ~? .


    the role mm si tions tha t typ kall)' (but not .)'5) come later in life is death. Ullli l recently. death was viewed as a taboo I,o pic in lhe Unitcd Scatt'S. Ho\,'c"cr, o pen d iscussion of the process of lfIulg .....as greatl), encourngcd by psycho logist Elis~ong

    restorillg harmony 10 sodal relat ionshi ps and saying fa rewell to frien ds and family; dealing with medical care nceds; and maki ng fUllerill plans and other arrangemen ts for sun;"OI"S afler deat h occurs. In acco m pl i~hing these tasks. the dying person acti\'ci)' COllldbu lCS to mecling socicty's needs fo r smooth

    349
    UI~/'fI.H

    12 ' 'iTRA. r/Ho .110.V Ill' 1o(;J.

    intergenerational transitions, role continuity, compliance \.\ith medical procedures. and minimal disruption of the social system despite loss of one of its members. This functionalist analysis brings to mind the cherished yet controversial concept of a ~good delHh.~ One researcher described a ~good deau," among the Kllliai, a people of the Somh Pacific, in which the dying person "called all his kinsmen to gather around him, disposed of his possessions aft.er repaying the obligations owcd by him and forgiving any obligations of others to him, and thcn infonned those gathered that it was time for him to die" (COLH1L~, 1977:370). The "good death~ among the Kaliai has its parallel in western societies. where wc may refer to a ~natural death." an "appropriate death,~ or a "death with dignity." In the western ideal ofa ~good death,~ a dying person is surrounded by friends and hlluily, there is minimal technological interference with the d}ing process. the dying person's pain and discomfort are controlled. and there is an orderly and meaningful closure for the dying person and his or her loved ones. While this ideal makes Ihe experience of dying as positive as possible, some critics fear that acceptance of the ~good death" concept may direct indhidllal elT01"ls and social resources

    away frolll altempL~ to extend life. Indeeu" ments have been made that fatally ill oldcr ~ should not only passively accept death b\H ~h forgo funher treatment in order to reduce h care expenditures. As we will see in the social icy section later in the chapter, such issucs an: the heart of current debates over the ~right tO~ and physician-assisted suicide (Kead, 1989: Md shall and Levy, 1990). Recent studies in tbe United SL'lleS sllgge~ in many varied ways, people have broke!] th~ the historic taboos about death and are altem to arrange certain aspects of Lhe idealizcd death." For example, bereavement pr.!ctic once highly socially structured-are becominl; creasingly varied and t.herapeutic. More and people are actively addressing the inevitabilin death by making wills, lea\ing "living wills~ (br care proxies which explain their feelingli abolll lIse of life-support equipment), and providing structions for family members about funerals. mations, and burials. Given mediml and tecru,.. logical advances and a breakulrough in ''I'' discussion and negotiation regarding death ttlldtlling, it is more possible ulan ever that "good dt'~t can become a social norm in the United Sr.lI (Rile}', 1992:414).

    THE RIGHT TO DI
    How common is ~deat.h-hastening~ bchavior in non industrialized societies? Whar positions have voluntary associations and professional associations L'lken rebrarding lhe "right to die? In what ways are connict theory and disengagernentlheory re1cvalll in the debate over lhe "right to die? seventeenth person 10 commit suicide __ Kevorkian's assistance. In aiding Hyde's suicQ. Kevorkian openly challenged a Michigan adopted in early 1093 (and aimed at him) 1I'hd makes it a felony crime-punishable by tip tld, years in jail-La assist in a suicide, Michigau thorities had attempted la prosecule Ke\'orkian murder three tinH:S since he began assisting pc~ \.0 kill themselves in 1990. but each time thedlillPl were dismissed (Ten)" 1993). The issue of physician-assisted suidde-! brought into national focus by Kevorkian dUfilll 1989 television appearance on the Donahtvshris but one aspect of the larger debate in the l'ni States and other countries over the ethics 01 suin. and euthanasia. The term ellthanasia has be{'o

    O n August 4, 1993. Dr. Jack Kevorkian, a 64},ear-old retired pathologist. helped a 30-year-old Michigan man with LOll Gebrig's disease commit suicide in a \FJ.n. Thomas Hyde, Jr., died after inhaling carbon monoxide through a mask designed by Dr. Kevorkian; in doing so, he became the

    350
    /'11117' 1'lIl1lo !KX;JA/ INHQU,o./,111 E

    (l1T0J5

    H'hilt' acli/le rn/harlOsia mtlflin.s iIIt'gtfl tM Uni/M. Stales, Iht':l't' is gmll,.,.

    ItgallQkrmlu for pa....~iw cuth:lmuia


    (SI/ch as riisCClllRuling lijt-JupjXlrt

    I'qllipmenl wlum

    (J

    po/inll is romlllou).

    finNI as the ~ac t of bringing aboUl the death of a !w.lpetcssty ill and surTc ri ng person ill a relatively quid. and pai nl cs~ \vay for reasons of me rcy" (Counlil nn Eth ical and J udicial Affairs, American Med~ a1 Associa tion, 1992:2229). T his type of mercy killing reminds us of the ideal of Mgood dea th ~ dislUS5e<i earlier in Ihe chapter. Th e de bate over e ll ll\aflJ.sia and assist.ed suici de often focuses o n cases ml'olliug older pcoplc, tho ugh it call involvc I\.lunger ad ults with te rmin al a nd d cgcllt'nlt.ive d israses (as in the casc of Thomas Hyde, Jr.) or eve n dlllcJn:n. A.I discussed earlier, m a llYsocietics a rc known to ll3le pracliced senilicide because of extre me dimfuhie~ in pro\'id ing basic necessilies suc h as food md ~h ('lter. In a study o f the UCOItlllen t o f the cI,It'riv in 4 1 nonindusuialized sociclies, Antho ny Cwock (1990) fo und th a t some form of Mc\ea th_ ttNt'n i ng~ behavior was present in 2 1 of th e m. lIilling of the elderly was evide nt in 14 of th ese solit'tics, while abandoni ng of older peoplc was cvi/kill ilL 8 societies. Typicall y, such death hast.e ning ll(tUl'S when olde r people become decrepit :md arc \1(\',l:d as ~a l rcady dCOld ." Death hastening in these IJllnilldusu-ialized c uhu fl.'S is open a nd sociOllly ap/'fVlcti; decisio ns a re generally made by family llll'mbers, ofte n after o pen consull.;1I.io11 with those .]lOut to die.

    In lhe induSlrialized world, e utha nasia is widely accepted on ly in the Netherla nds. Since 1970, many Dutch physicians have viola ted prohibitions against e uthanasia, and coun rul ings h al'e appeared to tolerate th is practice. According to a gm'ernmelll report released in 199 1, the re arc mo re th an 25,0(}() cases of c utJ mllasia each year-accou nting fo r nearly 20 perceTll of alt deaths in thc nation- including some 1000 cases pe r yea r of people killed without their consent (th a t is, invohllllari ly) br physicia ns in act.. itltended as eutha nasia. As ofearlr 1993, the Dutc h parl iamen t W"dS close to adopting the world's lcaM rcstrictive euulanasia policy, with spcciric b'l ddelines pe rmitting a physicia n la assist in a suicide o r kill a terminally ill pa tie nt :1I the patient's request. Legislators were also conside ring penn itting e utlmnasia for those una ble to req uest il, among them severely disabled ncwborns and men tally disabled adul ts. BUl Or. Kare1 Cunn ing, 01 mem ber of a Dutch antieuthanasia group, w<\l'I1ed: ~ It is exactly like wha t Hitler slaned to do in th e 1 930s~ ( K:ISS, 199 1; New York Times, I 993c:A3; Simons, 1993b; sec also Batti n, 1992; McCord, 1993). Cu rre ntly. public policy in the Un ited Sta tes does nOl permit actiw euth(lnasia (such as a p hysician 's d el ibc m tcly administering a leula1 il ~eclion L a terO minally ill patie nt ) o r physician-assisted suicide. Alth ough suici{le itsel f;s no longer a crime. assisting

    351
    (JunHI Jl s rll!l.TlFtCAT/oN BY AGe

    suic ide is illcg.:11 in atleaSI 29 Slates. In I9I-J I. by a .')4 10'46 pc rcelH margin , \'ole rs in the st:ItC of Washingtoll rejt-'Clcd an inilialh c I.hal asked: -Sha ll adult patients who arc in a medically tc rmina l condition bt' pc nuiued to requcsl and receive from a physician a id-in-<l),ing?" The following rem'. by a similar margin . California 's \'01('1'5 turned clown a -death wilh d ig nity" initiative (~ l argo1ick, 1993; Martin cz, J 993; :\'lcCord. 1993:26). While active e uthanasia rem<lins illegal across the United Stmes, there is grc<\ler legal tolerance for /uLSsill" I'Ulhmlluia (such as disconnecting life-s upport equipmen t when a palielll is com:Jl,o sc) . In a hisIOI;( mling in 1975, the New J ersey Supre me Court held Lhal the parellls of K:lrcn Ann Quin lan (who ho lapscd into a sll b~la n cc-abusc coma) ld ('ould hm'e her disconnectcd from a respil7ltor so Ih;11 she might die ~with grace and dig n ity," In a 199u case focusi ng 011 N:lIlcy Cruzan, who existed on a fcedi ng IlIbe, the U,S, Supre mc Cottrt upheld a pCI'Son's conSli tutio n;)] right to the discontinuance of life-support trCallnent, By 1991 , 28 stales had dcchll'Cd that patients have the rig ht to refuse l if~u.st.;liTlin g medical treatment; as of earl)' 1993. 9 states spccific.."lll)' allowed the ""ithdr,I\\'a] of fceding Hlbt.-S fmm paticnts in a \'cgel;lti,C Slale, thcreby a llowi ng these patienL~ lO stal'lC 1 death ,0 (Kcar1. 1989:431-432; Martil1cz, '993:68: l\o(cConl. 1993:26), While fOrlnal norms concerni ng c lll hanasia may be in flux , informa l nonns seem to cxisl which permi t lIu: rcy killings. According 10 an estimate by the Amcricm Hospital A~sodalion, as mall)' :1'. 70 percent of all deaths in the Unit ed Slates are quietly ne gotiou cd with patients. f.1mil) mcmbers. and physicians agreeing not 10 use lifl..--support techno logy. In all inforlnal poll of intcrnisLS, onc in five reported Ihat he or she had assisted or helped cause Ihe dc;uh uf a pati ent. In a period in which AIDSrelated deaths arc common (refer back lO Chapter 5), an AIDS undergruund is kn owtl 10 sharc inforlIIatio n and assistance regarding suicide (Gibbs, I Y~3:37: Marlinez, 1993:(9), Survey dala re,'ca] g rowing SIlI)I>01'I fo r L krig ht he 10 die ,~ In a 1975 Gallup poll . 4 1 pc rcclll of respo nde llLS believed that someonc in g reat pain, with -no hope of improvcment." had the 1I10ral riglu lO comm it suicide: by 1990, this fi gure had risen 10 6& perce nt_ An anal)lSis of 1991 survey data

    revealed tha t ),ounger people arc more l ikel~ o ldc r people to fa vor permitting wilhdm,,'aI cl sllPl>ort and e llthanas ia, Interestingly, acee ufwilhdrawal of life support was found 10 btand slcaciy among all major rclig iow group-' ID Unite ci SlatCS, including fundam c nt.alists and again Christians (Ames ct ai" 1991 ; Blc ndonet: I ~)2:2659-~660; McCord, 1993:27), Voluntary associations have been cstabli.,heC the United States (and variOlls European coun to work for legal iza tion ofvolulltary euthaniW& physicia n-assisted suicide. The Hemlock ' lhe besl known of these groups, doubled ilS bcrship in Ihe United Slates to !J3,OOO o,er riod 1987 to 1992. In mid- I993, Compassion ing was fou nded in Seattle: it is lhe nation', organi/.mion establishe d lO provide pror. who will help terminally ill people kill the The National Organization for Women (. ~ tJpport s "death with dig nity" as a fCll1ini~t notin g that the courts have upheld 60 peKelll m e n's request to die but only 14 percent of cn's (Council o n Elhical and Judicial 1992:2232; Martinet , 1993:66: NrllJ Yo'* 1i I993c: scc also Bclkin, 1993), B)' COl1lrnsl. professional associations .'lid the American Bar Associatio n and the Am..... Medica l Association (AMA) re main opptMd. physician-assisted suicide and most forrtU of tha nasia, While the AMA has approved . necting life-support e qu ipme nt whcn a pa ' cOllla is irreversibl e, it emph"sizcs thal t.he role or doctors (a nd the health C3 1'C system as cial instillllioll ) is to care for patients and p their lives, M Medicine is a profession dedic.lled healin g," says lhe "'""LA", MIIS tools should net( used to kill people" (Gibbs. 1993:38) , Defenders of the righl LO die sce what IhC\' ~r::Hiona l s uicide ~ a.~ a noblc and uni(IU ely h decision, Summarizing this p ositio ll , SOCI Wittiam McCord (1993:27) wri tes:
    A dcal.h loJith d igni ty is a fina l proor that wc Ut' merd ), pawns 10 be SI'.'Cpl rrom Ihe i)o.Ird h)'.&I I;nol'>'lI hand, As a courageous asenion of u d e llc(' and sclr.control, suicide can sen'e as ~n m:uioll or Oll r IIltimaLe IiberlY. our I:m inr.

    meaning illlo

    il fonnks.~

    reality,
    t.O

    Other supponcN ofl he right

    die emphasilt

    352
    I' IIIT Till/El:. , i/1C " JAi. I ,W'W /M ,fl1

    and physician-assislCd suic ide will end honib1c and needless su ncring. A Los Angeles flbvsid'lll who works with AIDS patients suggests: '1'00 h,l\"e to understand what it is I see. I see penpar ill .Igony.... By God, if someo ne is dying, far lit il for lIIe la say ' He),. lough it o ut'" (Gibbs.
    199j:~7).

    t\llhana.~ia

    ~ right to di e~ draw o n re uaditiolls a nd arg uc that suicide a nd e ll' Iball~sia are mordlly wrong unde r a n)' c irc um G/K"I"!. But o ther critics or "rational suicide" le ar dwI granting legitimacy 10 eve n Ihni lcd Iypes or ell' tharusia and assisted suicide wi ll open the way to NOr dangerous abuses. These critics note with 110r ,,,.. the pmlirer,ltion or "wo/ult/my euthanasia in the Werl:Ulds. Reflecting the con nicl pel1lpective. Frontologist Elizabeth Markson ( 1992:6) argues lbat the "powerlcss, poor o r Ilndcsirable arc at spc ti:&I risk of being 'encouraged' la choose assisted
    liplll~

    Some opponents o r the

    >lnth,"
    l.ritics of eutha nasia charge that lIlany of its sup purtt'rsare guihy orageism and o th e r rorms of bias. In" "OCiety Ihat com mon ly discriminates against ihttlderly and peo ple with dis.'lbili ties (sce Chap '" ZO), medical au thorities a nd evc n family mem ~ may decide too quickly tha t such people lInuld die M their OWll good" or (i n a view somefor wbott reminisce nt of disengagemen t theo,),) ~ for tbr good of soci et)'.~ It is feared th.u soc ie ty may tateuthanasia to red uce hea lth carc COSIS-r'dtJlcr

    than striving to make life be ller for those near the end. In deed, o lder people may feel compelled to (premalUrcly) cnd their lives to case the e motional and financial burdens on family mem bers and friends (Glascock, 1990:45: Nnv York Times, t99~ d ; Richman , 1992) . For many opponenL~ o f e utJmnasia, hospice carc for tbe tenn ina lly ill serves as a prefcTI'cd a lterna ti\e. The lirsl hospice in the Unite d States WAS cslablished in 1974; by I9<J2.solllc 1700 hospic(:'s ~'ere serving 200,000 patients per ycar. The hospice movement c nCQUrdges people to "live until they dieM and believes tha t they can die peacefully. pain lessly, and with dignity in slIlall , carin g institu tions or al home . Ideally, the hospice provides a mean ingful social network, a llowing th e dying person to share his or her reelings with otJlers in the same s it Llation - as well as with traincd hospice profes sionals. Unfortunately, hospice care is not economically feasibl e fo r many lerm in ally ill peopleand overcrowded hospitals havc liltJe room for those who are slowly dying and cannot be saved (Conley, 1992: 14-1 5: Cuillcm in , 1992:32; R. Miller, 1992,,28-,29), Through advances in lcchnolob,)" we can now prolong life in ways lhat were unimabrinable dccades ago. But m edical a nd technological advdnccs can not provide a nswers to the complex e thical, le8"1, a nd political questions raised by active a nd passive euthanasia a nd ph)'Siciana.ssistccl suicide.

    't, like gender and nice, is an a,...:';bcd st.\lU.., that fonus


    chapter ex:uuines IkOIIO regarding the aging process. age stratification in Iltr IJllited Stales, and Ihe growing political ac:th'ism of Jbr n~tioo's elderly l>opul:lIioll.
    I LIke othN forms of slt'lltiHcatio ll , age 51r:n-ificauoll 1'UiM IrolTJ culture to eultul'e. t "Be-ing old" is 01 masler S(;1II1S th,lI seems 10 o\'crIIIrh;lqs for 50Cial different huion . This

    the focus for a speciali1-ed ,Irea of research and in(jui ry known as gero ntology. 5 Dinmgogem fm t th eory implicitly suggt."51.!i that soci ety should help older people wilhdraw from their accustomed social rules, whcrca.~ activity theory argues uJat the elderly person who remains active will be best adjuslt'(1. 6 Frolll ,I contlicl perspective, the 1 lalIlS of older 0\\' people is rdkclcd ill prejudice and discrimination against them <1ml ullfairjob practices. 7 An increasing prol>orlioll of die population of the UllilCd SlaU'S is composed uf older people.

    lbJuwall Othel1 ill the United States. J 111t' aging of tIle wol'ld's popubtiolls re prescnlll a l1li1'1 ~uccw uOIY which has unfolded during the later Gjtf'~ or the twentieth centlll)'. I ~ p.trticular problems of the aged ha\'e I~co me

    S There is eonsidel1\ble ad herencc to ncg;ttivc stereoIypes aboutthc clderly in the United States. 9 The Amel;c-.III A.\SOCi;ltioll of Retired Persons (AARl') works as a powcrrllllobbying group backing leg islation Ihal will benefit. se nior citizens.

    353
    UlAl"l'fH /1 . /v.l /F/(:ATlON Bt' Act 'i/

    10 Rc ti re mCnI is a rite o f passage Ulal marks a critical tra nsition in the life of a per!u)1l from o ne phase to ano ther. ] 1 n le controversy o\'er ph)'sician-assistcd suicides, sllch a~ those performed by Dr. Jack Keyorkian. is bm one aspen of the larger tit-bale in the Unitcd Slates ovcr the right to die.

    KEY TERMS
    Activity th eory An inte l~IClionisl theoI)'ofagi ngwhkh argues that elderly people who remain acti\"e will be: bcst-a(ljusted . (page 339) Agtl gradtl$ Cultural categories that identitY the stagt! of biological malUnltion. (337) Ageis m A lem] coined by Robert Butler to refer topTCt udice an d discrim ination agai nst the elderly. (344) Disengagtlm ent th eory A fu nctionalist theol)' of ~ imroduced by Cumming and Henry which conttl'llb that societ), and UH! ,Iging individual mUlua ll y Sl'ltT many or their rclatiouships. (339) Euthana sia The ac t of bringing abolll the death of a hopelessly ill and suffedug person in a relatil'elyquitk and p."Iinless w"dy for reasons of mercy. (350) Gerontocracy Rule by the elde rl y. (336) Gerolltology The scientilic study of the sociologiC31 ;lI1d psrcho logical aspects of agi ng a nd the problellU of the aged. (338) Seniricide T he killing of the agt.-d. (335)

    Arc there e lderly sllLdenl.S al )'our college or un i\'er sity? How a rc they treated by younge r students and by facullY members? Is there a subculture of older students? How do younger sllLdenl~ view faculty membe rs in their fifties and sixties? 2 Is age segregation fu nctional 0 1 dysfunctio nal for olde r people in UH: Unite d States? Is it functio nal o r dry fu nctional for society as a whole? Wh a t arc the manifest functions, th e l,u etH functions. and the dysfunctions of age segrega tio n? 3 Imagine tha t you we re asked toslud), politica.! activism among older people. How might you employ surveys, observations, experiments. a nd cxisting sow'ces to beller understand slIch ac tivism?

    354
    PART HIRE !ilX:IM. INE.QUMJ'IY

    8i1lSlOCk, Robert M., and Unda K. Ceorge (eds.). IhHld~ boo/! of Aging (md Ihe SocIal SciI!1IU..J (3d cd.). New York: Van Nostrnnd Reinhold, 1990. This collection of23 ar tides vie ....'!! aging from the pCl'specli\c of man y ;Ica demic disciplines, among them geogrAphy, econOl1lic.~. and epidemiology. Sutler, Robert N. n'ny SlHvive' &illg Old in AmeritD. New Y ork.: Harper and Row. 1975. The now-classic, Pulil.1;e r prize-winning s tudy that introd uced the tenn agei.HfI to our underst.1nding of o lder people. Chudacoff, Howard P. Now OM A n! You r PrincctOll. :.l J.: Princeton University Press. 1989, A historian examines hO\>l' age became such a dom in:m t status in the L:n itt:d St;ltes. I>oeringer, Peter B. (cd .). Hri(lges /(} IUliremcll: OM". Work tn in a Changing Labor Marlut. Ithaca, N.V.: ILK I'ress, 1990. An analysis of labor marke t opportullities for older people, including fl exible retireme nt policies. Dych,,,,-.lId. Ken, withJoc F1o\~e r. A~ lVaVf': Tlte C/wlkllgr..J IlId Opportunilits of 1111 Ilgillg Ammca. 1..05 Angelcs: Tarther, 1989. Psychologist DychtW'.lId prelents;t ra pid paced, joumalistic account of aging in the Unite d States. He e mphasizes the bene fi ts of an agi ng na tion both for the individual and fo r the larger socicty. HeM. Beth 8 ., and Elizabeth W. Ma rkson (eds.). Grrnoi'lg Old i,. Amerim (4th cd.). New Ilrunswick, NJ .: 1'1':'111 5action, 199 1. This book views aging fro m the lifc CO\ II~(, ;l.ud political economy perspectives.

    Howe. Ndl. and Bill $trauss. 13lh Cro: Abort, lalry, IgllOrt. Film New York: Vintage. 1993. A hea\il)' illustrated view of the Iifcsl)'les a nd beliefs of the thirteenth genera tion in tJ le United StaleS (peo ple ban. be twee n 196 1 and 198 1) . Olson. LaUi':.1 Ka tz. Th t }'oliliwl EcollolliY of Aging: '/'IltlS/all', J'rivattl POWtT, fllld Social W~lfiln!. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982. DrJ.wing o n the conflict per specti\'e. Olson argues that capitalistic societies are strtlctured to deprive those outside the prhilcgcd core (such ruI older ]K:oplc) ofwealtll and power. Pal Iller, John L., TImothy Smeeding, and Barbara Ila>lc Torrey (eds,), The Vubl(~mblr. Washingtoll, D.e.: Urban Institu tc, 1988. This stud y focuses 011 the changt.'ll ill well-being among the nation's two largest dependent g roul>5-ch ildren and the elderly-and Lhe potenti,,1 implications fo r public 1 >olicies. Sokolo \'Sky, Jay (cd,). T~ Cullllral Contm If Aging: World wide Pmproj~. New York: Bergin a nd Car.ey. 1990. A series of descriptio ns of aging and the position of lhe elderl ), in cultures throughout the world.

    J.~~:':.?~.........................................................................................
    Among the j Ollmals that foclls o n issues of agi ng and age stra tification are Agri"K In ttnl(Jlioll(Ji (founded in 1994) , Aging ami SorirlJ ( 198 1), vmtemporory' CmmloJ 0lrJ (1994), Dl'alh Studies ( 1976), Gmemli011J (1976), , 'ht GelTm/ologi.i/ ( 1961) . jounw[ of GerollloWlrJ ( 19< 16), R... Jffll'rl! O1ll1.gil!g (1979). and YOtdh alld Society (1968 ).

    355
    CJIAn.,.:.R 12 STHATlFfGUIO.\' 1ft' AC.t'

    . .... . . ... . . .. .............. . . . .... . . . .


    SOCIAL
    ..............................................................................

    PART FOUR

    INSTITUTIONS

    Part Four will consider sociological analysis oJ major institutions, iTleluding lhe famil)" rtligion, government, the economy. education, and health care. As noted earlier in the text, socia l institutions aTt organized patterns of beliefs and belUlVioT cm{em/, on basic social meds. Chapter 13 focuses on the Junctions of the family and its importance as a cultural u1Iiuersal. Chapter 14 discusses the (ii,mmsions, junctions, and organization of religiOll. Chapter 15 looks at gavenwumt and t/~ econom)" with particuLar emphasis on types of governments and economic S)'stems. Chapler 16 considers the junctions of edu cation, schools as social organiUltions, and rerellf (ren.ds in educotion. Chapter 1 7 analyus sociological perspectives OIl health (IIul illlless, the health care system of tile United Slates, and mental ill-"ess.

    357

    - ,-'-

    ......................:::::::=t::~:::::::::::II """"'"''''''''''

    THE FAMILY

    T H E FMllLY: UNlVERSAL BUT VARIED Composition: What Is the Family? Descent Patterns: To Whom Arc We Rc1au:d? Family Residence: Where Do Wc Live? Authority Pauc rns: Who Rules? FUNCTIONS OF THE FAMILY
    MARRIAGE AND FAMILY IN T HE UNITED STATES CourlShip and Mate Sdt:Clion Aspects of l\btc Selection
    The Love Relationship

    DIVORCE IN THE UNITED STATES Smtistical Trcnd5 in Ohurcc Factors Associated ....ith Di,'orce ALTERNATIVE liFESTYLES Cohabitation Remaining Single G:I)' Rd,uionsh ips l\I;1lTiagc ,,'ilholU Children Sing le-!'a rc lll ""ami lies SOCIAL POLICY AND THE FAMILY:
    DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

    ""rCl1lhood and C I" andpan:nthood


    Adoption

    Dual--Careef Families Variations in Family Life Social Class Diffe rences Racial and Ethnic Diffe rences

    BOXES 13- 1 E\'clyday Bcha\;or: M.uit:ll Power 13-2 Current Research: TIle Effects or Dh'orce on Female and ~bl e C hild re n

    359

    T he cvupk is a basic unit oJ society. It is the unit oJ reproduction,


    the wellspring of lhe family, and most often the precinct of iave, romance, and sexuality.
    Philip Blumstrin and P"!1f>er Schwarn. American Coupks, 198J

    LOOKING AHEAD
    Are all famili es necessarily composed o f a husband, a wif(!. and their chi ldren? What runctio ns does th e ramily perform for society? Do married wome n who work oUL~ide 1h e home have greater marital power than ru ll-tim e ho me makers? What factors innuc nce our selec tio n o f a ma te? Does divorce have a more detrimt: ntal e necl on boys 1han on gi rls? Should gay cou ples and unmarried he Terosexual coupl es have the sam e legal protec t.io ns and benefits as m a rried couples? What can be done to prcvellt viole nce between ramily members?

    III th e pcriod 1970 to 1990, the marriage th e Uniu. d States decreased by almost 30 During this same period. the na tion 's di\'orrt increased by ne,H'ly 40 percent. In 1990, more than o ne-fourth orall b;;,, h" ;,111 Unit.ed States we re to unrnarl;ed mothers, pared with only on elenth in 1970, Currently, about h alf of all children bent Uni ted States arc expected to spend sOllle their childhood in single-parent homes ;md Dc Vi la , 1992:4). While politicians and religious leaders are Th e meaning of "fami ly values,~ an ;,':~:,~:'::;~~ portion orpeoplc in the United States i' nontl-dditionai types or ramily ilrrallge m enl~ as singk. -parellt fa milies. stepramilics. and " ram ilies, In this chapter, we will see how fam ily difler from one c ultu re to another a nd cn:n th e samc cuilure , In the Toda cu lture of India. a woman may be simultan eously on,," ' se\'eml men, Fathe rhood is no t always with actual bio logic li fa cts; any husband tablish pate rnity by presenting a pregnant \.. ilh a to), bow a nd arrow. The BalinC5e of sia pennit twi ns to man)' each other becallS(' believe that twins havc already been i i l womb, In th e 8.u1 a1'0 culture of New husband is forbidde n to have interco urse wire until she h as firs t bo rne a child by a nother c hosen ror tha t purpose. O nce the wire that she can bear children, the husband is to have sexual re la tions with he r (Leslie and man, 1989: 15,30,39) . In this c hapter. wc wi ll see lhalth c liunilv'

    the 1950s and th e early 1960s, television programs in the UniTed States-among them Ouif /Imf /-IlIrriet, Lfflve It 10 iJrover, and FlIlMr K'lQws &slinevitably presented a sing le (and idealil.cd) model or family life. AB fam ilies seem ing ly were stable a nd peacerul two-pare nt families wi th c hildre n, This neve r-cnding televisio n image masked less pleasalll reali ti es: divorce was o n the rise, an inc reasing number of children were living with a single parent , and d omestic vio le nce was rar rrom uncommon
    (COOIl I2, 1992),

    III

    ",,,;,,,a,1

    In the last 25 yea rs, ramily lire in the United St,lIes (and o ther ind usu;a lized nations) has moved furth er and further away fro m thc ide ali zed lIlodel of the 1950s and I 960s, Consider the rollowing daTa concerni ng famil y patterns:

    h",P'' "

    360
    l'AUn'Ol..'// SlX,IIII ISYl'rrrrrlONS

    AJ

    lilt

    hou~holdJ

    will 56 ;n IhlS rhflplt!J", 11I00t in th, UmUtl SIl/to (10 not

    haw

    two parmu lilJlI/g wIth Ihnr rmm.arriid rhiJdrm.

    l'Crsal-found in every culture-though varied in its organization. A family can be defined as a se t of people relaled by blood, marriage (or some mher ilgreedupon relationship), o r adopLion who share the primary responsibility for reproduction ilnd cartng for mem bcl"S of societ). We \\~ II look a t the primary fun ctions of th e family and t11e mnations III marilal patterns and family Iile in I.he Un ited States. Particular allention \\~1l be given lO the increasing number of peopl e who arc living in dual-career or ,inglc-parcm falllilic~. T he social po licy seclion \,ill tllamine the distressing prevalence of domestic violence in .he United States.

    nle famil y as a social institution is presen t ill all fuliures. Although the organiz;!tion of the family
    {;Il\ \"dry

    greatly, there are cerlai n gene ral princiconce rning its composition, descent patterns. ll'~jdence patterns. and aut hority p.llt.erns.
    ph:~

    In the United States. lhe fa mily has lraditjonally been \icwed in \'ery narrow terms-as a man'ied couple and the ir unmarried childre n livinK to~('ther. However. this is but o nc type of fami ly. what

    refer 1.0 as a nuclear family. Tbe term /IIte/rur family is wcll-chosen, since lhis type of famil)' se rves as the nucleus, or core, upon which larger family groups arc buil t People in the United Stales :oee the nuclear famih' as the preferred lamilv ... rl'ang e lll~nl. \el. as IS sho\\Tl in Figure 13- 1. bv liJI)U only aboUt one-quartcr of the nation 's households fit this model. (The term hl1llStfiQfd is used by the Bureau of the Census to refer to related or unrelated ind ivid uals sharing a reside nce as well as to people who live alone.) As Figure I ~ I (page 3ti:.!) illustrates, the proportion of households in lhe United Slates composed of married cou ples wilh c hildren at home has decreased s((.-adily o\'er the last 30 yeal'S. At tile same ti me, there have been substantial increases in the n umber of single-pcNOIl and single-p.:'1rem house ho lds. Sim ilar trends are evident in other industrialized nations. incl ud ing Canada. Great Britain, and Japan (sec Figure 13-2 on page 363), A family in which relatives in addi ti on to parenL~ and childr('II-S11Ch as grandparents. aunts, o r uncles - li ve ill Ihe sa lTlC home is knOI\'Tl as a n extetlded family. Wllil\:! no t common, such living an-,tngcll1ents do cxist in the Un itcd States. The stnlcltlre of the ex te nded famil ), om::rs cenain advantages over ,hat of lhc nuclear family. Crises suc h as dealh, divorce, and illness involvc less SIJ':.tin fo r family mem bers. sincc lhere are marc people who call provid e assisL'lnce and emotional support. In

    socio l ogisL~

    361
    UIM'J1=.n /3 ' TIII>FAMJlI

    FIGURE 11-1 and 1990

    Types of H ouseh olds in the United States, 1970, 1980,

    01

    1980

    20
    'fOTP.' -(:hildren" ...

    30

    AO

    TIll' projlOrtiQlI of households in ,J.t VIIi/ea S/allS r:o mpowl of mnmtd rouples colllimu.{ to dedi1U!, and IAf proportion ofsingk-o.dllll ho!l~ rm~ frolll obm/{ 17 fJm:en/ in 19ih almos/ 25 pnwnl in 1990.

    ' u d u kl re n under 18 'Od, ... , "ou~"<)I,l>' in"hllk. peop'" li>;nK togNher he rel~l~-d (b< u nut nl;l<rtwj Mlh un "hiltlren prc>clll. 1k<.~"St: (If ,,,,,,,<I"'g, ,,,,,,.hen. "'~)' nO\ ""al 1001"" ( 1'11' '<O,Wf:ll: lIureall ( ~>I"'''. 1990c:2. whu
    "'~)'

    ,r .. "

    or ,It"

    addition, the ex tended family consti tutes a larger economic unit than the Tluclear family. If the fam ily is engaged in a common enterprise-for example. a farm or a small business-the add itional family mem bers may re present the di ffe re nce between prospcri ty and fa il ure. In considering thcsc diffcring family types, we have limited ourselves to the form of maniagc that is characteristic of the United Slates- monogamy. The term monogamy describes a form of marriage in which o ne woma n a nd one mall are married o nly to eaeh other. Some obsclvers, noting the high rate

    of divorce in th e United SL'ues, have suggested !hi "serial monoga my" is a more aec UI,ut! dcscriptiol of the form that monogamy takes in the UnitN States. Under serial mO'iOgamy, a pe rson is al10wal to have several spouses in his or he r life but ~ have only onc spouse at a time. Some cultures allow an individ ual to ha\'e SC\'MI husbands or wives simultaneously. This form rI marriage is known as polygamy, You may bt Illprised to learn that most societies throughout. wol'ld, past and present , have prefe rred polyp..,. nOI monogamy. Anthropologist George Murdod

    362
    PART FOUR' SOCIAL 1N::iITFUnavs

    (1 949, 1957) sampled 565 socie ties a nd fo und th a t o\'er 80 percen t had some t>vc of polygamy as th eir preferred fo rm. The re a rt: two ba ~ i c types of polyg-ttlny. AccordIIlg 1 Murduck, the muSI commo ll -t"tldoJ"S(.d by 0 the m.tiori1Yof c ultures he salllpled-w'dS polygyny, Poi)'8)"'Y refcrs 10 Ihe 1lIa1'J"iagc 0 1 a ma n 10 man:: than one woma n a t the smllC time , The various ",;\,es are often sisters, who arc ex pec ted 10 ho ld similar \'allies and have alread y had experience sharing a ho usehold. In polygyno us societies, relatively few me n act ually have multiple spouscs, Most individuals livc in typical mo uog:II110 US liunilies: having multip le w ivc~ is viewed as a mark o f status. The othe r principal m ri;llio n 01 polygamy is poly(mdry, unde r which a \','OTll :l n call have sc\'e r.d husbands a t the same time, As we saw earl ier in the chapu::r, this was the case ill the c ulture of the Todas of southel'tl India. Ye t, d espitc sLlc h exampl es, polyanch)' te nds to be c xc.;t~ e dill gl y rarc. It has bee n

    accept ed by SOrllC ex tre mely poor societies whic h p nlctice fc male infa nticid e (Ihe killin g of baby g irls) and thus bavc a relat ively small number of wome n . Like m an y ot he" !;()Cic ties, polyandro us cultllres dcva lue the social wonh o f wome n .

    Descent Patterns: To Whom Are We Related?


    In the la te I 970s, ma ny people in the United Slales were d eeply moved by Alex I-Iatey's successful quest fo r his fa mily tree, which was documelllcd in h is book Roots and latc r popula rized on ne twork television. Beginn ing wilh sLOries passed down by his gmn d rno ther. I-Ialcy was .. bl e to lrace his h eritage back lO Africa- to a ma n na med KUJl ta Ki n te who lived in Ga mbia , West Afric'l, a nd was brought to the United St.a les in chain s by slave trade rs. Man y of us, like Ale" I-Ialcy. have rc tmced o ur roo ts by lisle ning 10 c lderly family me mbers teHus

    flCUR H -2

    Marri ed -CQ uple IIQuseh Q w ith Children in lds

    IrtdlUfnalized Natiol/$, 1960 alld 1990

    1960

    Gr.ot Britain

    As jll Ihr Ul'l ilm Stau-.s, tile /Jro/JOriioll of al/l/lJu.whobls wllsisting ul u mumtd fUll/XI willl rhildrrll is deriillillg ill mml)' of},,.,. i rulllstriflliud naliQ/lS.
    v<",1 tk. ...... u of 1...:.11", S",." .. ic~
    cLt,~

    h , !>cor,..,"l",," 1!/"O:4(i- 4 i: and

    ~"c b"", ~'S"nl~l" .

    363
    (:JlA.f'7"f:H f J "1"1/1 t :UIII )

    T JIl!

    ~ Iall'

    of ~illg re/(l/I'd It) tJlhm il

    ralkd ki nship. Ki,1gl"f!U/JJ inclluit (WIlts, unrin. am.Jins, in/nws, aM_


    forth.

    about th eir livcs-and a bout lhe lives 0 1 an cestors who died lo ng before we were eve n bom . Yet a pe r son's lineage is more th a n simply a personal his tory; it also refl ects societal pauerns thal govem descent. In every culture. c hildren are introd uced to rel ativcs to whom llwy are e xpected 10 show an e mot io nal '1lI.."lChmelll . T he stale 0 1 bClIIg rd a ted to others is called kinship. Kinship is culturally learned a nd is 110 1 totally d e te rmined by biologlcal or marilal tics. For example, adopt io n creatcs a kinship tic \"h lch is Icgally acknowledged ,md socially accepted . The f~uni l y and the ki n grou p arc no t Il eces..~ r ily the sa me. While the fa mily is a house ho ld u nit. kin do not al....'3}'s live logether o r runction as a collective body on a dai ly basis. Kin groups includc a un t.s. uncles, cousins. in-laws, and so fo rth . In a society slIc h as the United Sla les, the kinsh ip grou p may come toget her on l) mrcly, as fo r a \,'cdding or funcral. However, kinship ties rrcquen tly create obligatio ns a nd responsib il ities. We Illay feci compelled to ass ist our kin a nd fce l rree to ca ll upo n rclatives for ma ny types or aid. includi ng loans and baby-sitting. How are ki nship grou ps identitied? The princip le o r dcscent assigns people to kinship groups according to Iheir rela tionship to a n individual's mothe r or fathe r. T he re a rc three princi pal wa ys o f de te nnini ng descent. In the Uni ted St.:.ues, the sysI.e m o r bilateral descenl is follo.....ed , \,'hic h mcan s that

    bo th sidcs or a pe rson '.'I fa mily are regarded a!equally importan t. No higher va lue is given to dIf brothers or one's fatl ler as opposed to the brodJm. o r one's momcr. Most societies-accordi ng to Murdock, 64 pr!. cent-give prefe re nce to onc side of th e family Of the othe r in Dacing descent. Patrilineal (from LaUII paler; "Tathe r") descent indicates that o nly the fathe r's relatives are importan t in te rms of proptm. inhe ritance. a nd the establishme nt or emotion.U ties. Conversely, in socic ues which ravor matrilillttl (fro m La ti n mater, ~ 1ll 0 tll C ]" ") descent, o nly the molbe r's relatives arc sign ifica nt; the rela tivcs or the fathe r a re considered unimpo rta nl.

    .~~.~ r.. .~.~.~~.~~~.~~.~ . ~.~.~~. P? .~~. .y..~~!_ .


    In eve ly socic ty, m e re are social norms co n ccm in~ dle app ropria te residence of a newly created family. Undcr the neolocal pattcrn or residence, which is prevale nt in the United Slates, a married couplt is ex pecled to esta blish a separate household. HoII' ever. if we take a cross-cultural vie w, it 1x'"{;~ clear th at lhe ideal type of neolocal residence is It~ a tively uncolllmon. In ll111ny societies. the bride aM groom live eithe r W his parents (tJ1e patri/n itJl patte rn ) o r \~th he r pa rc nt.~ (the matriJOCtJI >l t.e rn ). In suc h cultures, it is felt tha t the new CIN" pies need the e motio nal support a nd especially tilt ccono mic support o r kinfo lk.

    364
    l'AH1 ' f"OUH '
    S()( tl. IN~1"(I"Un().""'.;" H

    ~~.~~.?~.~~ ..~~.~ .~~~.~~.,~.? ..~~~~.~.............................


    Imagi ne that )'OU have reccn lly married lllld IllUSt begiu to make decisions aboul the fU lure of your new family. You and your spoll$e E:lce many questions. Where will YOllli\'e? How will YOIl furu ish rOllr place of residence? V/ho will do the c()()king, Ihe shopping, Ihl' cleaning? Whose rriends will be invited 10 dirltler? Each time a decisiurl 1IIIIst bl.: IlIade, an issue is rai~cd: "Who has the power to make the decision?" In sim ple terms, who rules the family? from a con ni Cl perspective, these questions must be examined in light of lr.lditional gender slraliH-cation (sce Chapter 11 ), unde r which (lien have held :a dominant position over women. Societies vary in the 1..... that power within the .1.)' family is diSll1buted. If a society expects males lO dominate in all family decision making, it is termed apatnarchy. Frequently, ill patriarchal societics, the tldest male wields the greatest powe r. Women hold low status in such societies and rare ly arc granted full and equal rights within the legal s)"Item, It may be more difficult, for example, fo r a \,:0111.111 to olr lain a divurce than il is for a man, By con lra~l, in it matriarchy, wome n have b'Tcatc:r awhoril} tkm men. Matriarchies may have emerged among :\'aI;\"C Amclican tribal socie ti es and in nations in ....i1ich men were absent fOl' long periods o I' time for lI'arfare or food gath edng. Some marit;:ll relationships may be nei th er male dominated nor femalc-dominaletL Tb e third type tJf:lUthorilY pauern. the egalitariall/amiry, is onc in which SpOllSCS arc regarded as equals. This does nOl ruean. however, that each dec ision is shared in 5uch f;unilies. Mothers may hold authorit), in some ~phcres, f;uhers in others. III the view of many .\OClologists. the egalitarian family has begun 10 re place the patriarc hal family as the social norm. A ~tudy of Det roi l fami lies by Robe rt Blood, Jr., and J)(\llald Wolfe ( 1960) supports this cur l1 c:n tiun (sce B 13.-1 o n page 366). m:

    power, properly, and privilege, More rcccnuy, connic t theurists have llrl:,J"Ucd that Ihe family contributes 10 socictal il~usLice, denie opportunities 10 women lhat a re exte nded 10 me n, and limiL<i freedom in scxu.1 expression and selection of a mare. 1 In order to evaluate such issuc, it is helpful to lIse tlte tools provided by the fu nctionalist perspective, v.'hich encourages us to exam ine the ways in which an institl1lion gratifies the needs of its mClnuers a nd con tributes to t he stability CIf society. The family fuHilts a number of fun c tions, slLch as providing religious trai ning, ed ucation, and recreation.11 outle ts. Yet there are six paramount funclion .. pcrfonncd by Ihe f.unily; Illcsc fUllc tions were first uutlined 60 ye-drs ago by sociologist William f. Ogburn (Ogbum and Tibbits, 1934):
    I '?ejm)(/llctioll. For a society to maintain itself, it must. replace d ying members. In this sense, Ihe fam

    Ihl we really need the family? A ce ntury agu. FI'iedrich Engc\s ( 1884), a colleilb",e of Karl Man:, d(''lCribed the family a;; the ultimat c source (If so(I;lI inequ:llilY because o f il,g role in the lr~11lsfcr of

    ily cotHt'ibutes 10 human survival through iL~ function of reprociuclion. 2 Protection, Unlike lhe young of oUler animal species. hUlllan infants need const:.lnt care a nd econo mic securi ty, Inlim ts and children experience an extrclnely long period ofdepcntiency, which places special demands 011 o lder fa mily IlH..'mbcI'S. In alt cult ures, it is the fl11nily that assumes ul timate responsi bility for Ihe protection and upbringing of c hild ren. 3 Soriufiz,fllirm. Parents and oOle r kin munitor a c hild 's behaviur and tmnsmit the norl1lS, values, and lallbJ'uage of a cultu re to the child (sec Chair tcrs 3 and 4). Of cou rse, as connicl lheol1sLS point out, the social class of couples and their children signiflcant.!y influences the socialilation ex~ ri . ence~ 10 wh ich they are exposed and the protection tJley receive. 4 fU1:,'1j{afilm of .f f'X1wl behovior. Sexllal norms arc subject la change over time (for instance, t h a n g~s in cllstoms for dating) and across cultures (IslamIC Saudi Antbi .. compared with more permissive De n mark) , However, whalever th e lime period o r c ullUral values in a society, standards of sexual behavi01" arc 11l 0~t clea rly defined within lhe family circle, The ,trUCll1re of society influences Lhest: standards so tllilt, c hamcterist.ically in ma le-d ominated societies. fOl1nal and inlormalnorms permit men to ex press and e njoy t11cir sexual desires more freely th an women ma)'.

    365
    UfA/'/HIIJ
    Tff~ ~IlMIII

    Ro ller! Blood, Jr., and J)oua ld Wolfe ( 1960) del'e laped the Concepl of mari/al pOUJer to describe Ihe manner in which decisioll making is distribut ed within families. They defined power by e)(lImining who make~ lhe final decisio n in e ach of cight importalH a reas Ihal, lhe researchers argue. u~lditionally ha\'e been n ~ sclycd e ntirel y fo r thl' husband or for the wife. TIICS(! an:as include what job the husband should lake. what hOllSC 01' apartll!elll 10 lil'c in. where to go Illl vacation , and whic h doctor to use if there is an i!Inc~s in the family. Recen t research slIggests Ihat moncy pla)'s a celltral role in delCnllining ma ri tal power. Mo ney h a.~ dirrerCIlI meallings for members of each ~e x: for men it typically re presents ide ntity and power; for women , S<'clIrity and ,HllonolllY. Appare ml y. mo ncy esmhlishcs the balance of powcr not only for married couples bill also for unmarried hele roSt:xual couples who arc livi n g together. MalTic d 1I'0llle ll with pariuK wo rk olllSide Ihe home c l~io}' gr('alt'r ma rillll power than full-lime

    SOciOIO~"iSIS

    hume makers do (ntutnstcin ;ll1d 1983: Godwin awl Scanw lli, 1989: C. Kaufman, 1985). LaOOI' no t only en h ancc~ women's self-esteem but a lso incrc;lses Lhei r marital power, because some men have greater respc('l fOl' wOll1e n who wo rk ;\1 pa),ing jobs. Sociologi$I Isik A)'tllc ( 1987) studied a nmiOllal samplt of hOllscho lds ill the United States and found that husbands or .....0111e n ho lding managetllelH posiliom share mo re tlie domc~tic chores than othe r husbands. In ,Iddition, as a \"ifc's proPQrtiollal comributiorl to Ihe familr incomc inc rellses, her husband's ~ h a rc()fm ca] prepamtioll incre:lscs. A)'lac's rC'i.Carch supporlS Ihe COI1lellliol1 that Ill(' tr.u]itinna l division of labor ,It ho mc can Cha nge as women's \X'sition in lhe labor force improves and wOlll e n gain g rcOlter marital power. Comparative studies ha rc ~ veakd the complexity of mari!:l] pOll'er issues in olher f ullllrt:S. Fo r eX;1ITlp]e, anthropoloh,.j~t 1):'I'id Cllm,)rc ( I ~}9{l) cx'lln in{."(1 d ecision maki ng in two nll~11 IO\m~ in southern Spain. These cornmun iliesSclll'~lrlZ,

    or

    o ne \\;th 8000 residents and Ibt lltht:'r I,'ilh tJOOO-h:\\'e an agriru~ tllta! econom y ba.st:d on o!h'tS. wheat, and sunflowers. Gilll1()lt studied a \~u;ety 01' dccision-maki1\~ situations. including: pft~ nllptia! Ikcisions O\'cr houschold location. iId ministnllion of domestic finan('a and tmtil)r household purcha5CS. lk lound that 1.~)rkill g-cI",'\S wonll'n in these communities-oft en united with their rnotllel'll-are abl e topl1' vail in many decisions despite op' position from their husbands. Interc5tingly. wives' control OYer finanl'e~ ill these !Owns appears tn lessen with atllu t': llcc. Among thr wealthier peasants. husbands retain !TIme tigh ts over the family pUl,!, slIi ngs. cSIX!cially in terms ofb.ul~ aceuunts a nd inl'cst11lc ll ts. In somr cases. ther nwke in\,t':stmenlJi ...itb OUl their wives' knowledge. By (Oil' t!'aS!, in Ihe working c1ass-wlU'l\' surplus cash is UllCOnUllOn aut! house ho ld finan ces arc often ba.'W:d on borrowing :tnd bll }~ ng on Creclit because of the nncertainties 0/ household employme nt- the ...ifc ~ rulesw Ill(' hOHsehold eC0I101ll\'. and the husb:uld a ccepts her nM

    5 AD'erli()/l. G'/Id fOl1lpanion~lti/J. Ide;llly, the farn ily provides m e mbers with warm and intimate re lauonships and h elps them feci satisfied :md secure. Of course, a family m e mber may find s uc h re ....<;: lrds outside the famil y- from peers, in school. at work-and may pe rc ei\'e th e h ome as an unpleasant place. Nevertheless. unlike o ther institutio ns, the fami ly is o bligated to selye the emotional needs of its m em bers. We eX/Jee/ our relatives to understand LI S, to care fo r u s, and to be t he re for us when we need th e m .

    ProlJiding

    uf social status. We inh e rit a social fXI'


    ~fami l y

    si Lion because of the

    background" and re?,

    ulat.i on of o u r parents and siblings. The famil),unit p resents th e uewbom chi ld wi th an asclibed statUS of race and eth nicity that helps L d e termine hisor O he r phlce wit h in a society's s lI<tlification systetn Moreover, family resources aIrect chi ldren's abihn to plll'l;lle certain opportunities s llch a.s higher t'(I. u C:llion a nd sp ecialized lesson s.

    It

    j<;

    apparent, then, that the famil y has been l"

    366
    I'AUT foun

    SOCIAl 11....'11 fl'/I /'/O.\'.' \

    signcd at least six vit..al fun Clions in human socicties. IJowc\!cr, one nlight ask iflhe r."l m ily can e n cctivcly fulfilllhesc weighry re~pons ibilitics. To answer this question , \,'e must begin a more detailed examination of marital and fami ly life in the United States of the 1990s.

    lI'()nlcn

    Currently, close to 90 percent of all men and in the United Statcs marry at leaSl once during their lifetimes. I-listo rically, the most consist.cl,t aspect of famil y life in ulis country has been thc high r,ue of marriage. In this p...rt of thc c hapter, wc will ('xilmiIlC "ali QU5 aspects o f [m'c, marriage, and pa.renthood in the United States. Many of u ~ are accustomed to \iewing slIch ph enollll,;'na as ro man ce and male ~ It'cuon as inHue nccd p"imaril)" if not cxl"insi\'c1y, by mdividual prefe rcnces. Ye t, a.~ we will scc, sociologic-.tI analysis cmphasiLCs that. such behavior is infl ul!J\Ced in importalll \....l}"S by social instilUliolls and 11)' the distincth'e norms and l'allles of each cuhurc.

    the United States requircs people to rely heavi ly on intricate games, gestures, and signals. For example, how do )'ou act ..... hcn )'ou have met an allr'dctil'e 5tnmgc r in a bookstore, in a supe nnarkct, or at a party? Do you come right o ut and say, M really l'd like to sce you ag:tin,~ afLCrjtlsl meeting th e person? 0 ,' do you find elaborate and slightly disguised wa)~ of showing your interest and testing how tJ1C other per-son feels about you? An important aspeCl of the counship process is labeling. Sociologist Robert Lewis ( 1973) reports that early \abeling as a couple by famil y and friends resuh,~ in a greater likelihood that the relationship will be maintaincd over lime. By contrdSt, th e absence o f snc h la beling-ora negativc reaction from people tCnlled signijirallt OOIUS by George He rbert Mead (sec Chapter 4)-cal'l weaken the couple's relationship. Courtship is clearly illn\lenced by Ul e V'.uues of OUl' socic ty. HIli what about ollr rlioiu of a mal e? Why arc wc drawn 1.0 a particular person in the IIr~ t pl.lce? To what extent arc ~uc h judgments shaped by thc socielY around us? Aspects of Male Selection Many societies have cxplicit 01" unstaled rulcs which dellne potential males <IS acceptable or un acceptable. Th e~c nonllS can be distingu ished in te rms or endogamy ami ex-0gamy. E'l dogamy (from thl' Grl'ck el/dOli, "within") spl'cilics lhe STOUpS within \\'hic h a spou~ must be fou nd and prohibits m'IITiage with others. For example, in the United Statt."S, many people arc cxpected to man)' \\~lhin their own racial, ethnic, or religioHs group and al'e prohibit.ed from man)'ing outside the grou p. Endogamy is int e nded 10 rein force the cohcsiveness of the group by suggesting lO the young Ulat they shou ld marry Wfl} eonc ~of Ollr own kind.~ By com rm;l, exogamy (from ule Creek. I'M), "0 111s id c~) "cq uires male l>cleclion Olltside certain groups, u ~ually onc's own fa mily or certain kinfolk. The inces t tab oo, a soc ial norm common to virlHally all soc ie ties, prohibits sexual relationships be tween cenai n cultumlJy speci fied relatil'l.'S. For people in the United Smles, this taboo mea ns m;1I we mllst marry outside the nuclear family. Wc cannot many Olll' siblings, imd in most states we cannot man)' ollr lir~ t cousins. Endob'<!.mous restriCl.ions may be see n as prcre r-

    C?~~.~~.~p'...~~.~.. ~.~~~..~.~ .I.~~.~?~............................... .


    [n certain u'aditional c ulwres, a rranged Illarriag~s arc common , and COtLrlbhip practices arc scverel)' r~lricted. For example, sonw Japanese traditional,_\,'i fill"Or arranged mardages for their c hildren . 1\ go-belween ....'ill ofle n take a young man to a pub-Iic: place for a kagl!ffli (a hiddClt look) at :1 youlIg woman \~ell'ed as a likely candidate fo r marriage. 'nlt ..... oman is unaw::u'e that her appearance i~ hcmg eva luated (I-Iendl)" 1981: 116-123). Similarly, ~sccre t looks are common in rural Egypt. A 1>0)' from a village observes:
    M

    Ollt'

    ral'on l<' plact' 1 liS U) gct a glimpse of" g irl ~ is al 01" the village .....ater source. The ~ irls know that :md like liuger lhere. If we sec OIlC \\"C' like and think she might be suitable, we ask our parents to II)' to ;Irr.mgl' ~ marriage, b Ul usually nOI before we h: ....e some .!iign From the girl that she might be inlere~ u~d (Rugh,

    'u

    \984:137).
    A.~

    is trlle in th is Eb'Yptian village, (OIt '- lShip in

    J67
    UIAVlICIIIJ ' /"/11": I-IlMIII

    Mrmiagr.J Ihal aYIJ exogamous wilh ruper/lo m(~ 1In! ilu:n!asing bu/ sliU (l a olllll for OIl/y a small minlJril)' of
    I/Ulrriagl'J ill Ihl' United SIfIII'.J. .

    e nces for onc group ove r a nother. In the United S'"ltes, slIch p references arc mOSt obvio us in nlcial barriers. Until the 1960s, some states out!;H\'cd interracial marriages. This prac,jcc was challe nged by Richard Loving (a While m,m) a nd Mildrcd .Ic ter Loving (a part-Black, pa n -Native America n woman ), who married in 1958. Event ually, ill 1967, the Supreme Court ruled that it was un constitutional to prohibit marri age solely o n the basis of race. The decision struc k down sta tutcs in Virgin ia and 16 other stales. Accordi ng lO the Bureau of the Census, the number of marriages between Hl acks and Whites in lll e United States has more than tripled in recent decades, j umping from 6."),000 in 1970 to 231.000 in 1991. On c o f th e nation 's intclTacial couples, Tom and Yvette Weatherly, grew lip in diITcrcl1I parts of Atlanta and fi rst met when she was bused t.o his overwhelmingly White high school and sat behind him in Engl ish class. kWe arc a segregationist's worst nightmare," notes Tom Weatherl}'. '" Blit, to othe r' people, we' re the perfect eX<lm pl e~ (Wilkerson, 1991:86). Survey data show that many \Vhites still o ppose illlerracial marriagcs. According lO the Gencral Social Survey, an ann ual pol1 of 1500 pcople in the United States, 66 percent of Whites st.'ue that the}' ,,'ould oppose a d ose relat h'e's marrying 11 Blac k

    person. About. 45 percent would oppose slIch a mar r iage to a n A~ i a n o r Hispanic person. Moreolcr. onc in fi ve \Vhites belie\'c s that illle rracial marriag<' should he illegal (as it was in somc Slates until tIN' Supreme Co urt's 1967 ruling). By COlltl'aSl, Blackl were fo und lO be indiITerent on the subject of in-te nnarriagc; nearly lWO-lh irds o f res pondcnb stated that they would neither favor nor oppost' a dose relativc's marryin g someone from another nIce (Wilkerson, 1991). The Love Relationship Lovc and mille selection do not necessarily coincide. For example, feelin~ of lo\'c arc not a prerequisite for marriage amon~ thc Varuros of in la nd Venezuela o r in oth er cultu r~ wherc th e re is li ttle freedom fo r mate selection. A.\ Linton Freema n ( 1958:27-30) has shown, tht Yaruro male of maniageable age does nOl engage in lhc kind of dating bchavior so typ ical of young people in the United States. R.'l.the r. be knows thaL under th e tr.-Iclitions of his cultu rc, he mustll131T} onc of his mother's bro'her~' daughters or onc of his fat her's sisters' dauglllcrs. Th e young matt'! choice is furth er lirniled because onc of his uncllj selects the el igible cousin that he must mall)'. MallY ofthc world's cul tures g1\'C priori ty in malt" selection 10 facto rs othe r tha n romantic feelings. [0 some societies, marriages are arranged, often hi

    368
    PAIIT /-"(}/ !H. S()(" JM INS'II r m'/oN\

    parents o r rel igious authorities. The newly married couple is expected to develop a feeling of love aft" the lega l union is fonnalized. Econom ic con~iderations also play a significant rol e in mate selection in certain societies. In lhc United States, love is importarH i.n Lhe courtship process. Neolocall"csiden ce places added importance on the afTectional bond between husband and wife. The co uple is able to develop its own emotional tics. free of tJle demands of oth e r household me m bers for affection. Sociologist WilIiam Goodc (1959) observed that spO Llses in a nllclear famil y have to rely heavily on each other for the companionship and support that might be provided by o lher relatives in an extended-fam ily sinmtion. Parents in the Un ited StaLes value love highly as a rationale for marriage, and Lhey encourage love to develop between young people. In addiLion, the theme of roman lic love is reinforced in so ngs, film s, books, magazines, televisio n shows, and even cartoons and comic bopks. At the same time, our so-ricty expects paren ts and peers la help a person coniine his o r her sea rch for a mate to ~socia lly acr.ep tabl e~ members of tJle opposite sex. Traditional gender-role socialization has made it easier for wome n to express lo\'e a nd oth e r feelings of .social intimacy than it is for men. The qualities identifi ed with intimacy-emotional W.l.rmtJl, ex pressiveness. vulnerability, and sensi tivity-are associated WitJl th e fema le but not the male gender role. Studies show that men arc more likely than \I'omen to base th eir percepdons of love a nd intimacyon sex, on providing practi cal help, and on simply being in th e prese nce of a loved one (Cancian, 1986; L. Thompson and Walke r, 1989:847).

    ~~~.~.?~.?~~~...~~~.~p..~.~~.~~.?.?.~..... .............. .
    Caring for c hildren is a univena l fUllclion of th e family, yet societies Vl'uy in assigning this fun ction to family me mbers. Among the Nayars of soutJw J"n India, the biological role of fathers is acknowledged, but the mother's eldesl brother is responsi ble for he r c hildren (Cough , 1974). B)' corlU"ast, uncles play on ly a pe lipheral role in c hild care in lhe United States. Despite sllch differen ces, th e socializatio n of c hildren is csscmjal to the mainte nance of any c ulture.

    Consequently, as wc saw in Chapter 4, parentJlOod is one of th e most important (and most demanding) social roles in the United States. Sociologist Alice Rossi (1968. 1984:5-10) has pointed to four factors related to socialization tJlat complicate the transi tion to parenthood. First, tJlet"e is little anticipatory socialization for the social roles of caregiver. Subjects most relevant to successful family lifesuch as c hild care and home mainte nance-are given little atte ntion in the normal school curriculum. Second, only limited learning occurs during Lhe period of pregnancy itself. Thi rd, the transition 10 parenthood is quite abrupt. Unlike adolescence, it is not prolon ged ; unlike socialization for work, one cannot grad ually take on the duties of caregiving. Finally, in Rossi's view, our society lacks clear and helpful guidelines conceming successful pare nth ood . There is linle consensus o n how parents can produce happy and well-a(ljllsted ofTspringor even o n what. it means to be ~ well adj\1s ted. ~ For these reasons, sociaJization for parenthood involves difficuh challe nges for most me n and women in the Unil.ed States. One recent de velopmelll in family life in the United States has been the exte nsion of pare nthood, as adult c hildren continue la (or return to) live at home. Cu rrentJy, more than hal f of all ch ildren a~ 20 to 24 and one OUI of four of those ages 25 to 34 live with their parents. Some of these adult c hildre n are still pursuing an education , but in many insta nces financial diffi culties are at the hea rt of these livin g arrangements. While re nts and real estate pri ces skyrocketed in th e 1980s, salal;es for younger workers did not kee p pace and many found the mselves unable to afford their own homes. Moreover, with many marriages now ending in divorce- lllost commonly in the first seven years of marriage-divorced SOIU and daughters are now returning to Jive \vith their pan!llts, somelimes with their own , hild ren (Bureau oftJ1e Census, 1993a:59) , Is tJlis livin g <l 1'l'angelllenl a po.~i l 1"f' developm e nl for family members? Social scienti sts have just begun to examine this ph e nomenon. so metimes ca lled the "boomerang generation" in th e popular press. One sUlvey in Virginia seemed to show that neith er th e pare nts nor their adult children were ha ppy abolll continuing to live together. The children often felt resentful and isolat.ed . but th e par-

    369
    CIIJ\PI~;H

    I J THE FAMII. )'

    I'mn,lIwoo IS (}tU of 11" must irnpurM"' sonal rola. Shoo", Mre (jft a moth" from 1111' V"i/M SW/('j llri/h hn
    rhi/'lrl'l! ,
    fI Tibt-f(l/l fmnl(~

    going /(/ If
    If

    rl'flgi&ll< f~t",al, (Hili (I frmllfJ froIllmf ",II(I~ 1/1 SIOIJ(JJrIfl.

    370
    "lll/UX 'H ' 'iQOH 1\)/"f/t' 1/0S\

    tnts also suffered, since learning to live without (hildrcn in the home can be viewed as an esselllial llage of adult life and indeed may be ,I significa nt tuming poitu for a marriage (1Jc*'"ky Wt'II"t'"ss f.rllt'r, I 990: 1-2). As life expectancy increases in the United States, more and more parents are becoming gmndpar~nts and even grea t -grandpa renL~. After illlervic ..... mg many grandparents, sociologists Anrlrew Cherlin and Frank Furstenberg, J r. ( 1986) ide nt ifi ed three principal styles of grandparenting: More than ha lf (55 percent ) of grandparen ts surleyed functio ned as MspecialisLS in recreational care-giving." They e nric hed ule ir g..mdc hildre n's U\""C5 throug h recreational outings and other special acuvities. ~I ore than one-fourth (29 percent) carried on a ~riltla lisuc" (primarily symbolic) relatiomhi p Wi Ul their gmndchilrlrcn. In sOl11e inst;trJCCs. this " '3S because the gran dparents li ved far <l"~ly from their grandch ildren a nd could sce them only o<." casionally. About onc-six th (16 percent) of grandparellt!'; ~ ur I"e)ro "'e re actively in\'olved in everyday routi ne care of their grandc hildre n and exercised sub~ntia l authority over them .

    Divorce (whic h wi ll be discussed mo rc fu lly later in the chapter) a ffects a chi ld's relationships wiu] his or her grandpare nts in sig nificant W-dYS. The child often becomeS more deeply involved with the custodia l parent's (generally the mother's) parents and relatives. Con'ICquentlv, malemal Vdndllare nts of children of d ivorce arc more likely 10 live wit h the child o r see the c hild almost every day. By conl]<lst, the c hild may lose contact altogether wi th pate nml gmndparcTlts. In some cascs, th e cffecTs ofa divorce have led gra ndparents to go TO cOllrt ill order to establish visitation rights wi th their grandchildren . Maintaining cross-generational tjcs may havc particular v.duc as the U nited States increasingly shifts towa rd small , single-pa rcn t families (Ahlburg and Dc Vita, 1992) .

    ~~.?P~.?.?.... .................................. .......... ....... ...................... .


    In a legal SCIlSt', adopnon is a "proCt''IS that a llows for the l]'.m ~ fc r of the lega l rights, respo nsibilities, and privilcges of parcnung from legal pare nts to new leg'dl parcIIL~~ (E. Colc, 1985:638) . In many ca~cs. theSt: rig hts are tr.tnsferred from biological paJ'enL'i (oftcn called bIrth pmm/~) to adopuve pare nts. Viewed from a functiona list per~pecuve, govc rmne lll has a strong in te rest in e ncourdglng adop-

    ,,

    O~

    ''

    TIll' Imn

    ~boomf:f(mg

    grllmJlirm ~ is

    bring It.itd in Ihr: pofmlrrr pm) In Ill" In Ih, inrrt'tuing proflQJ1lml o atllll(5 in f
    Ih, UnilM Stalt:J who art' rtwmwg

    (.w mdimn aft,.,. dil1Qru/


    Iflri, fJarnlls.

    IQ

    1111' Wllh

    371
    UIAP'IJ:R IJ Till HMIII

    lion. Kennclh WalSOll ( 1986:5) of tbe Ch icago Child Care Soc iety no tes: "Adoptio n is scen as a neat solutio n lO tJll'eC of socie ty's vexing problems: unplanned pregna ncy outside of marriage. c hildren in need offamiJies to rca r thtm. a nd infertile couples unable 1,0 have childre n .~ I)o licymakers have both a human itarian and a financial s take in promoting adoption. In theory, adoption afTers a stable family environmcnt for children who o Lhcm'isc Illight no t receivc satisfaclOry care. Morco\'cr, government d!lIa show Lha! unwed mothers 'vho keep Iheir babies lcnd to be of lower socioeconom ic StaLUS and oflc n require public assistance to support thei r children (G. Bachr.lch , 1986). Conseque ntly, varioHs levels of government may lOwe r their sodal welr.'Lrc expenses if ch ildren arc tJ, msferrcd to economic:l lly self-sufli(ic nl falll ilies. From a con l1ict pe rs pec ti ve. such finan cial c..onsidcrations raise the ugly speclc r of adoption\ selVing as a means where by a mucnt (oflel1 infertile) couples arc allowed to "buy" th e children o r Ihe poor. The largest single category of ado ption in lhe United SlatCS is adoptio n by rcJ<ltivt;s. In most cases, a ste ppare nLadOpLS the childre n of a spouse. The re are two legal methods of ado pting an unrelated pe rso n: :Idoptions arranged by licensed agencies and p rivate agreements sanc tioned by the courts (E. Cole, 1985:639-640,662-663; Salv;llore, 1986:60). According lO th e National Comm illce ror Adoptio n. all association of pliv:.ne adoption agencies, the number of adoptions be tween unrelated pc~ plc in the UnilCd States decreased from 89.200 in 1970 to 5 1,157 in 1986 (the last year for wh ich COIllple te data arc available). This ch:ln ge was due largely to a decline in the numbe r of children available fo r adoption. Key !'anors contributing 10 this diminishing pool o f ch ildren include wide r lIse or COl1 tl'lCeptivef>. an in crease in the Illlmbc'" o f abortions (sce Chapter 11 ). and a lessen ing o r the social stigma fa ced by single parents who keep their bllbies (Bureau o f the Ccnsus. 1992:373) . According to a study by Lhe l\'ational Genic!" for Health Sta tistics , about 200.000 ",omen in t.he United States sought to adopt.c.hildren in 1988. The alleged "parelll surplus" ofte n described in the mass media re nccLS an abundance o f childless couples anxious to adopt White, nondisa bled babies. 11'011ically. a t the same tilll e tha t th ese parents Ivail fO I'

    babies, many c hildre n a nd ado1c::scents frOlD Imnori lYgroup backgroullds o r with disabili tiC5 Ih't ill group ho mes or in foste r-c:a,'c situations (M. I-I~r ri5, 1988; Hilts, 1990b).

    Dual-Career Families
    In th e tnlditiOlml nuclear family, tbe husband servcs as the sole breadwinner. while the wife till. the roles of mothe r and homemake r. HOlI'c\'er. an increasing proponio n of couples in the U lUl~-d SL'ltes today arc rejecting this lrdditi onall11Qc:kl !1K a "duaJ-c:arecr" lifestyle. Currently, the m~orit) 01 all married couples h:ll'e two partners active in tlr paid labor force. In onc...fo urth or couplcs. ooth partners arc "permane ntly com miucd n lO Ihtircareeni in that they have worked ror at least five )'tJf\. Why has the re been sllc h .( rise in the numbcrol dlla l-c:arecr couples? A major fa clor, csptci~ln amo ng le5s amue nt famili es. is economic need. III 1990, the median income for married-c:ouplc fam. ilies with bot h partners employed was $48.169,(olllpan.:d with $30.075 (or 38 perce nlless) in famjij~ in which on ly lhe husba nd \\'<.lS working ollLSidt' tht home. Sociologil>t.s have nOled , howe ver, thilt nO! all ofa family 's second w;age is genuin e additional income because of sllch wOI'k-rclatcd costs as dilld carc. O the r factOrs contributing to lhe rise of till' duru-c:arecl' model incl ude the na tion's dedillio~ binht<lle (sec Chapler 19), th e increase in the p!l~ portion of women with a coll ege ed ucation. tilt shift in th e economy of the Un ited Slates fro m manufac turing to service industries. :Iml the ;mpactl~ th e rc minisl move ment in changing women 'sC('I~ sciOllsness (Burcau or the Census, 1993a:467). In a sensc. m embers of dual-c:arecr couples mu.\! undergo a process of resocial ization (sct' ChaptC'l' 4) . A newly married couple may imend 10 ha',,;!. "two-c:a reer hotl se h o ld~ and share child carc in all egalitarian mann er. Their pare nts. howc\,er, mal h a\'(' follo\\'ed the convc ntio nal nuclear r.-unil)' p;tr 1.<:1'11 described c.lIlie r. Thus, neith e r of tht nCII'h\\'cds Illa)' h:\\'c had useful rule model.. for a d lL\~ Cllreer lifestyle. E:lch mar h.'I\'c had to o\'crChrl'\t' previous soci:\Ib:at io ll into tradilional cxpcct,1tiot)) regarding ma rriage and Lhe - pro pe r" roles ofh.l~ bands and wives. As \\'as dil>CttSScd in Chapter It, sociologist Arlie Hochschi ld ( 1989 . 1990) h:ti\l)(~ th e phrasl" ~seco l1d shin" lO descrihe the dOllb!..

    372

    An incm/$ing proportion oJ rouphs in the United SJ.aus OIl' rrjutillK Ihe traditional 1IlId.enr Jami? modtl Jur fl
    "dllal-wretr~

    liftstyll.

    burden-work oUL~ide the home followed by c hild care and house\\'ork-that many wome n carry and fl'W men share equit.'1bly. Some dual-c3rl.-er couples acwally come to resemble si nglt. parenl r... milies because of thei r re... liance on jobs with evening o r weekend hours. These couples split work and parenthood shiflS as a. means of coping with the pressures of the dualca.reer lifestyle. Approximately one om of every six dualincome couples with chi ldren under the age of 6 has work hours that do nOI o\'{~r1:.p at all (~icEnroc, (991). TIle rise in dual-c:.recr couples incr'cased pres~ure on poticyrnakers to consider family leave lcgL\latioll. According to a 1989 survey by the BlIreau of l:tl)(w Statistics, 37 percent of workers at companies with lOO or more employees were eligible for unp:l.id maternity leave, while 17 percent could t.lle unpaid paternity leave, 2 percent. could take paid maternity leave, and only I percent could take paid paternity leave. (These disparities reflect the cuntinuing impact of traditional ge nder roles regmling which parent should c"re for infaI1L~.) Parental le:!ves are e\'en less common in smallcr ftnns; polici~ allowing leavc time for adoption or Iht' care of sick fami ly members arc rarr in IWlh large and small businesses (I-Iolmcs, I990c; Meisen hcimer. 1989:20-22).

    By 1990, " broad n:!tional co'l litiol1 had come together to suppo rt rederd.l family and medical leave legislation. Among the diverse organil"'u ionsjoined in this effort were the Scr\-ice Employees International Union. the National Ol'&ranization for Women, the U.S. Catholic Conference. the Gray Panthers (refer b.'1ck to Chapter 12), and the Nine (0 Five Nationa l Association of Working Women. Proponents of family leave measures argued that they would strengthen family life by allowing parents time with infanL~ or adopted children at Cnlcial poinL~ of the life cycle. by giving p"I'enLS a bet, t.e r opportunity to adjust to their new roles. and by providing job security for e mployees facing stressfill lire changes or crises. Supporters of fa mily lea\'e added Ihal such policies would assist business rimls by reducing job turnover. especially of remale employees who arc most likely to suOer from role strain. Civen the lack or affordable, high-quality child care (refe r back to Chapter 4), family leave was viewed as essential for botJ1 single-pare nt and du:!l-career families. In early 1993, Congress passed and President Bill Clinton signed into law the Family and Medical Leave Act. This Icgislation -\etoed twice by President Ceorge Bush - requires employcrs to give workers l ip 1 12 weeks of unpaid leave to dcal with .0 birth. adoption. or it serious illness affecti ng them-

    373

    / 11 SOIllt' {OWt'Y-l/Il5J /an"liG,

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    (I,""

    IIlIImlll tU

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    seh'cs 0 1' me mbe rs of their imlllcdia te fa mil ies. The act covers about half the paid labor forcc of the United Statcs, including cmployees of companies wi th 50 or more workers as well as fedentl, state. and local govcmment employees (Clymer, 1993).

    y.~.~~.~.~.~ ?.~.~.. ~ .. ~.~~~Y Lif~ .............................................


    Within the United States. there arc many V<lIiations in f;unily life ;".. wciated with d istinCtions or social . class, nIce. and e thnicity. An exalll ill<ltion o f such \ '<lIiations will give liS a mo re sophisticltcc\ undcrstanding of COnLcmporary family styles in our counli)'. Social Class Differences VariolJs studies have doe-

    ume nlcd the differenct.'S in fa mily o rganil.ation a mo ng social classes in the United States. In the 'IV" per class. there is a particular e mphasis on lineaf{t and main te na nce of famil y position. One is cOO" sidered not simply a member of a nuclear fanuh but rdther a member o f a larger family tradition ("the Roekcfellers" or "the KenncdysT As a result, upper-class fa milies arc qui te concerned about what they see as ~ prope r trainin g~ for childre n. Lower-class famili es do nol ofte n havc the luxun of worrying about the M family n a m c~; they must lim struggle to pay the ir bills and survive the crises 01ten associated with life in poverty. Such familieurt marc likely to have o nly onc pare nt in the homc, a situation wh ich presents slJecial challenges m te rms of c hild care and financial needs. Childrttl in lowcr-da...s fa milies lypically assllme adult ~ spo nsibilities-including marriage a nd pa r\'n~ h ood - at a n earlier age than childre n of affiu{'ni ho mes. In part, th is is because they may lack lllc mOlley needed to remain in school. Social class diITere nces in famil y life may 1101 bt as strikin g as they once were. In the p;m, familysprcialists agreed that the re we re pronounced COl}trasts in c hild-rea ring prac tices. Lower-class familkwere found to be more authoritarian in rearingchildrclI and mOI'e inclined lO use physical puni~t.. mcnL Middlt.--class fami lies were mo rc pc lmis..~It and mo re restrained in punishing their childrt'lI. Howeve r, these diITerences may have narrowed 4' mo re and Inore famili es from all social classt.'S halt turn ed to the same books, magazines, and e\'cn television talk shows fo r advice o n rearing children (!It Ko hn, 1970; LUSler e t al. . 1989). Among the poor. women often p lay a signifiC"dn! role in the economic support of the family. Me. may earn low \\'ages. mar be un e mployed. or mill" be absc m fro m the famil y. In 199 1. 46 percent!" all famili es headed by womell with no luu banrl prescllt were below the gO\'ernmenl poverty line This co mpared with o nly 7 perce nt for all IrJditjonal dual-pare nt famili es ( Bureau of the CemU). 199301 :473). Many racial and e thnic groups appe;lr 1.0 ha\'tcfu.. tinc tive fa mily c hantcteristics. However. racial and cla.ss fac tors a rc often closely related . In cxaminin( fami ly life alllong racial and ethnic minorities, ~e mllst remember that certain p."luerns may ~ frolll clas!i ;IS well as cultural factors.

    374
    1'/lRT n){'R SOCIAl. l:wttTlvno."''i

    Racial and Ethnic Differences Family life among racial a nd ethn ic minorities in the United States has been profoundly affected by the subordinate status of these minority groups. For example, African American families conti nue to be inlluenc(."d by the Icgacy of slavery, during which conventional family units wefC discourag(:-d and separated. Native AmeriC'JIl families were forcibly removed from their tribal homelands and resettled on reservations with limited economic and educational opportunities. The immigration policy of the United Stues h ~L~ complicated the successfu l relocation of intact families from Asia and Latin America (Doob. 1993). In examining minority families, political leaders and the media have te nded not only to emphasize the problems OfSllC h families but to ~b l ame the vicllmsft (refer back to Box 8-2 on page 227), thereby ignoring the impaCt of generdtions of prejudice and dOCriminatiOTl. For example, in the aftermath of the 1992 riots in Los Angeles, observers generally focused on such struclllrdl sources of unrest as the dl'(lining employment opportunities in cenLntl-city neighborhoods, the lack of available health care, and the rise of organized gang activity. Yct (then) Vice President Dan Quayle instead pointed to the breakdown of family values, especially among African Americans (;tS evidenced by the absence of adult males in many Hlac k families). !-l e cri ticized the media for prcsellling in a positive fashion a lek... lision char:Jctcr (Murphy Brown) who chose 10 have a chi ld while remaining unmanied. Quayle's message was clear: the cause of the riots was within Los Angeles, and its Black and Hispanic resident.. were at fault (Sc haefer, 1993). TIlcre a re many negative and inaccur:.ttc stcreor,pes in the Un ited States regarding the Aflican American fami l). h is true that a significantly higher proportion of Black lhan of White fami lies have no husband present in the home (.s<.'C Figure 13-3). Yet Black single mothers are often part of stable, functioning kin networks, despite the pressures of sexism and racism. Members of these networks-prcdominantly female kin such as mothe rs, grandmothers, and aunts--share goods and sClviccs a nd thcreby e~ financial strains. In addition to these strong kinship bonds, llIack family life has emphasized deep religiolls commiunent and high aspirations for dChiel'emenl. The strengths of the Black family wcre C'oident dUling sla\'ery, when Blacks dClllonslnlled a

    FIGURE IJ-J

    O"lI-Partml FamilillS among Blacks,

    Hisjmirs, 011 JYbiIN, J!J700l1 JJlJl2

    1992

    1992

    H i ~nia

    Two-porent fomilie$ One-porenl fomil~. moiok;Jined by mother One-porenl fomilies, maintained by loth.
    Oflh~

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    un.m. 199"1a,56.

    In / 992, 46/).fIf"(ml of lJlark families, 24/H!t"ooll of Hisptl7licfamilits. (Imf oul)' 14 ptrCfflI of IW,,'lf fllmilies Wl'l"e mainlo.i1Wi by Ih, ".mll,er wilh 110 husband in IM h~.

    3 75
    CJIAPI'ER /J . TlIEI'AAfJU'

    remarkable a bility la mailllrun fa mily lics despite lhe fact that they e njoycd no Icgal protec tions (R. Hill, 1Q72, 1987; Hudgins, 1992). In Box 4-2 on page 107, we examine;:d socialization in Mexican Ame rican J:lmilics. Dist inclive fuJlli1y pauellls arc also evident among I,hc more than 2 millio n Greek Amelicans--espccially those who have migrated to the Uniled States in I'eccnl ),cal1'. Ccnerd.lly, Greek families have leO agricuiturdi areas in their homelands 10 seule ill urban centers where there is already a Greek American communilY. Thit'; colllmunity is typically ce ntered on a Greek Orthodox church that, helps to mai ntain the traditional old world culture. G<: nder roles arc sharply defined wilhin a p;uliarchal and close-knit communi ty. Even as ado l escent~, young Greek Amelicans are closely watched by pare nts, who pia}' a n act ive role in ma te selection. HOW<"'VCI', a.~ assimilat ion proceeds among secolld- or Ihird-gener3tioll G"cek Americans, these distinctive family dynamics begin lO fade (KoUJ, 'c laris. 1988: Moskos. 1980 ). Within a r<lcial or ethnic minori ty, fa mily ties can serve as an economic boost. For exa mple, Km'ean immigranlS 10 the United States generally begin small service or retail busin esse5 invoh~ng all adult famil y members. To obtain the funds needed to begi n 11 business, they ofte n poo l their resources through a kye (pronounced IVW)- 'lII association that gr.tnts moncy to members o n a rotating basis so they can gain acccs~ to even mo re additional capital . While not limited to kinfolk, the ,,",v allows Korean Americans to sta rt small businesses long before othe r mino rit ies in simi lar ccono mic cirClllUSla nces. Suc h rOlating c redit associations are 1I0 t unique to Korean Americans; they I"we been lIscd as wdl by Wcst Indians living in the Unitcd States ( I. Kim . 1988; Ligh t and Bo nacich , 1988).

    .~.~.H~.H~ . T~~n~..~..P..h:~!:~.~.............................._
    Just ho,,! common is divorce? Surprisingly, this h no t a simple <Iuestion; divorce slatisljcs al'e difficuh 10 intc'lm:::t. , The media fre<lue ntly re pon tha t onc out of every IWO mal'riages c nds in divorce. However, this figure is misleading, since it is based on a compar' ison of all divorccs wh ich occur in a single year (rt. g;.lrdlcss of when the couples were married ) agaillSl the number of new marriages in the same rear. As the second column of Table 13-1 indicates, there we re 5 1.4 divorces in the United St.."1tes in 1992 for every 100 new marriages. But that could. in fact. represent SI A divorces for every 3000 marriages in the decades leading up to 1992. A more aCCUr.lle pcf'liipccti\'e on divorce can be obtained if wc examillc the number of dh'orcf$ per marlied women agc..'S 15 to 44 (see the third co~ umn in Table I ~ I ). Using these statistics, we can sce that the number of divorces per 1000 manicd .... ,,'ome n in this age b ollP has more than dOllbled over the past 30 )'ears. Nevertheless, about 4 out 01 10 first mamages remain intact; abollt 70 perctnt of th ose who obtain a divorce before age 35 laltr re marry, half of those within lhree yea rs after a first

    ' ( ,\(Ill 13 (

    DIVORCES PEA. 100 IMRlIIACiES

    ...

    _ _ loo

    ~IlfV()I!(fS fER 1000 Ml>J!ll:lfD WOMEN, 1S 10 .... VAIl:S OlD

    \'AA

    PERFORMED

    1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1992


    ,,)I

    13.4 17.0 16.9 23.1 25 .8 32 .8 49.7 51.4

    10.0 10 .0 14.0 17.0 16.0 26.0 40.0 37.0"

    promise to love. hOllor, and c helish .... unlil death do YOIL pan ?~ El'ery year. people of all social classes a nd racial :md e thnic groups ma ke suc h legally binding agreeme n lS. Yet an increasing numbe r of these promises are apllarently no t realistic. given our I;sing divorce rate.

    ~ Oo YO ll

    "'bl. rur 19119. Iln, NalOooat o,,"r, ror Ik .. hh Nflt1!'>n "lid ~l>Ikr. 1\192,\1.

    Sl<uiM.in. 19704. 1\1'..10. 19931>:


    T/ll~

    DillOr

    hllTH' fl" e/lwlM sin(/'

    World Wfl r 11, Imf rt'fJrtSNlI a IW(J-IO lI/r"/oId IIIf'Tf(1M from p". , 940 klltb.

    376
    l 'A1f1 f(JUII S(}(."IM. 1.\'\-rl"r{o"l'I(ms

    divorce (Bum pass et aI., 1990; Norton a nd Mill er, 1992;J. Sweet and BllmpaS$, 1987). While the nation's high rate of remarriage is regarded as an e ndorsement of the institution of marriage, it does lead to the new chaJle nges of a r~ marriage kin network composed of c urrent and prior marital relations hips. This network can be particula rly complex if c hildren a re involved or if an ex-spousc remarries. As is shown in Figure 13-4, by 1990 abom 15 percen t of ch ild re n in the United Slales lived with a pare lll a nd a stepparenl. The current high divorce rale of the United States is not the result ofa sudden explosion; rather, signs of such a tendency can be seen early in the nation's history. Residents of colonial America could receive divorccs more easi ly than their cou nterparls anywhere in the wcs/cI"Il world. The divorce rate ill the United Slal.es doubled between 1900 and 1920 and rosc stead iIy until 1980. when it beg<ln to level off. Furthermore, the counu)"s tmwbrrdivorce rate is more than twitc the ovem ll national average (Bureau of th e Ccnslls, 1993a: I00). Divorce is a complex and difficult experience for all family mem bers. AnLhropologist Paul Bohallnan (1970) has identified six overlapping experiences which arise from divorce and which vary in in tcnjity depending on the cou ple. The "six stations of di\'Orce," as Bohannan calls them , include:
    I Emotional diwI'u, which represent'> the problem of the deteriorating ma rriage 2 lLgal divoru, based on the grounds on which the marriage will be dissolved 3 Emomir diVlffU, which deals with the divisio n o f money and property .. CopaTmtal div())'Ct. which includes dec isions having to do with c hild custody and visitation lights :; Cowlrlllmity divorce, or the c ha nges in fliendships and institu tiona l lies that a divorced person expericnces 6 Ps)'chic divorce, focused on Ihe person's aLlempt 10 regain autonomy and se ll:.cstecm
    .\s Bohannan has ObSC IVCrI, "lI ndi vorcc d ~ people

    FIGURE IJ-4 Living ArranKr;mtmls of Childrr;n in lh e United Stale$ by Typt of Famify, 1990

    SOUMU',

    f\u,.~a"

    of Ih ..

    C-",,,~u,.

    l\)<jJc: aml autJ'm~' c.timalc.

    As 1)/ t 990, ll'SJ' Ilul7I 60 fJm:Iml of (hilt/,.,m tmner l8 Yfm)' old ill 1111'
    Un;lffl Sfole.f UT.ro ;" Iwoptmll

    /amilil-s wi/J, boO, lnologlcal parents.

    An inc reasing numbe r of families in the United States are coping with the traumas of divorce by experimendng \\~th joint or shared cllstody arrangements. J o int custody has become popular, since it allows eac h pare nt meaningful ti me with c hildren and promotes an egali tarian sh'lring of decisionmaking authority. However, adults li nable la live together as husb. nd and wife may rind it difficult to ... cooperate in resolving importallt issues of parenthood. Three studies by psychologistJudith Wallerstein a nd bel' colleagues suggest that joint cllstody arrangements do not benefit all children whose parents have separated or divorced and. in cerlain instances, may be harmfu l for tllese children (j. Wallerstein and Blakeslcc, 1989).

    rarely appreciate the diffic ulties that the divorced pt:llOn experiences in mastcring these ~s tations of di\'Orce (Gerstd, 1987). Th e impact of di\'orce on girls and boys is examined in Box 13-2 (page 378).
    ft

    Factors Associated
    ~.~ . P'Jy.~r~.~............... .
    Why does the United States have such a high frequency of divorce? There is no fully s<ltisfaCIOI) ' an-

    377
    C/lA,Jrf1o:H I) ' TIIE-FA,.IIIt. t

    THE EFFECTS OF DIVORCE ON FEMALE Al'.JD

    ~w..E

    CH[LDREN

    r.ulitionally, family rcsearchers have sugges ted tha t di\'orcc has a !lime d e trimental c;ffect o n bo)'S than 011 girls, TIlt'se researchers h:'I\'c oncll wrinen tho the ;Ihs.cnce u of f.nhcrs is mO l'C hannful fO l' the dc\'clopment of hors than for girls aucl [hat girls recci\'c grc,lIcr cmot;on al ,m pport from custodia l mo thers. Howen'f, IllOH! reccnt studies haw led 10:1 reexaminauon of thcsc long.held assumpuons (I-Iclheringtoll, 1979: 7..<15101'0'.1988,
    198!}) ,

    Ps),cliol%>ist Neil Kalter (1989)


    a n d his ;lSsociale5 Sll pc lvised clini-

    cllI wo rk with mOl'e than 600 c hildren of divorce o\'cr a IO-ycar period. In addition . Ihey intcrviewoo ,md Ics((:d about 500 rcse .. rch subjecls and conducted prc\'enul'e intCrvenuon prognmls for about :!OOO childre n ill public schools. K:lltcr's work s h uw~ Iha t bo)'s and ~>irls react differently In dhurce, 001 lhal traditional \'icw~ concerning their rcacuon~ arc nOI Ile<:~ ~rily accurate. Roys from di\o.-ced f,unities arc often ;lng l)' and combati\'C ,md may develop dclinqllent bch a. . iol". They frequently resist the ;!uthorilY of their lIlothers and teachers. becomc imnh'oo ill fights al :w:hool or in tilt" ndghborhood. and under achi~\'e at school rciativc 1 the ir 0

    abilities. The redu ced il11eraction wit h their fat.hers I ... hich typically resul ts frOm dh'ol'ct' ha~ a clear and !legat.he impact on SOilS. For g irls. the harmful elTects of dh'or<:c e merge somewha t Illlcr lh:m for boys. somctimcS on ly in adolcKcl1<:e or even in .ulul thood. Whell comparcd with daughters from inlac l fami l ie~, daughte rs of di vorce are mort> likdy 10 h;l\'(" feelings of lowered ~1I:wo l"lh . T he absence of a c u i ng father 1c;lili many dallghters to wonder if they C"dJ1 be loved by a man; indeed, these girls mar believe that t1 H~ ir rathers left home because thcirdaughh'l"Swere not attractin: or lovable enoug h . In suggesting thal dh'orcc has a more delrimcn t'l) imp.1cl on bo)"S than 011 girls, many researchers maintain [hat cllstodial rnolhers develop closer relatio!1.~llip~ with Iheir daughters tha n with th eir .sons. HowcI'er, fC the ildokscen t II' fCIlI;tlt:. this m,IY be a mi xed bla.'Iing. A daughtcr of divorce may find il difiicull to achie\'c a health)' sep-aration and indepcudcnce frolll her mother. Morcm'er, a~she stcuggl!"'s with he r e merg'ing sexuality during her adolescence, a )'O\m& \\'Olll llll llIay f .. cc additional complications if she is l>haring a home Wilh a ~lc pfatht.'1" or " d05(' male frie nd or her mother.

    Kalte r's studies show that thf dctrimelltal elTect of divorce ort~l1 appears Mrlj~ in boys than in gir. -and that t11is detrimental effen, 50Illctimes more ol)\~oll! and mort drJm:llic in boys because of then greater te ndcncy toward aggrosivenclioS and antisocial \.Icha\;Of Nen:nhc1ess, these slUdie~ remind liS Ihal we should not undc~~ Illatc the ha nnful imp:lcl of di\'Om' on gi rls. While d i\'or<:e <:an omiousJy bt I f,a.inful expcrien<:c for bo th fnnalt and male c hildren, it ili imporl<ln! In :lI"oid labcliug young pcoplt ,., ~childrcll of dilurce :t5 if th~ /XI1'rotal experience is lhe singular e\'C I1I defi ning the lire of a girl o r boy. Large-scale slUdid ill tht Unitt.'!1 SI"t!'!S and Creat Britlln hal'C shown that some orthc alleged nCWlli\,(' cffens of di\'orce 31.'111,1111' rC~ \llt ed from C"onditiOIlS (such ill po\'en y) that CXiSIt.'C 1 before thr pare nta l separauon. Mon:O\"er, if<b\"Qr<:e does 1101 lower children's KoCC5/! to resour<:cs and does nOllllcrea.o;c stress, its impael on childrtll Inay be neutral or e\~1I positin:. 1 )). \'O I'CC dues not. ru in t.hc life of ~vm child it to u<: hcs. th o ug h iL~effecl(nr. a child is not a1\\~d)"S benign (Ko Alien, 1993: Amalo, 1993: CherlQl Ct .11.,1991).
    M

    swer 10 this question. Table 13-2 indicates fac tors


    which arc associated with a higher probability of di\'orcc among married couples. In addition to these

    Perhaps tl1(" rno~t important factor ill the inert's

    sLrains in e,lch individu:.11 relationship, however, lhere are overall social changes wh ich It;we COlltributed to t h e nation's ris ing divorce rme .

    in divorce.- throughout th e twentieth centUI1 hM been the greater social acceptance of di\'OTct. I_ particular, this increased tolerance has Ttsuhcd from a relaxa tion of Ilcg<lLil'e aui llldes toward divo rcc a m o n g va rio us rel igio us denominations.

    AI-

    378
    f'AIl'l' fYJUR S(J("JIII
    1N~-rrrrn10SS

    Mortioge at a very youog oge (15 to 19 yeor$ old) Shor1 ocqUQintonce~hip before marricge (\en tha n two yeors)

    Shon engogemenl (under si)( months) Of no engagement Porenl$ with unhoppy morriages Oi$opprCIYol of morrioge e)(pressed by kin ond frierlds Gtoerol dluimllority of background "'-nbership in different religious faiths foilure 10 ottend religious wrvices ~ education (leaving .c:hooI before getting diploma or degree) Duogreement of husband ond wife on role obligoliorls lkbon boc~9rOtJnd
    '~lIllI:

    RLvorcn nru sn(lfIm Ilul.l /!Iany jtUl(l" art: lUSrx1altt/ ,,,jlh grM/~ probability of
    diuoru:.

    ...

    Albplcd from Goc><k. 1976:5.'17-5.'IA: NUrlon ",,,, Miller, )992. Stt

    ~1'lO F~rg"!lfon ~l ~l. .

    though dimrce is still seen ;LS unfortunate , it is no Iongcr U'cated as a sin by mOSI religious Ic~"dcrs (Ccrstcl, 1987; A. Thol'lllo n , 1985) , ..\ re",' other fa ctors (k~en'e mention. Many stat es hal'!.' adopt.ed morc libel. ll divorce laws in the last two decades, Divorce has become a more praclical 4Iplion in ncwly formed familics , since they now ttnoto havc fe .....cr ch ild,'c n than in lhe past. A gcnm! increase in famil y incomes, cOllplcd with the ~;tilabili t y of frce legal aid for somc poOl' peoplc, h~ mcant that more couples can afford the I.,,,ditionally high legal costs of divorce proceedings. Firulh'. ;u socicty providcs greatcr oppoJ'lunilics fo r ,"omcn. more and morc wivcs arc becoming less d(.... ptndclll o n their husbands - both economically .md ~molionally. They Illay then fecI more able to Imy if the marriage seems hopeless. TIle most ext re me CA USC of' m,lIita l breakdown i.. dt"l1cstic ...iolc nce- an issue that will be discussed ill the: ~ial policy section at lh(' c nd o r th e chapter.
    "CII1'gmlll/(lI/OIIS Oil you r (tworu!" ",claims tnu grming cam, TM gm/I". aut/ltlH/rt tif f1II.Iri/al di.uolu//ol/ /11 Ih, Vllllm St(!tl'S h(!J kd 10 (/ 11t'1II

    In the 1990s. it is clea r that fillllil)' life in the Un iu:d StatN has unde rgone mallY c hanges. T eenagers Il.tl'r habies, children reUlnt /0 live at hOlllc as Jdult~. and an incrc'LSing lIlunber of adullS ami c hildrtn li\'C~ in stcpfamily arrangc mc n lS, As we will sec IIthr following diSCllssiom. m(lny people have choWI! ahl'malive lifestyles rather tha ll the traditio nal IIIIrlcar family nOlm.

    ClIJ/om - s,mli"K tnTds 10 prop"" cOlIgm lldlllillg IIIem 011 Iheir diuorce.

    379
    U/M' /Jo:H I) THf: ti1,\/1I Y

    ~g.~i!~~~.p'g.~_..... ,.. ,_, ..............................................................


    Saint Paul o nce wrote: " It is bellcr to many than to burn." Howcvc r, asj ournalisl Tom Fen'cll ( 1979) has suggestcd , more people tha n evcr "pr'efe r combustible to connubial blis.~.- One of the most dramatic tre nds of recell t years has been the tremendous inc reasc in malc-fcmal e couples who c hoose to live togethc r without marrying, lhereby e ngaging in what is commonly call ed rohabita tiQ". The number of such households in the Un ited Slates rose sixfold in the 1960s and incr'cased another sixfold between 1970 a nd 1991. The d r.una tic rise in cohabitation has been linked to greater acccptance of premarital sex: a nd ddared e ntry into ma rriage. Accord ing 10 a 1988 national survcy, I J pe rcelH of\\'ollle n who had ne\'Cr married were cohabiting while 44 percenl o f wome n who had marlied in the early 1980s had cohabitcd at some timc ( Bomier and Dc Vita. 199 1: 18: Thomson a nd Colella, 1992). In crcases in cohabitation havc also bccn found ' in Canada. France. S"'t.<iCII. Dc nmark, and Australia, DaL~ released in Grc;n BI;t:'lin indicatc that marc than 12 percent ofpcoplc ages 18 to 24 are cohabi ting. One report nOles that in Sweden it is almost univcrsal for couples to live togcth e r before marriage. Demographcrs in Denmark call the praclice of living together In(lrriogewithout Jx1/H!rS, In Australia. these couples are known as de /octos (Blanc, 1984; A, Levinson , 1984: Q' Do llnell , 1992:66; Thomson and Colclla, 1992). For somc people in the Uni ted States, li\~n g together may reprcsent a kind of trial marriage that will eventually lead to a traditional marriage with their curre nt parUlcr (or some Olher pel'llon), Marg<II'Ct Mead ( 1966) gave the idea of trial marriagc her sUPI>ort whe n she suggestcd tha t marriagc be contr.lcted in u,'o stages. The illdiuidull1 maniage would involve a minimal legal commitme nt but would becomc a leg-ally bi nding parellt(li marriage o nce a child was cxpcctt'{1. Mead 's fo rmulation has nOt yet \\'On wide acceplance. Howevcr, in Illany insta n ces. a couple c ngaged in ex t.e nded co habitatio n comes to vicw the relationship as a partne rship somcwhat like marriage-but ",ilh unresolvcd legal implications. \( wou ld be incorrcct, howcve r, 10 associ:Hc cohabitation only with collegl' cam puses, sexual cxpc rillle nta tjo n. or trial marriages, Accorrli ng 10 a

    study in Los Angeles, working couplcs are almu. twice as likely to cohabit as college students arc..\I the same time, census data show thal28 pcrccntof lLnmarried coupl cs havc om! o r more children!'"", c nt in the household. Thc.~c cohabitan ts can ht't\'gardcd as mo re similar to spouses than to tla1itlc panners. Moreove r. in contrast to the common pnceptio n that peoplc engaged in cohabiL'ltion hzw never married, rcsearchers report tha t about haI of all people involvcd in cohabitatio n in the United Stales have been previo usly married , Indeed. (0habitation se ....'cs as a tem porary o r pcmlancm. Ic rnative to ma tlimo ny for many mcn and WOltlt'I who have expe rie nced marital disruption. Qcarh cohabit. uio n should not be regard ed as a pasomr limited to the unmanied and the inexpctiel1(td (Londo n, 199 1: Spanier. 1983).

    ~.~.~.~ ,~t~.~,~.g.~~.................................,........ ".......__


    Curre nt data indicate tha t more people in thr United Statcs arc postponing e ntry into first INr riagcs than was truc in the past. In 1992. 66 p" celll of all womcn 20 to 24 years of age had n~ married , compared with only 36 perccnt in 1 9'iU Indeed , as of 1992, onc OUl of every four ho,*" holds in the Unitcd SL.~tes (accounting for 2:1 milion people) was a single-member hOllsehold. Scil less than 10 pCI'ccnt of womc n a nd men in. United Smtes are likely to remain single throup out their lives ( Burcau of thc Cc n s us, I 993a:~4-6.i Scligmann. 1993). Thc trend toward maintaining a n unlllJIrd lifestyle is related to the growing cconomic trnkpe ndencc of young people, This is especial]) ut nifica nt for women , In 1890, wom e n accounh:d!G only on(.'-Sixt h of the paid labor force; the)' ate: m. approximately hal f of it (sec Chapter 11 ). FfOlll fin ancial point of view. it is oftel1 no longer fIt'(dsary for a ",oman 10 marry in o rder to enjoya aIisfying li fe . The re arc many reasons why a person m aych~ nOt to man'}' (sce Table 13-3). Singleness i~ :ut .. tractive option fo r those who do no t wanl 10 limit their sex ual intimacy to Olle lifetime partncr,AIM, some m e n and womcn do no t want to bc.'(OIII' highly dependent on allYone pcrson-and do fI(II want anyonc depending heavi ly on them. In ~ 10> cieLy which valucs individualil)' and sclf-fullillmnl.

    380

    ATTIlAOlONS Of BBNG t.WRlED

    eo..... opportl,/nities
    .r,oI

    Economic

    .s.hAfkiency "-dom to chonge ond

    CMlilobility """" I;..,., txpIfiment

    secl,/rity Regl,/lar sex De,i,e fa,- fomily SI,/$!oined love Socl,/,ity in per$Qflol reiotionships

    "'!IIM

    ' Adapll:d (,o on

    P. s,~"'. IQ";!>. AI..., apt"'.... in I' Sl",",


    Mm"/" prop/, HI
    ll!~

    Uniled S/(ll'-S

    (lTt

    INl1ki,'g 11 Cfmsrious rhoiu 10 ",..11111;/1 singlt:, .....1 IIIl' ba/mIC' S hNlllbm Of' i,,,/imJI'.j, Iher, m ~ fltlmet/mu 10 btrllg fillgit tu lVl!U fI$ 10 fNmg monud.

    Iht ~ingle lifestyle can o ncr ce rt.. .lin fn:cdoms tha!


    IIWTitd couples may 1I0l e njoy. Rt-maining single represenb a clea r depa rture from soc.ietal expecuuions; indeed. it ha~ bee n &.riled to "being sin gle on Noah's Ark .~ A single lIluh mmll confront the inaccuralc view that he or thr to; all>."3)'5 lonely, is a workaholic. is immature, IIId i.~ automati c'llly anluenl. Th ese stercolypcs kip support Ihe tlO.ldilional a~ Ulnptioll in the Vnittd States and mo!>t other societies that to be M happy and fulfilled, a person mU.~ 1 gel marritd and raiSl:' :l famil y (Carga.l1 and ~klko , 19CJ I ).

    Mcnrding to estimates. lesbialls and gay men topht-rcorutitUlc perhal>S 10 pcrce lll of the nation 's lation. l11eir lifestyles "":11)' greatly. Some li ....e , uthel1i with roommates. Some live in 1011g. monogmllous relationships with a lover and ... rhildren from rormer m:u-riagcs. OlhCI1i n:'n married and have 110\ publicly acknowledg(.'d homosexuali ty. 1bt- 1990 census ......"s the first that attemptcd tQ ate lhe number of gay households in th(' cl. State.~. Some 88.200 gay male cOl1ples and lesbian couples sc lr-idc llIificd as living tor. but census officials acknowledge tha t these In uudcrrcpol'l lhe actual numbers 01 gay and . 1 couples. T he5C census respondt: nts \\'cre

    round to have more years or rormal schooling and higher incomes than their hetemsexual counlCrparLS (Usdansky. 1993a). TIle con te mporary gay liberation moveme nt has given an increasing number o f lesbians and g'"d)' males the support toO proclaim their sexual and affec tional orientation. Cay ac tivis t.~ ,,ere dist.ressed in 19A6 when;t divided Supreme Coun ruled , by a S-4 vote, that the Co nstillltion does not protect homosexual rcl<ltions bct,veen consenting adults, even Ivithin the priV"dCY or their own ho mes. Nevenhl.."less, as of mid- I993, at least 19 states (8 through legislation and I1 through execu l.ive orders or interpretations or civi l St:1 '\<icC rules), the Oisl lic t of Columbia, and Jig cities a nd counties had adopted law~ or policies that provide varying degrees or civil righ ts protection for lesbians and bray men ( Ilrlrvrml UIW RMliew, J 993: 1908). Cay acthist organizado ns e mphasize Ih.u Icsbian and gay male couples arc prohibited frOIll marrying-and the refore from gaini ng ll7lditional partnership benefits-in all 50 states. Consequcntly, wi1J, , uch inequities in mind, ceHai n municipalities have been ('llcouraged to pass legislation ur <ldopt exccutive orde rs to provide benefits la ~dol11esti c partners. ~ Under slIch policic'I. a domes tic partlIership may bc defined as ~ two unrelat ed adults who have chosen to sha re onc anot her's lives in a relationship or mlLltIal c.lIing. who reside together. and agree 10 be joimly respon~ible ror their depc nde ll LS. b;L~ic living expenses. and othel' comm011 n ecessi tie5.~ While the most passionatc 5UppOrt for domestic partnership legislation has come !"mm lesbian and gay activists, only aOOul 40 percent or Ihose whose Jong-term lcI:l1ionships would qualiry th e m as domestic partn e rs a rc gay. The vast majority of those eligi hle rur such benefit.~ wOll ld bt' cohabiting heleroscxual couples (Oitwo;dol'f, 1990:(;; Isaacson, 1989). While various munici palities have passed do mestic parlncl1ihip legislation, sllch proposals cOlllinllc LO fa ce strong opposition from consen'ati\'c religions and po litical groups. In the view uf opponents, SlIppOI1 for domestic partnership unde rmines lhe hislOl'ic societal prclc rc nce for the nuclear rami ly. Advocates o f domestic p:lnn c rship coullte r lh;lt such relationships fulf1ll the same functions for the individuals in\'oh'ed llnd rlw'\Oci, t:ty as the traditional famil y and should er-uoy lhe samc legal protectiQlls and benefits. As onc meil-

    381
    fI/WUII 13 JlII: JoA .\J/J I

    Soml! /llbl(lI! and gay colI/I/a hiM jlJitwl in /onna/ "rOlllm;lm~1!1

    t:t;TI'mQllit!S. " Etaillt' Alhu"' alld G.11rt

    EiJis,

    .(}wunl klgtlMr HI IhiJ piuJfopplt.

    I!x(hu"gnilJQUlJ ulld ""P and CI/J. wtdding rnke ~/O" l OO /rinuis Q IIod fimll/y 1M:lflbrrs /11 11 parlll1l Oa.UrllwL Clliijomi(l.

    sure of the contin uing controversy\ domcstic pa n nership ordinance passed in San Fr.mcisco in 1989 was narrowly overturned by vOIers in a refere ndum lale r that year. During the mas.~ive 1993 gay rights march in Washington, D.C.-involving h undreds o f thousa nds or gay men . lesbia ns, a nd thei r supponers some 1500 homosex ual couples participa tcd in a mass wedding. While thesc vo~ were not legally binding. lllallY participants clearly \~cwed thcir relationships as lifelong comm itme nts. "My pare nt.. were togewer for 30 yc.u'S. Palrick's have bee n Ur gcther almost as lon g," noted CI'aig Dean. who establ ished the Equal Marriage Rights Fund wi th his love r, Patrick Gill, arte r they were deni ed a marriage lice nse in 199 1. "Wc \\~dnt to continuc to live our lives that wa)': concluded Dean . Not long after this march, the prospecLS ror legalization or bra)' marriages improved somewhat. In May 1993, Hawaii 's highest coun ruled that the state 's ban on samc-sex un ions p ro bably vio lates the stale constitution. This decision co uld pave the way ror lesbian and gay couples to IClrdll), marry in I-Iaw:tii and o Lher states (Salho lz. 1993).

    40s will comple tc their childbearing years without having borne any chihlren. A.. many a... 20 percnu or women in their thirties expC<:t to remain childless ( Burea u orllle Ce nsus, 1991e: 12). Childlessness within ma rriage has gellerally bttn viewed as a proble m Ihat can be solved through suc h means a.~ adoption a nd artificial inseminatil1n. Some couples, however, choos/! nOI to have childrt'n and regard themselves as child-free, nOt childltM. They do Jlot believe that having children aUtOllldl ica lly rollows rrom marriage, nor do they feel du, re production is the duty of all married couples. Economic co nsidcmtio ns have conu'ibutcd to this shift in aUilllcies; having c hildre n has become quite ex pe nsive. According to a gO\'cmll1cnt l'!iti mate in 1992, the averJ.ge middle-class ramil)' \l'iU spe nd 5 128,670 to rced , clothe, and shelter a child rrom binh to age 17. Ir the ch ild attends col1egC'. that amount could do uble, depending on the c<* lege c hose n. With slIch finan cial pressllres ill mind, somc couples a rc having fewer ch ild ren than tht'\ o thc m'isc might , and othcrs arc we ighin g lhe ad "antages or a c hild-rree marriage (Department nI Agriculture, ] 992) .

    ..................9. ..........................................................

    Marriave without Childre n

    . ~.~ .~.~~~.~.~ ..~~~.~!~.......... . .......... ............ ~.~.

    H ..._

    There has been a modest increase in c hild lessness in the United States. According to dat.l rrOm the 1990 census, about 16 pe rcent or women in their

    S;"gft:-parc,,' fami/il!$, in whic h (he re is o nly onc par. e nt present to Cilre ror the children , can hardJ)'oc viewed as a rarity in the United States. As noted l'lr.

    382
    I',.,I/'/' f,()1l1/ SOCJAI. IN!JTrrVI10VS

    lier in the chapter. as of 1992, about 18 pcrcent of White famili es, 3 1 percent of Hispan ic families, and 53 percCIll of African Amcrican families werc headed by a single parent. Rece nt data show a sharp decline in the proportion of women who Illarry to ill(lid an out-of-wedlock firsl birth. from 52 percent III the early 1960s to 27 percent in the early 1990s (Bllfeau of the Census. 1993a:56: Norton and \tiller, 1992:4). Whether judged in economi c or emotional tenns, the lives of si ngle parcnts and their children iIft not inel~t.,bly more difficu lt than life in a tr'ilditional nuclear family. 11 is as inaccurate 10 assume [hal a sin gle-parent f'lmily is necessa rily "deprived ~ ;1.., it is to assume that a two-parelll filmil}' is al\\-.lYS ~cure and happy. Nel'erthelcss, life in a si ngle-partl1[ family can be ex tremely sli"t:ssflll. Ronald I-I,Ly lins, director of tllc Child Development Institute :11 the University of North Carolina , obscrves: ~ It's a hig :Hld risky undertakin g when so many parents IT'! to mise so many children alone ( Mann.
    M

    1'~62).

    111ere is a clear association be tween the in crease in (amilies headed by sin gle mothers and tllC felllmir.aOon of poverty (see Chapter 8). Falllilie!; ht';!cled by divorced or never-married mothers rcprt."..cnt the fas lcsl"grmvi ng segment of the female pllor, TIle economic problems of single mothers re,nIt from such factors ; L.. sex discrimination in th e

    paid labor force, the high costs of child care, inadequate welfare benciits, and rathers' failure 10 pay court-ordered child suppOrt, A family headed by a si ngle moth er faces especially difficult problems when the mother is a tcenager. According to a study released in 1985 and updated in 1989 by the AJan Guttmacher In stitute, teenagers in the United States become pregnant, givc binh, and have abonions at much highcr rates than adolescents in almostllll}' other industrialized nati on. And the United States is the on lydcveloped cou ntry in ".. hich pregnancy amo ng teenagers h,u been on the lise in recent years. Man}' adults with traditional attitudes toward sexualilY and family life havc suspected tlmt tllC availability of birth control and sex education in tll e United States and other developed countri es leads to increases in pregnancy among teenagers. However, the researchers point O Ul that the lolloest idles of pregnancy amo ng teenagers are found in countries with liberal attiHides to ....'<Ird sex, ea'iily accessible birth control se,vices fOI" young people, and comp.'chensive sex education pl"Ograms (Bro7,.."lIl , 1985: Hcnshaw and Van Von, 1989; E. J ones et aI., 1985, 1986). Why might low-income Lcenagc ....omen wish lO havl' children and face the obvious financial difficuhit.'li of rnOLhcrhood? Viewed from an intei.tCtionist perspective, these women tend to have low seU :..csteern and limited options; a child may pro-

    III tM U,.iW S/,lItJ, a growmg . Im>porliort DJ siNgu mol/l~ art Idutattd WOme"l"l with n/(mghji,m,u:ml
    rtSQ1lrrtl

    la ruppqrt u child Till/hard

    (lJsislom:t from u Iwsikmd.

    383
    CI'iV~/J:H

    I J "1"111. ffll,lJfI"

    I'i<l<: a sell!oe of mOlil'Ol.t;on ;me! purpose for '" trtnagcr whose economic wOl"lh in our society is limited a t best Given the ba rriers that lUa ny yuung \\'o me n faec because of thei r gender, met!. et hn icity, a nd class, m a n )' tee nagers m ay bel ie\'c tha t they have little to lose and mllch to gain by having a child. In a 1988 survey of 13,000 Itig1t school sophomores from \~uied economic backgrounds, Qnc out of fou r said that ..he would consider hal'ing a child if she became pregnant while un married, A fo llowup study showed that tJlcse respondellls were two to th ree times morc likely than their reluctan t peers 10 actually have beco me 1Il00hers (Abr.l ham~e Cl a.l ., 1988; V. Alexander et a l., 1987: GimcllC1., 1987: ZeInick and Young. 1982). It sho uld be noted, howe\'cr. that ~ i ng1e mothers in the Uni ted S ta le~ are not neccssaril) young or poor. A small but gro\ving proportion of single 1Il00hers arc ed ucated women with enough financial reso u rce.~ 10 support a child .....ithout :I'ISiSlancC" Irom a h usbancl. Uy 1993, mort_' than 6 perc(.'nt o f si ngle mothers were college-cd uca ted and more Ih:1II 8 percen t .....er( employed in profCssionaljobs:

    both figures .....ere double those of only IU }'eaI"H-. lier. Wh ile these pelcentages remai n small, it nf"\e' thelcss a ppears Illat Ina lTiage .. nd motherhood:ut no lo nger inelitably lin ked in the m in{L~ of i1 uc lIl women. Conseque ntly. soc iologist Lun Bum pass has asked: "Wh .. t is uniquely associa!tti \\ith being married? In our culture it was seXII~ prhilegc, co-residence, having c hildrclI . We're ~ ing each of those tnld itional benefits of mama,: bci llg progressi\'ely scparnted" (Ingrassia, 1993:;,8) \"'h ile 86 percent 01 single pare nts in lhe Uniled Stmes are mothers, lhe nu mber of househuldt. headed by single lalhers has doubled o\'er tht" f riod 1980 to 1 9Y~ . The stereotypes of single l'athm are that they ra ise on ly boys o r on ly older childrrn. In faeL. abolll 44 pe rcen t of c hildre n Ih~ng in 'iUdI hOU M!holds a rc I-,';rls. while almo~t onc-third of . . KIt! fathers care 101 prcsc hoolcrs. Whereas singk ' mothe l"!! orten dc\-clop socia.l lIt:lwork.~ , si ngle bthen; arc typically more isolated . In addition, the,,must deal ""itlt hooh a ud social se rvice age-new, Illore :Iccustomed to wome n as c ustodial parentl (D . .I ohnson. 199~).

    DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
    Why is it dink,,!! tu measure precisely the prevaICll ct" of domestic vio le nce in the Un ited States? I low do con nic t tJleorislS view domestic violence? In what W:I}"S may intervention in cases of domestic \'iolence draw 011 all interaclionist appro<lch?

    television rep0l"l('r wcars 10Il g-slee\'cd , highcollared blo uses to hide he r bm ises. Her husband, a businessman. fn:quc ntly b<lHcr~ her body but never touches her fa ce. The reponer once filed chargt..'s against h im hili la ter dropped them out of lear that the beating miglu become public knowledge. Oc;:idre still has painful flashbacks a hotH Iter al}U~ i ve stepfathe r. T he smell ora count.ry barn or lhe seen t of the aftershave he used lO wcar brill!;,'), it all hack: how he forced he r to ha\'e sex with h im at

    the f,uni ly's rum.l home. Deidrc's mother \\" sick; as her slcp fathe r made the child belicve th .. t her mo ther would die i f~he told her the tn ltlt (CJIII/If iug 'l'ime.5, 198 1; R. Watson , 1984:32). Wife batleting. chi ld abuse, abuse of the e l dt'r~, ami other forms 01 domestic violence .. re all l.p reality of fa mily life in lhe Un ited St.1lcs. In a scn'J(, domc~ti c violt: ncc begins even beforc m l.lrria~ in the forl11 of viole nt be h a\~or wi th in dating ;lI\d courtship relaliolls ld ps. Acco rding to a 1990 re,itI! or recent research , while there has Ix:~n great \..riancc from survey 10 survey. as many as 67 percent of high school and college students ha\'c repon(d that thc), have been the victims of such attacks. Aa wi l h o tl ler forms of a bu!.C, victims of cOllrtship lioknce are reluctant to tell others itbout t.heir cxpt'rietlccs; if they do. they typically L l thcir pt'C'1l el flllJlcr than their parents or teachers. This lack of cady inten'Clllion is especially regrettable, ~i ncc

    384
    /'lln"o("H \0(111 1\'\"1"'11"1"11)\'"

    Itudies of battered women in shelters indicate that ;1 percent have been p hysically abused in ear lier dating relationshi ps (Ccllcs and Com ell ,

    1990,65-661.
    In

    Violence during daling resembles oth er assaulL'I that it may involve push ing, sla pping, punch ing, hitting with a weapon, and choking, Yet illi conse quences dilTcr in one importallt respect: assau lts or rapes by st'-,lIIgcrs leave victims W"'drr o f being alone, bill rape by an acquai ntance often causes the vic tim 10 become fearful of trusting someone again or fonning close relationships, According to victim ization surveys, onc-third of victims o f repo n ed rapes identify the ;utacker as an acquaintance or d.lte (Makepeace. 1986). It is difficult to mea.'Iure precisely the pre\l3lence of domestic violence. since many victims are rcluc IIDI to call th e police or bri ng charges against fam ,~ members, With so many cases remaining unre poned, researchers lind h di nicult to delelln ine i"hether the level of domestic viole nce in the l'nited States is increasing or decreasing. $lUdies 6nd thal 20 to 40 percent of couples seeking di \"(lITe cite ~ ph ys i ca l a bu se~ as the ir maj or complai nt. lIhile married couples who arc not contemplating M"Orce n:pon a similar incidence of violence. \loreO\"er, consistently throughout the 1970s and 1!I8O$, 34 percent o f an remale murde r victims in tM United Stales-more than 2800 a year-were killed by members of their own families. Family vi llll'nce, of course, is a worldwide p roble ll1 ; it can be eo;pccialJy harsh in societies Ihat devalue particular lOOllbe:rs or the family circle. such as child ren bol"ll outside or marriage. stepchildren, disabled chi ldrl'lI. fe male babies. o r wives in general (Gelles :me! CumI'll, 1990:28-3 1, 67-68; Celles e t al., 1988; T. Itmdall, 1990b:940; Stocks, 1988). Asof l 992, research ers offered til e following gen mlillllions concerning do mestic violence in the linited States (Psychology Today, 1992:22): , Domestic violence is evident among evel)' racial ~nd ethnic group and socioeconomic class. Pll\"5.ical abuse is the leading cause of injury 10 \lllmen. , One out of every twO women will find herself in I baltering relationsh ip a1 some li me in her life. In 70 percenl or cases in"oh~ng wife ballering. il i.sthe abuser-the husband -who is gran1.ed cus tod~ of the ch ildre n.

    ShoWf'l is Carolyll SuumnB &pp of Hawaii, Miss Arnmca of /992, as sh,

    is bring ("I'fJWfltd by a jor.",., Min Ammm. A.ft~ brnJrrri'lg Mi.u AI1IC1((J, Sapp l/xh oo/l/rtmgly againll domes/it viukrltl! (HId n:uMltd 11101 shr. hnvlj had twn baltertd by a fooM!'
    Im~.

    A person is nine times more likely to be killed in a family relationship than on the streets. The silUation of ooltel'ed women is so inlOlerdble dUll it has been compared to that of prison inmates. Cli minologist NOg"d Ami (1991) illten~ewed battered women at <I shelu:r in Ismel and found that their day-to-day lives with tJleir husbands o r lovers had many eleme nts oflife in :1n oppressh'e tOlal in slitu l.ion, as described by Erving GoITman ( 1961) . Physical barriers are placed upon these women; compulsory confi ne me nt to their homes damages their self-esteem and limits their abilily lO cope ""ith repealed abusc. Moreover, as in a total inslitution (refer back 10 Chapler 4), battered women are CUI off from ex terna] sources of p hysical and emotional

    385
    CJ-V"l"r'.R 13 1"111- l-i \MII. t' :

    I \HLt 1 1-1

    fIft StiepI to . . . . . Dg

    ttk:

    VIaItace

    I . Elimil'lO/e the norms that legitimize ..;otence ill society and the family. The elimination of $pOnking 05 a chi!d-roising tech"ique. Qun contralta gel deadly weapons out of the home. rhe elimination of rh, dealh pttl'lQlty, the elimination of corporal punishment in schools. and the elimination of media violence ore 011 neceuary steps.

    2. Reduce violen~ovaldn9 .tress created by society. Reducing poverty. inequality, and unemployment and providil\9
    adequole housing, nutrition, mediool and dental oore, and educational opporfunilies could reduce streu in Iomilies.

    3. Infegrate families in/o a ",,1wOI' 01 families and the oommvnily. Reducing social isolation could reduce ,treM and Ibe ability of families to manage stress.

    increo~

    4. Change the sexisl choroctar of society. Sexual inequality, perhaps more than economic inequality, makes violence possible in the home. The elimination 01 the separation of men's work from women', work would be 0 major step toward equality inside and outside the home.

    S. &80' the cycl. of violence in the family. Violence cannot be PflltYented os long os we ore lought rhot iI is acceptable 10 hi!
    rhe people we love. Physical punishfTMInt of children is pet'haps the masl effective means af teoching violence, and .Iiminating il would be on Important slep in violence prevention.

    assistance and moral ~upporl. In Avni's view, society could more effectively aid victims or domestic violence ir the csselllial imptisollmcnt or these women were better undcntood. In thc Unitt!d States. thc family can be a dangerous place nut only for women but also for children a nd Ihe elderly. In 1992,2.9 million cases of child abuse were reponed to statc and local authorities. According to Lhe National Committee for Pre\"ention of Child Abuse (1993), about 1300 children in the United StaleS die annually a~ a resuh of ;ilmsc or neg-lec!. It is estimated that between 4 and JO pt'rcent or older people ill the United States have suffered from physical abuse, verbal abusc, or neglect. 11 Ulese findings arc generalize d across the nation , by 1995 there will be about 1.3 to 3.4 million abused elderly people in the United States. In general. as is Ime of wire beating and child abuse, the number of reported cases of abuse of the elderly is undoubtedl), well below the actual incide nce. As a result or growing public concern, legislation in many states has redefined the concept of ~ domestic violence~ to indude abuse of the elderly as \,>,ell as child abuse and violence between spouses or lovers (Gclles and Cornell, 1990:102; Rosado, 1991). Viewed from a conflict pcr.lpecrive, domestic viI> lence should be seen in terms of dominance and control. It is one means by which men rcinforce their power over women and adults reinforce their power O\'er child ren . Nevertheless, dcspite the obviolls in-

    III 199), sociologist Richard Gl'11d mifli,.,lIffl filiI' Itllfrorlnlll ways 10 fJmNIIl '/fJlllf!.flic vio/nfu. ThiS "u)(kl was firsl {fftSffllffl ill 198U fry Gelk.~ (md hiJ (olittlgut> MWTO)' .litmus (Hul Suzamu SII'III"U/%,

    equities in domestic violencc cases, victims of such a.~sauhs arc OtiCI! accused or ~asking ror~ or prO\'ol ing ule abu.')ivc OChavior. This i~ a classic example 01 "blaming Lhe victim" lor the misdeeds or others (reIl-I" back to Bux 8-2 on page 227). In the cast: or",ift bC.lting. 101 cx.lIl1ple, reminists and ct,rnl!icl uleorisl!o e mphasilc tb;1I blaming the victim is but. another reflection uf IlI cn 's power over women (K. Quinn et al .. 19IH:2; SlcL~ and Pirug-Good. 1987). Inte rvention in cases or domestic violcnce mon' drdw on an intcractionist appro.."lch by attcmptJlJ~ tu bolster the ~elf-esteelll 01 victims. Exisling pmgr.:tllls dcaling with wife heating avoid telling tilt: women what t.o do: in~t ead. they help them to...,. sess their interual stre ngths, and they provide Ill' ronnation about aVdilable rCSQurces. COUIlSf:\on. typically believe that the remale victim should nO! blame herselr or excuse lhe offender. When wOrl ing with men who arc bauerers. counsclors tn courage thclll to accept. responsibility ror theirvhl< lent behavior and to learn o ther, nonabusi\'t "''''' or communicati ng thcir fcelin~ (c. Anderson and Rouse, 1988: 139). What call be done to prevent domestic violence! Some sociologists argue that a basic attack 00 courtship and family violence must invoh"e a ch

    386
    /'AI/'/ fnU1/ SOO"'/. ' ....STlTuno....\

    tenge LO lhe glorification of violence which per\-ades o ur society (sec Table 134) . This could include reducing the number 01 television progr.ulIs dnd motion pict llres with vio lelll lhemes, as well as "utlawing use of corporal punishmelll in schools UalTc Cl a l. , 1990; ~kCormi ck, 1992). Numerous decisions by federal courts h ave held that the domestic relalions of husband and wife, as well as parent and child, arc not a malter of federal Jurisdiction. Consequently, in tenus of social policy, domestic violence has been addressed pdmarily on the stale and local levels. Over the pasl.. 20 years. spurred in good part. by th e activism of the feminiS I IfKWClllcnt, th ere has been increasing pressure on police officers, j udges. and othel' crimi n al juslice 0 1 fKials 10 treat domestic \~oleTlce as a serious crime. M.!.ny state and lOCal go\'em nll'n ts have increas<.d tUlluing for she lle r'! 101' bauen:d women, telepholle hot lines" to asSI~t victims of r'lpt :Illd dOlll esti c vi ,)kncc. and o ther social SCIyiLCS thal will reduce as""lilt' within thl' r.mlily (Malillowski. 1990).

    Despite suc h advances, lhe magnilude 0 1 the problem remains distressing. Sociolugist Murray SII'aUS has estimated that at least B million people in the Un ited Stales arc assaulted cvcry year by fmll ily mcrnbcrl'i. Some form of violence OCClU'S in 25 pel'cent of aU marriages. Of those women needing emergency surgery procedures.::1I least onc in evcry fivt:--.'lnd perhaps onc in every t1u 'ee-is a victim of domestic violence (K.antrowitl. 1988:59; T. Randall , I 990a:939; sce a lso M. StrduS and Gelles, 1990). With such data in mind. in 1992 the American MediC\1 Association ( 1992) recommended that physicians rOutlllel), screen their Icm,lle patients for illdications of dOIl1t:stic violence. Nuting the widespread den ial a n d apathy concerning assaulLS within tht: fa mily, 1)1'. Anton ia Novellu, thell surgeon general of the United States, stated: - I lhillk the lime has come to t..'1kc the i!.Sue o f domestic vio lence ou t of the shadows and Ollt uf th e clo~ct" (Ni'lo York Timtl, 1992c:A26)_

    &UMMARY
    Thr [alllily, although il has many v;uying fonns . is presnltlu all humall cultures. TIlis chapler ('xamillcs the ItUI" of'marriage and the ramily in the Uniled State! ;md rontiders alternatives to the tr.tdilional nuclear ffunily.
    I n\('re are many variatiolls in tlte farnily from culture IIHulturc and e\'en with in the g.'Ulle culture. t I he slructure of lhe nUmded family c m oner certain IdQnmges over thal of the nI/dear family. \lIciologiSIS art nOI agreed 011 whether the tgalitarhas repla(;cd tllc patriarchal fillllily as llle sodal ... 111 (11 the United St:.Itcs. \OCiologists have ideutificd six I),'bic fllllo ions " I the r.ti1), reproducl,ion. protection. SOI..i" l j/~HiulI. I'q~ula. IIlIIl uf 'Cxual behavior. companiumhip. and the pruvid. .. Or social status. l Currently. the II1~Orily of all nmrricd wuplcs in the I.!lIitrd Scues ha\'(' IWO pan.IlC~ aclll'c in Ihe paid 1oll)Or

    Cl'prance of divorce and the libcmlit:rtion of divorce laws in rn;UlY states. 8 More and more people are Ih'il1g logNher without marryi ng, thereby eugaging in what is called rohabitati,,". 9 11 is difficult tu measure prt.""<:isely Ihe pre"alcllcl' of domestic violence. since manyviClillls;m: rduct<lllltn cal l policr: vr bring charges agai llu famil y llIelllbcrl'i.

    -f-ri"

    I." the Ullilc<i St:nes. mere is (;onsidcmble Val'i:.lioll In

    11 family life associaled with social class. racial, and ethlit drlfercnees. , "nlons the faclOr! which eOLwibute 10 the ri~illg di,...(t ratt" in the Uuiled SCHes arc lhe gre;rlcr soci,ll ae

    During the !!I\:!2 prcsidcnti;\1 campaigll. lhel'c \\'a~ sutNi:llItial discu~sioll of "family values." Wltat doc~ tlti ~ tcrm illean lO )flU? Why "~IS it us...:d by candidates dmillg , \11 d t'Clioll rea r? Arc there "~d)'S ill "'hich gOH'nllllelll shou ld act to stre ngthclI fami ly life in Ihe Unie.e d SliIlO? Shuuld gO\'l'rnmenl aCI to promote the IraditiOllal nuclear family model? Or should il gh'e cqual ~ upport to .dl t)'pcs of families, inc1udillg single-pUl'clll households :lIld fami lies headed by g-dy and lesbian p.areuls? 2 An increasing proportion of couplcs in the United States are adopting a dual-career Iirt-"Sf}le. Whal aft' the a(I\':lIltagcs and dis:ldvantages 01 the dlml-career model fol' \\'omen. for men. for children. and for the society as a whole? 3 Given ule high rate 01 dh'oree in the Uniu'd Slales.

    387
    CIIM~/"'.R

    I) TIll!. fAMII)

    is it lIIure appro p ri,Ht: 10 \'ic.-w d ivo rce as d )'sfun Clio na l l,l l' as ,t ' II UI111:.1" p:lI t o f o llr mll n i:tge syste m? \Vha" <l rc tJle implications or';ewing dh'Orce ;1 1101 5 'mOlI lalh er dla n as rlysl I mc t iunn l?

    KEYTERMS
    Adop tioll III a k1f,1 sense , :, p rocess tha l allOI'os for the tra nsfer u l th l.' legal lighLS, responsibilities. a nd plililef.:t.~ or parent hood rrom legal p:lrcll t.s 10 ne\\' 11.'g;11 pa rl.' n t.~. (pagc 37 1) Bilatllral descel1 t A kinsh ip sYSlem in wh ich bo th sides or a pc~n 's rami!) are rega rded as eq uall)' iml)Q1"ta1l1.
    (3&1)

    N eolocal A p,"IUe rn of reside nce in which ;, 1I1arritd couple CSlablis hes a 'Cp;II~HC residence. (364) Nur:ltar f a mily A marri ed couple ;lIld their unl1l~~ c hildren Jiving togelhe r. (36 1) Patriarchy A society in I~ hic h men a rc ex pected Iu d o miualc ramil )' d ecisio n making. (365) Palrili nta l descenl A kinship srste m wh ich f:ll'Or< tilt" rc1:Hi\C5 of t.he faul er, (36'1) Pal ,.i{ocal A patte nl o f res ide nce in wh ich a mamtd couple lh'cs with th e hush;md's p a "c n t..~. (364) Poly alldry A fOlnl o f polygam y in wh ich a womall (~ have sc\'cml h usbands a t the smile lime. (363) Polyga my A form of marriage ill which an in d i~'idl.lil can ha\'c wI'eral husbands or wives si nllllt,1I1ooU:I'"
    (362)

    Coh abita tiOIl The pmc tice o r lil'i ng toge ther;lS a mak... fcmale couple I\;thout marrying. (380) Domestic parlll e,.ship T wo u nrelilwd adul t.s who h:I\'e (""h()<!('n to sh:u 'c o n c :IIIQt h(:r's livc( in a I'e liltio nsh ip ~ 'I UHHU,tI cal"in!\". who reside togct her. an d ag ree to be J~linlh Icspollsiblt, ror th dr dcpen(\clll.l., ba.!.ic Ihing expcllxS. a n d o ther comm on llect.'5$lIi l.'s. (38 1) Egat.'taritlll family An a mho ri ty p:l rtcrn in wh ich the <l<llIh membc ls 01 the f:l m ily arc regard ed as e<luals.
    (jO':'J

    Polygy " y A foml o f polygamy i n wh ich a h usband (M havc seve ra l wi\'e~ a t the same ti me. (363 ) Seria l monoga my A fo nn of ma rriage in which a ])fl"' son ca n ha\'c SC\'e ral sPOU in his Qr her lifetimf'flUl St.'s can have o nl y Qne spouse at a time. (362) Si"glep a,.ent [ amities F;u n ilics in "'hic h the re i, onlr one parent pre se n t to care ro r ch ild re n. (382) Socia l illstitu tioll$ O rg-dllilt.,<1 p.Ittc m s o f beliefs and ' beha"io r cen tered 01 1 basic snciaJ needs. (357)

    Ell dogmrry Thc restric tio n of ma te scle(\ion to people wi th in the S:UlIC: group. (3G7) Exugamy The rcqui!'c mc lI l that pcople sd ecl males outside cen:un groups. (367) Extlllld ed family A la mily in wh ich rclati\'es in addi tio n 10 p:' re nt~ and c hildrel1-M lc h as grdl1d p:ln:l lls, :um ts. ur unclcs- Ih'c in lilt: !kune ho me, (361) Family A St!1 ofpeopk rd.lted by blood , m:lIri ...sc (or son ic orher "s rced-u ]li)!l rc!a tionsh ip ). o r ad o p tion 1\ hu sh,lre the re-'>pu nsibilit)' for rc producing :!IId carinl( (01 mcmbcn of ~iety. (36 1) I",:elt tab oo T Ill' pro hi bitio n of !.c.lHI;, 1 relationshi ps b l' I \\Ct' l\ u:rtai n Cll liu rH lI y specined r<:1a tl l'<..s, (367 ) ' XiI/ship llU' sla le o f b<:"ing rci Ht cd 10 o th t rs. (3tH) Marital p ower A Il'l"In u~<I by Rlood and \\'olfc to d ..... scribe thc ma nlie r in \\'hieh rle cisin n making i~ distrib ut ed withi n r:u llilies. (300) Mat,.iarr:h y Asociel), in whid l women domi nate in fa nliI)' d t.'cisio ll maki ng, (36.=;) Mat,.Uineal del ctmt A ki n ~ h i p $)"S rl' lII wh k h f:m.)I"i th e rda rj\"cs of l!i c mother. (;!fi<I) Matrilocal A (Xttlern of res idcnc(' in whic h a mar ried couple Ihes I\; th the ",;fe'~ p.. 1r(,I1\.). (364) h10 /l ogamy ,\ fO l"ln of marriage ill wh ich o ne wo ma n ,111 <1 1,1111.' ma n a rc ma rrit.'tl o n ly to ellch o ther. (362)

    ADDITIONAL READINGS
    Blu lllSlein . Philip , and Pe pper Sdl\,~,lI"l1.. " mmr.arr 0. pks: MOlley, 1\'0 ,*, Sex. :-Jew York: Mo r l"Ow. 1983. An __ bitio us e xa minatio n o f co upl es in the UllilC Stale" d ma rried. CO habitin g , lesbi;Ul , and g:ly 111 ;11, . C he rlill, Alldrew (t:d ,), 'rh, Ciumgillg Ammum ff.l,"j~ ,"; I'II-biir I'u"cy. Was hi ngto n . D.e.: Urba n Im tilllu: p,~ 1988. A collectio n o f artid c~ cou.)idering th ~ link belwce n pu blic po licy :lIId I:II11il),.. rda tcd issul'S in tM
    L n itl't\ S tat es. Ge lles. Richa rdJ .. :Uld C lall"C I'edrkk C.... rne ll. 111/1",",,"

    ill I;"tmrilltl (2d cd .). Newbll lY Pa rk, Ctlif.: ~ 1990. All CJ(amill:uion o f all a.~PC(t.) o r d o rnCSlir 'i()o le nce, incl ud ing rCI'ic\\'S of researc h a ll incidentt. FOI a ~il1l i b r a na l ~"Sill. sce M. Str:IUS a nd Gelles, 1990. Gooclc. WiIliam J. WQl"ld CJlmt/,,~ ill l)i"ol"(1' Pflllmu. '\f'II H:l\'en, Conll.: Yal (' U ni vl'rsil), P rc ~. 1993. All eKillIll"' na tio n o r CUI're nt trends in dhurcc in Arab and iW;ur fl) un lli es a nd eastern Europe, as \\"CI I as L:llin Arutt". iC:l a nd We ~ ! (' rn Eu ro pe. Grd l. Art hur L NoI Ytt I"Trall l, !"cw Bnmswick. 'lJ RUl gef5 Universi ty P res.~, I9'-J I. A !>OCiological an;m<;tt o f the impaCt of infe rti lity o n a cuu ple's m'lITiagc m:I their re la lio nshi ps with relatives and fri e nds.
    Oft'llrfl

    J88
    "Mr( f"OfJR . <;,()Q \I
    J.v.\T"'VI1U,\'~

    Hrru. Rosanna. Mort Equaf Than Olhns: Womnr fwd Me/r


    .. Ihlfll-Carm- Mfl rrillgts. Ik rkc1ey: Unive l""silY of Cali-

    fornia l' reM. 1986. A study of th e Ih'es of dU:II-carcer wrporate cou ples in !H different organi".uioIl5 in the Oiil:ago IIlctTo}Xllitall area. SlIl.an, Darna N. l:tnte li, alld Helen HOO L.,mans.
    DwU-t:armr f amilia: ilrln71alionllf Pn-sjNcliw.J. Newb ury hrL. Calif.: S.1ge, 199 1. A concise ex,uninOl tion of dualrarnerfamilies in th e U nite d States, Great Bri tai n , th e ~hCrlilJl(.Is, ilndJapan . I. W. Habc nSlc in . and Roose\'CIt \\iright.Jr. (eds.). Elhllir: Fmtti/ia in Am.erica: " allt:rnS 1111(/ I'lfMhoru (Bd cd.). New York: Elscvic r, 1988. A coli eclion of articles o n the nUlIily Ih'cs of va rious r.lcial and tlbnic groups ill t.he Vn il(.d St.1H..S. includi ng h a lian ' _rifailS. Greek Americans. ,111(\ hish Ame ricans. SIC\'en, and Sus:ln Ke llogg. /)omt!slir NIfI}()fllliolll: A Stool Hijlftry of Amt"rium Famify tif', New Yo rk: Free

    PrCM, 1988. A hiMOri,1II and a n :lllIhrol)Ologist look. al c hanges in family tife in the United Slates o\'er the last four centuries; they conclud e thal this social institu tion has c ha nged dramatically in its stnlClure, role, a nd conception. Wcil7.ma n, Lcno rc J. The Divorce / (J:vo/lllirm: The UI1t'XjJutf Sor:jfli and Enmolllic Om~jt11CQJqr WOIllf71 alld Chifdmi in Ameriro. New York: Free Press. 1985. A sociological exam ina tiOIl of Ihe imp';lc l of 1H)flll1l( dh'o,'ce la ws on custody armngemcntll and propeny ScltlcmetlL\.

    Among the joumals focusing on the family a rc Fam if)' l'U:mniflg Pm/JtivtS (founded in 1969), Family l (Pfa/iQ/M ( 1951). b,l",wtiOlwf Family Plmm;IIg l'm/lffiiTItS ( 1975), jOllmal of Fam ify / SlutS ( 1980), :lt1d j Oll.maf oJ Ma rriagf amf the Family ( 1938).

    389
    ClfIW/HI /J THE I'AMII.Y

    / .....................===I=Z:$::====.................... .

    I.:

    ..............................................................................

    RELIGION

    OURKHElM AND TI{.E

    DcnOlllinations

    SOCIOLOGICAL APPROACH TOREUGIO N


    fllNGrIONS OF REUGION The illtcgr.lli\'c ).' un ction o f Re ligion Rclil,oion and Social Control: The Marxist Critique Religion a nd Social Support Re ligion a nd Social C ha nge: The Wcberian Thesis

    Se<U
    Cul ts Comp.. ring Fonm of Religiou!! , OI'g<lniz3tion

    RELIGION IN THE UNITED STATFS Ikliefs and Practices Resurgen t J-' undamcnlalism J e ....s in the Un ited Statt."S SeCL~ and CUllS in the United States

    OlMENSIONS OF RELIGION nclicf


    Ritual Experience

    SOClAl POUCY AND REUGION: RELIG ION IN THE SCHOOLS


    BOXES 14- 1 Around the World: LibcrnLion

    ORCANlZATION OF RELlGIOUS
    BEHAVlOR Ecclesiae

    Theology 14-2 E\cl)'day Behavio r. Wome n in the Clergy

    391

    C ongress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof
    Firslltmmdment um.s/ilulion of Ih~ Unilid Slnlt 5, 1787

    R eligion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, lhe feelings of Cl heartless wo-dd. ... 11 is the opiate of lhe people.
    Karl Marx Introdu ction 10 Iht Critiqut of Iht Ntgtiian Philosoph, o Right, /844 f

    LOOKING AHEAD
    \Vhat a re the ma nifest and la tcnt fun ctions of religion? Why did Karl Marx view religion as a form of social control within an oppressi\'e socicty? What did Max Weber mean whe n he rcferred to the ~ Protestant ethic"? What are the basic fOllll S of religious organization? Arc women being accepted in to the clergy o f the United Sla tes? Why is religious fu ndamental ism on the rise in the United States and in other counuies? How has the Supre me Coun ruled regarding religio n in the nation 's public schools? A t noon , the school day comes to a temporary halt at the Clara Muha mmad School in Corona, a neighborhood in New York City. The loudspeaker annou nct:s: "Allah is great.... Come to pt1Iyt:r." All c1asswork stops, books and pencils are put away, and students and teachers walk sile nLly in their stocking feel to the second-floor mosque. The re they face east, fall on bended knees, PUt their heads to the ground , and pr.ty to Allah . Across the United States, there are 11 0W more than 60 Muslim day schools, in such cities as Kew

    York, BaSIOn, Ph iladelphia, Atlanta. Chicago, Detroit. and Los Angclcs. These fu ll-day primte school~ teach required subjc.."Cts such as English, hislOl'\', science, and mathematics-but they also t.each th~ Arabi c language and oOcr religious instruction. Th e Muslim schools serve a mosaic of students. in cluding African Americ.'l n c hildren and immigr.ltlt children from such countries as Egypt, Uganda. Bermuda, Pakistan, Turkey, and Yugoslavia. A si~ nificanl number of teachers ,Ire immigra nts I\IHJ previously worked as e ngineers, technicians, or college instructors in their native lands. Many parents se nd their children to Muslim schools because they view the order and disciplinr preached in th ese schools as an important alternative to lhe dnlgs, alcoho l, and violence found in u'oublcd urban neighborhoods. Moreover, like ear licr generations of Cathol ic and Jewish immigrantl to the Uni ted States, Islamic parcnts hope that ft'liglous day schools will help to preserve their cher ished traditions. "We want to keep Islam ali\'e for us and our chi ldren," notes in larn Quasim Bakiridin. the religiolls director of the Clam Muhammad School (Goldman , 1992:26). Since the overthrow of communist rule in the So...ict Union and eastern Europe, there has been d dr<lmatic resurgence of religious activity in that pan of the world. The traditionally dominant RUS5ian O rthodox c hurch remains Russia's la rgest religiOlb

    392
    1'~lrr FOUR'

    S(JCIIII. IN'>lnlrJJO.\'S

    org;millltion, wit h an estimated 60 million belie\'cn. In the last three years, it has reope ned more than 6000 churc hes a nd monasteries. At lhe same time, as many ,L" I{)OO foreign missionari es and 50 roreign rcli ~:..ious organi7.ations ha\'e come to Russia to recru it new adheren ts. In Hung<ul" 95 pcr(elll of the popul:llion is now bapti zed; in Ihe 1'0 1'Iller C'lcchosiovakia , nearly 80 pe rcent are (Heloilla, 1993:70-71: Schmeman n, 1993). In Chapter 3 vario us cultural ,miversals we,'e identified -general practices found in every culture-such as dancing, food p repa ration , th e family, and personal names. Re ligio n is dem'ly sllch a cuhur.d univel's.'1I; religio us institutions arc evide nt in al l societies. At prese nt , an estimated 4 billion people be long to the world's many rel igious faiths (see Figure 14-1). Religion is foulld th rougho ut the world because it offers answers to such ulti mate questio ns as why we exist, why wc succeed 01' fail. and why we die. It is dillicuh 10 de le nnine with certainly whe n rel igious bchavior bebran, but a nthropological evidence suggests Iha t such bchavio r \\'l.LS cvident at least 100,000 years ago. The re mains of cilrly people in Europe reveal ceremo nial burials wi th aniIMtlI placed near the deceased , which implies ,hat I1tc)' bclic\'ed in an aJt, rlife. Appare ntly, the human e species has long bee n preoccupied with spiritual concerns (Elaide , 1978: A, \Vallacc, 1966:224-227). In contcmporOlry industrial societies, scie lllific and technological advances have increasi ngly affected all aspects of life. includ ing the social institution of rel igio n. The tClln seclIlari:.alitm re fe rs to the process thro ugh whic h re ligio n's inlluence on other social institutions diminishes, Wh c n lhis process occurs, re ligion will survive in the p rh'ate ~phere of individua l and family life; indeed. it may thrive o n a personal level. At the s. me lime, other ... \OCial il1 ~ titlltio n s-stl ch as the econo my, the go\'emmen l. and e duc<l tion - milin tain the ir own se l~ of norms ittde pc ndcnt of reli gious gu ida nce (Stark and lannaccone, 1992). This chapter will focus on re ligion as it has t'merged in modern industria l socicties. It will begin with a brief overview of th e approaches tha t [mile Ourkh e illl fi rst inlToduced a nd those tha l later socio logists have used in sllldyi ng religion. The basic flll1ctio ns of religion as a source of socirill imeg...... uon a nd social cont rol and as a mea ns

    of providing social support will be explored. Partic ular a u c ntio n \.,,]11 be given to the insig hts of Karl Marx and Max Weber regardi ng the relatio nship between religion and social change. Three important dime nsio ns of re ligio us bchavior-bclief, ritual, and cxJ>eric nce- .....iIl be examined, as will the basic fo rms of re ligiolls org<mi7.ation. The remaindc r of the c hapte r will allalyzc U1C increasing in nlLc nce of religion on contc mporary liJe ill Ihe Un ited Slates. Even within the. sa me socicty, people tllnt to 11 varie ty of re ligions fo r answcrs 10 the ul tima te q uestio ns of existe nce. Therefore, the discuS5ion exa mines no t only the dominant religious beliers a nd practices of o rganizcd Ch ristian fa iths but also the rich spiritual a nd cu llUral tradition of J ewish Americans. The rc' ;"al of a conscnlalive approac h to re ligion , te rme d n!illtgmtfund(lme1ltalism, \\;11 be studied, Finally, the social policy section of the cha pte r will examin e ute conlToversy over religion in thc public schools of the United Slal,cs.

    FIGURE /'1 1 by Religiol.

    Pr~/1~rtiun ~f

    the

    W~rld p~plllntio"

    ~n:.

    The

    ~~.~'l"

    -""",,,ligiou, 1/''''''''11- ,,,du,k, a,hei," "n" othenl


    E...,~

    who prorNolo no .ch,pon.


    !IOlJ.t;I~ I~t

    on tb.r:o frun'

    /J"/an'"(,, /1iItM

    r!I lit;

    1993:270,

    y_.

    7"" rJrld's 11110 Imgtsl rriigiolls fmlhs Ill"t Chrislilmity (Ilcrorlllling/or 3) pn-cenl of the ftN.nitllXJIliaticm) mitt Islam (18 pm:t711).

    393
    QtAYIJ.:R U ' Ill.lJGlUN

    &/igicm tan IoU mtmy!onnJ. SIwum art adhnrnu of the Zoroastrian rtfigiott
    ;1'1 lht Unittd Stalt.S, Buddhists ""

    JaJHHI nutiitating on Il:levi.sion i~ Qfhappinm, and a/amil, in IndiD


    WQf'shippi1!g Lord Krishna ill tlu:ir
    hOm!!o

    394
    1'/lN,/, I'OI.!R
    SlX'Ji\.I. IN~ lfrIf11ONS

    DURKHElM AND THE SOCIOLOGICAL APPROACH TO REUGION


    Sociologists are interes te d in me soc ia l imp,let of religion on individuals and instillltio ns. Consequemly, if a g roup beli cVl'.~ Iha t it is be ing d irecte d bya ... ision fro m God ,~ a socio l o~,'i sl "ill nul a tte mpt 10 pro\'c or disp rove this -rc\'cl atio n .~ Im tcad, he or she will assess the effects of the re ligio us expencnee on the group (M . M cGuire, 198 1: 1-2).

    E ilc Durkhc im was pe rhaps the first sociologist m


    LO recognize the criti cal impo rt,m ee o f relig io n in

    human socie ties. He so its appeal fo r the individ,)w ual but - mo re im portam- hc stressed that religion is socially constructed. In Durkhcim 's view, religion is a collective act and includes many fo rms
    of be h a\~or in which people inte rac t with othe rs.

    As in his work o n suicide (sce Cha pte r I ), Dmkhe im 1I'all not so interested in the pe rsona lities of re ligious belie vers as he was in unders ta nding religious behavior with in a soci,,1 COlHeX l. Durkhe im initia ted sociological analysis of I'c li+ gion by definin g religion as a ~ uni fied S)"Slem o f heUef~ and practices rela tive to sacre d ulin hrs.~ In hi.~ fomlulation, religio n invo lves a set of beliefs and practices that arc uniquely the property of religio n-as opposed 10 o the r social institu tio ns and \vays o f thinking. Dur kheim ( 1947:37, o riginal ed itio n 1912) argued tha t religious fai ths distinguish be-l'oIeen the cve'1'day world and certain cvents tha t lr.lIucend the o rdina ry. I-le referre d 10 these realm.~ as the $uCJW/ a nd the profilii I'. The sacred e ncompasses th ose el e me n ts beyo nd c\'f:ryrlay life whic h inspi re awe. respect. and even fear. People become a part of the sacred realm o nly by comple ting som e ritua l, such as prayer or sacrifKC. Believers have fdith in the sacre d ; this fai th al10\\., the m to accept what uley ca nno t un ders ta nd. B (ontl'3.St. the profane includes the ordinary and y commonplace. Inte res tingly, lhe same o bj ec t can Ix eithcr S:lcred o r pro fan c d e pending 0 11 how it is viewed. A table is profane. but it becomes sa c red to OIristia ns if it bears the e le me nts o f a communio n as an alta r. For Confucians and Taoists. incense ~licks arc not mere d ecOl-ath'e ite ms; they a rc highly l-alued offe rings to the gods in religio us ce re monies marking new and full moons. Following the directio n esta bli shed by Durkh ei m

    Emill' Dlllkhnm'J diSlinctiOll /!rlfl)HII Iht J(l(:ytd ami lilt prop",#! U nlidl'nl in IMs pastD' lll.rtnbllttd by th~ Tokyo J51tm. A wrrou:lul jigurt of subway S jt:JUJ w:gn nlMmtm,.minf ridl'Tl mH 10 /.mw umtJr,UIU ill subwaJ (lIr\'. WhIff' (Ill inwgt ofjeHu i.J s(lcmi fur
    CII ,irlilJlu. II if uSM ill a l,ro/llllt
    mllllnl!f i"ja/Jlln-IJ Iwlioll wllose dOfflmullt filillls (1ft Shifl /u //Ful BlldtlhUm.

    a lmost a celllu ry ago. cOntemporAry sociologist.'I evaluate re ligio ns in twO d iffe re nt ways. The no nns a nd values of religio us fa iths can be stud ied thro ug h e xaminatio n of the ir substa ntive re ligiolls belicfs. Fo r exrunple. wc can com pare the degree to whic h Christia n fa iths literally interpre t the Bible. or Mus lim g roups fo llow the Qur'an (or Koran ), the sacred book of Islam . At the 5.'\me ti me. re ligions can be e\<lluated in le rms o f lhe social fun cti o ns they fulfiJl, such as providin g socia l suppo rt o r re info rcin g the social no rms. By ex plo ring

    395
    (;11. lI'lt:H, H /1t:UCIO,\

    both thc beliefs and the functions of religion . we can beuer understand ilS impact on UIC indhidual, 011 b'l'oups, and on society ~ a wholc.

    f1,J!'Ig]Q.N~.. .Q.f. ..~P.G.!.Q!'I

    .......... ...............

    Since religion is :a cultur,,1 univcrsal. it is not sur prising that it fu Hills scvcrnl basic fu nctio ns within human societi~. In sociological tcrms. these in el ude bOth manilest and latent fnn ctions (scc Chair lel' I). Among U1 C manifest (open and sllItcd) functio ns of religion arc defining the spirilllal \"orld and giving meaning 10 the divine. Because of ilS beliefs concerning people's relationships to a l>c)ond . religion providcs an explanation for evenlS that seem difficult la understand. B)' contr .l.Sl. late nt fun ctio ns of religion are unintended or hidden. Church services provide a manifcst function by ofTcdn g a fOI"lUll fo r religio us worship; at the same time, Ull.'}' fulfill a latent fun ction as a mecting ground for unaulIchcd members. In vie ....in g religion as a social instiltttio n . functionalislS evaluatc ilS impact on human societies. Thc first two funct io ns of religion th.1t \\'ill be discussed ill this scction - i nlcgratioll and :IOCial control-arc oriented low, trd the largcr socicty. Thus, Lhey are best understood from .\ macl'o-Ievel viewpoint in temlS of the relatio nship between religion and socicty as a whole. The third function-providing social sllp!JOrt-is marc orientcd toward thc individual and can be understood more elTective\y fmm a micro-Ievd vicwpoint. The fourth fu nction, promoti ng social change. is illltsu, ltcd using Ma;.; Weber's macro-lcvel concept of thc PrOtcstalll Cdlic.

    The Intelrralive Function ....................9.:..................... of ReliPion ....................... 9. ...................................... _


    Elllilc Durkheim viewed religion as an illlcgntti\'c po....er in human society-.\ perspective reflected in fun ctionalist I.hought today. Durkhcim w ".tS concerned with a perplexing question: M How can human socielies be held IOgethcr when they are generally compos(.'<I of individuals and social gro ups with di\'e rse inLcreslS and aspir.uio ns?MIII his view. religious bonds often transcend these personal and divisive forces . Durkheim acknowledged Ihat religion is not U1C on ly illtcgrat.,h'e force- natio n:llism or pan'iotisOl lIlay selvc thc same cnd.

    Wh)' should religion provide this ~socict."l l glue"? Religion . whether it be iluddhislll . Christianity, or Judaism. afTers peopl e mcaning and purpose ror their lives. it givcs them ce n.."lin ultimate "alllcs and e nds 10 hold in com mon . Although sul~ective and no t a!\\'a)'s fully accepted. these "<lIIICS and eud( help :1society to function as an in tcgmtec! rodal S}ltcm. For exam ple. the Christian ritual of commu-Ilion no t o nly cclcbmtes a hiSloric,,1 eve llt in tht life of Jesus (the last supper) blll lllso rcpresentSll: p" rlicipatio ll in the grolll) of bclk" rs. Similarly. fu"c nerals. wcddinb'S' bar and bat mitzvahs. and confirmations serve 1.0 intcgr:uc pcople illlo largtr com munities by providing shared beliefs and \$ ucs about the ultimate questions of life . The integrativc function of religion is particularly apparent in trnditional , preindllstri<ll societies. In these cultures, gathering of crops, cxercise of authority by leaders, rclationsh ips between kinfol.l, and artistic expression (11' ( ' all governed b)' religious beliefs and rituals. In industrial socicties, rC\igioo helps to intcgra te newcomcrs by providing a sourct of identity. For examplc, Italian AlIlclican imm~ grants. aftcr settling in thcir new social cmironmcm. came to ident ify strongly with tlle loa! Caulolic church . Many Italian Catholic congregalio ns ill cities became neighborhood centen that helped members preser\'c their ethnic hcritagf while a~justing to an unfamiliarcllltul"e. In a rapidh changing world . religious faith c.m pro\irle an ilOIJOItant. scnse of belonging. L,ter in this chapt.tt, we slmll sce that tllc failurc of lr.\ditiorllll rdi~ L satisfy peoplc 's need lor idclllity has conuibutro O to the I'ise of religious CUllS in the United Stattfi (Creeley. 1972: 108-126: K. Robe rts. 1984:57-581. There is probably no bt!tter exam plc of a nationally unifying religiolls symbol than the V~ ofGuadalupe of Mexico. According to the accevttd. account, tile Virgin Ma!,)' appeared in 1531 toJt\:m Diego, a Cluistianized Indian, alld commandtl! him to infonll chu rch officials of her desire tQ set a church built in her \to no r in Cuadalupe. Diego fail ed at first to gain approv:ll fo r t.he new churtlt. but then. on tile direction of the Virgin ~Ia!f placed some ros(.S in a cloak and prcscOled tIia ' cloak to the .uchbishop. Astonished, the arm. bishop opened lile cloak t.o fi nd the Virgin', in1OlR' stamped on it . The ch urch was subscquellll} buill.

    396
    ,'I! H7" f OllR SOCJI!I. ,,,,,'1'(11'" ION.~

    and Diego's cloa k Slill hangs on t11 e ce ntral altar lI'ilh the miraculous image. This story and church are accepted in Mexico as symbols of So."lh'Oluon and success. It gives Indians a unique role in th e histol), of Cluistianiry in Mexicoboth in terms of th eir place in society and in hea\en. The accoullI of Diego a nd his vision is also integralh'e from a historical perspect ive, since the site of his vision was a shrine to To na nuin , a much loved Aztec goddess o f earth and maize. The na mes of Guadalupc and Tonantzin a re still used inter d mngeably by some Indians living in central Mex ico (W. J ohnson , 196 1: 136; Wo lf, 1979). Al though the integrative impact of rel igion has been emphasized he re, it. should be no ted tha t religion is nOI the tiomjmmf fo rce maintai ning social cohesion in cOlll e mporary in d ustrial societies. People are also bound together by patte rns of con sumption , laws, nati onalistic feelin gs, and otller fo rces. Moreover, in so me in sta nces religious loyal ties arc dysfun ctio nal ; th ey co ntribute t Q te nsion and even conlJict betwecn gro ups or nation s. During the Second Wo rld War, lhe Nazis attc mpted to exte nnina tc the J e wish people, and approxima tely 6 million European Jews we re killed . In modem times, na tio ns such as Lebanon (Muslims versus Christians), Northern Irela nd (Ro man Catholics \~rsus Protestan lS), and India ( Hindus ve rsus Mug.. lims and, more rece mly, Sikhs) have been torn by clashes tha t are in pa ri bascd o n religion. In the 1990s, the bloody conOic t in the fanner Yugoslavia (refer back to the discussion of "cthnic cleans i ng~ in tlle social policy sectio n of Chapte r 9 ) has been exacerbated by related religio lls and e Lh Ilic te nsions. Serbia, Macedo n ia, and Montenegro are dominated by the Ort hodox church , a nd Croa tb. and Slovenia by the C.uholic chu rch ; the e m bauled re public o f UosniaHcl-l.cgovlna has a 40 percent Islamic plurnli ly. In many of th ese a reas, the dominant politi cal party is tied into the most influential church. Religiolls conllict (tho ugh on a less viole nt level) has been incn:asingly evide nt in the Uni LCd States as well. In <I speech before th e 1992 Re publica n ~ationa l Co nvention , co nselvdtive preside ntial candidate Paoic k Bucha nan warned tha t the re was a ~rel ig ious \'rdl' going o n fo r the soul of Ame rica" (GaIlOl. . .ay, 1992: 1). Socio logist James Davison

    III "ml/ J~(lf$, J..i/xmoll has bn Ihl' of billf,. clash~ lNhtWII 'w/i~ C'"is/if/IIS (mli M uslims, as Ulflla.s figllling moolllj"g Isr(ll'fis, 1'(l/~/il/l(lns, oml S) 'l(lI/,\. Tilt )u/l/ltr shown ill ffl~'OIlIId is (/ l..tbanl'-sI' Chrislian TtJho caml'.f 1111' imagt of f/ mMmW(l on his rijll'.
    $~lIt

    "It!

    Hunter ( 199 1) has refe rred to tllC ~c ullural war" taking place in lhe United Suites: Ch ristian funda me ntalislS, COlIsCIv.uivc C1 tl1Oli cs, and O rthodox Jews have j o ined forces in Illa ny communities in a battle against tJl cir progressive counte rparts for co ntrol of the secula r c ullure. T he ba ttlefi eld is an a r ray of fa miliar social isslles, a mo ng the m multi c ultu ralisl11 (sec Cha pter 3). child ca rc (sce Chap-ter 4), abon ion (sce Chapler 11 ), gay rights (sec Cha pte r 13), a nd fundi ng for the arts.

    397
    CIIAf'1};R 14 REUrJO.'t'

    Religion and Social Control:

    ~~...~.~~.~...~.~.~.9.~~ .......................................................
    All ....c saw in the quotation begi nning the chapter. !<arl Marx desc ribed religio n as an ~opiat cM partic ularly harmful to opp"csscd peop les. In his vic::w, religion often drugged the masses into submissio n by offe ling a consolation for thei r harsh lives o n earth : thc ho pe of salvation in a n ideal afterlife. Fo r example, during th e pe riod of slavery in the United Stales, White masters forbade Blacks to practice native Afric.ll1 religions. while encouragi ng the m to adopt the Christian rciigion. Through Chrislja nilY. slaves were prodd ed to obey their masters; they we re I.old tiIat obedie nce would lead 10 salvation a nd e ternal happiness ill tile hereafter. Viewed from a connict perspective. Christianity may have pacified certain slaves and blunted the rage that often fueled rebellio n (M. McCuirc, 198 1:186; J. Yinger. 1970:598). Marx acknowledged that religion plays an impo rtan t role in legiti mating th e existi ng social structure. The values o f rel igion. as already no ted , reinforce o the r social institutio ns and the social order as a whole. From Marx's pers pec tive, rel igion promo tes slabi lily .....~th i n socie ty a nd therefore helps to perpetuate patterns of ~cia l inequality. In a society with several religions faith s, the dominan t religio n will represe nt the ruling economic and pol itical class. Marx concurred with Durkheim 's emphasis on the collecti\'e and socially shared natu rc of religious behavior. At the S.Ull C timc, he was conce rned tha t " religion "'ould reinrorce social cont" o l within all oppressivc society. Marx argued that religio n's fOc us on othcrworldly conccrns divened a Ue ntion from eart.hly proble ms alld from needless suffe ring c reated by unequal distribution o f valued resources ( HarAJ>,1982). Religion reinforces the inte rests or those in po\ver. For example, India 's traditional castc system d efi ned th e social stnlcLUre of th at socicty. at least among the Hindu majority (see Cha ptcr 8). The caste syste m wa.<i almosLcenain ly the creation oflhe priesthood , bUl it also served tile ill tercsL~ of India 's political ntlef1i by granting a certain religiOllS legitimacy to soc ial inequality. Eve n in societies not as visibly rul ed by religious dogma. religion legitimatcs tlt e political sector. Mil-

    itary chaplains wo rk to maintain the mord.lt! of comb<lltroops during .....arfare; they do nOI counsel that taking a human life is morally wrong. The Dut.ch Rcfonned ch urch in South Africa-tile church of most South AfriCi11l governme ntal leaders-has lI,;u li lionally insisted Ihat the regime's policy of aparth eid refl cclS Cod's intention thcll certain racial groups be ke pt se parate (refer back to Chapter 10). Th is ~ lcgiti m ating fun c tion of reli gion .~ as Max We ber called it. may be used to e xplain ,jus-tify, 01" rationaJize tile exercise of power. Wheth('.r thro ugh IJ1C divi ne right of a mo narch 01" the administmtion of an oath of office on a Bible, rd~ gion provides legi timacy fol' po litical rulers and Icaders (P. Bcrger, 1973:311; Marty. 1987). In the view o f Karl Marx a nd laler conllict the&rists, religio n is not IlcceSS<l.rily a benefi cial or ad mirable force fol' social co ntrol. For example, conlcmpor.u"}' Christianity. like the Hindu faith. rei nforces tntditio nal pall e m s of bc h ;l\~ o r that C"AU for lh t" subordinati on of the powerless. Assumptions ahout gcnder roles le~\'c women in a suhse rvient position both .....ithin Chlistia n chltrche!! and at home. In fact. women find it as difficult 11. achicve leadership I>osilions in many churches: a\ they do in largt> corporat io ns (see Box 14-2 on pagt' 410). While wome n p lay a significant .'Ole as \01nnteers in commun ity churches, mc n continue to make the major theological and fin a ncial judgme nts for na tionwide churc h o rgani/.ations. Conmc t theorists a rgue that 10 whatever extent religion actually does influencc social bcha\ior. it rcinfol"CM ex isting p.. 'ltterns of dominance and inequality. From a Marxist pen;pcctivc, religio n functions as an "agent of dc- polit.i ci1.iltiol1 ~ (j . Wil son. 1978: 355-356). In sim pler terms, re librion kct!J>S pcopl~ from seeing their lives a nd societal cond itions in polilic:al terms-for e xample, by o bscuring Ih~ o\'c"riding signific-lI1ce of conflicting economic in . IcreSl'\. Ma rxisL~ Sllggest tha t by inducing 11 ~faJSt consciousness" among Ihe disadvamaged (sce Chapter 8). religion lessens lh e possibili ty or co ll ccli\'~ political aClion lhat can end capitalisl uppression and tl'"d.nsform society. It sho uld be noted , however. that religious lead ers have sometimes bcen in the forefro nt of 1U0'I"tl11e n ts fo r social change. During the 1960s. D. Martin Luthe r King. J.... supported by numerous ministers. prie.')LS, and rabbis, fought for civil righu

    398
    P.ilO" H)VH SOCIitI..IN~TfII {fJ()NS

    BOX 14 1 AROUND T _ E..;..O .~ D~_ _ _ _ _ _ __ ;;.H W;;;; L~


    LIBERATION THEOLOCY

    Many religious activists, especially ill 1 1til1 America. suppllrl ...


    libtralion Ihrology, which refers to use of a church in a political effort to e liminate po\'eny, discrimination, and other fomls ofiryuslice evident in secular socicty. Advocates of this rdigiou.~ 1lI 0vcmenl wllIetimes display a sYlllpalhy ror Marxism. ;\bny bclic\c th.u mdic.u tlberdtion, rather than economk dt'\"elopIllCIll in il5elf, is thc o nly acceptable solution to the desperation or the masses in iUlI)()Vclished deo.eloping count ries. Indeed, thc delCriorating social conditions of rhe but two dccades have Ilurtured this ick'Ology or change. A significant IlOnion of worshippers arc una nected by this mdical mood, hut religious lr!adel1l afe wcll-aw:.tre of liberation theology. The offici:tl position of Pope J oh n I'aulll and others in thc hierarchy of the C.1tholic church is t.hat ctc'l.'Y should adhe re 10 tr.lditional pas10ral dutics and keep il dislance from radie-oIl polit ks. Ho"'cver. activiSL' associate d I.dth tiber.llion till... ulogy believe that ofg-.miJ.ed religion has a moral responsibility t.o take a strong public stand against ule oppres.~io n of the poor, mcial and e thn ic m inorit.ics. a nd women (C. Smith , 1991).

    The term liberalitm Iltwiogy has a r!:Cent origin. dating back 10 t.he \973 IlUblicatiol\ of the English lranslation of A Thro/JJgJ ofl.iberation. Thi..'. hook "~JS wrinen by a Peruvian priest, Custa\"O Cut.ie.TCl.. who liled in a slum area of Lima during the earl y 1960s. After rears of cXIX)Slln: 10 t.he V:;l.~t poverty around him , Guucrrcz concluded: "'n1(: IJO\"erty was a dt.'Stntctive thing. something 10 be fought ab'llinst and dcsti'Oyt. d. ... It b(.'c ame crystal clear t.ha t in ordcr to sen c the poor, one had to move into political action" (R. M. Brown. 1980:23) . Cutierrel.'s discoveries took place during a lime of increasing mdicali1 .:uion iU lIong Latin Ame rican intellectuals and ~Iudents. All important element in their radicali:tation "~tS the thco!), or d~rdl'1ina, developed by Umzilian and Chilea n social scicntists. According to t.his theol),. the reasoll for Latin America's continued underdevelopme nt. wa~ its dependence on industrialized na tio ns (first Sfh1in, then Great BJil.ain. and, mm! recentl y, the Unitcd Slates). A rdatcd approach shared by most social ~ iclltist.~ ill Utili Amcrica WdS a ~ arxist-inf1u ellc('(1 c\;rss analysis t.hat vicwl.'<i the domination o r capitalism a nd multinational corporations as cemm] to

    thc problems of the hemisphcrc. As these penlpectives became more influential, a social network cmergt.-d among politically committcd LaLin American theologians "'ho shared experiences and insiglm. Onc resullwas a nt.-w approach to theology whidr rejccted the models dcvdope<1 in Europe and t.hc United Sl.3tcs and instead built on the cultural and religiou5 lrnditiolU of Latin America (Sigmund, 1990:32) . In the 1970s. many advoc'dl.c..'S o f liberation thc.."Ology exprc..'SSt.-d strong Marxist vicw~ and saw rcvolut.ion;u), slnrgglc to ovcnhrow capimlislIl as essential 10 ending the ~uncring of L..:ltin Ame rica's poor. More recenuy. liberation theolOb'Y seems 10 have mo\oo away from orthodox Marxism and cndor.<lementofannoo st.nrgg1e. As an example, GutiCITC1. ( 1990: ~ 14, 222) ha.~ wn!le ll that o nc does not. need to accept Marxism as an 'a1I-emb racing vie"' of lire and Ihus excludc the Christian faith and il.S requiremenl.S. ~ GUt.iiTC1. adds that the proper concerns of a theol ogy of liberation are nOl simply the world s "exploited dasses,~ blll <{Iso 'races discriminated ab'llinst,~ 'despised cu lt.ure5,~ and lhe "coudition o f women. especially in I.hose .5CCtonl or societr where WOlllt:n are doubly oppn!5SC..'(1 and marginalized. ~

    for Blach. In the 1980s, the sanctuary moveme"t oflooscly con nected orgtlnizalions began oncring asylum, oflen in churc hes, 10 those who seek rdttgeeSlalUS but 31'e regarded by the Immigf'dlion and NalUraiization Service as illegal a liens ( refer back to C hapter 10). By giving sheller in homes, of[ices, or religious institutions to those refused asylum, participanu; in t.he san ctuary movement are vi~

    olatillg the law and become subject lO stiff nncs and jail sentences. Nevertheless, movement :leLivists (includi.ng many members of the c1eq,'y) believe that such humanitarian assistance is fully jusLifted. T h e efforts of relih';oUS groups to promote social c hange extend beyond the United States; in Box 14-1 we focus on religiolls activism in Latin

    America.

    399
    (;HIlI"TJ...1f 14 RJ...UC,ION

    life wh e reas another dies trdgically at a relatively early age. As wc saw earlier. religion ofTers consolation to oppressed peoples by giving them hope that the) call achieve salvation and e te rnal happiness ill an afterlife. Similarly, du ring times of national tragedy (assassinations, invasio ns, and natura l disaslers), people attend religious senoices as a means of ( OPing with problems that dellland political and techno logical as well as spiritual solu tions. On more of a micro level, clergy arc o rt,en the fi rst source of aid sough I alii by people faced with a crisis. In a 1990 sun'cy in Texas, I'csponde nts were asked to whom they wou ld go firs t to disc uss personal problems. The highest perccn l..'ge, 4 1 percent, stated that they would turn to clergy, as contrasted ",;th 29 percent who would choose medical doctors and 2 1 perce nt who would go to psychiatrists or psychologists (Chal fant et al., 1990; M. McC uire, 198 1: 186; J. Yingcr, 1970:598).
    fit limf:' of Imgeriy, rdigiorl provide! social $!II'/)QrI IInd Ivlps IJrojJ~ COfi' f~'ilh llifir frrobkms.

    Religion and Social Change: .T~.~...W~.~~.r.~.~~ ..T.~esis ................... ..


    For Karl Marx, the relationship between religion and social c hange \\'as clear: religion impeded change by encollrdging o ppressed IX"'Ople to focus on o thel"\\'orldl}' cOllcerns rather than on their immedia te poverty o r cxploitation. However, ~1a.' Weber (195&., origin al edition 1904) ,vas uncQlt-,ti nced by Mal'X's argumcnt a nd carefully examined the connection bet\\'ec n religious allegiance and capit.alist deve lopmcnt. His findings appearcd in hi~ pioneering work The PnJleslant ethic and lhe Spirit ttf Co/Jitalism, firs l pllblb hcd in 1904. Weber nOled that in European nations with both Protestam and Qll ho lic citi zcns, an ovcnvhe1ming number of business leaders, owners of capital, and sk illed wo rkers \\'erc PrQlcst.anl. In his view, this ....-;u no mere coincide nce. Wcber po inted out that the followers of J ohn Calvin ( 1509-1564), a leader of the Protesta nt. Refo nmltion , e mphasized a disci plined work cthi c, this-worldly conccrn, and rati(} !lal orientation to life that has become known J\ the Protesta"t ethic, Onc by-product orllle Protestant e thic \."....." a d rive to accumulate sa,tings that could be used fo r futu re ilwesuncnL T his ~spirit of cap itali sm,~ to lIse Weber's phrase, contrasted \\ith the moderate work hOllrs, leisurely work habits, and

    ........... g ................................................f;"................................................ .

    Relilrion and Social Sunport


    c'ent.~

    Most of us find il difficult to accept the stressful of life-rlcath of a lo\'ed o nc, se rious injury. bankruptcy. di"orce, and so forth. This is especially true whe n some thing ~scnscless" happens. How can family and frie nds come to terms with the death of a talented college stude nt. not even 20 yea rs old. from a temtina l disease? Through ils em phasis on the divine and supernatural , religion allows us to ~ do sornelhillg~ about the cala mi ties wc face. In some faiths , o ne can offer sacrifices o r pr-Iy to a deilY with tile belief that it will c hange onc's eart h Iy concli lion. At a more basic level, religion encou rages us to view our personal misfortunes as relatively unimportant in the broader perspective of human hi sto ry-or even as part of an llndi ~closed divin e purpo~e. Frie nds and relatives of the deceased coll ege stude nt may sec this death as being ~Cod 's will " and as having some ultimate benefi t th at wc canllot unde rstand . This perspective may be much more comforLing than the te r rifying feeling that ally of us can die senselessly at any moment- and that the re is no d ivine "answer~ as to why one person lives a long and full

    400
    PART rrn.JH ",OOM. INsrrrf/110.'llS

    l..ck of ambition lhat he saw as typical of th e times (Wi nter, 1977;J. Yingcr, 1974). What .....ere the Calvinist reli~,'i o lts pli nc1ples that Weber saw as so conduci\'e lO capitalism? Calvinislll belicved in Ille dOCU'i ne of predesti"ation, which holds that people eithe r will be among tll e e lect, who arc rcw-Mded in heaven. o r will be conde mned 10 hell. One's predestined fUHl l'e \\~J.s not dependent on being righteous or si nful while on earth . Ncverrheless, ma ny Calvinists viewed hard work a t "1'QCation as an outwJ.rd sign of o ne's innc r Christianity and as an indi cation that o nc would be rewarded in the afterlife, In addition, hard .....ork !ltn'ed as a means of reducing a nx iety o\'er one's possible future in hell. For tJlcse reasons. Weber argucd, G.'llvi nism a nd , LO a lesser degree. oth e r branches of Prote~ilant religion initiated change in WX;iety fa\'orabl e to ctpitalistic behayior. Whereas Marx had seen religion as a conse<lue nce of the economy, Weber believed that religion helped la 5bape a new eco no mic !>l'S te m. Few books in th e sociology of religio n have amused as much COTllTl1 e nUlry and c.l;ticism as TlU! ItQWtanl Ethir and the Spilit of Capitalism. It has been hailed as one of tJu: most imporwnt th eotclical l\'orks in the fi eld and as an excellen t cxample of macro-level analysis. Like Durkh ci lll. Weber demonstrated that religion is not solely a mallc r of intimate pcrsonal beliefs. He stl'e~ed that the colt~cti\'e nature of religion has social consequen ces for M>Ciety as a whole. Despite this insight, some casual readers of W cber have found it dimwit to accept his ideas. A comlllon but misguided crilicism is lh at Weber naively assigned lOO much significance to the effects of Calvi nism. However, he never al-gued that the Protcstant ethi c was 7Uct;smy for lhe developmCIlI ofcapilalism. In Weber's own words ( 1958a: 91 origi nal cd ition 1904): ,
    . . We h,l\'c no intJ;lluoll wh:'ll.c\'cr or rnaizllaining ~uch a foolis.h ;.md doetrinain: thc~ is as that ... c'Lpilali.nll a\ a n economic SyslCIII is a creation of the RcJonmllion.

    relationship between Japanese religio lls fa iths and capitalism. Be llah determined that. as W.lS true of Calvinism . these lai ths stressed values of hard .....o rk a nd success a nd thus paved the way for the rise of J apa nese capitalism . Conflicl titeot;sts caution 1hat Weber's tJleoryeven if it is accepted-sho uld not be regarded as an analysis of mature capitalism as refl ected in the risc of large corporations which l.ranscend national boundaries (see Cha pter 9). The primary disagreeIlle nt bet.....een K,arl Marx and Max Weber COIlcern cd not the origins o f capitalism, but rathe r il5 I'ut.ure. Unlike Marx , Weber bclicved that capitalism could endure indcfin itely as an economic systelll. He added, however. that the decline of religio n as an overriding forc e in society o pe ned the way for wOI'kcrs l O express their d iscont fo t'( morc vocally ( R. Collins, 1980). Wc ca n conclude that, although Weber provides a convi ncing description of the origins of Europea n capitalism. this economic syste m has subseque ntly been adopted by no n-CllvinisLS in many paru of the world. Contempora ry studies in the United States show little or no difference in achievement orientation betwee n Ro ma n Cath olics a nd Protesta n ts. Appare ntly, the ~s piril of capitalism" has become a ge n eral i ~ed culrural trait rather than a specific rcligious tenet (Creeiey, 1989a).

    AJl l'cligions have certain eJe rtle tll'i in common , yct these elements arc exp ressed in the distinctive manner o f each faith. The dimensions of rel igion, like o tJler paue m s of soc.ial bchavior, are o f greal intcrCSl tO sociologisl5, since they underscore the re-hltionship between religion ,lIId society. Religious bel iefs, religio us rituals, and rcligiOllS experience all help to ddine what is sacred a nd 10 differentialC lhc sacred from the profane .

    Belief
    Some peopl e believe in life afler death , in sup reme beings with unlimited powers, o r in sllpt:maturdl forces. Religious beliefs arc stateme nts to which mcmbers of a particular religion adh ere. Th ese views vary d ramatically from religion to religion.

    It is dear tha t capitalism has fl ourished in J apan WIthout Calvinism (or, for tha t matter, Christianity). In an imeresting appli cation of the Weberian thesis, sociologist Robe n Bellah ( IY57) examined the

    401
    ClfAYn..R N RH_/(;tO.\

    Religious belids can Ix: ~ lLbdi vided into values and cosmology. Rdigi"u.f values are s hare d conceptions ofwhal is good, desirabl e. a nd proper that arisc o ut afrcJigious lilith . These values govern personal conduct and may have direct impact on other social insti tutio ns. For example, religious v<tlues regarding marriage will influence patterns of family life in a society-perhaps by discou raging couples from seeking divorce. Even the econ o my can be reinforced by religious ''<lI nes. The sa.c re d c haracte r of the child J esus far Christilltls pl'Omates the seasonal exchange of g iflS as all cx pre'lSion of caring for others. Reta iling eslablishln e nLS e ncourage this fonn of interact io n . a nd an emire socie ty (including non-Christi ;lIl s and no nbelievers) is affecLCd by the gift exchange (You ng, 198 1). The lel'lll cosmology re fers to a general theOl), of the universe. The cosmology of a religion explains the ulti lna l,e questions: offers a divi nity o r hierdrchy of gods and goddesses; and describes heaven, hell, life. and de ath . Sever-Il North Ame rican Indian accounts o[crC<.lti o n l.cll ofa succession of animals that d ove into a nood of watt: rs. The anim als e merged with bils of mud o r sand, and from this the eart h was formed. Among some Asian and Afric;m peoples ami somc Ind ian tribes. it is believed that, in antiquity, a spider spun the eanh. The same spide r laid an egg 0 111 o f which the first male and female hllman beings dl."e\OI>cd (Oundes, 1962). The accou lll of the creation found ill Genesis, the first book of the O ld Testament. is a l50 pan o f a coslllology. Many people strongly ad here 10 the biblical explan:llio ll of crea tion a nd insist tha t tJlis ,~ew be I.."lllghl in public schools. These l>cople. known as c,.eatiollists, are "'o rrice! by the sec llla ri/~"l uon of society and oppo.<.e educational cu rricula whic h directly or indirecuy qucstio n biblical scri pture.

    Ritual
    Religious ,.ill/als art prac tices requi red or expected of members ufa fai th. Riluals usual ly honor the ciivine power (or powe rs) I.'orshippcd by believe rs: they a lso re mind adhen:nlS of their rcligiOlls duties and responsibilities. Rituals and beliefs can be inte rdependent : litua l'l generally in\'ol"e the affirmation or beliefs. as in a public or pli"me stateme nt confessing a sill (K Robe n.s, 1984:96- 107).

    I.i ke any social illStiLUtiOIl , religion develops distinctive no rmative fJaHe rnS la structure people's bthavio r, Moreover, there arc sa nctions atl.'lched to religious rituals, whethe r rewa l'ds (pins fo r exce~ lcnce at church schools) or pe n .. lties (expulsion fro m a religiolls instilution for ,';olatiol1 of nomlS) In the United Suites, rituals may IX' vet)' simple, sllc h as saying !,'T'iICt! at a !Ileal and obselving a moment of sile lice to COllllllemorate someone's death. Yet cerl.. in rituals, sllch as the process of ca no~ .. ing a saint, arc quite elabor.uc. Most religious rituals in o llr c utlure focus on services conducted at houses of worship. Thus, a ttendance at a sen;ct. silent and spo ke n reading of prn)'e rs. a nd si nging of spiritual hymns llnd c hants a re common forms of ritua l behavio r that generall), mkt' place in group settings. From an illler.lctio nist pers pec tivc, these tituals se lve as impo rlant face-to-(;:lI:e e ncollnlen. in whic h people rein force their religious beliefs and their cU rTlmiunent 10 Ul e ir faith. SOl Ut' rilllals acumlly induce an almost tra nct:l i~(' state. T he Plains Indian s cat or drink peyote, a cactus containillg the powe rful ha llucinogenic dmg lll esC<llinc. Similarly, t.he ancient Greek foll owers of the god r an chewed intoxicating leaves of i,'Y in urder to become mo re ecstatic dUTing uleir celf'bratiQlls. Of course, anificial51il1lulanlS are no t net CSSilt)' to achic"c a re ligiolls "hig h ." Oe"out beli(!\' ers, such as dlOSC who prac tice the pe nlccostti Christian ritual o f "speaking in tongues," can reach a Slate of ecslasy simply through spiritual passion. Sacrifice is a r.IUler widespread ritual . It is gen erally based o n the hope that if a person !,r1"eg up some thing of '~dllle to hono r a 'Iuprcme being, he 0 1 she will recei"e a dh'ine blessi ng, A com mon sac' rificial CllSlo m wi lhin industria l societies is making a conuibution to .. religiolls institution, as in the practice of ulhing (givi ng on(:-t,e nth of one',\ in come to a church ). Other exam ples of I'eligious W rilke include fasting o n holy days (such as Yom Kip" pur, th e Day of Alonemclll for J ews) and giving up worldl), pleasures (as Christians do for Lent). Yet the most ancie nt form of sacrifice-still commonly found Ihro ughout the world in the 1990s- is lht burial of goods wi th :t corpse. Sllc h artifacts as food, clothing, mom:y, and weapons arc illle ndcd to pr~ vide the so1l1 of the deceased with whalever ~';II bt needed during an .uterlifc, In the United State5. the pl'm';sion of comfortable coffins for \\'eJl.

    402

    dressed corpses and the regular p lacemellt of nowel'! near a gr.tve a re fo rms of s'lcrifice offered in a

    similar spiri l. Are there lim its to the free exercise of religious rituals? Today, tens of tho usands of mem bt.'rs of t ile Native American church believe that ingestion of the powerful d l'ug peyote is a sacrament and that those who partake of peyote will e n ter into direct contact with Cod. In 1990, the Supre me Court mled that prosecu ti ng people who use illegal d nlgs as pan of religious rituals is 1101 a viola ti on of lhe First Ame ndme J1l guarantee of religious freedom. The c.tSe arose because two me m bers of the Na tive AmeriC:1Il churc h were d ismissed from Iheir jobs for religious use of peyote and then wt:rc refused unemployme llt benefits by the state of O regon's employme nt d ivision. In 199 1, ho ....e\e .. , Oregon e nacted a new law pe m1itting the sacrame ntal use of peyote by Nauve Ame r icans (New 1'ork Timt:J, 199 1c:A 14). [n anouter ruling o n the exercise of religious rituals, in 1993 the Supreme Court u na nimollsly ove rturned a local ordin ance in florida which b."I nned ritual animal sacrifice. The h igh court held that th is law violalCd the free-exercise rights of adheren ts of the Sante ria religion , in which the s;lcdfice of animals (i ncluding goalS, ch ickens, and o th er birds) plays a central role (Creen house, 1993a).

    most likely 10 report such experiences; by cont.raSl, only 18 percent of Ca tholics and 11 percenl ofEpis-copali:tns Slated that Ihey had been born ag-di n. The collecti\'e nature of religion. as emphasized by Durkheim, is eviden t in these statistics. T he beliefs and rituals of a pa rticula r fait11 can creale a n a tmosph ere either friendly or hostile to this type of religious experience. Thus, a Bapust would be encouraged t,o come fOl.....-ard and sha re suc h experiences wilh others, wh ereas an Episcopalian would receive much less suppOrt if he or she clai med to have been born again (Gallup O pinion Index, 1978; Ilrinceton Religion Research Ccnter, J993b).

    ORGANIZATION OF RELIGIOUS BEHAVlOR


    T he collective nature of religio n has led to m all)' ro rms of rel igious associa tion . In mode rn societ,ies, rel igion has become increasingly fornla lizcd. Specific struc ! Llres such as churches and synagogues are const,meted fO I' rel igious worship; in dividuals a rc trdined for occupational roles within \~.triO llS fields. These d('\'cJopmellts make it possible to distinguish between the :klcred and secular parts or onc's lire-a d isti nction that could not be made in earlier societies in which religion .....as largely a ramily activity can;ed OU I in the home. Socio logiSts find it lIseful to distinguish be tween four basic rorm~ of organi7..alioll: the ccelesia. the denom ina tion. the sect. a nd the cu lt. A.. is the case with o ther typologies used by social scien tisl<;, this system of classification can help us to appreciate the \'ariclyof organizational ronns round among religious fai ths. Distinctions are made bet""cen these types of o rganizations o n the basis of such /factors as size, power, dcgu:e of commitment expected from me mbers, and historical ties to other faiths.

    !~p..~.~~.~.~~~................................................................................ .
    In sociological study of religion, the ter m religious
    t x/Jmn u;f! refers to the feeling or perce ption ofbt:-

    ing in direct contact wi th the ul timate reality. sllch as a divine being, o r of being ovcrcome with religious emotion . A religiolls expelie nce Illay be rather slight, such as the feeling of exaltation a pcrson receives fro m heari ng a choir sing Handel's "Halle hyah C h orus.~ BUI many religiolls expedenets a re mo re profound, a mo ng the m th e aCl of tx:ing "born again " - t.hat is. having a tu l'ni ng poi m in life during which o ne ma kes a personal commiunent to J esus. According to a 1993 natio nal sun'ey, more than 40 percent of people in the Unitcd Stales claimed that they had had a born-again Ch ristian experienct at some time in their lives-a fi gure which translates illlo nearly 70 mill ion adul ts. An earlier SUT\'ey fou nd that Baptists (61 pcl'cent) were the

    Ecclesiae
    An ecclesia (plur.tl, udesi(le) is a religious o rbrall iza tion that claims to include most of or all the Illembers of a socicty and is recognized as the lI:tuonal o r official rcl igioll . Since \-irtuaIly e"el) 'onc belo ngs to the faith , members hip is by birth rather than conscious decision. Examples of ecclesiae include the Lucherd ll church in Sweden. the Cat holic churc h

    403
    QIAI'17':R 14 ' HEIJ(',JON

    -'UlIt:Y acliOlu of 11" stult.

    .~

    In Saudi Ambin:f /ill/m;r rrgilM. ltw.ln3 of I~ u(/f.jill hQid vast ~

    beliefs. a defined s),stem of amholit),. and a gellerall)' n.:spcctcd positio n in SOciCI)' ( Do ress and Pone r. 1977). Dcnominatio ns count alllong their me mbers large segme nts of a popu lation. Generally. c hildre n accept the denomination of Ij1eir parents and give little thought to me m bershil) in other faitlts. Denominations also rescmble ccclcsiae in Ihat fcw demands arc made on me mbe rs. I-Iol-':e\'er. the re is a critical dilTc rence bc lv.'ecn thcse twO forms of rclib>lollS orlf..mi:r.atio n. A1Lhollgh tl1C dt.-nomi na tion is considered respectable a nd is not viewed a<; a c hallenge to the secular govcnunent, it lack.o; tl1C offici al rccognition and powe r held by an ccclesia. No natio n of thc world has morc denomilmtiol1s than the Un ited States. In good measure, this ill a result of ou r nation 's imm igranl herilage. Many sclllers in the "new world" brough t \\'il.h the m the religio lls cOllllnilmcnts native 10 thei . ho melands. As 1I resu lt. son L denorni nations of Christianity, such C as those of lh e Roman C:tlbolics. Episcopalians, and Luthe rans. were the outgrowth of ccclesiae cstabli$hcd in Europe. In addition. new Ch.istian denominations emerged in the United Sta les. including the Mormons a nd Christian Scientists.

    in Spain, Islam in Saudi Arabia. and Buddhism in Thai land. However, there can be sign ificant diffe re nces even within the C<l tegory of f'ccksia. In Saudi Arabia's Isla mic regime, leade rs of lh e cedesia llo ld \".151 powe r over actions of the Slate. By c onlraSt, th e Luth eran c hurc h in contemporary Sweden ha-; no suc h power o\'er the Riksdag (parliame nt ) o r the pl;lI\e minister. Generally. ccd csiae arc consc ......ni\'c in lhal the)' do not c hallenge the leaders M policies o f a secular governme nt. In a sociely with an eed esia, lhe political a nd religious inst itutio ns often act in harmony and mutually rcinl()rcc each othe r's power over their ,'clative sph e res or influclI(:c. Within the mode rn world. ccclesiae lend 10 be declining in powe r.

    .~.~.~ .~........................................................................................... ~In contras. 10 the denomination is the sect, which Max Wc be r ( 1958 b:114, original editio n 1916) te rmed a belic\'ers c h u rch .~ because affi liation is based o n consc ious acceptance of a specific rellgio LLs dogma. A sect can be defi ned as a relatively small religious group that has broken awa)' from sOllle o ther religiolls ol"!pni7..-uion to renew what il views as the original vision of the fa ith . Many seclS. such as that led by Martin LlIlher during the Refonna tion. claim to be the - true c hurch" by seeking to clcanse the established laith o f whal they reg;\rd as inno\'lllivc beliefs and rilllals (Stark and Bainbridge. 1985). SecL~ .we in a hi gh slate of tClbion wi lh society ami d o not seck to becomc establ ished national religions. Unlike ecc1esiae. sew. require imcnsivc cOlllmitme nts and demonsu-alions of belief by members. I'ani)' owing to their outsi de r~ status in society. sects frcqllenu)' exhibit a highcr degree of religious fenor and loyally than more est..1blished religious groups do. Recnl ilm ellt is focused mainl)'

    .Q.~.~~.~.~ .~.~~~........................................................... .
    A denomi nation is a large. orga nil.cd religion thal is nOI officially linked with the ~ 1~'l e or government. Like :111 eccJesia . it tends to havc an explicit set of

    404
    PAR.,. 1"01 '11 SOCIAl
    IMrfrrlfno,\'.~

    nil aduhs: as a result. acceplance comes through (omcrsion. Secls arc onen short-lived; howcver, ifablc to sur11\':. they may become less antagon istic to society and begin 10 rC!iemble denominations. In <l few ill~lances, ~CCl.S have bee n able to e ndure ovcr several gCller.il.ions whi le remaining fair ly sepa rate from f.UCie ty. Sociologisl J. Mihon Yinger ( 1970:226- 273) IIR"$ the lerm esta b lish ed sect 10 describe a religious group that is the outgrowth o f a sect, yet remains isolated from sociely. T he H Ulle riles, J e ho\-ah's Witnesses, Seventh-Day Adventisl~, and Amish arc conlemporary examples of established secls in lht United Slales.

    Cults
    hllcmational attention foclls<."tt on religiolls ctllls 1111993 a.~ a result orthc violence at the Br;:m ch Damfians' compound near WacD, Tcxas. The David iM1S began as a sec t of the Seventh-Day Adventists (hul'1:h in 1934 and ba~cd their beliefs largely on the biblicill book of Revelation a nd il'l doomsday prophccies. In 1984. the Davidi:ms' scct spli l. with 1l1le group cmergi ng as a cult undcr the leadership I)! O;J\irl Koresh. Aftcr a 51,day standoff against fedcl'al authorities in early 1993, Korcsh and 85 of

    his followers died whcn the Fcderal Bureau of Invcstig-<Hion ( FBI) alle mptcd to scize control of the Davidia ns' com pou nd (Barkun , 1993). As psychotherapist Irvin DOR'SS and socio logist J ack Nusan Poner ( 1977:3-4) have suggested. the word ('11/1. has take n on a negativc meani ng in the United Statcs a nd is used morc as a means of discrediting religious minorities than as a "~ty of categorizing the m. T hey nOtC tha t some gro ups, such as the Hare Krishnas, a rc labeled as "cul lS~ because U1CY seem LO come from foreign (often 1l0nwcstcrn) lands and have custo ms pcrccivcd as MSlrange," This rcfl ects peopl c's c thnoccntric eval ua ti ons of Ihal which d iffcrs from th c commonplace, J ames R.ichardson, a soc iologisl of religion, does not like the tcrm cuit a nd prefers lO call sllc h gro ups ,uw, m;'lQrity, or txotic religio ns. "-We forget ula l 99 pcrcen t of minority religious groups are benign and peaceful and just wanl to be left alone,M says Rich'l1"Clson (Goldman . 1993: 11 ). It is d iflic ul ttD d istinguish sects from cu lLS. A cult is a generally small, secretive religious group tha t represents either a new re ligion or a major inno\'ation of a n existing faith . CUllS arc simi lar to sccts in U1<11 the}' tend lO be small and are often viewed as le.~~ respcclable than more cstablishcd fai ths. However, unli kc sects, cu llS normally do not re-

    TIu! /-Iultl:riles art a ronlnnporory

    example of fin tslablishl std /oond in the UnUM States. SIwum is a


    HltfltriU communi/.) in Rifton. N~I!

    YQrlI.

    405

    TABU' 14 I
    CHARACTERISTIC Size
    Wealth

    _or
    ECCLESlA
    Very large
    DENOMINATION

    .... CoIoo
    SECT

    CUlT
    Smoll

    large
    Extensive
    Formal, little

    Small
    limited
    Informal, emotional

    Extensive
    Formal, little

    Variable
    Variable

    Religious services

    participation

    portitipolion

    Doctrines

    Specific, but
    interpretation may

    Specific, but
    interpretation may

    Specific, purity 01
    doctrine emphasized

    Innovative,

    pcthbrecklng

    be tolerated Clergy Membership


    Relationship 10 the stote
    SOU~q: Ad~pu:d fro",

    be tolerated
    Well-trolnecl, full-time

    Well-troirllKl, fulllime

    Trained ta some degree

    Unspetiolized
    By on emotional
    commitment

    By virtue of being (]
    member of wci llly

    By occeptance of
    doctrine

    By acceptance of doctrine
    Not encou roged

    Recognized, closely aligned


    G. V"T!10n. 1962;""" ",I..., Ch:tlfaHt

    Tolerated

    Ignored

    ~(at"

    198 7:91-92.

    SUll from schisms or breaks Wit11 established ecck>she or denom inations. Some culls, such as contemporary cults focused on UFO siglllin gs or expectations of coloni zing outer space, llIay be totally unrelated to the existing faith s in a culture. Even when a cult does accept certa in fundamental te nets of a dominant faith-such as belief in the divinity of J esus or Muha mmad - it will ofTe r new revelations or new insights to justify its claim to be a marc advanced religion (Doress and Porter, 1977:3 ; 1981; Stark and Bainbridge, 1979. 1985:27). A~ is true of sects, cul ts may undergo transfonnation over time into othe r types of religious organizations. An exam ple is the Christian Science church, which began as a cult unde r the leadership of Mary Bake r Eddy. Today, this church exhibits the characteristics of a denomination (johnstone, 1988:88).

    ccli..sin.e, de71Qlllinatiom:, and Jects an' best viewed as ideal types along a continuum: culls are outside the colltinuulII because the)' genfTalJy <kfint tllfflISf.lves IU a new tJi...w DJ life rathtr than in terms of existing rcligi01U faiths.

    Comparing Forms

    ?.~..~~~.~~.~.. 9.~.g.~.~~~.~~..........................................
    Clearly. it is no simple matter to dete nnin e whether a particular religious group falls into tllC sociological category of ecclesia, denomination, sect, or cult. Ye t, as we have seen, these ideal types of religious o rganizations have somewhat different relationships to socie ry. Ecclesiae are recognized as national churches; denominatio ns, although not

    officially approved, are ge nerally respected. By COIItrast, sects as well as cults are much more likely to be at odds with the larger cu lture. Ecclesiae, denominations, and sects are best viewed as ideal rypes along a contin uum rather than as mutually exclusive categories. Some of the primary characteristics of these ideal types are summarized in Tabl e 14-1. Since the United States has no ecclesia, sociologislS studying this nation 's rel~ gions have nalurally focused on the denominatiun and the sect. These religious fonns have been piclured on eith e r e nd of a continuum , with denominations accommodating to the secular world .Uld seclS making a protest against esrnblished religion5. Cults have also been included in Table 14-1 but arc outside the continuum because they generally defin e themselves as a new view of tife rather than in terms of existing religious Faiths (Chalfant et aJ.. 1987,89-99). Advances in e\CClronic communications ha\'e led to still another form of religious o rganization: tht

    406
    PANT mUll ' SOCIAl. fNSJTI'unONS

    electron ic church. Facilitated by cable television and satellite transmissions, ltlevangelisu (as th ey are called) dircct th eir messages to more people especially in tll C Un ited Statcs-than are served by all but thc largest de nominations. While some telel'angelists are affiliatcd with religious denominations, most give vicwers the imp ression that they are disassocia ted from cSlAlblishcd fa iths. The programming Of rJ1 C clectron ic c hurch is not solely religious. The re is panicular foclIs o n issues conceming marriage a nd tlle family, death a nd dying, and educa tion ; yet more overt ly political topics such as forcib'll and military policy a re also discussed (Abelman a nd Neve ndorf, 1985). Although many television ministries in the United Smtes avoid political positions, othe rs have been qui te out~poke n . Most notcworthy in this regard is pe ntecostal ministe r Pat Robt:rtson , a strong conscrvative. Robertso n found ed thc Ch ristian Broadcasting Nct\'.ork in 1961 , served for many yea rs as host uf CBN's syndicatcd religious talk show The 700 Club, and took Icave o f his telcvision posts in 1986 to seek lh(: 1988 Re publican nomi nation for preside nL Hc has conti nued his political activism through his leadership of the Christian Coalition , which will be discussed lal e r in the chapte r-.

    56 pc.rcentofthe nation's adult popu lation in 1991. compared with 25 pcrcent for Catholics and almost 3 percent foJ' J cws (Bczilla , 1993:37). Thc United Sla les also includes a smalle r Ilumber ofpeoplc who adhere to such eastern faiths as Hinduism , Confu cianism, Buddhism, and Tao ism. As Figu re 14-3 (on page 409) reveals, certain faiths, such as Epis> copalianism a ndJudaism. havc a highe r proportion of ainuent me mbers. Adherents of other faiths, including Baptists and Me thodists, are comparatively less afllucnl.

    Beliefs and Practices


    At present, religion continu es to be an important influen ce on the United tates. According to surveys, only 4 percent of the adul ts in this coulltry can be described as ~ tOl:tll y n o nre li giolls.~ (These people have no religio lls prefe rence. arc nut members of a congregation , and state that religion is eithcr "nOI vCly imporlan t~ or "not at all il11porlan t ~ in Ulei r livcs.) By contrast, morc than 81 percent of adu lts sun'c),cd in Ih e Uni ted States considcl- lhcmsel\'cs "religioLls pcrsons" -com pared with less th an 60 percent in Great i3l'itain and Germany. Among 20 nations slI,,'c),cd during the period 1989 to 1991. o nly Spain had a higher proportion of respondents ..... h o considered the mseh'cs relibrlollS (83 perccnt) th'lIl did thc United States (Bezilla, 1993,70). Studies suggest, howe"'cr, that rciigion is no t uni fo rmlyon Ihe upswing in the Unitcd Sta tes. The re is a great deal of swil,ching of de no minations a nd, as in the past, conside rable int.crcst in new ",oafS of ex pressing spirituality. 11 would be incorrecl to concludc either that re ligio n is slowly bcingab.1 ndoned or that people in the Uni ted Ston es arc turning to religion with thc zeal o f new conve rtS. The fllll1re Illay wd l bring periods o f religious revivalism but also lim es of dcclinc in rcligio lls fervOl" (Chalfant et aI. , 1987:3 12-315; Princeton Rcligion Research CCllter, 1993a). O ne o f UIC most common religio us rituals in th e Prolest.1.nt alld Cath olic churc hes is ch urch .mcnda nce. The Gallup poll has provided the only regular measurement of suc h atte ndan ce. In 1992, it rcpon ed that during an a\'erage wcek, 42 percent of adul ts in th e Uni ted States attended chu rch ( Princeton Religion Resea l'ch Ccn tcr. 1993a).

    As mentioned earlicr, the United States includes a ",ide variety of religious de no mina tions_ Figure 142 (on page 408) illusu'(u es thc fa ct that particular Christian faith s dominate cerlai n a reas of thc country in te nns of membership. Of course, 101' most nations of the world , suc h a ~rel i gi olls map ~ would hard ly be useful. since o nc I'a i l,h accounts for virtually all the re ligiolls fo llowe rs. The diversity of beliefs, ri tuals, and ex periences that c haracc.erize rel igious life in the United Statcs re Rects both th e nation 's immigrant heri tage and the First Amendmcn t prohibiti o n against eSlablishmcnt of an ecclesia. By fa r ule l<l rgcst singl e deno min ation in thc United SUites is Rom<ln Catholicism , yel at Icast 23 other rel igioLls fai ths havc I million or more m emhers. These particular statistics arc conse rvative, since other faiths are growi ng in size. For example, there are close 1.05 million Muslims in the United States. Proteslants collectively accou ntcd for about

    407
    CJllcP7JoJI H RF.J.JCION

    FIGURE 14-2

    Prrdumil,"I'/ Christian Faiths by Countirs o[ thr United Slates, 1990

    REPORTED CHURCH MEMBERSHIP li::IlIef-Doy Soints, 25% 10 49'r. Soplist, 5O't or more Soplhl, 25% 10 49% lutheran, 50% or more Lutheron, 25% 10 49% Catholic, 5O't or mora Catholic, 25% 10 49% Methodi51, 50% or more Christian, 50% or more Methodist, 25% 10 49% Christian, 25% 10 49% . om~ No Dominoot Group li::IlIer-Doy Soin~, 50% or more

    '''' ''U~ ~I Rr:l<tt~"

    ... ~t . , 19' 1 )

    Th, iln.lt'rslty of ChnstW/I ml/pous bfo


    III Ihi' VIII/etl Stflti'l

    i's (Jfr!Hlrnll Ivrt,

    ,\fIlIlY cf'.Ur.7n!1 (Jllnlillll

    jaithJ

    0((01111/

    A significam change in religiolls praClices in the United States has been the increase in the number orworncn in thc c1cl"b'Y (scc Box 14-2011 page 410), Although thc nation's rd igiolH pay tribute to s.1.im ly and wis(~ womCll, women have bcen traditionally rcprcserHcd in religious belicls and rituals as a weaker sex, less ca pable lhan men of handling religious authority. In recent decades, however, there has been increiL~ing resi~(ance lO beliefs and practices which relega te women to second-class status within o rga nized religion (Cannody, 1989),

    fO 2j jlm: or !film of tht church l' t1!1 ""1111""1"$ i,l a C()Imly. Alllollg 11(111(;hn',lli(l1l f(/ilh~, (mly juilaislII Inn] fil,'1lff l'O ligmfiralllly - ill ,Va" ym*
    Gmlll)' (Mal/lit/Will) of Nnv York CiIJ mul iI/ "II/m OJUllf). Florida (north of , i(lmi) . M

    408
    PMl'/" ttx 'H S()OAl. I\S ITrt rf1Q,\ '.\

    7'hisfip;!I1fJ - ~1 Qr!

    a srlrwy

    of J 14,000 adwlls in 1989-1m-$36,700


    mlttlls lM diJIt:mll ;II C1J/ grrml!s thal denominali()f1J attmd. All dnlQ m;II(l/iQTIs

    lultlt both afflunil alld poor mmthm. yd wne I,aw a higlln" ImJf!OrIioll of Iif/ltmll

    Median hoo$Ohold income


    ....1ICf.:

    mnnbtrs (as

    IMUll lrd

    by ;n "'~) w/ri"

    others anr feu IIffllfnrL


    I(o,.o,,;n
    ~"d

    t..:.o cl"",,,,. 1 99~:~'OO .

    Resur~ent

    ....S l .............................................................................................

    Flmdameotalism

    hi the late 1960s. somcthing rathcr re markable took placc in Ihc \\'orld of organ ized religio n. Fo r the fi rst time in the nalion's histo!)', most of dIe major Christian dcno minatio ns began to shrink in size. TIIC Presb)1crians. Luthern ns, Mcth odists. and Episcopalians all decreased in me mbership. while R oman Catho lics rcmained stable pr'imarily be-causeof an influx ofp rncticingCatholics from Latin America. Howevcr. not all religious fa iths we re in decline. During this same pCliod , groups such ;\s lheSouthern Bap tist Convention . thc Assemblies of God, the Mo rmons, the J e h o\~\h 's Witnesses, and the Se\'elllh-Day Ack enLislS began o\'ernuwing with \;t.ality. Th ese fundamentalist groups share a con\t:"mil'e, ~ rnlck- to- ba sics" approach lO re ligion and .~I res.\ striCI interpretation of the Bible. Th e l.crm fNndametltalis1I/ refers 10 adhe rence 10 earlier-accepted religious doctl'ines and olien is ,\(:C OIIIP;\nied by a li teml applicatio n o f hisl.Orical beliefs and scriptures to today's wo rld. This 1 'CligiollS revival, called r"eSIl rgt'''' f u" da mel/.laIism by tlu.:o logian Marlin Marty ( 1980). has been

    accompanied by noticeable gro wth amo ng cvangelical and pc nlacostal fa iths. Evallgelical faitllS are Chrisuan faidl S which place great e mpha...is o n a personal relationship betwec n the individual and God and believc that each adherent mus t spread the faith and bear personal wiLlless by openly declaling the religion to no nbelie\'e rs. Petltecostal faiths hold many o f th e sallle values but also believe in the infusio n o f the Ho ly Spirit into services and in such religious expe rie nces as fai th healing and M spcaking in to ngucs. " FundamentalislS arc n O l ncccssal"ily evomge lical or p<:nlccostal; they may seck to restorc doctrine and litc ra.1 inte rpre tations within thc structure of established faiths such as Cath olicism o r Islam. Sociologists Dean Hoge and Dal'ici A. Roozen ( 1979) offered statistical support fo r Many's CO Il ceptualiz.uion of resurgent fund.ulI cntalism. They found lhat in rCCCnl decades. deno minations expCliencing the most growth tended to emph'lsize local evangelism. maint.1in a lilcst)'le and mo ra lity apart from mainstrealll culurrc . and d eemphasi7.c social action and rcligio us 1IIlil'cl's.t\ism.

    409
    ClIAJ' f"f:R H HUJ c/ON

    T hroughout history and in ma ny di \'el'K cultures, the highest positions of spiritual leadership within orgilnized religio n have been reserved for men, Evcn today, the largest denomi nation in the United State5, Roman Catholicism, d()C!i nOI pennit women 10 be priest,. A 1993 Gallup sun'eY found tha t 6~ percent of Roman Catholics in Ihis country favor the ordiuatio n of women, compared ";Ih only 29 percent in 1974, bUllhe church has COlllillucd to maintain its longstanding tcaching Ulat priCSl.~ , hollld be male. T he largcst I' rotestan t de nomi nation, Ihe Southern Baptist Con\1:l1Iiol1, has voted against ordain ing women (evell though some of its :11I!onomous churches have ,",'Omen mi nisters). Other religious faitJlS that cio nOI allow women clergy include !.he Lutheran Church-Missouri 5)1\Od, the Greek O rthodox Archdiocese of North :U1r1 Soulh AllIclica, the Ol1hodox Chlll'ch in America, !.hc Ch urch of God in Christ. tJle Church of Jesus Christ of latter-Day Saints, and Or tilodox J ud;\i5m. Despite these restrictioll5, ulere ha~ been a notable rise ill female clergy in the last 20 years. Female

    enrolhnent in seminaries in the United States has steadily incrca.M:d since the early 19705. For example. in 1973 wo men ,Iccounted fo r 10 percen t of Prolestan t theological studen ts; by 1992 the proportion of wo men had risen to almost 33 per cent. Of 190 students in ReformJu daism's rabbinical school ;n the 1992-1993 school year. 43 percent we re remaie. Of 32 swdelllli who entered COnse ....~.ui\'e J udaism'5 rabbinical school in lall': 1991. 15 were women. Nevertheless. as of 1992. 92 percent of all clergy in the Uni ted States we re male, Clearl)" many branches of PrOlestantism Rnd Judaism have b<!en convinced that women have the right to be ordained as spiritual leaders, Yet a lingering qUC5 tion remai ns: once o rdained, will these female ministers and rabbi5 be acupW by congregations? Will they advance in their calling as ca5ily as male oou n terpa rt~, or will they f<lce blata nt or subtle d iscri mination in tJleir efTorts to ~ecurc desi rable posts within their faith~? h i5 tOO early to offer any definitivc answcrs 10 thelle questions, but thus far '-'Omen clergy continue to facc lingering sexism after ordination, According 10 a 1986 random

    sam pling of 800 hlY and ordained leaders of the United Church of Christ. WO nlen fi nd it difficult to.secure job!; in larger, mo re prestigious congregations. Women min isters in other Protestan t faiths h:l\~ encolUuered similar problems. Although they may be accepted as junior clergy or as co-pastors. women may fail to reh'e senior clergy ap' poimmenu. In both Refonn and COnse ....-ati\e J udaism. women ",i>bis are rarely hin . d by the largest o and bestknown congregations. Consequently, womell clergy in many denomi nations appea r Ttslri ned to the low c nd of clerical pay scales and hierarchie5. Women clergy are well-all'all' that their st,ugglc for equality is far from o\-er. The Reverend Joa n Fonberg, an ad mi n istr.l.lor at the Yair Divin ity School.. tells women graduates that they must view their e( forts as part of a larger, longtenn process of change, ")-:\'en if you do n't sce change o\'cnlight: she notes, "you must re mind )'ourseLf that you un-making a difference for future generations.
    w

    ,,'l,

    5o!..' lCUi:

    Broob. 1')87: U ; BIII'1:~1I of Ihr c.... 199k40.'J; ('~" t99l. Outing. 1991; PrincClOII Rdip'" 1kK~l'(h Crm,el'. 199k

    Ma rl in Many points o u t that th is limdamC lllalist revival h as su rprised m any obser"ers of r eligious life in th e U n ited States, It had been widely (L~ um ed th at, in the face o f increasing secu lariz.u io n , the ' only religioll51ikely 10 survive would be those wh ich were least demanding an d most tolerant of differences in religious interpretation, Instead, people seem anxious to retum to traditional sources of col-

    lective re lig io us fee ling that Durkh eim viewed as fu nda m ental to religio n 'S ro le in society, Wh at h as led to this d ra m a tic c hange in re1igiow life? Sociologist Wade C lad, Roof ( 1976, 1978), in a Nonh Carolina survey, found that rel igious commitment was strongly associated with local com. Illu n ity attachment. Since the C'!,.,Ulgelical and pen. tecosta l churc hes a re m ore likely to s u ppon local

    410
    PANT fY)(JR SOCIAL I""STfI 'UffON~

    1 '3lucs-as opposed to a world view tole rant o f no nrradilional lifestyles- it is no t snr prisi ng th:1I such faith s have &Town in popu la ri ty. In additio n . the intense com mitme nt and proselytizing spirit of lIIembers of fundam e ntalist churches serve ,L~ key factors in their sllccess. Dea n Kelley ( 19 79). a n c xecutillt:= with lhe Na tio nal Counci l of Churc hes lInd ,Ill authority o n religiolls behavio r, poin ts Ottt tha t ~tric t churc hes whic h expect me m bers 10 practice lI'hat they preach have pro\'ed to be Illore effcctive rt<'mi ters than Illo re liberal churches havc (scc also J. llulltcr, 1985 ) . The resurgen ce of Christia n fundame nta lism has letlto inte nse de bate regarding an o th e rwise seCttlar area of life in the United Sta tes-the school l'i}'stern. Beginn ing in the I 980s, the fundame lllalist mm'emel1l has pursued three majn goals regarding public schools: pressuring Congress a nd th e courlS 10 pcmli t school prayer, revising school curric ula 10 give the biblical ex planation of c reatio n equal eight with scie ntiJi c th eories of evolution , and gcnw frail} increasing fundame ntalist conte nt in school textbooks while blocking lhe study o f male rial 11e't\'ed as refl ecting a n a ntireligio us point o r view (Slt''eIlS. I98 7b:6) . As onc part of its effort to influe ncc the lIation '5 o;(hool syste ms, Christi;m fUlldam e ntalisl.'i have be~Ult running candidates in schoo l board clec t.io ns w arc sympa thetic to conserva tive Christia n V,JIho Url. Especially inHue nt.ial in this strategy has been the Christia n Coalition , a n organization headed by tht' Reverend Pat RolxrlSOll . III 1990, tha n ks to a "Steah!l campai gn ~ in which offi ce seekers '1l1ied . . . ith the Christian Coaliti o n avoided de bates and Jomms and concealed th eir affil iations. 60 of th e Co<llition's 90 candida tes 1'0'011 election to school boards in San Diego, Califo rnia. Acco rding to estinl.Jte5, some 3000 conseT v,lti\'e Christians have bee n elected 10 school boards across the United Stales (L Anderson , 1993; Po rtCOl1S, 1993:2 1). We will rli:.cuSll the cOlllfO\'ersy over religion in lhe schools in more de ta.il in the social policy sectio n at the e nd of the chapter. The United States is no t the only country in II'hich funrlamelllalisll1 has become more po pular In recelll decades. In a lrOubled secular a nd tcch+ nological age. many people around !.h e world arc IItrning to well-orde red , eve n a uth oritarian . e xplanations of religiolls Illillle rs. Protestant funda mc n-

    lalism has become a signifio tllt forc(, in Northe rn Irela nd. a na tion wm by I'cligious strife be tween Proh!stan LS and Catho lics. Fun da m e nt~l l ist Ash ken:t1.ic J ews hal'e e merged as a n increasingly important po litical bloc within the stale of Israel ; in J e rusale m, they hal'e clashed with scclllarJcws ol'er public showings of movies during the 8.1.bb:llh ho urs. In Ind ia, Hindu funda me n talisl.<i have bc.."come a strong political force a nd have expresscd growing hosti lity IO....-ard Olhc r religions. In Iran and o the r Ishunic nations, the re has bet:n a d r,unatic return to lilc r.:11 inte rpre tati on of the sacred book, the Quran . Egypt'S Co ptic Ch ristians, th c largesl religio lls mino rity in th c middle east, have become a I<Irget of a ttacks by roving ba nds of Islamic rundame ntalists (Gargan . 19921>; Ibra him . 1993). This rene .....ed int,c rest in funda me nlalist r:ljths re nccLS the integrativc fun c tion of religion -as individuals scek to affi rm a religious ide ntity in a manTle r th C'y find difficult within established de no mina tions. While the United Sta tes re mains la rgely secular. me mbers of re ligious instillltio ns a rc CllOOSing f-aiths tha t place greate r' emphasis o n strict religious teachi ngs and public dc..'C laration o f religio us experie nce.

    J.~.~ . ~, . ~~ . ~,~.~.~.~ . ~.~~~~.~......... , ..................................


    Outside the Christian fa it h. th t: largest single feligiolls gro up in the United Sta tes is Jews. As notcd earlie r. Jews constitute almost 3 percent of the nation 's po pulation_ Int.erestingly. J ews in the Un iled States can be viewed both as an e thn ic min ority (see Chap ter 10) a nd as a rcligious d e nomination. Ma ny people in the United Stalts conside r Ih clllse lves 10 be cllhma llY ewish - and a rc seen by others as J cw.l ish -evc n though they do Il0 t pa rticipate in J ewish rel igious life. Availa ble da ta suggest that about 60 lO 70 pe rce nt ofJ ewish Ame rica ns are affi lia ted with a tem ple or synagogue, but only 20 to 30 percc nt attend sen 'ices more freCJue ntly tha n once a mon th (Kleinl1l11n . 1983). T he dive rs ity o f religio lls fa iths in the United States is manifested nOl o nly in th e .....nic l)' of denomina tions, blll also in thc diversity wi thin lhl' same faith . Fo r example, Judaism ca n Ix d jvid(d int o th ree major br,Ulches o r denomina tions: Orthodox . Conservative, a nd Reform . No p recise dala CXisl o lllhe numbe r ofJ ews in eac h category. How-

    411
    U/AV/F,R N IIN./WON

    JUllmsm is Oil' oJ IIWII, rtligions IIuU


    arr 'ft(Jrliil1g oUllo fHopk Mlh disa"ili/;'..~. Rabbi Douglas Goldh(ll"IA(r (riglll) rommlllli(u/Q in sign fatlguqt
    10 (I gffmp oJ smior aliuns ill

    eo""KfltiOI1 lkn~ SJWWIII in Sko/rit, ff1moo. '/'J,iJ S'frlngrJgllt Jor tnt tkof
    .smJf'J rn&r!!' /hull )()()

    luming.impaiml

    J~"s.

    ever. through daul ob tai ned in the 1990 National Po pulation Survey, it appears that Reform Jews consu wte 42 1.0 49 percent of the J cwish community. Conservative J ews 31 to ~ perCCIll. Orthodox J ews 6 to 7 perccnt, and o thcrJev.os 13 to 14 percent. These ranges de pend 011 whe l-her the estimates include o nly those jX:ople who were born J ewish or also include those who have converted to Judaism ( Kosmin e t al. . 199 1). The d in'e rcnces in re ligious beliefs :.md practices between Orthodox, Consc n. ative. and RcformJews are b,lSCd o n their re huionshil)s to tr.lditional religious codes and rituals. All three faiths embrAce a philoSQphy foun ded o n the Torah . the first fi ve books ofl he Old Testament . OnhodoxJcws arc the most strict in fo llowing religious law. For example, they obscn'e km/ma, a det.ailed set of religious re-st riClions governing food pre paration and con ~lI mplio n . By contrast, Ref0l1)1 Jews have altered man)' tr.t.ditional religio lls rituals, conduct se rvices largely in English ( rathe r than Hc brc\"'), lInd havc ordained a growing lIIunber of women as rabbis. Such practices arc unacceptable and disturbing to man)' Orthod ox J ews. C,()n~n... tive Judaisrn G ill be scen as a kind of middle ground betwcen the trAditionalism of the Onhoclox and the more "modc l'llized ~ practices of Rcfo nll .ludaism. As is true of Protestant denominatiolls, Ihc,> arc c
    Je wi ~ h

    d istinct social class differences between Jf!\I.ish fai ths. Reform J eMl have the highest pro ponion of wealthy and well--educ3LCd adherents, whe reas Or thodox Jews have the lowest proportion. On((' again , Conscrvative Jewl'l fall in between the othtt lIl:.yo .> Jewish denominatio ns in te rms of social class. In sollle cases, poor J ews from immigran t baclgrounds strictly follow traditional J ewi.sh law, but their grandchi ldre n move into the middle class and turn to Refonn .ludaism. This renec[S, at least an part, the proccss of assimilation to thc nomlS oflh(' do minant culture (Go1dscheider. 1986; Lazel'\\;\1 and Harrison, 1979: Lie bman, 1973:84).

    Since thc ;IITival of the Puritans in colonial Massachusetts, t11C United Statcs has been a fertilt ground for new faiths. In fact. religioll!i disscm, like political dissen t, has heen viewed as a basic eleme nt in the nation 's ideal of freedom. However. people 's feelin gs cOllce l'lling re ligious sects and cullS havc been b;:ldl)' shaken by reports of violence. queslio nable business practices. and undue pressures to hold on to their followers. Indeed, when a 1989 SUI'\'C}' asked people in the United Slales what groups they did not want as ncighbors, members of religiolls sects and ClIIL~ scored highest- well ahead

    412
    l'AlI/" ~'OUH SOCIAl. IN", rn rnoss

    of radal and ethnic minorities. F'ully 62 percent of r('~polldent$ did not want ~c t and cult mem ber.! as Ilcighbors, as compared with an i), .5 percent for Jcw~ , 5 percent for PrOlC!;t:mt$, and 3 pe rcen t for R oman Catholics (PrincelOn Religion Researc h f.t:ntc r, 1989) . It has been esti mated t..hat as many as 2 to 3 million people in the Un ited Slates-primarily be",,'ten the ages of 18 and 25-be long to religious Sts and cults. Onc swdy of cults in the UnilCd 5tau:s counted abou t 600 such groups in 1983. Older cults arc generdlly based 0 11 more e~tl"lbli shed forms of Christianit),; mo re recent sects and CUlL,> n:Oec.::tthe inOllence o f H induism and Buddhism in ,he United Stales. The m;yori t)' of the newer CUllS U~ less than 20 years o ld, and, lacking the dogma. ntual. and v..uidatio n that come from ;:tsSociatio ll with morc established religio ns, many Illay the re-rore depend for S tll'\'i\~dl on the e motio nal appea l ofa charismatic leader (Lindsey, 1987). Why do young peoplt:join religious cu lts? Irwin Don'SS andJ :lc k Nusan Po neI' ( 1977) note severa l rtMOns that lead people to become Olembers of UK:h religious o rganizatio ns. Many ha\'e come fmm bmilics beset by proble ms and conllic ts a nd ha,'C had difficulljes coping with a wodd fi lled ""ith vioI('ncc. drugs. and sexual permissive ness. For these \'OlUlg people, a cull Illay o lrer a nCN. seem ingly se(lire and appreciative ~ famil y" filled with love, carmg, and acceptance. The puritanical aspects or rnl -the rigid discipline, e nforced celib;:,cy, and banning of drugs and alcohol-may represent a welcome change from the responsibilities of adult life in a rapidly c hanging society, In addition, cults appeal to the polit ical idealism and spiritual l on~..i ngs of recru ilS and o lTe r an o pportunity 10 commit thcir em ire Jives to the scarc h

    for a belU:r world. E\'en the names of cu lts- the Children of G<xl. the Family. and so forth-may secm allractivc to troubled peo ple who feel a deep need to belong to somefhing alld feel connected to sOll/eo"e. Conseque ntly, c ults provide the Ice\ing o f ide ntity a nd sensc of cOlll munity tha t some people rind d ilficullto achieve with i" more trad itional re.. ligiolls groups. Pcrhal>S no cOnlc mporn ry sect or cult h.l.S aroused so much controversy in the United Stilles as has the Unification chUl'ch (rcfer back to Box 2-2 on page '17). The Uni fication church WdS found ed in South Korea in the mid-1950s b)' the RC"('rcnd Sun Myung Moon , an ex-Presbyte rian e .... mgclist born in Korea in 1920. Moou 's theolob"Y is a distinCli\'c ble nd of Buddhism . Taoism, and his own imc'l>re tations of the O ld and New Tcsl..'lmc nL For example. the c hurc h tcaches that J CSII!; ~. fai led to comple te h is mission of salv.ttion: people need to be rcslOred [0 God's divi ne grace through th e advent o f a new messiah (Moon himse lf). Followcrs call him ~ Fat.hcr~ o r acknowledge him with such grand II.'rnl S as ~ Lo ,'d of thc Second Advent M and M MaslCr of Mankinrl~ (Coughlin . 1983). The Unifi cation c hurch has come under stro ng attack for its deceptive me thods o f luri ng young people to wt:ekend rctreaL'> a nd foJ' its alleged brai nwashing o f them oncc they atThc. In 1982. Moon was convicted of filing fal sc income laX returns ami was scIHenced to an IS-month prison te nn. Upon leaving pl;son in 1985, however. Moon found his religious and financial em pire still intacL. Individuals and o rgani ...ations associated with Moon currently control a global web of businesses. including a m ~o r daily newspape r in the Un ited Stines, the WllJh; IIgloll Times (L'l.In m. 1983; Ridgewa y, 1988: Ro t..hm),c r, 1984).

    413
    ('J IIII" I'l-H 14 HEIJGlo.V

    RELIGION IN T HE SCHOOLS
    Is promoting religious observance a legitimate function of the socia l instituti on of education? How might organi7.cd school prayer be viewed fro m a confli ct perspective? Wh)' an: advocates of a li bera l educatio n fright e ne d by the effort to prOlnOlc CI"cationism in publie schools?
    nominatio nal prayer can in no way lead to the ettablishment of an ecdesia in the United States. Nacrthele~, subseque nt Supre m e Court rulinb'S overl~. rncd state la\\'s re quiring Bible readi ng in public schools. requi .ing recitation of the Lord's Prayer, and pennilting a daily o ne-minute period of silent meditation o r prayer. In 1992, the Supreme Cour! ruled, by a narTOII :'1-4 VOle, that a rabbi's invocation and dedication at a junior high school g raduatio n in Providence, Rhode Island , violated the constitutional separation of church and sta te. Th e rabbi had given thanks to God for the "legacy of America. where diveNity b celebnued and the rights of m inori,ics are protected ." The Bush adminislnuion had e ncouraged the Supre m e Court to permit a greate r ro le for religion in publi c schools, bUl.thc rn~ o rity m lingent phasized Ihat st.udents were coerced into joining in these prayers. While th is decision continues to alto,,' 1I0{lmlmy school prayer by students, it forbids school officials to sponsor an}' prayer or religious o bsel'>allce at schoo l events (Aikman . 199t:62; ~ ]sasser, 1992). Despite such judicial pronouncements, children in many public: schools in Ihe United States are kd in reglll<lr pl" l.ye r recita tio ns o r Bible reading. Many communiti es believe that schools shou ld transmit the d o mi nan t culture of the United SIatC5 by encouragi ng prayer. In it 1985 SUtvcy (the most recent avai lable ), 15 percclIl of school admini SlratOI"S (iltel ud ing 42 pe rcent of school admin istrators in thesoulh ) re po rted that prayers are said in at least ont of t.heir schools. MOIeovc r, according to a 1993 sur ycy, 69 perCc nt of adu lts in the United Sta les fmoor a co nsti lutiona l amcndrncnt lhal would permit organized pra>'cl' in public schoo ls (J. Bacon, 1987; Mauro. \ 99!\b). Troubled by what t.he), sce as the growing secttlarization of o ur society. Chris,Jan fu ndamentali!!) have become the leadi ng proponents of school prayer. Along with ce rtain lay Catho lic and OnhodoxJ c,,'ish groups, they have a dvocated a constiu.1tional amendment permi tting o rganized prd)"Cr in public schools imd othe r public institutions. Supporters of school prayer charge tlmt, in outla \\in~

    A lthough most people in the United Slates suppOll lhe general principle of separation of c hurch a nd state as e nunciated by T homas J d fersoll . legislative acti() ns andjudicial dedsiOlls concerning religion in the schools continue to provoke intense con troversy. The Supreme COllI'l has consiste ntly interpreted l.hc Constillllion 's First Arnendme nllo mean that government sho uld aucrnpt to maximize religious freedom by maintaining a policy of ne utralit),. Thus governmen t may not assist relig ion by financing a new church building, but it cannot obstruCt religio n by de n ying a ch urc h o r synagogue adequate police a nd ire protcction. In this secdon, we will focus on two issues involving religion in the schools that continue 10 provoke passiomnc de ba te: sc hoo l prayer and creatio n ism. Sho uld o rg-.lIli zed prayer be allo\"'cd in the pul>lie schools o f the United States? In the key case o f blf:,relv. Vitole, the Supreme Cau l"( ruled in 1962 tha l the use of nondcnom inationa l prayer in New York schools was ~wh oll y inconsiste lll" \\~th the Fi rsl Amendmcnt's prohibition ag-ainst government es+ tablishrne nl o f religion . In finding that such organized school prayer vio lated Ih e Constitution-cw:n when no sludent was required to participate-the Coun argued. in effect, that promoting re ligio us observance was no t a leg itimate function of gove rnme nt or cducatio n. Critics of this ruling insist 1l1al school prayer is a hannlcss rilUal - alt.hough admitted ly a religio us ritual- tha t should be pennitted to begin a school day. Pro hibiting school prayer. in their vie,.", forces too great a separation between ,... hat Emile DUI'kheim called the sacred a nd the In"O/olle. Moreove r, supporters of school prayer insist that use of nonde-

    414
    {'ART "OUR SOCII> L /'lisrn"U110,Wj

    ,my religious expression in public schools, the Supreme Court h:u violated the First Amendmem clause prOlcCling the "free exercise" of rel igion . OpponenlS of organ ized school prayer include the mainline Chrislian deno minatio ns, represented by the National Council of Churches; most Jewish vrganizations; and secular groups, notably the o\melican Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). They ~~JS that no child is c urrently prevented from prdy' ing in school whe n eating lunch in the cafeteria, awaiting an examinatio n, or preparing fur a foul Ihot on lhe ba.~kctball court. What is prohibitedproj>erly, in the view o f t.hese crit.ies-is prayer o.gnniud b)' public oflicials. O pponc nl.'i o f slIch nlUals insist that organizing prayer is 110t a legiti mate function of the social insdtutioll of cducadon. Critics dismiss as unreaJistic: lhe arb>'U llIc nt lIun Khool prdyer can remain t.ruly voluntary. Dr,m;ng on the imer.Jctionisl perspective and small-group 11..~arch, they suggest that children will frtce e normOllS social press ure to conform to th e beliefs and practices of a religiolls m;yority. Opponents of <{hool prayer add that a religious majority in a COIllmunity might impose a prayer specific to its faith , ;It lht: expense of religious minorities. Vic\\'cd from ;I conflict pe rspective, o rganized school prayer lUuld reinrorce th e religio us belie('i, rit.uals, and lntt'rest.'i of the powerful ; violrtte lhe lights of the powerless; in crease rcligiolls dissension: <l r)(1 threaten the cultu ral and religiolls plu ralism of the l nitw Stales. AilCCond area of continu in g contro\'crsy reg-drding religion in lhc sc hools has been ove r wheth er lhl' biblical itCCOUIIl of creation should be prc.... ~ntoo in school curricula. As discussed earlier. I"ffllliolli5U support it literal imerpret.ation of t}le ~illokorCenesis rega rding the origin of t he universe jlnd argue that evolution should not be presented as nl<lblished scientific fact. Their eO'orts recall the Wnotl5 ~ monkey u;al" of 1925, in wh ich high ~'bool biology teacher John 1'. Scopes was cOll l'icwd (If ,iolating a Tennessee law making it it crime to lfach the scie ruific theory of evolution in public Khools. Howcver, cont.emporary c reationislS have ~t\t beyond espousing fun damerualist religious domine; they atte mpt to reinforce their position rrlf.l.Tding the o r'igins of the universe with quasi Kirmilic data (Chalfant et al., 1987:286). In 1968, lhc Supreme Cou rt overturned an

    "109'1;""(:5 A~ \5 A 1tXJ.G\+ONE. "DEAL\,.,I(,.

    f'thNI.AAIli' WL"fI..\. t2E.LIG!~ IN T~ ruSt."SGb:nS, ~t frQ~", Lor w;

    ffiA.."

    Arkansas law which barred any teach ing of evolu tion in the Slate's public schools. This led creatio nist.'i LO a newstralcgy: they e ndorsed Mbalanced trealmelll Icgis l ati o n ~ under which school syst.erns would be forced to give the bibli cal account of creation eq ual weight in their curricula with scientific lIleories of evolution. However, in 1982. a fed eral district. coun judge ruled that an Arkansas balanced-treatment law \~o l ated the First Amend ment guar'alllee of separation of church a nd state. Judge Wi\liarn Ray Ovenon declared that "creation science. . has no scie ntific me r;t or educational value," Then, in 1987, !.he Supreme Count by a 7-2 vote, held that Slates may not require 1 u:acbing .11<: of crcrt tionislll alongside evolution in public schools if the pri mary purpose of such legislation is to promol.e a relibrious ,'iewpoint (Smart., 1982; S, Taylor, 1987; scc also Eve itnd H arl'Old, 199 1). The dfon to promote creationisl views is directly re lated lO lhe rise of Ch ristian fundamentalist belief and prdelice within t.he Un ited Stales and th e worldwide fundame ntalist resurgen ce. Gnderlying

    415
    QIAJ'170]( /of MilG/ON

    this controve rs), is a more general question: ~Wh ose ideas ,md v'lilles desc,,'c a hearing ill the nation 's chssJ'oo m s?~ Cri tics of cre:ttion ism sce this GUllpilign as OIlC step toward scctarian re ligious control ofpuhl ic educa tion. They worry tll:tf, at 'IOmc poin t 0 in the fU lU rc, leachers may not be able 1 use books,

    or Ill:tkc statemcllls. that COllniCt with fundamen , talist illll''l>l"ct. uons of th e Bible, For advocates of a libcr.tl educ:ttion, wh o arc deeply commillcd to intcl lec lu:tl (and religious) divCNil)" this is a gen uinely frightening prospect.

    SUMMARY
    Rtligioll is found throughoUllhe wodd OCC;IUSC it offen; to such ultimate q u(.~tions as wh ~ ....'~ exist, why ....'e sllcceed o r f.. il, ,md why we d ie. This chapt(' r cltam ines the dilllcmions and func tions of religion, trpC~ of rdiboiuu$ oqpnil':llions, and Ihe role of religion in lhe United States.
    ' IIlSW(;rs

    .c,:.R.:I.T.!.~ .l:. T.I. 1.11II.1<!1II.~..RlJ~~:I~I()./oI.~. . . _ _


    Should allttisfS and agnostics Ix \ie\\'cd ilS religious minotitil.."5 ill the Unifed Slatcs? Do fhey have rC\igiouo, beliefs, ri tuals, o r eltperiences? An: their rig hts protccfed -or e\'CI1 considered-in IltC many religious contro\'t'rsit.lI c \i dc lll acrou tht' coull lr)'? 110 ....' call the tex t mOl tedal 011 thc runctions of rdigioll be used 1 bellcr un 0 dentmu! the posilion uf aUleistll and ;'g no)lics in the Un itcd St..1tcs? 2 What m Ic does religion pl.. y ill the life of ~'o ur coJ. lege comm unil)'? To wh'lf CXtc n f d o stude ntll, filclIl", members, alLd admi nistratorll rel'ca l (01' prOtHOfc) their religious preferences and affilialious? Is the study of reli boioll a pan of the college's c UlTiculu m? Arc there 1'C'Ji. giollll )ulx:ult~II'e5 on campus? 3 Ho,"" mig ht fUIIC\iona1ist$, conniCI t hl..'O risf.~, and illteractionisb \;ew tht: rise of rclig ioll~ fund:Hnentalism in the Uni ted SIlI\CS and around the woT"ld?

    In contemporary industrial societies, ~dcn t ific and technological a(lV3llces have incre asingl)' affect('d all aspects of lifc. including the socia l instiltltio n or re lib oiun. 2 Emil~ Durkhcim 5trc!lScd the social ;lspecl of re ligion and atlcmpl("<'i to unders tand indhi dual religions Ix- h;l\'ior within the ro ntext of the 1 ;1I'ge l' SOCiel)', 3 Religion can pro\;dc vaitl(.'s and el1d~ which help :I socicty 10 fUlIction ...,. a n intcgrated social ~)'St(':m , 4 From a Marxist point of '~ew, religio n lessens thl' possibililY of col!ccth'c political ac lion that C'dll e nd capitalist o ppression a nd tra nsform 5O<:ict)'. 5 !l.blt WeOc r argucd that Calvinbm (and, to a lesser dcgree, o the r bmnc hcs of PI'OICSt<lllt religion) prod urcd ,I type of pC'''on mure likely 10 e ngage in capitalistic bdla\'iOI, 6 Relighms beliefs, religious rituals, a nd religious t)"ptril!nr:ts :1fI~ inu: rrcJatt."(1 and help IU reinforce OIlC anotht'l. 7 SociOlogists ha\'(' idcllIilied four ideal t)'C..'S uf rc li giolls organi z.l lio lls: the ut:iesia, th~ dllnQtn inQlitm, the seft, and Ihe cu ll, 8 B)' far tht: large~t single dcnomin:Hion 111 tllc United Statcs is ROlllan C., tholicism, a ltho ugh PrOIC:st:l1ll f,.iths col h~cth'r l)' accounled 101" about :)6 percent of the na lion's adul t popula tion in 19!-11. 9 Des pitc Iht' restriuions fhat cltisf againsf ordain ing women in c('rtain faiths, ther(' has bet'n :1 nOlicc;lbll' lise in remale clel'K)' in the United StatCS o\'cr the lilSt 15 ),ea r.5, 10 In the I,ne 196Qs, while 1Il;~or C hristian de nu mi na tions \\'crC beginning to shrink in si1;e, a resurgence of /u llda mf!lltQ/iJm began in I.he t: nilt."(l Slates. 1I The iSSlles of school prayer and ereo tio" iJm COI1fllllle to prOVO ke passionatc debate relr-Irding thc profX'1" ro le or religion in public sc h ool~.

    KEY TERMS
    Co sm 0 108)' A ge ncml IheolY of Ihe uni vcl'Se ad\'aJ1r~t by a rd igi".. , (p.l ge 402) Crea lionis's J'coplc who support ;1 literal inte rprefillioll of th t: book. of Genc~is regarding thc origins of fhe universe and a rg ue thaf e\'o llllioll sho uld nOI br preSt.'ntcd as established -.cielltific [:ICI. (<102) Cui' A generall), small, secreti\t: religiou~ group !Jut rcpresen tll eithc r a new religion or a m:~or innO\~tJolI of :11I eltiSfing rhidl , (40~) C llllllral IUli tJt: r $ols Ccll~ral pt, tCliceN (ound in e'o'l'n
    cu lt u re' . (393) D.mo lll; 11111;011 A large, organ ilcd religiun IIOt ofliciaJ/I linked with the statc or gon'nlmCIII, (404) Eccltsill A religious ul'gani7':lfion that claims 10 indOOr most 0 1 01 :,11 the me mbel1i of;J ~ocie ty lInd is U(ot ' nil,ed ;l5 1111: nafjun;il or offici;,l !'('Iigiu!). (403)

    Esta blished sect J. ;\ Iilton Vingcr's term for a religio'II6 g ro up that is the Outgrowth o fa seCI, yC t rCnlainsoo lated from weiel). (405) EVQlIgefictll /ai'h s Christidll ra.i th~ which p1.lce 1P~.u

    416
    l'illl HJI.'H ' !iDClAt 1, 'Sll1FI'/ON\ \

    empha~i~ 0 11 a perwllal rela tionship betwcen the indi\ldllal and God and bclic\'c that each adllcrent must spread the fOlith :111<1 bear Ix:rsonal WiUlCU by openl)' dt.-daring the religioll to nonbclie\crs. <1(9) Funda mentalism Adherence to earlier-accepted religiolls doctrines, often accompan ied by a literal applicatio n o f histOlical belie fs and scri ptures to tod ay's wolld. (409) t i/) traliQn th eology Use ofa church, plilllari ly KOlnan Catholici5m. in a pOlilical effort to t' limi n;rte poverty, discrimination, and other fomlS o f i l~usticc c\ idem in secular society. (399) Pentr:rollal f a ilhl Religious groups similar in mall)' respeCts to evangelical faiths, which ilt addition belicve ilt thc infusion o f the Holy Spirit into scnices :rn d in religious experiences such as fai dl heali ng aud ~s pell k ing in tongucs.- (409) P'redel ,ination A Calvinist doct ri ne \\'h ic h holds that IXOPIe e ithe r will be among the elect. who a re rewarded in heaven, or \\ill be condemned to hell a nd tha t thd r futures arc not derende nl on being righteous or sinful while on e;llth . (401) Profalle The ord inal)' and cOlTlmonplace e lements of life, as distinguished from the s:tcred. (395) P,otestan' ethic M:lX Weber's lenu for the disciplined "'~rk ethic, thi.s--world ly concems, a nd rntiona l oriencation 10 life elll phasi1.t."(1 by J ohn Calvin and h is followers. (400) Rtligion Acco rding 10 l': lI1i le Our kh cim. a unified S)'Stern of beli efs a nd pmcliccs relative to sacred things.

    Seeula riuztion The p roceS5 through whic h religion's inlluence 011 or.her social insti tu tions diminishes. (393)

    (395 )

    Rd igio us /)e fi efs SlmCIllCIlL\ 10 which membe~ of ;1 panicul:lr religion adhere. (401) kligio us tXptrience The feeling or perception of being in direct contact with the ultimale re.llil}', such as a d i\ine being, o r of being O\'ercolllc wi th l'e1 i giol\~ cmotiOIl. (403) Rt figious rituals Pr.lctices recl " ircd or expected of members of a fai th. (402) Religious valuts Shared conceptions of Wh;11 i, good. dtSir.lble, and proper that ;\risc out of religious f:tith .

    02) Sacred 'nlOse elements beyond everyday life which inspire awe. respect, and even fear. (395) A movcment of loosely connr~cted o rganizations that o l1'e r5 asylulll. oftcn in chu rches. to those who seek ref\lgee sta t u~ but a rc regarded by lhe Irnmigrd tioll ;1111 Natur.t.lil~ltion Scnice lIS itIeg;11 aliens. (399) Sr cl A relatively small religh) us group that has bl'llken ~way from some ottl el' religious orgdni7...uioll lO relH~w what it views as the original visio n of the fait h . (4tH )
    Sa ncllla ry movemrm t

    Cal'lno d y, Ocnisc L"Irdn c r. 11'011/"" 11/111 H'IJr{tl U,ligioll.5 (2d cd.). Englewood CHn;" N.J.: I'ren t1ct. I-1:tl1, 1989. A .. fe minist exami nalion o f wol'ld re ligions and women's religious experiences. D;l\'idllla n .l)~ln. Tradition ill fJ RooIim World: Wo",," 'lilOr IQ (J,1Iu)lloxjl4lWism. Berkelcy: University of C.,lifonlia I'ress, 1991. Using participant observation, Davidman follows the conversion Of)'Ollllg, secu laf.lcwish women into Onhodox Judai~m. Eve, Ra)"llond A . a n d Francis 11. Harrold. 7~ Crrorio,, ist Mooemtllt It! Modn"fl /l merien. Boston; "[wayne, 1991. T he amhol'll present a Ilol ~ udglllenr.al a n;u),sis of lhe crea t ion isl~' effort 10 control school c u rricula. G reclcy, Andrew to!. IlLilgi&uJ ChfJIIKf ill Alllmen. C,"IIllbridge. M:LU.: H:UTard Univcrsity " ress, 1989. "::Xalnilles social trends in re ligious doctrine. church :lltendance, financia l contributions. and social attitudes. Shupc. AJlson , andJeffrey K. H:tdden (eds.). -rhl PO/illts of flLflglOn IlIId Social Chnll/? New York: Pamgon HOII5C. 1988. T his \~hlme considers religion throug hout the world and ilS in terpla) wilh politics, focusing on such topics a~ relig io n in Somh Aftica, the cx pcricncCli of Muslims in com mu nisl natio ns. the im pact of Zionism o n the milicus!' aml libcrmion theology. Sigmuud, Paul E. U~arioll Throlog)' tll 0" Crouroods: [Nmrxrllq ar Iv.voilltiOlI r ~('w York: Oxford Uni\'~rsit) Press. 1990. A careful look at liberation theology, \\;th appendixes reprin ti ng some of the writings of C'ISt.'l\O CutierTc1.. Smit h, Ch ristia n . 7'he EIIIDgI'lIr/II/Uwmlion TluoJogy: Uadimf Illligil1lt alld Socillf M /'J1H'IIu:1lt ThtQT). Ch icago: UniIIc rsity of Ch1cllgO Prcss, 1991. A sociologi5t provides a brief history and a n anal,-sis or the libel"<ition lheology movement in Latin America. S""'IIOS. WiIliam H . Jr. (cd.). ('l1Idn- and /Wigion . N('w . Bl'lllls\\;ck. NJ.: Transaction. 1993. This anthology considers women's involvement in religiollS role~ and the im pact uf religion nn womcn's Ji ves.

    J..~.~.~~.~. . . ...................... . . . . . . ... ... . . ........... . .... . ... .. . . . ... ..


    TIle sociOlogical slltdy of rl"l igion is reOcclcd in the jourlUll J&r ,''' SriePllifir Silld, D Rlligion (follllded in 1961), f IvfiglOlI W,I"Ii (monthly newdCl.tcr, 1986), IVvitwof NdigiOl/J IWfflrc/i ( 1958), Svritll Cl)IlJjJ(I.!J$ (1954). and

    Sor;ologiwl Anulysis ( J!HO).

    417
    C/MV/'I!.// 14 l/EUG/ON

    .....................

    J:::'r:::::::::::r.....................

    ..............................................................................

    GOVERNMENT AND THE .............................................................................. ECONOMY ........................................................................... .


    .,
    MODELS OF POWER STRUCTURE

    ECONOMIC SYSTEMS Preindustrial Societies Industria l Societies Capitalism Socia lislll Posti ndustrial a nd J'ostmode rn Socie ties POUTICS AND GOVERNMENT Power T ypes o f Authority Traditional Authority Leg-dJ-Rational Authori ty C harisma tic Autho rity POUTlCAL BEHAVIOR IN THE UNITED STATES Political SocializatiOTl Participation and Apathy Women in Politics In terest Groups

    IN THE UNITED STATES


    Eli te Model The Powe r Elite TIle Rul ing Class Pluralist Model

    Veto Groups
    Dahl's Study of Pluralism
    ASPECI'S OF THE ECONOMY Occupations and Professions Work and Alienatio n: M al"X's View

    SOCIAL POUCY, GOVERNMENT, AND


    THEECONOMY: ~RMA~

    ACfION
    BOXES

    15-1 Speaking Out: Martin Lu ther Kin g on War and Peace 15-2 Everyday Behavio r: Farm Wo rkcf5 and the Abolition o r the ShonHandled H oe

    419

    bery course oJ rational political action is economically oriented.


    Max WtMf The Tht.ory o Sociol omi Yllomie Organizolion, 19/3- / 922

    LOOKIN G AHEAD
    How do capitalism, socialism, and communism dilTe r as ideal types? How are systems of power and authority organized? Can people in the United Slales be considered apathetic in their political bchavior? Is the United States run by a small ruling elite? How does a profession differ from an occupation? Have affirmative action programs gone l OO far -or not far enough-in ;:111 effort to combat discrimination ag<linst women and minorities? Ja nuary 20, 1993, nill Clinton was administered the oalh of office and bec;lme presidcnt of the Un itcrl Stales. In the months after he assumed the presiden cy, the stock market slowly we nt up. As o f mid 1993, man)' analysts fOl'ecasl tha t the marke t would d ro p during Clilllon's second year in office, bu t wou ld register a slow bu t st,eady increase during 1995 and 1996. The basis for this view is that a newly elected president wishes to fuHill a social, economic, and political age nda-but also wants to be reetec led. Analysis of me record of eve ry first-cenn p resident since 1900 reveals a predic table pattern: inilial economic optimism, fo llowed by a negative reaction as the president fig hts for controversial aspects of his age nda, ulti mately followed by two rears of economic good news as the president prepares for a reelection campaign (Sivy, 1993)_ It is difficult to imagine two social institutions as intertwined as govenunent and the economy. In addition to being the largest e mployer in the United Slates, governm ent at all levels regulates commerce and entry into ma ny occupa tions. At ule same time,

    On

    the economy gene rates the revc nue to suppol1 gm" enuncnt services, while lobb)~ n g groups reprtsenting industries :md laOOr unions rally behind J lilical "mdidales and attempt 10 influcnce public policy. The tenn eco nom ic system refers 10 the social institution uU'o ugh ..... hich goods ,md sclVices at'( produced , distributed , and consumed. As ....ith ~ cia! institutio ns suc h as the F mily, religion, and gO\a ernment, the economic system shapes oUler aspects o f the social o rder a nd is, in t UI'll , influenced 11.them . Throughout this textbook, we have been reminded of the economy's impac t 0 11 social behalior-for example, individual :md woup behal;Of in factodes a nd offices. We have studied the \\'ork of K:'trl Marx and Fliedlich Engcls (sce Chaplet! I and 8), who e m phasized that lh c econom ic s}'stem of a society can promote social inequality. And Wf lea rned (in Cha pte r 9) thal fo reign investment ill developing countries can intensify inequalir, among residen ts. Th e term p olitica l sys tem rciers to the social institution which re lies on a recognized SCt ofpnxedutes for implementing and achieving the goalsd a group. <Ich socicl}' must have a politiC"dl system in order to maintain recognized procedures for alloc.t ting \~.t l ue d resou rces. Thus, like [-eligion and th e fa mily, Ule economic and political systems art c ultural uuivcrsals; they are social imtiwtions found in evel)' sodety. In the Un iH Smtes, the political d system holds ulLimale responsihili ly ror addrcssing the social policy issues examined in this textbook: c hild care, lhe AIDS crisis. sex ual harassme nt, gun cont,'o l, and all the rest. Chapler 15 will presenl sociological analysis of the impact of governme nt and the economy on people's Ihcs. We will begin with macro-level anah:sis of the variety of economic systems used by prein

    420
    PAR,/, FOUR SQCJIoI. J.'iSfrrlfffo,\'S

    dusII;ai a nd industria l socict ies to ha nd le I;L.. ks of prodllctioll and distriblltion. Next we will examine the )()urct.'S of powe r in a polilical )~ I em and ,.,.ilI dt'Kribe Ihree lypeS of :llIl horily identi fied by :\1ax Weber. In sLUdying guvcrnl1lelll anel pu litic... in Ijl(!United States, \\'C will give particular ;I\telllion to plliitical soc iaiilalion, ci lil.cns' parlicip;uion in poLUC2llife, the changing role of women ill poiil.ics, iLUd the influence of illlcrt.'!it groups 011 decision making. The q\le~ ti o ll M Who I'call), ru les the U nited Stttt:5?M will be posed, ,md lhe dilc and pluralist models of powe r will be comras tt'd , Then , using micfl>"le...cl sociological analysis, wc will consider lIork and me work place. Finally, tlte S()Ciai po licy scction \\ill focus 0 11 the iruensc debate over affi m mtivc -actioll-an issue which underscores Ihe \I'a y in IIhk:h gOl'cl1Imcllt and the ('cnl1OIllY arc inte rtwined ,

    Preindusrrial Societies
    Ibe earliest wrine n docume nts known 10 exist. clay LablelS from abou t 3000 n.e., were foulld in 1981 in Ir.ll1, Ir:.lq, :md Syria. It is tilling comme ntary on the importance of the economic secto r tha t these tablets record unil5 of land and agliclIlturnl prod(Ices slIch as grai n . or coursc. economic life has grOlI1l excct:dingly com plex durin g the inler\'c lling .-11100 years. Onc kc), I:u:wl' ill Ihis change has been the de\'clopmcllt ofincrcil)ingi)' sophi)ticatcd tcch nology for tasks of produclioll and dislribll1 io n. 11lt tcnn tech nology refers to the application of knolll<:dge to the making or tools and lh e lll ilizalion of nalUral resourcc:.. The form Iha t <l particubr tconomic S)'S11.:111 takes is not totalty delined by the available tecilllology. Ncvcrtheless. lhe Ic\'cl of Ifchnolos,,}, will limi l. for exam ple, the degree 10 which a society call depend 011 irrigalion or COIllplex machi nery. rrcind ustrial socie tics ca ll bl' categorized o n th e lruis of their econo mic ... )'Stellls. T h c firs t type Ln emerge is th e IlIm,illg-(wd-ga ,lI erillK society, in which people simply rely on whatcve r foods and fiber arc ..cadit), ;w<1ilablc . Tcchnolo~ in such so"Y cieties is lHi ll ima l. People ,I!'e constantl), on the more in search or food . and there is linlc division uflabor into ) peciali/cd tasks ( Lcn~ ki Ct ill., 199 1).
    /Jilt ail/tOil if IhoWI! ill " May J 993
    "l awPl 1II1f'11llg" Itfld III lhf /f(JS(' (;(lI'df'l

    II) lIu U'hit, 1l OllY.

    Hu nling-and-galllcring societies arc COlllposed of small . widely disfX' i'scd groups. Each group consists almost e ntirely of people related 10 onc: a nother_ As a resuh. kinship lies arc the source 01 authority and innucncc, and the family takes o n a panicu lal'1y important role, Sincc n :'sourccs arc scarce, lhere is rcla ti\'c!y little ineq ua lity in term .. of ma te rial goods. Social d ifferentiation wilhin the hunting-and-gathering soc iet)' is based un such ascd bcd charaCleristics as gender, age . and family backgrou nd _ Horticultllral societies, in which people plant seeds and crops rather 'han subsist. merel y o n availa ble foods. e merged perha ps 9000 rears ago. In contrast to IJle hu nters and gathe rers. membe rs of horticultu ral societies arc much less nomadic. Conseq uently. they place g re ate r c m phas is on the production of tools and household ubjects. Yet lec hnolob Wilhill horticu ltuml socicljes remains r<lllier "Y limi ted . Cuh..iv-dtion of c.rops i.. perfonncd with the aid of digging sticks or hoes,

    421
    1.IIM'rHI"
    {;(J\H{N.\lf~\1 1L\1)

    '1111: 1;;0"'0,\11

    i'rti'lduslrial tro'lQmic l]slnTU j/il/ ml/

    in Ihl! 19905. Shown art I~llllgm IN JJ,tuil who ff1)t' 'IMf IIv Amazon Rnon:
    As farming in horticuhural societies b'Tadually b(.... comes more efficit!l1l, a social surplus is c reated. The term social surplus refe rs la the produc tion by a group of people of enough goods LO cove r their own needs, while at the same time sustaining other people who are nOI e ngaged in agric ultural tasks. As a result of the emergence of a surplus, some individuals in horticultural societies begin LO specialize in such (asks as governance, military defe nse, and leadership of religious obsen-allce. As was noted in Chapter 8, inc reasing division oflabor can lead 10 a hi erarchi cal social o rder and to differential rCW'J.rds and power. The lOin s..,ge of pn:induslria\ dc\eiopmcllt is the agrariQ11 society. As ill horticulturnl societies, memo bers of agr.lfian societies are primarily e ngaged in the production of food. However, because of the introduction of new technological innovations such as the plow, fanne rs dramatically inc rease the ir crop yield. It becomes possible to c ullimte the same fields over generations, thereby allowing th e eme rgence of still largc r settlements. The tcchnology of the agr.lrian society continues to rely on thc physical po.....er of humans a nd ani~ mals. Nevc nheless. there is more extensive division of labor lhan in horticu ltural societies. Ind ividuals foclls on specialized tasks, such as repair of fishing

    nets or work as a blacluimilh. A~ human sc lt1em~nlt become more establishcd a nd stable, political illstitutions become more elaborate and conctpts of property tights takc o n growing importance. Th~ comparative permanence and grcater surpluses of agrarian society make it more feasible to create ar tifacts sllc h as statues, public monumenu. and an objects and lO pass them on from one generation to the ncxt.

    Industrial Societies
    Although lhe industrial revolution did 1101 toppl(, monarchs, it produced changes as significant as those resulting from political revolutions. The illdu.strial revolution, which look place largely III England during lhe period 1760 to 1830, \OtdS a SCIentific rcvolution focused 011 the application of nonanimal sources of power to labor tasks. It Involved cha nges in the social organiz.'ltion of Lhf workplace, as peopl e left the homestead and began working in central locations such as fa ctories. As the industrial revolution proceeded , societio relied o n new inventions thal. fucilitated agricultW"al and industrial production and on new sources 01" energy such as steam . Many societies unde ......cnt all irrevocable shift from an agrarian-orie med ecol}-

    422
    I'AKI' f 'OUR SOCIM. /JI,,,..fwnONS

    omy lO an induslJial ba.'K!. No longer did ;:111 indi\;dual or famil y typically make an entire produc l. Instead , the division of I"oor beca me increasingly (omplex, especially as manufacturing of goods be,"01111(' more common ( Lc Jlski Cl aI., 1991). Th~ process of indUlitrialilalion had dist.inCLive . aocial consequences. Famili es and communi ties timid nOl conLinue to fun ctio n as se lf-sufficient WlitS. Indi\iduals, vi llages, and regions began 10 ex(lunge goods and services and become intcrrlept'l1dent. A~ people camc [0 rely on the labor of mrmbcl'lI of otber co mmlln iti es, the famil y lost its unique positio n as the.: source of power and authority. The need fo r spccialil'cd knowledge led W more fo nnalizcd ccillcaLion, and e ducation nm:rged as a social imtitutio n disLinct from the family. In general terms. an j"dustrial society c m be dclined as a ~sociel)' that relics chie ny un mcchani4uiol1 for [be productiun of its economic goods andselVices~ (Dushkin , 199 1:283-284). There an:two bas ic t)'pCs of econorni( syste ms which dis tinlU~h conte mpora ry industrial soc ictics: capitali,\1ll and socialism, As desc ribe d iu thc foll owiug secbfJru, capitalism and socialism serve as ideal t)1>Cs ut ttunomic systems. Nu !lilt iun precisely fi ts either mude!. Instead, the ecollomy of each industria l we reprcsent.'; a mixwre of Glpitalism and soc ia lism, although o ne type o r til e mhe r will generally lilt more uscful in describing a socie ty's economic
    ~("turc .

    CIpItaIism In the prcindll!urial societies des(Tibed


    tarlirr, lane! furt ctio ned as Ill(' so urce of virt ually <Ill wtalth. Ho.....ever, the industrial revolution rCfJuired Iba[ (el'\ai ll illdi\~ dual s 0111(1 institutions be willing 110 ttke substa ntial risks in o rde r to finan ce lIew in1IrIItions. machine ,)', and busines... c ntcrvrises. ConIt'qtlt'TIIly, bankers, industrialiSL~. and othe r huld e rs large sums of mon ey replaced landowners as lh e 1IJuII1 po.....erfu l economic force. Th ese peopl e in~rd their funds in the hope of reali zing even I'Nter profi L~ and thereby became owners of propem .and business firms . nit' transition lo priy.uc ownership of busint.'SS lID oICcoll1j>an ied by the em ergence o f lhe c;:lpilIIisr economic ~)'Stcm. As we saw in Chapter 8, ,.,ilolisrn is an econo mic s>'Sl'em in which the

    means of producLion are la rgely in primtc han (L~ a nd lhe ma in in centive for {'conumic lIcti\it)' is the accumulation of profit., ( D. Rosenberg, 199 1). In pracLice, capitalis[ sys tcnH \Idly in lhe degree to whic h prim[c ownership and eco nomic activity are regulated by govc rnm e nt. During the period immediately fo llowing the illdusuial revolution, the prevailing !"onn of capiL'llism was what is te rmed la isst'%1a ire (~ I e llh clll do"). Undcr the principle of l aissez~faire, as expounded and e nrlorscd by British economist Adam Smith (1723-1790). people cou ld compele freel y with minimal gove rllment intelvention in the economy, Business retained the lighl to regula te itsel f a nd essentia lly ope ra te d witho ut fea r of government regulation (Sme lser, 1963:6-7). T .....o centuries later, capitalism has taken on a some ..... hat different fo rm . PI'ivate ownership and m(tximi7.alio n of profits Ie main [he most sig n ific<lllt characteristics of capitalist econo mic systems. 1lowever. in contran 10 the ern of laissezfaire, conte lllpOl~ry capit.'liism fe atures extensive go\'erllmcllt reg ulatio n ot" economic relatio ns. WiUlOlIt restrictio ns, business firms can mislead consumers. endanger th e safety oftheirworkel"S, and even defraud lhe compallies' inveslor5-all in 11)(" pursuit of gre<llc r profi L~. As a result, the government ofa ca pit.'1list nation often m onitors prices, sets safety standards lo r industries. passes legislatio n to protec t the rig hts of consumers, and ,cgulates collccLivc harg"d.i ning between labo .. unions and ma nagement. Yel, under c:lpitalism as an idea l type, govcmment rarely takes over own e rship of all e ntire induslly. Con l.cmpor,uy cap ilali.~ tlI also diffe rs frolll laissc1-faire in another importanl respect: tile lolerance of monopolistic practices. A tnlHlOpoly ex ists in a marke t whe n il is controlled by a si ugle business firm . Domination of an industry a llows the finn to effec tively conool a commodity so that it can dictate pricing, st.'1n dal'd~ of quality, and availability. Buyers have liul!; c ho ice but to yield LO th e fin .. '.'I decision ; there is no other place to purc hase ule product or service. Clearly. monopoli~tic p r-;.. ctices violate the ideaJ of fret:: compcLition c he rished by Adam Smith and oUle r supporters o f laissCJ.:-f:tire capitillism. As is true in U1 C United Slates, the government of it cllpitalisl nation can outlaw monopoli es

    423
    CI/A/'1U~

    I' (V\'I.H.""M'<T 10,\'0 "1"/11- J-.(V\'U.IIr

    rnore l'estricled than one might expect irr what i~ called a fr I'1IlaprisI' S),SlI'lII. in IlUmel"OlIS indll5uics. a few companies \argd)! dominatc the field and exclude new enlerpriscs from entering the marketplace. An oligopoly is a market with relatively few sellers. In lhe Uniu;d States, three cerea l companies accounl for 80 percen1 of the market. Moreover, control of the domestic production of 98 percem of locomotives, 96 percent of aU1.D1 nohi les, 88 per eem or chewing gum , and 81 percent of cigarettes is held by no morc than fOllr finns in e:lch ofthC5C respective industries. The nation's economy h:l~ re mained conCClltr.Jled in the hands (II' a small numbe r of companies. Indecd, the principle 01 free competition has been M!riollsly compromi!il'd in contcmporary cilpitalisl societies (Galbraith, 1978: 189-196: Nadcl' e t al., 1976:2(9). Socialism Socialist theot}' was relined in the writings of Karl Marx and Fricdrich Engcls (sce Chaptcr I) . T hcse European radic;.tls were disturbed 1)) the exploitation of the working claM; as it emerged during the industrial re\oluuon. In their view, capillllisrn forct.""tllargc numbers of people to cxchangt> their laoor for wages. As was de tailed ill Chapter s' the owne rs of an industry profit from the labor of their workers, pl'i111arily because they pay worker~ less 1han the value of U1C goods produced. As an ideal type. a socialist economic s)'lHern reprCs('nLS an a u c rnpt to eli minate sHch eco nomic dploitation. Under socialism, the means of prodlK' tion and distribution in a socicty arc col1t:cti\e~ rathe r than prh'a tely owned. The hasic o~i ecti\"e of the economic syste m is to meet p(oplc's needs (,uhe r than 10 maximize profits. Socialists rcjccl the laissez-faire philosophy that free competition ben efits tire gene"ll public. lnstead , the), bcliCl'e thal basic economic decisions sho uld be made by the cenlr.\I govcrn mcnt, which acts as the reprCSCrlcalivc of lhe people. Therefore, government ownership of al1 m:tiol" industric!>-including steel production , automobile manufac ulIing. a nd agricuhurc-is a m:tior feallll'C of socia lism as an idtai
    t)lX!.

    IHSpll~

    an official f'OlIIlIIi'rnt'llf 10 brliidillg (J dLl.)Skn roll/Ill/mill locitty. Chi/m nliers hmrt' (jlwwtd rI",lnrfJJ of

    II

    fr" t11IIM UOllol1lJ - mrd t:LV1I


    /o
    fill

    MrfJollaUfs IW/iOlI sri/its.

    Imsilllr s5

    ilr

    fIll'

    through antil11.1 st legislation. Such laws prevent any business from laking over so much of the com petition in llll industry that it gains control of the market. The federal government aIJo\\'S monopolies to exist o nly in cena in exceptional cases, slIc h <IS the utility and transpol"latio n induslries. Even then , regulatory agencies arc established 10 scl"Utinize these officially approved monopolies and protect the public. Yet, as connicl theorists poim out, while pI/re monopolies are not a basic clement of the economy of the Unitcd States, co mpelilion is much

    In pmclice. soci'llist econo mic s)'SIt:IlIS vary in the exte nt 10 which pri\o;rte ownersh ip is to lerated. For exa mple, ill Great I\I;tain, a nation I"ith certain '"' pects of both a socialist and a capita list economy.

    424
    I'ART f"O(JH .'1(:/AI i ..,,-rrl'lrrmNS

    p~nger

    airline sen'icc is concel\tr.u ed in the corpol';:ltio n British Airways. Yet private airline cOIllIl< "lnies a re a llowed 10 compete \>;Ih it. Socialist societies also d ilTer from ca pitalist naIjlJlls in their commitmen t to social service pro~r:l m s. Fo r exa mple. thc United Sw tes gove rnm c nt provides h ealt h care and health inSUI":'IIlCc fo r th e dderly a nd dcsotllle th rough the Med icarc a nd \Iedicaid probJ"rams. A~ we shall see in the .social policy section or Chapte r 17. in 1993 the Cl il1 ton .wmini.st ra tio n proposed a b road program to re[onn the nation's h ealth care system. Ry COlllr.lSt, \OCialist countries typically offer gwt:rI"'InI /filial/CM medical care for a ll dtizens. [n Iheo r)" the 'oIt',lhh of the people as a co\lcctivity is lIsed to p roIlde health carc. housing. education . :md othe r key ""'"ices for each individ ual a nd fa ulily. In rent decades. the Soviet Union, th e People's Rc-jlublicofCh ina, Vietnam. Cuba , rl nd th e na tio ns I"If C>;lStem Europe \,'ere popularl), thought of as ex:imple! of commu niSI economic syste ms. Ho .....ever. Ibis is aClually an incorrect usage of ;t tenn WitJl ~t",itiye political connOla tions. As a n ideal t),pe. communism refers to a n econo mic system under which all property is commllnall}' owned a nd no so(IoU distinctions are made on lhe basis Ilf pcople' .. abilitr to produce. In Man'" view, C01ll m unist soci etic~wi l1 naturall y e\"olve OIlt of lhe stage of socialIMll. The socialist stale o r govern me n t of each nalion will C\'e n nrally Mwithcr away . ~ as will a ll int(luality ,lIld social class differCllIiatio n . Ahho ug-h lilt' leaders o f tnrl n> \w!..nticm-cen lllry ,cvolulions--including the RlI$Sl:m Revolution of 19 17 Jnd the Chinese Re\"olHlion of 19'19- 1950-havc I)mclaimed the goal of ac hieving a classless COIllU lllHist socie ty. a ll na tiom known as Cmlllll'lIll i~1 in !hI' twcUliet h ce ntury hrl\'e re mai ned fa r fro m ulis idtal. R~ the early 1990s, Commun ist p.lIties wcre 00 longer ruling lhe na tions of easte rn Europe. The fiNt m ~or challe nge to Cu rmnunist rule ca me in 1\11)0 when Poland's Sol idarity mo\'ement-led by ILCh \\'alesa and backed by many .....orkers-<Iues114 .mctl the injusl.ices of tha t socie ty. While nla rtial UW initialJy IOIc:ed Solidarity unde rground , it (!\'CIIIll.lll l' oegot i a l~cI the e nd nf Comm uni ~t pa rty rule III 1\)89. Ovcr th~ next two rears, dominant corn nllrnist panies were overth rown after popu la r up~'emm e nl .()wn ed

    ri.<;ings in the Soviet Un ion a nd th roughout e::lStCnI Eu ro pe. The fo rmer Sovie t. Un io n , Czcc h os I O\~.t ki a, all<l Yugoslavia ,,'e re subdividcd to mo,c closely a pp roximate the e thnic. ling uistic, a nd religions diflowc\'c r. as of 1993. fe rc nces with in these are;.lS. 1 China. Cuba, ;md Vietn;1I1l remai ned 'ioci;lliSl soci c ues ruled by C.Ollllllun ist pa ni cs (M. Kc ulledy. \ 993). As we have seen. capi talism :mcl ..ocirllisnl SCIVC as ideal types of econo m ics>'litc ms. In reality. the economy of each ind usuia l socie ty-including lhe United States, Great Britai n, and J a pan-includes ccrtain elements o f both ca pita lism a nd socialism. Wh ateve r th e d iffe re nces. whethe r they more closely fit the ideal type of capiwlism or socialism, a ll industria l socie ties rei>' c hiefl y o n mechanization in the produc tio n of goods a nd selViccs.

    r.~~.~.~ .~~.i.~.,.~.~ .. r.g.~.~g.~~r~ .. ~Q.~.~~p'.~.~ ....


    T he significa nt cha nges in the occupa tional Slnl C lure of ind ustrial socie tie .. as their focns shifts from llIanu H ICluring to scrvice industries haw led social scientists to call technologically advanccd natio ns /IOs/indus/rilll .fOrie/ies. Sociologist Daniel Uell ( 1973, 1989: 1(""18) defines pos/industrial society ;L~ a socie ty whose economic system is e ngaged in lhe processing and control of information . T he plimary o u tput of a post indllsuiai society is 'iC lvlCCS r.llhc r than man ufacHIIed goods. Lll"ge n umbcrs of people become im'o lved in occuprltio ns devoted to the lcachin g. gc nc l';:luoll . or d isseminatiOl I o f ideas. Taking a functionalist perspecti\'e , Bell \;e ....'S th is tl';:lIlsilion fro m industrial to posti ndustrial society as a pmitive development. Hc secs a gene ral decl ine in o rganil.,!d working-class groups a nd <I ,ise in inte rest gro ups conce rned with suc h national issues a~ health . e duGltio n , and the e nvi ro nment. Bell 's o utlook is fun ctio nalist because he portrays postind us trial socie ty as basically consensua l. Or ganizations and interest groups will engage in a n ope n a nd compcti tiye process of decision making. TIle level of conflic t bclween di\'ers<: gro u p.~ will dimin ish , a nd there will be much glcatc r soc ial Stabi lit,y. Conflict theorists take issue with Bell's analysis of postindustrial socicty. f or exam plc, Mk hacl IlarringlOll ( 1980: 125-126) , who ale rted the natio n to

    425

    the problems of the poor in his book The Olher


    AmeriCfl, was critical of the significance that Bell at-

    POUTICS ANDC;:;Q.~Il,N.J\1!ll'.r:r ...............


    A c ull.Urai universal common 10 all economic s)')"

    tached to the growing class of white-collar workers. Harrington conceded that scientists, engin eers, and economists arc involved in imporu\llt political a nd econo mic decisions, but he disagreed with Bell's claim IJ1<\1 they have a free hand in decisio n making, independent of the inte rests of the rich. Harrington followed in the tradition of Marx byarguing that connicl between social classes will continue in postindustrial socicry. More recent a nalysts have gone beyond discussion of postindustrial societies to the ideal type or postmodern socie ty. A postrlloderli society is a teChnologically sophisticated society tlmt is preoccupied with consumer goods and media images (Fiala, 1992: 15 16). In such societies, goods a nd infonnalioll are co nsumed on a mass scale th at facilitates social tas l e.~ and requires \"';de spread appreciation and participation by ule masses of people. Posunodern theorists lake a global perspective and give alLcntiOIl lO the ways in which aspects of c ulture arc shared across national boundaries (refer back to Cha pter 9). For example, reside nts of the Uni ted Stales may listen to regg-.JC music from Jamaica. wear perfumc or cologne from Paris, go to museums la see African art, and eal sushi a nd other types ofJ apanese food. Allhe same Lime, peoplc around tllC world e njoy Hollywood action film s a nd television programs (LYOl.'lrd , 1993). The e mphasis o f poslJl1ode rn theori5ts is o n observing :md describing newly emerbri ng culturAl forms and pallerns of social intcmction. In the academic world , postmode rnism contributes to a breakdown of oou ndar"ics betweell disciplines; there is e ncourage ment for drawing on the contri butions of historians. economists, psychologists, hioiobrists, ant h ropologisL~, soc iologists. ;:lI1d others. Withi.n sociology, the postmodern view offers support for integrating th e insights ofV<\Iious tileorClical pers pectives-functionalism, co nflict theory, int c ractio nism, and labcling Ih eory-while incorporati ng fe minisl I,heor-ics and other contcm po ralY approaches. Indeed, fem inist sociologists argue 01>timistically that, with its indilference to hierarchies and distinctions, posIlllodernism will discard traditional valucs of male dominance in favor of gende, equality (Ritzcr, 1992b:493- 497 ; Smart, 1990; B. Turner, 1990; '-,\11 Vucht Tijssen , 1990) .

    terns is Ihe exercise of power and authority. l l!to stnlggle 1'01 powe r and authorilY inevitably ill\"oh"e$ politics. which politic.t.l scie ntist Harold ~"C11 ( 1936) defined as "who gets what, wllen, and h(l\l,In their study of politics ::IIId go\"emment, sociol<' gists are concerned wi th social interaClions among individuals and groups an<l their impact on tilt large r political and economic order.

    Power
    Power is at the heart uf a political system. In Chal~ ter 8, Max Weber's concept of power was examined. :\IId powr:r WlIS defined as the ability to exerci~ onc's will ove, o thers. To put il another way, if ant' pan)' in <I rciati onship can control the beha\10r of the other, thal individual or group is exercising power. Power relatiOlls ca n ilwolve large organi~ tiom, small grou ps, o r even people in an intimate associatio n. As we saw in Chapter 13, Blood a.nd Wolfe ( 1960) devised Ih e concept of marital powtr to describe the manne r ill which decision making is disllibuted wi thi n families (refer back 10 80\ 13-1 on page 366). There arc thlcc basic sources of power within;ut, political syste m - force. influence, and autllOrir._ Force is the actllal or threatened uSt! of coercion It! impose o ne's will on oth el":'!. When leaders imprisoll or even execule po lit ical disside nts, they arc appl.... ing force; so, loo, arc terrorists when they seize an e mb...b sy 0 1 3.'>.'i.'l.SSinale;l poli tical leader. Influtnu, on the other hand, rere rs to the exercise of power through :1 process of pe rsuasion. A citizen 1IllI change his or her position regarding a SlIprernt Cou rt nom inee because of a newspaper editorial, the expert testimony of a law sc.hool {kan befort the Senatc Judit.:iary Comm ittce, o r a stirri~ speech at a rally by a political activist. In each C"d.~. sociologists would view s lIch clTorts to persuade people as examples of influe nce. The third SO Ur(f of power, authority, will be discussed in the ncxtSfi" tion of this chapter.

    :!):P. S...?~..iI:~I.~.?~'I.............................................. __. C


    The tellll authority refers to power that has been institutionalized a nd is recogn ized by the pcoplr

    426
    "ART n)IJR SOCIAL 1.\'S'rrl"LTIO\S

    Shown art a YOIUba king and tldns i11 Nigrria. The king's J{J/J.1Ig uttendants carry his umn(mial sv.,qrds, lJ"lhols of /mditimlnl ({u/hDrily.

    O\'er whom it is exercised. Sociologists commonly use the tenn in conneCl;on \.';th those who hold legitimate power th ro ugh elected or publicly ac knowledged positions. It is importam to stress that a person's authority is lim ited by the constra ints of a particular social position. Thus. a referee has the authority 10 decide whether i\ penalty should be called during a football game but has no aUlhority orer the price of lickets to the game. Max Weber ( 1947, oribrinal edition 1913) developro a classification system reganling aUlhority that has become one of the most useful and frequently cited conuibutions of early sociology. He identified three ideal types o f authority; trad itio nal , legalrational, and charismatic. Weber did not insist that only OIlC type is accepted in a given society or or ganiJ..1tion. Rather, ;111 can be prcsem. but their relative imporwnce will v.uy. Sociologists have found Weber's typology V;lluable in unde rstan ding differen! manifestations o f legitimate power within a society. TraditionaJ Authority In a political system based

    on traditiOllal authority, Icgitimatc power is confClTecl by custom and accepted practice. The orders of one's superiors arc felt to be legitimate because "this is how things have <llways been done. For example, a king or qlleel1 is accepted as ruler ora nation simply by virtue or inheriting the crown. The monarch may be lovcd or hated, competent or deslrUctivc; in tcnns or legitimacy, that does not mat ter. For the traditio nal leader, authority rests in CU Stom. not in personal c haractcristics, technical competence, or C\'cn written law. Traditional authority is absolme in many instanccs because the ruler has the ability to determinc laws a nd policics.
    ft

    LegalRational AutJlority Power made legitimate by law is known it.. lega l-ratiO/IaI authority . Lead ers deri\'C their Icgal-r.ltional authority from the wrinen nLles and regulations of political systems. For cxample, the authority of the president of the United States and the Congress is legitimized by the Consti tution. Generally, in socicties that are based on legal-r.ttional authority. It!adcrs arc conceived of as having specific areas of competence and all-

    427

    Ihority. They are not viewed as having divine inspiration, as a rc the heads of certain societies with traditional fOllns of a uthority. Charismatic Authority Weber also observed tha t power can be legitimized by the c harisma oran individual. The lenn charismatic authority refers to power made legitimate by a leader 's exceptio nal personal or emotio nal a ppea l to his or her follm...el's. Charisma leLS a person lead or inspire without relying on sel rules or tradi tions. Inte resti ngly, c harismatic authority is de rived more from the beliefs of followers than from th e actual qualities of leade rs. So long as people /Jl'fui,wa leader as hav ing qualities selling him o r he r apan from ordinalY citize ns. t.hat leade r's authorit,)' wlll remain secure a nd often unquestioned. Un like traditional l1Jlers, c harism;uic le ..den; of: te n beco me well known by breaking wilh esmblishcd instit.utio ns and advocat in g dramatic cha nges in the socia l structure and th e econo mic syste m. Th eir strong h old over their followers makes it ea~ icr to bui ld protest moveme nts which c halle nge the dominant no nTls and values of a society. Thus, c harismatic leaders sllch as Jesm, .I 0<t1l o r Arc, Mahallna Ga ndhi , Mako lm X, and Martill LuUler King (sce Box 15- 1) al1 used their power to press fo r c hanges in accepte d social bc1l>wior. But so did Adolfl-litlcr, whose charismatic appeall.urned people toward violent and d cstnl Cli\'c ends. Observi ng from an intel'<lctio nist pe rs pectivc. sociologist Carl Couc h lJ990) points ou t that tll c growth of the c lectronic media has facili tated the developme nt or charism alic authority. During the 19305, the heads of stat c of the Gnited States, Great Brimin , and Germany all used m dio to issue direct a ppeals to ciU7.c ns. In recenl decades. te levi.sion has a llowed leaders to "visit" peoplc's ho mes and com munic-.uc with them. [n 1950, ro r cxounple, Preside lH Harry Tnllnan an noun ced thc outhreak of the Ko rean war on telcvision. By 1990, Iraq 's presideTll, Saddmn J-Iussein , was posing with foreign ~gu esLS" (acllmlly, hostages) 10 cOllvey a particular message to an internalional audie nce (scc a lso Wasielewski. 1985).
    As was noted earlier. Weher IIscd tr;ulitional. leg;:ll-

    bine e lemenLS of two or more of tllese fo rms. Pre&idelll.'> Fr;mkiin D. Roosevelt,joh n F. Ke nnedy, and Ronald Reagan wielded power largely through the legal-r:Jtiona l basis of their au thority. At the ~ time, they were umL~ually charisma tic leaders ",'00 cumma nde d the personal loyalty of large numben of cilil.c ns.

    POLIT ICAL BEHAVlOR IN !!!J.:: . YNI:I~!:>...~.T.~T.~........................_. _. __ .


    A~

    citizens o f lhe United States, we take for grant(d many aspects o f o ur political system. We arc accUllamed to living in a nation with a BiJl o f Rights, t\\O major political parties, voting by secret ballot, an elected president. st.ue and local gO\enllnen l~ di<.' linct rrolll the national gove rnment. ;Uld so rOM Yel, or cou rse, each society hru! ilS own \\~.)'! ofgovcrn ing itse lf and making decisions. Just as we ex pect Democrati c ;)nd Republi c;m candidatCli to C0111pcte ror public ollices, rcsidentJ. of tile People I Repllbli c of China and Cuba arc accustomed to Ihr domination oft-he Communist pany. ln this section wc will examine a number of impo rmnt aspeclli tJi political be ha\'ior wiUlin tht: United Slates.

    .Politi~~...~.Q~~.~ .~~.?:.~!J.~~......................,....................M_
    III Chapter 5, live functional prcrequisites lhat a~) cie lYmust fullill in order to survi\c were identified, Among these was the need to teach recruits to:l(' cepl thc \"<lltLes and customs of the group. In a pr~ liticaI sense. this func tion is crucial : each succeeding gc ncl-atio n must be e ncouraged to accept" socicty's IXlSic polilical \'allies ;m d ilS panicuJar llI e lh od~ o f decision making. Political Jociali%ation is the process by ",hid! individuals acquire political auitudes and develop pattc rns or political beha\'ior. This involves rlOl Oll~ leandllg ute preva ilin g be liefs of a socie ty but also com ing IQ accept the surroundin g political system despit e its limi tations and problems (Margl'l', 198 1:32 1-323). In th e United Sta tes, peopleare5(~ ci .. lil.ed lO view rep,esentativc democr<lCY as tilt best lo rm o r governmen t and to c h eri~h such \<1J.. lies ru! rrc..:edom . equality. p:ttrinl i'llll, and ule right or dissent . The I}nncipal institutions of political soc.ializa-

    rational. and c harismatic alHhority as ideo.1 types. In reality. parlic ular leaders ;md po litical syste ms COIll-

    428
    / '.lRT FOUR SOCiAl 1.>i\- rrllrI10N\

    SPEAKING OUT
    MARTIN LUTH ER IUNC ON WAR AND PEACE
    Onf' soorct 0/ ch(lrnmalit: flPPf'1I1 is Iht tbpunct 0/ fI poliliml or rtllgious Ilodtr, Cmainly Ihil 1<'l1S 1,11f of Dr, ,l/lmill t lll}u!!" King.jr., Ild'1J5' ftlmed -//rOIlt a drr.a",~ l/Hffh tiunllg Iht 196) mmeh all \\ ashillgtQlI fur duil
    ,,;n, 10 ,I crea tile contcst to ha rness I11:Ul'S ge n ills 101' the pur~ o f mak ing peace an d pros perily a fL.... a li ty for all the natio ns of .he world . In short, \','c must shift the anllS mct' into a -pe;lce race.~ If wc have the will :md d elel1llinatioll to mount

    nghU in!ipj,~lll"my PWI'/' of all rIlces.


    Ki'l{ was wel/.-aI<llIYl' of 11,., l<'llp ill lultUIr poIiliml t/t'Cis;QlIS Il<orill I(nIt inflUnlcttt (iomtStie isSIII$, ,,, Iht

    m, /I.,.

    such a peace offensh"t!,

    I~e

    will un-

    {dlowillg ltltC1101l, t XU?!/ffl from fh, (Q"riusioll a/ Ms Ifl.II book, Where Do We Go fro m Hcre: Chaos UI" COIllmunit)'? King (1968:181, 185-186. 191) addrt'SSl'S fht dmlgr"" of mul.tar M!l'!llpons and fll, /Imf la rhnilh l}fflct: . A final pt'ob1cm that mankind mllit soh'c in o rder to SUf\;\'C in thc \<lurid house utat we ha\"e inherited il finding an altel"Tlative to \',':11' and hUntOln destru ctio n. Recel1t cvcnts lul't' ,i,idly reminded us that nati,)["1S are not reducing bill rathcr U1ueOlsing their arkn" ls of \'o~'apons of mass destruction. Tile bt...., brains in the highl y del'eloped IllItiom of the world are dcvoted to Ilnliw)' tc:.'Chnology. The pro lifer.tImn of nucle"r weal}()m has not been halted, in spite of the limitedtt"llban treaty I of 1963]. ... It i~ not enough (0 s.ay, "We must UtJI "'"-age wa r.~ It is necess:u ), to lo\"c p(';)re and sacrifice for it. Wc must ~oncentrate nOI merel y 011 the ~r.u:bcation of \\'ar bUl on the alIirmauon of peace. A fascinating SLOry JhuUl UI)"SK'S an d the Sirens is pre

    iJr. Marl;'1 tu/II/"!" /(JIIg, j'" sef\'ed for us in Greek li ter,llurc. The Sirens had the abilit)' tosingw ~wcetl}' that s.ailors could not resist stccri ng toward their isl;md . Man}, ships were lured npon the rocks, :md men fo rgot 1I01lll' . dUI}' and h onor 3.!i Ih,-1' flung thelll.)Ch'cs in to the sea to be embrdced by:lnns Ihal drew them down to d(':l1h. L.:lysses, dctl'nnilll'd not to succumb to the Sirens, fil'lot de<idcd 10 tie himself tightly to the m:lSt of hi 1)O;ll and his crew stuffed their e<lfS \',ith wax. But fi nall y hl: ;'\ lId his crcw learncd

    :, bener \',~\y 10 S.1V(- thcmselves: The)' took on board tIll" be:lUtifll1


    ~i l1 ger

    O'Vhcus.

    wh~'

    ll1elodie~

    were sweett' " lhan the lIIu~i c of th e Sirens. Whell Orpheus sang, who ,,'ould lx)(hl'r to listen to dIe Sircns? So we must Sce dlat peace represents a SWl'('11'r mu.. ic, a cosmi c melody that is t:u' superior to the di sco rds of w,tr. Somehow we must tramfoml the dynamics of the world power stnlggle from the nu, clear anns I~I('C, which n<l one can

    lock hil ilc rlo liglul)' scaled doors of hope and bring ncw light into the.' dark ch ambers o f pc'isimism, ... Wc an' 1101'.' r.1ccd with dIe f;lct tha tlOmot'row is today. Wc arc COIlfrolltcd with the fierce ttrgency of 1IOW. III this unfolding cOllundnll1l of life and history there is such a thing ali lx-ing too lat c. J>rocra.~ti nation i.'l nill lhe thief or time. Life often leal'C$ us standing bare , naked and deje<:lcd willt a lost oppornmit}'. The ~tide in t.hc affai rs of lI1en" does not remaino'il th e flood; it ebbs. Wc may cry OUl desperately for time 10 pause in he r passage, but time is deaf 10 evc!)' plea and rush es on. Ol"er the bkached bones and jumbled rcsidlle~ of numerous ci\,iJj7;ltion~ :In' \Hitlt'n the pathetic words: "T oo l ;\te.~ There is an invisible buok of liCe Ihal ra ithfully records o ur vigilance or ou r 11t'gl(-Cl. "The moving fingcr writes, and It.wi ng writ mO\'CS on ... . - We still h:l\'c a choice today: nonl"iolelll cocxi~ten cc or vio len t coa nnihila ti on. Thi~ may wc ll be nmllkind's last chance to c hoose betwee n chaos a nd cOml11l1nilY.

    429

    The schools ca n be inllucntial in political socialiZ ation , since they provide young people with in formation a nd analysis of the political world. Cn like the famil y a nd peer groups, schools are easilv susce ptible to ce ntralized and uniform control; conseqnently, totalitarian soc ieti es com monly l!St' educational instiLUtio ns for purposes of indoctrination. Yel, even in democracies, where local schools a re no t unde r the pervasive control of th( n:'l tional govemment, political educa tion wil l gen er.tlly reflect the norms a nd values of the prc\'lIiling political order. III lit e view of conflict theorists, stude nts in tiu" Un ited Stales learn muc h more than fa ctual infur' mation about o ur political and economic way of life. They are socialized to view capita lism and rep reSClltati,'c democracy as the ~ norma l " and most desirable ways o f orgomizing a nation. At the samt' lim e, competing values and fomlS of gO\'(!nlmem afC often presented in 11 most negative fa.~hion or a re ignored. From a connic! perspective this type o f political educa tio n scrvcs the interests of the powerful and igno res tllC significance of the social divisio ns found \\'llhin Ole United Stales (Marger,
    III Ihf' VII;/tit Si.ale5, du'lJ~1I (lr~ JoOat;ud 1 vit'W ref"'tfel!lalivt 0

    198 1:324-325).

    i/l'lllOcYacy

    (l.I

    lilt ~II Ji:n7l! of

    /,'flwnwu'nl. Onr part. of this Joo(//iuJli(m /lmrfU i.J. mammging sdwokhildrrtl to "olf ;" kmorl!
    1'I~(lwrl.S . ..

    lion arc thuse whi c h a l ~o socialize us tu other cu l[lIral norms - in cl udin g the family , schools, and tlte media . Many observers sec tl1t~ 1~\Ini l y as playing a panicularly signific;1I1 1 role in th e process. "The family incubates poli tical man," obser\'ed pulilical scie ntisl Robcn Lane ( 1959:204). In fact , pa rents pass on their political auiwdes a nd e'~.llua tion s lO th eir so ns and daughters th rough discussiuns at the dinner table and also through th e exa mple of their politica l involvement or apathy. Early social. iza tioll does not alwIYS (/pln-mi lll! a persou's political orientation: there arc Changes over time and between generations. Vet researc h on poli tical socialil.ation continues 10 show that parents' views have an import.."lnt impact on tllcir children's outlook (M . .J enning~ a nd Niemi, 198 1:384),

    Like the family a nd schools. the mass media caJ! have obvious effects 011 people 's thinking and p0liti cal bchavior - this is onc reason why the media \\'ere included among lhe agen L~ of sodali1.aliun discussed in Chapter 4. Beginning with the Kennedy-Nixon prc.~i de nt i a l debatcs of 1960, television has given increasing exposure to political candidates. During the 1992 campaign , Democratic candidate Bill Climo n appeared on MlV anJ th e Arsf1I;o Hall Show, while independent challengel K o~s Pero! advocated use ofc1ectronic Mtown met( ings." Today, many speeches &>lven by our nation'l leaders arc designed not for immediate l i~tener. bu t lo r the large r t.elevision audieHce. Po litical sociali7..atJon can lake differe nt fomls in dilferent types of societies. Using obse rvation resea rch . sociologist Uc nigno Aguirre ( 1984) concluded that certail] lypes of crowd belmvior were cncoul~.tgcd by the Cuban gm'emmentto rei nforce its legitimacy. The Commi ttees for the Defe nse oftht KC\'o lution -wh ich fUll c tioned muc h like theComlUun ist parry did whe n it ruled the Soviet Unionmobilized Cubans for parades, cclcbntlio!1s, pmlest.,. and testimo !li als on be half of de(eased rcvoh~

    430
    l'Allt fUUI( MK'JAI_ IN.rlTrIlJlONS

    tionary Icaders. Tllro ug h t.hese mo bil izations, Cuba's rulcl1I ho ped 10 convey the political m essage tha t Fidel Ca~tro's govcmm en l hild and dcscJ'\'ed widespread popular support.

    ._ ...........................................................l. ............................................. .

    Participatioll and Apathv

    In theory. a re pre~ ntati\'e de mocracy will runc tion

    most cffectively and rairly ir the!"c is ;m inrormed

    and acth'c t'"lcctor,llc commun icating its views 10


    gO\'l!nunelll leaders. Unrortunalely. this is hardl)' the case in Ihe Unite d States. Vi rtually ill! citizens dre ramiliar with the basics of the poli tic;:11 process, and most tend to identiry to som e extent with a liliral pany (sce Table 15-1), bUI on ly a small minority (ortcn me mbers or tJle higher .social classes) atlually participatc in poli t.ica l organiz<lIions on a local or nalional Jt:o\'cI . Studies revcal !lmt o nly 8 !X!rccnl of people in th e Uui led Stales belong to a politic'll dub or organii'.ation. Not morc than onc ill five has tlJf'T contacted an oflicia l of national. \latc, 0 1' loca l gO\'e rllm c n! about ;\ po litical isslle or problem (Oru lll . 1989:219) . The railure or most citil.cns to become involved in political partics has seTio us implkOltions ror the IUllclioning of o ur dcmoc l";'ICY. WilJlin the political S,'itCIIl or the United StilU..'S, the political pany str\"tS a.<; an inte rmc dia ry between people and go\' .. rmmenL Through co mpe titio n in regularly scheduled eJections, the tWlrpart)' syste m provides for ch.. lIengcs to public policies and for an ordc d y tf",lIlsrcrofpower. An individual dissatisfie d with the ~L"\le or the nation 0 1 it loca l cOllllllunity can b(. ' .... come inml\'ecl in the political party process in many

    ,)IT

    ....~dys, such as by joining a poli tical club supporting c-.mclidal.e s for p ll hlic offi ce. 0 1' working to c hange the party's position on conlrm'crsia l issues. If , however, peo ple do n Ol wke interest in the decisions of major poli tical parties, public officia ls in a ~rc prc.. se nt.;ltive ~ democracy will be choscn from two tin represelltati\'c lislS o r candidat.c s. In the 1980s, it became clea r that ma ll)' people )Olitical parin the United States were tumed offby 1 ties, politicians, and the speclcr of big go\crnmcIH. The most d ramatic indiciltion or this growing a lie n .. a tion comes rrom voting s tatistic~. Voters or all ages and races appear to be le!!..'i enthusiastic than C\'er about e leniOIlS, even presidcllIial contests. For example, almost 80 percent or e ligible \'oters in the United States went to the po lls in tbe preside lllial election or 1896. Yel b)' the 1992 electio n, l1irllOlll had !,:allen to less Iha n 61 pc rce llt o f a ll eligible \'o t.crs. By conlJ"aSt, e lectio ns in th e late I980s brought out 84 pc rcent o r mo re o r th e voting-age population in AUSll";.ttia. Great n..itain, Fnm ce , Ilaly, and New Zea land (Cummings and Wise , t 993:309; .J. J e nnillgs. 1993: Ph'en and Clow-ml, 1988). Declining political participalion allows institutions o r gO\'eflHnclll to IIlx'rate with less of a sense or accOlllllabilil)' 10 sockty. This issue is most se rious ror the least powerful individuals and gro ups within the United Slates. Voter turnout h as been partif"u larl), low among )'Dtmger adults a nd members or racial and e thnic minorities. In 1992. on ly 43 percent or eligible \'olers ages 181024 .....e nt to the polls. Accorrling to a poslelcction survey, on I)' 54 perce nt of Black vote rs and 28.9 percent. or H ispan ics re ported that the), had acwally voted (see

    PARlY tDENnFICATION
    Sfrong Dem<..oeral

    PERCENTAGE Of POfULATlON

    15

    Not ery strong Democrat


    Independent, close to Democrat Independent Irldependel\t, cloM! to RepvbJicol\ Not very strong Republican

    20
    12

    13
    10 19 11

    l'IIn"Y

    Affordi"g 10 1111. r~.sII'1S of 11 >II/IIQ/wl rmulllr(ttl HI f99). 47 permll o/,.,..spo'ldnJls in thf' Vmltvl Slates
    ex~tt WIll!

    idhllify to .'ilJm~

    the

    SIrOfI9 Republican
    .., NOkC,
    JW~: I OI

    Inmoclllfl( pmt],

    u,h,,, 40lll'l"mlt

    Idcl(ify 1,';(11 tht! Ut1mb/.inlll porry.

    431
    ClIAI'I1-;R IJ (x)1'f.HNM\lF ANIJ
    T/I~ ;

    IXQ,\"O.\f)

    r\UlI', 15-2 1972 {MXONMc:GOVERN) 1992 { ClNTON6USHl'EROlj

    "'CENT REGlST!RED

    PERCENT
    WHO VOTED

    PERCENT REGISTERED

    WHO""'"
    61.3
    63.6
    54.0

    PERt. .

    ToIol U.S.
    population

    72.3
    73.4

    Whites 810cb
    Hi5poniu

    65.5
    44 .4

    63.0 64.5 52 ,1 37.4

    68.2 70. 1 63.9 35.0

    28.9

    Table 15-2). Moreover, the poor- ..... hose focus underst.'llldably is on sUl"vi\-aJ-are traditionally undCITcprescnted among \lOler.; as well. The low turno ut found a mong these gl"Oups is cxplained , a t least ill part, by their common fee ling or po\\'crlessncss. Yel slIch \lotin g statistics c nco ur.lge political powe r bl"Okcrs 10 continue to ignore th e interests of thc young. the less amue nl. and t.he nation's minorities. Cros~ n atio n a l compa risons, ..... hile confirmi ng the relatively low Icvel of voting ill thc uniled States. also suggest that we arc mQrt Iikcl)' tha n citizens of o tller nations to be active a t the communit)' level. to contact local officials on behalf of ou rselves or ot hers, and to havc worked for a political pany. Pe rh aps this contra!>t reflccLS how unusual it is for people LO be dircc tly involved in nalional politic,l! decision ma king in the Ill od e rn world. Ne\,elth clcss. it is possible that if tens of III illions of pea1,Ie did not stay home o n Election Day-and instead hecame more active in the nalion '~ poli tica llife-the outcome oftlu. political process migh t be somewhat difTerent.

    Acrording 10 do/a OOIaHlftt In frdtml pruuu(/ioll ."IInIfJJ. lit winch wfm l ~ qlusllOned Iwo ,,1Hh (Ifia Iht 1972 tHrd 1992 jlrf'Slfkt/lioJ tltrti/MJ.. Ihm urn a rtlnlilJf!/j fighl (urnout amOllg /JI.(uk (/lid IIr.llHltlir VOUrs ill

    oolt(/

    both yt(I"f"S. "11,. prrrrlll(rgr of BJo(b ~ In 1992 llla.l (/ bil highn- llum 14r
    1972figur'f, IIIhf'l"l'(lS tlU7"1l TI'<I-S uot;'lg alllong Whit,s am/II su/i.ltmllUrl

    ''''$

    dulin" lI"wng lIu/xlI/in.

    w.Q.~ ~.~~ ~ r.gJ.~~.S"'............................................................... .


    In 1984, women in the United States achieved an unprecedentcd political breakthrough when Representative Geraldine fcrmro of New York becamc the De mocr.uic nomin ee for vice preside nt of the United Sta tes. Never before had a woman received the nomination o f a major party for ' uch high offi ce. NC\'c rthc1ess, women cOllliuuc to be dramatically umkrrepresented in ule halls of gO\crnmenl. In

    .. ..

    1993, there were on I)' 54 women in Congress. Thev accounted fo r 47 of the 435 me mbers oflhe Hou~ of Reprcscnt3th'es a nd i of the lOO members orlmUnited Slates Senate. While tlle number of ",'omen in Stale legislatures in 1993 was morc than four times larger tha n it was 20 years ago, only lhret slales had wome n governors. As of 1993. ",'omcn hdcl no more than 18 pcrcent of the available po-;itions al. any lcvel of public ofli ce. :\1oreover, of !2! U.S. ambaSS<lClors 10 other cOlllllries, o n I)' 11 (9 per celll) we re wome n (Carey .md Parke r, 1993; Ctll' ler fo r lhe American \Vo man and Po lilics. 1992:a). Sexism (scc Chapter 11 ) Ims been the most m OllS barriel' to women interested in holding office. Fe male candidates have had to ovcrcome the prqudices ofbolh me n and womcn regarding ""omen's fitness for leade rship. Not until 195 .~ did a major ilY of people state thal th ey would VOle for a qtlal~ lied woman for preside nt. ~'I oreo\'e r , women often encoun ler p rejudice, disc rimination, a nd abuse afler they arc elected. Despite th cse problems. more \\'omell are being elected and mo rc o f thcm arc identifying ihemsclvcs as fe min islS. The tradit.ional ""oman in pol~ tics "~ts a widow who took oOicc aficr h er husband's

    432
    I'Mr!' FOf 'H SOCJAI l,y/"rIT7JO\'S

    dc;!dl to continue his work and policies. However, wOlllen being elected ill lhe 1990s are much more lik(ly 10 view 1 >oIitics as their own career ,"uher than :IS an aftertho ughL These trends are nOI restricted to the United St.'lIes; Figufe 15- 1 (page 434) sho ....'S the representation of ,,'o me n in the govcrn ments of several n<ujons arou nd th e world . In n o nation do,,'Omcn accou nt for 50 pe rcellt o f the legislators. Allcwdimension of women and politics emerged beginning in the I980s. Survcys dctectcd .1 "gender gap~ in ule political prcierences and activi ti es of males and females. Women were mo re likely to register as DelllocrnlS than as Republicans and were a1so more crilical of the policies of ule Reag;1I1 and Bush admillistr.ltioIlS. According to political ,lI1ak\1S, the Democrm ic party's continued support for the right to c h oo~ iI legal abortion is attracting \\'OlIlen \'Ol.C 11I (Cell l,er for the American Woman and Politic.'!, 1992b). Politicians have begun to watch vot ing trc nds among women carefully. sin ce womcn votcrs ca n prove decisive in close elections. In the 1990 elcctiomfor the House ofRcprescnt::ltin:s, Election Day l"(Iter polls showed that womcn ,"oled fo r Democratic C<lIIdidates by a margin of 54 to 46 pcrCClll, 'll'hile Illen split their VOles evc.: nly be tween Re publican and Democratic candidates. Similal'i)'. a gender gap was evident in the 1992 preside ntial r.lce .

    Data from e xit. polls revealed that Bill Climon won 45 percelll of wome n's votes compared with 4 1 pe rcent of men 's votes. Gcorge Bush rcceived 37 perce nt o f wome n's votes and 38 percent of men's; independcTll cand idate ROS5 Pel'ot garnered 17 percen t of wome n's votes and 2 1 percent of men 's (S. Carroll . 1993: New York Times, 1990 ). Al the same time. sur\'eys show IJ1<It women who hold public officc are more feminist and more li bera l than their male colleagues. Wh ilc lemale office holders are more likely to give priority to women 's rights policies than are men , they arc also marc likely than men to show a distinctive concern for such areas as health care, childre n and the fa mily, education . hOllsing, and the elde d y. r-,'lo l'cover, tJlerc arc apparent gender differences among legislators even in addressing the sa llle issue. Lynn Ka thlc ne studied Colorado 's I-louse o f ReprcsenUltives in 1989, when 33 percent of ill! members were women . On th e issue of crime, she found that bOlh Re publican and Democratic women tended to emphasize the societal link to crime and the refore to sponsor anticrime bills tJlat included long-tenn preventative strategies. By COnlm~il, male legislators from both parties generally focused on the individual 's criminal conduct rather than unde rlying social causes of Cli me. KatJliene concluded that women wCI'e more likely than men to !lponsor ~ iTl -

    In 199], ill (I I!istoric brfllllll!roUgl. /()I' l/!(I'~' in IM Uniltfi ~(lll{, jull/? Rull! ll(uin- Ginslmrg (bark row, rig"') jomro jll,J/irt! &mdm Day O'Conllor (frolll fOlU, kJl' on lM SII/Jrtmt' (;qrm-lh,. fir$1 Il~ IM Court hati nw luul hoo

    female }lJs/irR:5.

    433
    C/11I'1"1')1 /J GOI'l-.II,v.\IJ:x r lA'I) rllto u ;nIiO.\1\

    FIGURE 15 1 Women in NatiQlwl Legislatures

    Percenloge of legislokn Who Are Women


    il fonn~d 0( lwo cham~n.. as in th~ L:ni!~d ScolO, !h~ pcn:cnt:l8":lrc based on ,he! lower (ham~r Of p;&rI"''''CIl! wch:o. 1he! Houw. o(~prn<:n"'u""", ~I:: In1ft'-P:orlia""""W')' UnMNl. 199"
    NOTl'~ Wh~r~ lh~ nalionalleg"'al"r~

    GIobaII)'. (In avnage of only JO.l f>erCf!rltagt of WIts In all national legulatures luerf occupied by ltIQmtI'I o/June )0, 1991.

    CD

    novau\'c" bills targeting ne\\' areas for public legis-lation or offerin g new sollllions to old problems (Gentcr for Amcrican Woman and Politics. I 992b; Halpclin , 1993).

    ~.?~~.~~.~...~~.?~P,~ ...... "...... ,.. ,., ..


    This discussion of political bchaviOl' has focused primarily o n individ ual participatio n (and nonparticipation ) in dec ision-making processes of govem mcnl and on involvement in the nation's political parties. Howe\'cr, th ere arc othcr important \\~d)'S that citizcns can play a role in a nauon 's poli tical arena. Because of commo n needs o r common frus--

    trations, people may band togcther in social mO\1."mcnts such as the civil rights movem ent of lh~ 1960s or th e anti-nuclear powcr movemcnt oftht' 19805 (Sherman and Kolker. 1987: 17), We will consider social move ments in more detail in Chapter 20. People can also inOuen ce tlle pol itkal process tllrough mcmbership in interest groups (some of which, in f;l ct, may be part of larger social mo\'(' mcn lS), An intere.s t group is a \'olun"'Hj' association ofcil izens who auempt t.o in fluence public policy, The National O "ganization for Women (NOW) is COil side rcd an inlerest group; so, lOO, are the J m'enilt Diabetes FOll nd'ltion and thc National Rifle ~

    434
    PART1"OflR SOCI'A I. L"STfTVTIOSS

    (iadon (N RA), Such groups arc a vi ta l pilrt of the political process of the United St:.lles, Many in te rt"St groups (often known as Whbi~) arc national in -copt and add l'CSS a wide army of !loci:.l. economic. dnd political issues, On~ way in which inte rest gro ups innue ncc the political proc(:ss is through their political action cOInmitlCCII. A political actioll committee (or PAC) is a polit ical <"ommi u ee established hyan ill!rff'S! group-a natio nal ban k, corpora tion, trade il!\.~ation, or coope ra tive o r me m be ri'i hip association-to accept voiullla'1' con t.ributio ns for candid:ul!s or political parties, Political action conunitlc.."Cs distri bute sui)Slim Lial fllnds to candidates for public office. III the 1992 elections, for example, PAGs gave congressiunal andidales about SI89 million: the h iggest COIItnl)uto.., were PAGs re p resellling real estate age nts, pilY'Ild:ms, and members of th e Teamste rs 11 l1iol1. The power of wel l-heeled PAGs established by ill1i'1 'el1 groups threatens the independence o f lawml1,kers and. therefore, the integrity of the demou:llie process (Babcock, 1993). Interest groups arc occasio nally re ie rred to as prmurI! grollps-a tenll which implies that they .\I\empt to forcc uleir will on a resistant public, In me\lcw offullctionalislS, however, such g ro ups play A (onnruct;\'C role in decision making by allowing ordl!rly expression of public opinio n a nd by in-

    c reasi ng politjcal parLicipationo T hey also provide legislators with a useful fl O\\' of infomml ioJl . Conflict U1COriSl.'l strcss that although a VCI)' few organiz.,Lions do work on behalf of the poor and d isadvantaged. most illlerest groups in the Un ited St,lIes repl'cscn t amuc nt White I)rofcssionais and business leadcn. Stud ies show that Bl acks ru nning for public onice receive substan tially less mo ney fro m PA('.s thall do White cand ida t,cs, From II COIl fli ct perspective. the ove rwhelming po litic:! 1 clout of t.h ese powe rful lo bbies discourages pa rticipation by the individual citizen and raises serious questions about who actually rules a supposed ly democratic na tio n (Wil hitc and T hei lma nn . 1986),

    MODELS OF POWER STRUCrURE

    IN THE UNITED STATES


    Who rea lly holds powe r in the Un ited Stales? 0 0 ~wc the people" ge nuin ely n tn the COllll tl)' thl'o ugh elected represe ntatives? Or is it true that, behind the sce nes, a small elite controls both U1C gove m me nt and the economic system? It is difficul t to determine the location of power in " society as complex as the United States, In expiOling th is cliticai quest io n, social sciemislS ha\'e developed two basic vic....'S or 01110 nation's po.....er structure: lhe elite and the pluralist models.

    WHAT Po I po? 1JiIS CONGR.SSMAiJ SAI'S HE A~REAI)I,> SOLD HI5 SOOL. TO A f\?~ITICA~ ACTION

    COMMITre

    435
    (.IIAYi'UI/ j (.m'1- lti\ ' lfK\T " ."U TIIJ.;I:'(YJ,vO,\/I' :

    Elite Model ....................................................


    K..ul Ma r.< essentially believed t.hat n inetccllIh century re p rcsclllat.i\'c de mocracy was a sha m. I-le argued tha t industrial socie ties we re domin a ted by rela tively small numbers of people who own ed factories and contro lled natural resources. In Ma rx's view, go vernme nt officials and m ilita ry leade rs were csselllially se rvanlS of lhe capiw list class and followed thei r wishes. Therefore, a ny key decisions made by po liticians inevitably refl ec ted thc inte rests of the domi nant bourgeo i.sie. Like oth e rs who ho ld an eli te model o r power rela tions. Marx thus bel ieved tha t socie ty is rule d by a sma ll group of individuals wh o share a commo n se t o f poli tical a nd economic ime rests. The Power Elite In h is pioneering wo rk n il! POlller Elile, sociologist C. Wriglu Mi lls d esc ribed a Slllall ru lin g el ite of mi litary, industrial, and gove rllllll:nta.l leaders who co ntrolled the fate or th e United States. Power rested in the hands of a few. bo th il1side am i o utside go\,c m me nt - the power elite. In Mills's words:

    FIGURE 15-2 C. Wright Mills 's Model of the POllJtr S lrll ct llre of lire Urr iled Sloles

    ...,1It;1;:

    "<bpleel from

    Komlm,,<,r.

    196t;2.')3.

    br 11,,,

    lli etll

    of 5oriologi.d

    Afills.

    /KJIlIn'

    C. lI'right rtst.t ill tilt IImlds flf big

    bUS/IIW', flIt' [n/eml govtnlllielll, and

    The IJOwcr eli te is ("ornposed of melt whosc posi tions (,nable thcm to transcend the ordinary environments of ordinary mcn and women; they are in 1J<.I~i tion s to 1l1;lkc dccisioll5 having m ,~ o .. conscqucnces . . .. They arc in command of the m,yor hierarchics and organi1 .ations of modern socicty ( 1956:3-<1).
    In Mills's m o del , the powe r Struc ture of the United States earl be ill ustra ted by lhe L1SC o f a pyr-dmid (sce Figu rc 15-2) . Allhe 101' are lhe co rpo ratt! rich, leaders of the e xecutive branch of governme nt , and heads o f th e Inil; tat), (whom Mills called the "wa rl o rds~). Below this triumvirate arc local o pinion leade rs, me mbers o f the legisla tive Im:mcil of govern me nt , a nd leaders of s peci a l - it1t e rc~ t groups. Mi lls conte nded tha t such individuals a nd groups would basically follow the I....ishes of til e do minant power cl it.c. At the bo ttom o f socie ty ,Ire the unorganized , exploit.cd masses. This power elite model is, in ma ny respects, similar to the work o f Karl Marx. T he tUost strikin g di/: fc re nce is that Mills fe h that th e cco JlOtnically powelf ul coord inatc lhe il' m a nL'L1 VC t"S with l he m ilitary alld polit ical establishments in o rdc r to sen'c thei r comlllo n inle rcs l~. Ye t, re tni n iscent of Ma n... Mills

    lhe military. All olher mnnllf1l ofSlKit:tl /1{(lJ (/ strQ'rd(lry lllld lflrgtly jmkvttnt role ill (/eri.tioll IIItlking.

    arg ucd t.h:u the corpo rate rich \','ere perhaps thr most pO\\'c rful eleme nt of the powe r clitc (first among ~cqllal s ~ ). And , of co urse, the re is a further d ra malic parallel bet\\'ce n lhe work of these conOic t theor ists. The powe rlcss masses 'H lhe bouom of Mills's powe r el ite model ce rtainly bring to mind Ma rx's portr-d it o f the oppressed \\'orkers of lbe \\'orld. who have ~ nothin g to lose blu their chains: A fundame ntal eleme nt in Mills's thesis is lllJl the power clite no t only has relative ly fe w member" but a lso operates as a sel f-conscious, cohesive unitAlthough not necessaril y diabolica l o r ruthless, thl' elitc comprises similar types of people who rC!.lI' ' lad )' inte to ct with one a no th e r and Il<l\'c esscnualll the sam e poli tical a nd eco no mic in terests. Mills\ powe r elite is not ;\ conspiracy but t, uher a community of interest and sentim e nt. a mong a small n umber of in fl uen tial people (A. Hacke r, 1964) . Ad miuedl y, Mills fa iled to clariry whe n the cli!1' acts against prOl.eStS and whe n il tolc t;ltes them: hI' also fail ed to provide de tailed case studies which

    436
    I'MfI"HIJ lfI SOCfAl. fMrnn rrfOSI>

    \\~llIld

    5ul)!lL'llu ialc the inter rcl:llio nship between I!lembers of the power elite. I'\evc nhdess, hi ~ c hal. !tonging theories !{wced scholars to look mo re c rit Ifdlly at the ~d clll (lc ra lk~ pol itical ~)'S l e m o f the I'nited States.

    r.I!:I:r.~~~.~ ~,.MQ.~ !::~.......................................................................


    $cveral social scie mists have questio ned the elite models of powe r rclaLio ns pro posed by Mal'X, Mi lls, DomhoIT, a nd o ther conflict theo rists. Qui lt! simply, tllt: c rit ics in sist that power in the United States is mo re .....idely sh"fed tha n the elite model in(li~ ca tes. In the ir vit'w. a plumlist model more accurately descr ibes the natio n's po litical syste m. According to the pluralist model, ~ rn a n y co nflicting g ro ups witlli n the communi ty have access to gov, e rnment o ffi cials and compete with onc ano th er in 0 a n eITo n 1 influc ll Cc polic)' d ccis i on s~ (Cumm ings and Wise, 1993:2(6).

    The: Ruling C lass Socio logist G. William DOlllho Jf (191;7. 1970) agreed ....'ith Mills Ihm the Un ited 51Jh' s is run by it po we rful elite. Rut. ratlwr Ih'U l rull) accepting i\'lills's powe r elile model . D~l mh o n' ( J 99~:836 ) rnai lllains tha t "wealthy cl itcs who own
    in\()m ~prodll ci ' lg prope rty-corpo rations. real t'Sllle. plant:nkms, and a!,'Tibusiness-sct th ~' ,'lIles bot' which policy battles arc waged in th is CO Ullt ry.~ Ik estimates tha t this rulin g class includes leS!o tha n I pt'rtent of lhe po pu la tion of the United Sl:Itcs. 1>111 ne\'crtheless receives 10 to 13 perce nt o f the n~ll(m '~ ycarly inco ll1 e and o ....'ns up 10 30 percent II{ all ....t alth. lu I)o mhon~s "iell', the ruling class should nu t bc W1'U ill a conspi rato rial way, as ~s i ni s l(:r Ill e n lurkmg Iwhind the throne." On the cOlll f:.ry th q t('nd tll lmld public posi tions ofaUlh o rit )'. A lm O~ 1 all import,lnl appoi ntivc governme nt posts-including till ...... of diplolllllts and cabinct mc mlx: rs-arc filkd by rne.rnbel1l of the social upper class. Oomhoff conte nds tlr ;u me mbers or t.hi s elite dominait' powe rfu l corpo r<ttiQlls. founda t.io ns. uni\'ersi tlC\. and lhe exec utive bnln ch o f gove rnme nt. They rlmltol pre.~id e l1lial n01l1 ;l1at;on s and the po lilical parh proces..~ through c."uupaign cOll uibutio ns. 111 ariltition. the ruling class exe rts a significa nt ubc,ugh not absolut e) influence. wi thin Congrcss and ullits of SUtlc a nd local gove rnme nt ( DomhoIT. 1~3: 11 6- 1 56; scc also St.c ibcr. 1979).

    the major d iffe re nce be twee n L elite he of Mills a nd Do mhoff is th at Mills insiSlCd 11\ the relative autonom y o f the po litic;1 elite .md 1 iUil hed great sig uifi cOlllce to Ihe inde pe nde nt pm.~r of the mi litary. By co ntrast. Dom ho ff sug1lf'Sl" ,hal h igh-level governme nt le ader.! a nd militan leatlcl'lI serve the inte rests of the ruli n g cI:L <:S. InIh Ihrorists, in li ne with a Marxi:lIl approach . :lSIUInt th:lllhe rich arc inte rested QIII)' in what be ntfib them fi nancially. Furlh e rmQrc, .L advocates o f i models of powe r. Mi lls and DOlllho ff a rguc *at the masses ofpcople in the United St.ltes have ID real infl ue nce 0 11 the decisio ns of th e powerful fEI"..n, 1988:565-573).
    1ItJdc1~

    ,"h.l~

    ' Ve to C roups David Riesman 's 'J71 I.mul] Crowd (Riesm:m e t ai" 1961) suggested tha t lhe po lilicoll syste m of the United StalCS could lx:sl he understood thro ugh exa mi nation o r the powe r o f veto groups. T he te nll veto group s refe rs to inte rest groups Ihat h:",c the capacity to prevent the cx e r~ cisc of power by othe rs. Func tionally, they serve 10 inc rease pol itic;!1 p.'1rticipation by p r'e\'cllling the con centratio n of po litical powe r. Examples ci ted by Ricsma n include fa rm groups, laoor unio ns, I}rolessio nal associa tio ns, and racial a nd e thnic groups. Whe reas Mills poin ted to the dangers o f n lle by an unde mocratic po.....el' elite, Rieslllan insisted that veto groups could eO cctively paralylc th e nation 's po litical proce sses by blockin g ("" olle from exe rcising needed leadership runc tio ns. In Riesman 's words, ~Th e o nly leade rs 01' national scope le ft in the United St:\les are those who can placate the vcto g rou psR (Ricsma n el al., 1961:247), A mol'C de t1lilcd contrast bc tween th e models of th e powe r SlnlCIUrC oftll c Un ited States prop<>Sed by Mills a nd Ricsma n ca n be fo und in Ta ble 15-3 (page 438).
    DOOl's Sludy of Pluralism Communi ty studies of pOl...e r h:l\'e alS() supported the pluralist model. Onc of the most fa mous -an investiga tion of decisio n making in New Haven , Connecticut- was rt:po rtcd by Robe rt Dah l in his boo k WJ/O Covemsr ( 196 1). Dahl fo und Iha \ while the num be r of people in volved in a ny importa nt decisio n ....~J.S r.lther small , co mmunity power ....... no ne theless d iffuse. Fe w p~ d.S lilical actors exercised decisio n-making pOwe r o n all issues. The re fore , o nc individual or gro up !n ighl be infl ue m ia l in a battle ovc r UI'b.'l1l re ne wal bill al the sa me time might have litLle impact over educa-

    437

    T.\IH .t. 15-:i

    a Unified po_ elite b Diversified and bolar.ced plurality al interest groups c Mou of unorgonited people who hove practically no power over elite Chonges Operation o Increosing conCOfltration of power o One group determines 011 major policies b Monipulotion of people at the bottom by group a t the top a Coincidence of interests among major instiMions !economic, militory, governmentall

    o No dominant power elite b Di'fflrsilied ar.d balanced plurality of interest groups c Moss of unofgonited people who heM some power over interest groups a Increasing dispersion 01 power o Policymokel'1 shift with the iS$Ue b Monopolistic competition among orgonized groups o Diversity of intere$l$ among major organized groups b Sense of weakness ond dependence among those in higher os well os lower ,lotus o No one group or class is lovored significon~y over others b Decline 01 politics as dvty and $elfinterest c Decline of capacity for effective leadership

    Consequences

    o Enhancement 01 interests 01 corpora tions, armed Forces, and executive bronch of government b Decline of politics os public debate c Decline 01 responsible ond occounlable power -Iou 01 democ;rocy

    tional policy. Several other studies of local politics, in slIch communities as Chicago and Oberlin , Ohio, further docume nt that monolith ic powe r strt lClllres do nOl operate on lhe level of local gove rnme nt. .lust as the elite model has bee n cila l1 c nged on polit.ieal and methodological grounds. the plu ralist model has been subjected to seriOIlS questiolling. DomhofT ( 1978) rcexamincd Da hl's study o f decision making in New Haven a nd argued that Dahl and o ther plu r.\lists had fa iled to tr.\ce how local clites promine nt in decision making we re part of a largc r national ruling class. In addition , studies of com munity powe r, suc h as Dah]'s work in New Have n, ca n exa mine decision making on ly on issues which become pan of the polilical agenda. This focus fails to address ule possible powe r o f eiites to keep certain matters e ntirely out of the realm of govcrnmclltdebate. Confl ict theorists cont e nd that these ClilCS will not allow any outco me of the political process which thrcalCns th eir dominance.

    C. Wrighl /'I1ill\ (llI/i lfimd fllt.fltum differ (l.!' IQ Iht' lug'f"N of wnwiid(lliOlI of fJfnutr in Ihe Unilft/ Stale). Mills argut:S Ihol (l pown- dill t!f higMy ronanlralM mid (JIXf/oPf'r"1 /)agf of /1OWtT r.ci.sIS, wht'ffllS RUsINm Jffj /Jowrr displ'1"sed flllWtlg comp.tting
    S()("jo{ogi~ls

    groU/JS.

    They may eve n be strong enough to block dison si01lofsuch mea.smes by policymakers ( P. B..1chrach .mcl Haratz, 1962:9'17-952: Shennan and Kolker, 1987: 169- 170). Diannc Pinde rhughes ( 1987) has finther criti cized the plur alist model for its failure to account for the e xclusion of African Ame rica ns from the i litical process. Drawillg on he r studies of Chicago politics, Pinder hughes points out U13t the residential and occupational segregatio n of Ulacks and th eir long political disenfranchisement violated the logic of pluralism-according to whi ch such a suI>-

    438
    !'It/(/" f"OUH 8OCJAI.
    I N~TrrllrlONS

    ~talllial minority should have alw.IYs becn influential in community decision making. The c ritique ofJe:red by Pindcrhughes is rele'~d nt in many cities across the United States in assessing the relative p0litical pOl'o'er)cssness of other rncial and e tJlIlic minorities, among tJlem Asian Americans, Pue rto Ri"ms. and Mexican Americans (J. Watts, 1990).

    We C"dll c nd this discussion by re inforci ng th e one


    common point of the e1iLC and plurnlist pe rspcc-

    tives-power ill tJ\e political system of" the United Stiles is unequally distributed. All citize ns may be equal in thenry, yet those high in the nation 's power ~tmClU rc arc "morc cqual.~

    Sociologists lIse lhc te rm profession to describe an occ upation requiring ex te nsive k.nowledge which is govcrned by a code of ethics. Professionals te nd to have a great degree of autonomy; they arc no t responsible to a supelvisor for CI'C1"y action, no r do they have 10 respond to the custome r's wishes. In general. profession als lire their own aut.hori ty in determining what is best for th eir clien ts. It is widely agreed Ihat medici ne and hlw aTC professions, whereas driving a ta.x.i is an occupation . However, when onc considers slIchjobs as funeml director, firefighter, and pharmacist. it is not clear where "occupat ions" e nd and " pro fess ion s~ begin . Moreove r. in rccent decades, a growi ng number of occupational gro ups have claimed and t!\'en demanded professional status-ofte n in an auempt to g-di n greater prestige and finan cial re ....'ards. III certJin inst."l nces. existing professions mayobjecll.o

    Whatevcr wc call it-job, work, orrulmlion. gig, J/i"l. fNlritiotl, d,Jly, or TJomtioll-it is what wc do lor pay. The: lalxlr fo r which we arc financiall y rc ....Mded re];lles to our social be havior in a number of ways. As \le saw in Cha prcr 4, prepar'dtion fo r work is a critical aspeCt of the socialit.ation proccss. In addilion, our social idc nt ities, or what Charles Ho n on Coolev tcmled thc lookingglass self, arc inlluenced by llur work. A person who asks. ~ What do you dor expecl~ us to indicatc our occupation. This undcrS(orcs the import,mce of our work in definin g who we are for OIlIe rs and, indeed, for ourselves. Of fOurse . work h ,L~ more than a sym bolic S i ~,'l lifi can cc; ollr positions in the stratifica tion sys tem are dete rmined in good part by our occupatio ns o r those of the primary wage eamers in our famil ies. In the Uni ted Slates and other contc mpora'l' sodeties, tJ1 C majority of the paid labal" rorce is inmked in the service sector of th e economy-pro\;ding health care, education, sellin g of goods, banking, and gove rnme nt. Alon g with the shift from manufaclLLring toward se rvice industries, there has becn a rise in the number of occupations that arc viewed as professions. There is no single characteristic tha t defines a profcssio n. In popular llQge, the tenn profession is frequelll1y used to con Iq'a positil"e evaluatio n of work ("She's a rcal profrssionan o r to de nole full-lim e paid performa nce In a I"Ocation (a.s in "professional golfcr~).

    7"kt Iwstility 0/ tilt WIullwl {Im/mloll to//Jard chiroflrac/tIIs is (1/1 ,-xmnple of a wnjlirt ktW1l an ,.5/IIb1ish,d pm/tsli(nI and an oU:UPIl/IOfI (u/1imlg 10 pm/~5ional .ila/rH.

    439

    [he efforts of a relat.ed vocation to achieve designation as a profession . They may fear that a loss in business 01' cliclllcle will result or [ll:![ the status of their profession will be downgraded if Sli1l more occupations arc included. As .....e will see in Chapter 17. th e hostility of the medical profes..~ioll toward chiropr,\ctol1i is :lIJ example of such a connict bet .....een an established profession ami an occupation wh ich has aspired [,0 prolC..'Ssional statu ... In Chapter G. i[ was noted that Ollr society is increasingly dominated by large formal o rg-dni7.ations with bureauc.... dtic structures. Since amonomy is an imponant c haraCleris[ic of profession ... there is an inherclll con nin in scl"\;n g as a professional within a bureaucracy, such as being a .. talr ph)'Sician in a hospital or a scientist in a corporation. The organization follm..'S the principle of hiemrchy and expcc t~ loy;-alty and obedience. Yet professionalism demands the individual responsibility of the pr.IClitiOller. Hllreaucl-:Jcy losl(!rs ilnpersonalilY. yet professions e mphasilt: close relalion~ with one's profe.~sion;J1 collclIgllcs. Consequell lly. wnriUng in a large organi~.Oltioll r('prc~CIllS Ol kind of trade-off for mo.~l professionals. While they rC!:lCl1t limitations on Their freedom and individual initiative, they Ollr preciate the security thal the organ i1...tion provides (Pavalko, 1971: 188- 192: 1972:250-293),

    ~Q.~.~ ..~~~.. AM.~.~~.~9.~~...M.~.~.~~..Y~~~......


    For millions of men and women, \\'ork is a ce ntml acti\it)' of daY-lo-day life, Work may Ix' s.atisfyi ng or deadening; the workplacc may Ix: relatively democratic or totally aUlhorilarian. Although the condi tions and demands ofpcople's work live... vary, there can be liuk doubt of the importance of work and workpl:lce interac tions in our society and others. Alll.he pioneers ofsociologiC<l l thougllt wcre con" cemed thal changes in the work place resulting [rol11 Ihe indusu"i:"!1 revolution would have a nega tive impact on workers. 1~ ll1i l e Durkheim (1933, oriJ.,rinal edition 1893) :1 1'glICd that a~ labor becomes more and 1I10rc dincrclltiated , individl lal workel1i will experience flllomie, or a loss oi"<lirection. Worken; cannot feel the same J"ulfi ll ment fmm perfo rming one specialized task in a faclO r), as they did when they were totally responsible for creating a

    prod uct. A~ was noted in Chapter 6, Max \\'c:lx'r suggested that impersonali ty is a fundamental char actc';stic of bureaucratic organizations. One r{"ill!! is the cold and uncaring feeling often associaterl with contemporar), bUfc;lIIcradcs. But the moo;! penclI-ating analysis of the dchllman ili llg aspects of indmtrialization \..-as "nc rcd by Kad Marx. Marx believed that :\ the process of industrtuiz."ltioll advanced with in capitalisl.socicties, pcoplt's lives became increasingly devoid of meaning. WhiltMarx expressed conceOl about the d;unaging d fecLS of nmny social institut io ns. he focused h~ at tention o n what he "'".w as a persoll 's most impor t"dnt acti\;ty: I.. bor. For Marx . the emph,lSis of lh~ indu ..trial n. 'o hltjon on specialization of fa(ton ... t-asks contributed to a growing sense of aliena[iOfl among indusuial wOIkcrs (Eriksoll. 1986). The term a liena tion n:" fer~ to the situation ofbt ing esu";lIlgcd 01" cli .~associ;l1ed from the sllrrou11{~ ing socicty. Th e division of labor increased alil'l1atioll because workers wcr(' ch.mllder! inll! mono tonous. Illcanillg-lcs~ repetition of the same tasks. However, in Mal"X's view, an c .." deeper en callse ofalienatioll i~ t.he powedessn ess of workers in a capitali~t economic system. WOl'kcl1l have no control over tJlt'ir occupalional duties, lhe produc15 of their Jabor, 01' the distribution of profits. 111!' \C I)' existence of private property l",ithi11 capitalism accelerates and intensifies the alieuation of melT\bel1i of t he working cla!iS. ~il1c(' they are cons tallt~' producing propel"ty which i ~ owned by other. (membcl1i of the capilali~1 class) . The solution to the problem of workcn;' alienation, according to Marx , is 10 gi\'e worken; greaU'T con\.rol ovcr I.hc workplacc and the products 01 their labor. Of COUI1iC, Mane did not foc us on lim ited refonns uff:ICtOlY life ,..;[l1ill the gencl,ll framework of capitalisl economic SYSlems. R..ther, he en visioned :1 re\"olutioml1), ovenhrow of capitalisl oppression and a tl<lll .. ition to collective ownership of tbe mealls of produc tion (socialism) and C\'crltually to lhe ideal of cO I11111l1nisl11 . Yet th e trend in cOlpitalisl ~ocicti c... h~s beell IOwaI'd concenlralion of ownership by giant corpu!<Itiom (refe r back la Chapter 9). In 1990,45 per cent of the paid labor force of the United Statd (excluding U.S. government \\'orkers) ,\'as ern

    440
    1'.IIa'nli.. H SIJ(:JAL /,"'SIHtrl1{)N\

    FARM WORKERS AND THE ABOLITION OF THE SHORT-HANDLED HOE

    ,m often

    Wor'o.ers dissatisfaction "ith a results from conditions IlnlqUC to that indust,),. For funn wQrkcrs in C.1Iifornia, a hated im plement, the shurthandled hoc. ,,'b;1 celllr<ll !><In of their dissatislution. Soc iol o~,'i!t Douglas Murmy (1982) studied the successful hattle ur f;lnn ,,'Orkers to aoolish use o f
    UIIS typc of hoc.

    working by how often thcy stand


    up (MuITaY. 1982:28).

    Knmo.'l to the overwhelmingly


    "'~iGm :md Mc)o:ic:ln .1.1111 workers as tI (Qf/it()

    While the short-handled hoc ma y h:'lIe been preferable for supclvi. sors, workers fJuickly leilrll ed that l iS<' o f this tool o\er a prolonged period could result in degenera tion of tht': spine a nd pcnnaneIH disabiliti es. I lector de la Rosa, :l fann worker, s.1id of r1 rortilQ:
    Whe n I used the short handled hoc 111 )' he ad would ache .unt my e)'t'~ hurt Ix:cau.'it.' of tll C prcfo$ure u f bending down w lo ng. My back would hurt whent,,cr 1 slOod up or l>ent over. I moved down the rows ;IS fas t as 1 could so I could gCt to lhe eud alld re~ t Ill)' back for a mome nt ( MurrdY,
    1982:29).
    In hearings bt:fore C.1lifomia's Indllsuial Safety Board, ph picians ;lrId medical specialisLS testified that usc of lhe short-hilndled hoc hac! a damagiug impact 011 a wo rker's spine. Nc\ertheless. growers COil' tinued 10 defend t f cor/ito, in pan because il increased tu r nover

    American (the ~s hort

    IInc") , Ihe short-handled h oe came ~l spnboli1.e Ihe oppressive work Illg conditions of C"'l IifolTl i" fa rm 1~1)or. Grol>o'cn cI:timcd t.hat. the

    "IOrt-handled hoc enabled workers 11] Mhil"\'e greate r accuracy and cfliot'ncy than the long-handled hoc. 1t,>Wf;Yn", faml workers beli('\'cd tbat the true reason for growen' enllltlsiaml wa~ that the short-hallrlk'ti hoe facilita ted supervision of WI)rlcl'S. One slIper\'isol noted: \\'rlh the long. handled hoc C"~rl ' l tell whethe r they arc "(Irking or just leaning 011 thei r 111)(',. Wilh the shon-hamUed hIll' I know ,,'hen they a re nOI

    among fann workers. The gn:m'ers found it benclicial to rely 0 11 a steady (and steadily ch ,Ul ging) supply of c h.!ap labor frOIll Mexico, along with Mexic Ul Americans li\,ing in Califomi". Beginning in 1969, auorn ey~ from C.1lifornia Rural Legal Assi~ lance campaigned to prohibit th c use or the short-handled hoe. They were supponed by Cc:sar Cha\"el and the U,.ited Fann Workers unio n (U FW) and were oppost:d by growers and other agribllsincs.~ intereslS. Afte r J e rry IkoWIl, an all)' of the UF\'V, bcc.llue gavel'nur ofC:.l ifomia in 19i5, ule statcs Division of Industrial 5.1fety quickl y issucd a ruling b.1nning use of th e sh orthandled hoc. The aoolilion of tI corf'/Q led to an import;ml illlprovelllcllI in ule work ing conditions of fann workers; some growers repo rt t.-d substantial decreases in workers' compens;llion claims for 1.>;lrk ir1iurics after the sta te ruting. MOl'col'e r, lIu: farm worker.>' ViclOI), ': ncolII~' ged activism on othe r health-related isSUt'S, among them Ihe halafd~ of " Olkcr$' exposure to J>csticidC!!.

    pluwd in business firms with 1ll 01't~ th.m 100 e mpIo\.~-es. Through mergers and acquisitions, such

    corporations become eve n larger, and individual Wolrlers find th emselves the employees of fi rln s with l1A:nl'llelmillg size and power. For example, Ih e re wm 1168 mcrgers in 1990 alone, involving $ 172 Mhon in business. This was three limes lhe numhrrul mergers that had occurred in 1980; the Illerg(1\ Lt! 1990 accounted fo r fi\'e limes a5 much eco-

    no mic activity (Bure au of the Census, I993a:538, 543). In the 1980s, the te rm burnoul "~.lS increasingly being uscd 1.0 d escribe the strt!SS ex perienced by it wide variety o f wo rkers, includ ing professio n als, self-employed people, and even unpaid volulltee rs. Whc t'cas Marx had focused on alienation among the prolc tarians. whom he vicwe d as powe rless to effect c hange within capitalist instit utions. the

    441
    (J IIII~I7:.H "

    C ,oI1.RN.\IF.1I.'T ANIJ 711t. t;(:O.\ 'O.\ 1I

    For both men and women" ~.. I jobs, the ftpetitillt:rWlllrtofW M can btJ particularly IInsalishmg.

    broader concept of work-related a nxiety now covers alienation amon g more affluent workers with a greate r degree of con trol over their working conditions. from a con1icl perspective, wc have masked the fael that alienation falls most heavily on the lower and working classes by making it appear 10 be endemic from the board room to the shop floo r (Walker, 1986).

    For both men a nd women \,"orking in bll, jobs. the repetitive nature of work can be larly u nsatisfying. Moreover, as is I 15-2, the strain of day-to-day work in certain pations not only alienates workers to signi fi cant health hazards.

    "'Ill

    AND THE ECONOMY AFFIRMATIVE ACfIO N

    How has the Supreme Court m led regarding the constitutionality of affinu alh 'e ac tion p rograms adopted by local govemments a nd universities? How do the people of the Uni ted States view preferential lreatme nt for wome n a nd members of racial minorities? What. does sociological research reveal regarding the impact of affirmative action programs?

    LIe

    te rm affirmative action fi rst a ppeared in an excCluive order issued by President Jo hn F. Kennedy in 1963. That ordcr called fo r contractors to ~take affirmative action to ensure that applicanL~

    arc employed, and that employees are ing e m ploymen t, witho ut regard lO creed, <:0101', or national origin." Fo" . ..,<I"o.l1il order was amended to prohibit lh e basis o f sex, but affinnative action vaguc concept. Currently, affirmative to positive efforts to recmit minority bers or women fo r jobs, promotions. tional opportunities. A variety of court decisions >od """".." .. stal.emenL~ have omlawed certain criminalion based on race, sex, or both. (I) word-of-mouth recruitment among []. alt-male work forces, (2) recruitment

    """,<0,'"

    442
    I'A/( IDUR .~OCfAL (",'<rnuT/ON.')

    IChool5 or colleges that are limited to onc sex or ,ut' predominan tly White. (3) discrimination against married wome n or forced re tire me nt of pregnant women, (4) advertising in male and female -help wallled " columns whe n ge nder is not a legitimate occllp:uional qualification, and (5) job qualifications and tests tha t are not substantially rebled to the job. AJso. th e lac k o f minoriry ( Black, Asian, Nati\'c Americ<lll , or Hispanic) or fell1<lie e mployees may in itself represent evidence of unlawlulexclusion (Commission on Civil Rights, 198 1). In ule late 19705, a number' of biuerly debated QSe$ on affirmative "clion reached the Supreme Court In 1978, in the IJakkl! case, by a narrow 5-4 I'I)te, UIC Supl'e me Court ol'dered lhe medical IChool of the University of Califo rnia ,It Davis 10 adlllit Alien Bakkc, a White e ngineer who originally had been denied admission . Th e justices ruled tha t school had violated Bakkc's consti tutional rights by establishi ng a fixed quota system for minority students. The Court added, however, that il ... constitutional for universitic.:s 10 adopt nexible admissions programs that use racc as one factor ill dtcisioll making. Uerenders of affinnati\'c action insist that it is Dteded LO counter continuing discrimination apill51 women a nd minorities. White males sti ll hold the overwhelm ing majotity of prestigiolls and

    high-payingjobs. In fac t, despite affirmativc action , lJle gap in earning power be twee n White males and others has re mained unc ha nged ove r the last 20 years. The contc mporary earnings gap is illustrated in Figure 15--3. E"en if they ac knowledge the dispa rity in earnings between \Vhite males and othc rs, the lIIoyorily of people in the United States doubt that everything do ne in the name of affilmative action is d esirable, Public opinion appears united against hil ing or admissions programs that offe r preferential treatme nt to wome n and racial minorities. Su rveys conducted througho ut the 1980s consistently showed thal very few people favorcd slIch prefere ntial efforts . Many respondents insisted that these programs unfairly penalize White males a nd sho uld properly be viewed as "reverse discrimination~ (Colasa mo, 1989; L. Barris. 1987: 188-193). In recent years, the Supreme Court. increasingly dominated by iI conselVdtive majority, has issued many critical rulings concerning affirmative action progr.uns. In a key case in 1989, the Court invalidated , by a 6-3 vote, a Richmond, Virginia. law lh,,' had guaranteed 30 percent of public works funds to construction companies own ed by minori ties. In ruling that the Richmond statute viol<lted the constitutional right of While COlllraCtOI'S to equal protection unde r the law, lhe Court held tJlal affirma-

    1IGU1l /S.] Mediall ln torne by Race, Ethnicity, alld Gender, 1992

    $28,000

    EIIrn a

    8lock

    brVf gUlIIu m/MU stnllmg

    \\1,ile
    women

    Hi'POllic
    men

    """
    ...,. 0 <;.'0" ' " ""'
    t~:'}~.

    Block women

    Hi5fXlnic women
    O\"r t5

    diffmt/tt..s ill taming power I.wI~II Whi,e II1I7I in Ihi Un;/td Sla/if fl/ld other groups.

    .... """" on""" i. rrom .111 .0"...,... a nd .. Iimit~'(t to l"aNot",d . htllti",,,

    W(>rl;e"

    443

    1
    ~
    ~

    u H ~1 n

    live action progr.II1lS arc constitutional only whe n they serve lhe "compelling state inte rest" of redressing "identified discriminalion n by lhe government o r private panies. H as affinnativc action actually helped to alleviate employment inequality on the basis o f race and gender? Sociologist Dub Espinosa (1992) studied the impact of affirmative action o n a Californ ia municipal work force whose hiring practices were traced from 1975 through 1985. As a federal contraclor, the city was required to comply with federill gu idelines rcg-ctrding e mployment practices, including makin g Mgood faith cffon.~H to inc rease cmploymelll oppo rtunities for women and minorities. Espi nosa found that e mployment in equality by ge nder and e thnicity did indeed decrease during the IO-year period studied. Espinosa adds, however, that most of the reductio n in the ci ty's level of employment inequality occ urred just after the affinnati\'c action policy was int.roduced . In Espinosa's view, o nce immediate progress can be secn , an org-.wizatiotl may then be-

    come less inclined 1.0 cont.inue to finnaLive action policy. Moreover, of inequality may be relatively easy to tially, sllstaining positive resuhs may take ca use of institutio nal discrim ination. ,;"'.. , cludes thal affinll<uj"e acLion degree in reducing employment incquatil)' city studied , but clearly had its limitalion~ as SociologisLS In Soo Son , SUZ,.'UlIlC M odel, Gene Fish er ( \989) studied income data and cupational mobiliry among Black malt= male workers in the pe riod 1974 to 1981 ine possible class polarization among 8lackl. researchers found that while Black (oUrge alCS made substantial gains as a result of live action, less advalltaged Blacks no t benefit from it. The researchers conclude that the ~r.lcial pariry achiC\cd ~ collegtXducated blacks in the 19705 ""ill Or lained only if the govenunelll's commiuntnt linnative actio n does not sl acken .~ In the early 1990s, affirmative action

    "!tit.,. fOUl/. ' SOCJAI. I.w.rrn/ nONS

    444

    I"""

    an incrcilsi llgly importanl issue in Slatc and naDonal political ca mpaig n s. Cen cmlly, discussion foCIA! on the use of qUO tas (or the "Q wOl"d,~ as it aIDe to be known) i n hiring practices. Supporters ....tTinnativc ac tion iI.-gue that hi ring goa ls estabIiIh Iloon;~ for minority i nclus ion bt u do n o t exdude truly qualilied candidat es fro m an)' gro up. OppoI\CnL~ in sis t that th ese "targelS~ "rc, in f"et, quot;l~ that IC<ld to reverse discrimination. 1-I 0\\'e\,cr, Ine;lrch c O'orts d o n o t s h ow that an)' s ig n ifi ca nt rcdiscrimination a Cl ua ll y occurs. For example,

    il

    1991 s urvey of cm p loyers in Chicllgo and Was hin g ton, D.C.-us ing similarly skilled Af,;can Americ an and \ Vhite applicants-found tha t 15 percent o f the Whites and only 5 percent of the Blacks received job ofTers. Despite such studies. confusion continues .tbOUl the merits of affirmati ve actionowing in part to the bewildering array of Supreme Court d ecis io n s an d the often cOlltrad icto ry pron ou nc cmenl$ ofvariOl tS administrations ( H. Cohn , 1991; M . TUl"nc r Cl aI. , 199 1).

    ... .

    .... .

    ,,"

    ..

    r(f/PlIJl/lic sysll:lII of a sod e ty has an il1lpOl'l,lI11 in on social beh,l\'ior and o n other sodal instiw ,,'h ''''';' 'Y111 ..''t have a Plllitic(J1 system in order ' recogni zed prw:edures for the allocation of\~II " ,,'SOurces, Th i~ c hapter examines the econumic sys... ' in pl'cindllslrial and illdus trial so dt!liu ; it examines lhe dimemions of Lhe politicll ~)'S tcm of l'nitcd Stalt"s, and lhe 'iOCial nature of lhe I'oorkplaec,

    ''''''1:'

    and economic intcrests, whe reas advocates of plll,.al. ist lII odel hc1ic\e that Ix,m'er is mOl'C widel y shllred .lmong conflicting gro u ps, 9 In comp:lri-.o n wit h othe r occup;ttion s, p,.nflluiollli lcmlw h,l\'c :, Rn'at deal of autonom y, 10 Karl Ma r x hc1ic\cd that the powc.-lCS/l n ess of workC I"5 \tnde" c:lpitalism \\~LS a primary cauSt.' of alienat;fm . 11 DClipite recent a/Ji,.mo/ive odiolf progr.1I1lS, Whi te males CHntinu c to hold the o\"clWhclrnillg majorit), of p"cstigio lh <111(1 high'p:l}ingjobs in the United St:lll"S,

    ,I

    I l'rt.industrilll societies a rc COtlcj!ol'i/cd ,IS hilI/aI/g. ~~;;::';;:f.,S OCielieS, and

    horticltftll,.,,1 "odeties,

    l nmomic syslems of capitalism mry in the degree p l'iI~u.c ownership a n d economic ;l("l h'ily arc !'egby gm'enllllenl, but ,Ill c m phasil.e the profi t mo-

    In a poslilldll$trial society, large II U llI bcrs uf peo,b~' m', involved in leaching and dis.'t4;: lIlin;lIing ideas, TIt('rc arc three basic sources of pOWl'r within any the.''Ie sources arc f0,.ce, illjluet, re, and
    onc of t h e IllOst u!leflll and fre contrib utions of ea rl )' sflciolob by iden ti ,)' Ih!"el' ideal t)'I'I'S of ,lu thority: /"aditiQrI(lI , lege", 1 I cho,.islllatic. inMitutio ns or politico/ liociClIi:at;oll 1 ' arc Ihe fami ly. schools, and u1c.'dia, W omen <lrc becomi n g more succes.~fu l a t win ning "'''to public oAice, ",,\l)Call" of t.hc elite m od el of lht' power stmelU rc rnitcd St:IIC" sec the nation a.~ being no led by a gl"oup of indhiduals who share C0l111110 n IX,lilical

    I The Unit.ed States has long beell put fOJ"W;u'l a.~ the model of a capi talist society. D mwing OIl ma tcri,, 1 in earlier Chapters of the.' textbook, discuss lhe \~l l uCll ami Ix... tiefs tha t h ;l\'c led people in lhe Un ited States to cherish a la i s.~I:fa in', Cllp ita li,t economy. T o what degree h:ne these ....,lue5 :lIId bclil'[<; c hangcd during the tll'('l1Ii("th c(,ntury? \"hat a~ lx:cts or socialis1l1 ;Irc now evidcnt in th(' nation '5 econumy? Ha\e lhcre been b;L~ic clmnge5 in our mlues and belief~ to ~l1 pport certain Pl'incil>lt:s 11<1(1itiollall), a:lsnciaLe(\ with socialist societies? 2 DlIIil1j! the 1992 clections in the Uniled Slales, man y CO!ll1l1ellt ,lIors I'l'fcl'rerl to th'1\ yea r as the.' "YI'"r of Ill<' \"~l1nan," Ilow (I' ll ld }'Olt IIse c){pcrimc n t~, ,'h~('!'~'!llln "CSCill'ch , sul...eys, and t':.:isling sou rces to ~ tU(l y puhl;'- :1I t;lUdes toward dc:c ti ng women to h igh govt'rnnH'nt.11 offire? 3 Who reall) holds power in the college 01 unh.'r"l\ that ),011 a ll end? Describe the distribution uf I>OWI'I" at your 'lChuol, dral'oing o n lh(' elite and pll1r-.lli~t lIlf\(kl ~ when" lhey an.> rde\";lIlt.

    445

    KEY TERMS ...................................................................................... ..................", ... .


    "

    LaiufI'l. jaire A fOllll o f ca pita li",,:,~ ~::~:;,:::':; n


    C 1l1 1 tc freely, with i i 0 >c in t he economy. (423)
    1

    AffirmtJtive ac/ion Positi,'c e ffo rLS to I"(:cnlil minOlil), ,,'roup members or wome ll fo r j o bs, pl'Omotions, and t.d ucational o pponunities. (page 442) Agrarian society 111e m os t tC1.:hnologicall)' 3(h'allccd form of pn:induslrial society. Membe rs arc prilllaliiy engager] in the p roductio n of lood h ili increase thei r
    cro p yield thro ug h su ch illll0V<l li o Hs ,LS th e p low. (422) A/ieno,iall The situa tio n of being cSlm ugcd o r d isa sSOCiated from the surrounding society. (440) Auth ori ty Power th at has been inslitutio nalilcd and is recogn ized by lhe peo ple o\er whom il is exercised. (426)

    Legal.ralional atllhority Max Weber's tl'm!


    1ll;lde legif.ima te by law. (427) Marital power A le nl1 used by Blood and scribe the ma nne r in whic h decision t"" ... uibu lCd wi thi n familie s. (0126) M Ollopol, CAn tro l of a m a rket by a sin~:It fir m . (01 23) Olig"P"ly A ma r ke t wit h rela ti vel y few scUt". Plura/isl modd A view o f society in whirh fl icti ng grou ps withi n a co m mu nity ha\'(' e r nmc nta l officia ls a nd CO Ill]>elC ",ilh Illlt' a n allcm p t 10 infl ue nce policy d ision5. (-157) Politi cal acti oll commillee (PA C) A politic:lll tee c stablislJ('d by a n i ntc rc.~1 groul>-a t corporoltion . trolde associ;ltion. o r cooper,uil>\" be rs hip associatio n-tu accept \'olu nrnry CO,," for c;lI1d idilLCS or ]>olitica l parties. (-135) Polilicu/ socia/ita/ioll T he process by which ab aClluil'l po litical ;ilC itud cs and dcwloj1 political be ha vior . (428) Polili cal system T he social insti tu tion whidl a recogn ized SC t of procedure~ for ' I '"'' ac hic \'ing Ihe go.1.ls of a g roup. (420) Politi cs In H arold O. Las..Wcl1'5 words. "I,,, when, ho w.w (426)

    Copitnlil m An economic ~yslcm in which the means o f


    p roduction arc la rgely in private hands, and the main in centh'c for econ o m ic ac tivity is th e accumu la ti o n of p ro filll . (01 23) Charismalit aUlh ority M :lX Weber's term fo r power nmd c legi tima te by a le ade r 's exceptio nal person al or e rnodo na l appeal LO his o r he r follolYc n . (0128) Co mmu"ism As all id ea l type, a n econom ic syste m u nd e r wh ich all pmperly is comm unall)' owned an d n o social distincti o ns a re mad e on the b:lSis o f I>co ple 's ;Ibili ty 1.0 p l'Oduce . (425) Eco nomic I,s lelll The social inllti tution through wh ich gl)(Kb a nd !W! I"'~CCS ar(' p roduce d . d i\tri b uted, a nd cun-

    suml'd. (420) EIi'e model A view o f society as m lcd by a sUl all gro u p
    of individua ls who sh a re a comm o n ~e t. of poli tical a nd eco nom ic ill te res15. (436) Forte The actu al or threa tened IIse o r co e rcion to illlP Ok o nc's lI'i ll o n Olhers. (" 26) /Jorliculllfral socielies I'rc illdusl,l'i:11 s.ocieli(:s ill wh ich l}Cople pla nt ~(:cds a n d crops t~l thc t' Ih,Ul subs ist merely on .wailable foods. (42 1) Hlfllli"g.alld.galh erillg societ, A prcinduslr ial society in which ~opl e rel y on whate\'e r foods and li bel' an. ' rei,dil y a\.tilablc in o rd e r to live. (421 ) Industrial revolution A scic milic revol lltio n , largel y oc cu rring in Englan d between 17rl() a nd 1830. which foclIscd o n the a pplication o f n o na nimal SOl1rces o f power to labo t' t a.~ks . (01 22 ) Indllstrial Jociety A society which rel ics ch iefl )' o n mech an i/.;tlio n fo r 111(: p rori uc tion of its econo m ic good s an d 5t'n.~ces. (423) Influen ce The exercise of I>owe r t hrough a p rocess of persuasio n. (426) In' eres' group A \'o lu nla ty ;lS.~ocia t ioll of citizens who a llc mpt to infl ue nce p ub lic policy. (0134 )

    Poslind,ulrial locie', A societ), "" lu)SC ,;;,::;:


    lem is e n gagc.' tl in lhe p rocessing and c formatio n. (425) Poslm oder" society A 1 ciety l hat is preoccupi ed with d ia 1 111;lges. (426) Power Till' a b ili ty to e xercise onc's will 'M" , (426) Po wer elil e 1 le rm uscc.l by C. Wright M ill~ \ grou p of mili tary, in d ustria l. and who co m rol lht' fate of the St.ltt-, PresStlre gro ups A tcnn someti mes uS! ,. ,~ te rest groups. (435) Profeuioll An occupatio n requiti ng cxt('nliyt ed ge an d go\'e rn ed by a code o f cthics, Socialism All econo mic s)'lilcm 1 01 p rod uctio n a nd dis uibution ' " co ('12'1) Social surpllls T he prod uction ('nough goods LO CO\'e r thei r OWl! t same ti me sustai n ing people who ar~ agricultural tasks. (42'2) Terh" alogJ T h e appl ica tio n ofk nowlooge 11.1

    446
    " II I((

    nJUn .'iOCJII /

    I\'~((nrflO,\'S

    ing of lools and the ulilil:ltion or nalur.d resources. (421 ) TrQditional alllhority Legitimate power conre l'rl:d by cU!ltom :U1d accepted pmctice. (427) Vt/o groups Oavio Riesm a n's tcnn rOI' interest groups that h;l\'c the capacity to prevent the excrcise of power by others. (437)

    ADDITIONAL READINGS _.M......................................................................................................


    llensnmn, O;lvid, and Rolx:rla Lyn ch. UU.~tM DrMms: I hm/ '"""s in II Slul VJlllllw.,ity. New York: McGr.n\l- l-l ill, 1987. An analys is o r ;1 southeast Chicago ne ig hborhood hit hard hy pl;lflt closings that threw ha ir th e local labor force o ut o f work. I)roVault , Maljoric L Fffllirtg th, family: TM SMal Orgu'UUlliOlI of uniPlg IJ$ Gmtin'tXI 1V0lA". ChicdgO: University of Chicago Press, 1991. On the b<lSis of illlervic\"''S in the United States, a sociologist explores lhe l'OIe or women in pn)viding food for llieil' ramilies :l llcl Ihe \\-.1.)'5 th is sin gle activity dclilles their livcs. &rnhol1", C. William. !VllfI U14 ks A",mea Now 1 A Vi~w fOI" tilt '80s. Englcwood C liffs _NJ .: I'renuce-Hall , 1983. Updating his earlier classic. Wi'1fI R14io Ammro1 DOll1hofT ;argues that the U nit(.'(j St.1tes is nUl by a socially cohesil'e ruling class which dominates lhe l)olitic:tJ process. Enlor.. Cylllhia. Banmuu, IYtlChl'.~, find lkl5ts: Mailing I;'tm ;/I;1t &nu of IllteT/lalio"a/ I'olitir.s. Ikrkc1ey: Unh'cl'si ty of Cilliromia Press, 1990. EnlUt.' studic...d till' Ih'e!j of ... omen on military bases and diplomatic wi\'es as pan (.{ her examinatio n of the malc-de tennincd agenda (If tntemational politics. blltud .I ea n-Fr:m~ois. '1"1" I'm/m"ll".,." 1~/m' "ed: VJn7lIJlmllf?1(f 1982- 198.'. MinnC:lpo lis: University of fl.I ill-

    lIesot:1 I'ress. 1993. A French philosophc r explores the term pastmoMm_ which he popul:triled in discussions in the humanities and socialscicnces. OnulI , Alllhony M. hllmliuclioll to POlilicol Sociology: -rh<' Social Altntomy of the /Jolly Politic (3d cd.). Englewood Cliffs. NJ .: Prc lilice-Hall. 1989. A fin~ ~{lciological o\'cIl'icw o f the political system. Orum prt.'senlS a detailed account of th e releva nt work of Kart Man:, l\I:IX Welx:r, and TaJcou I'a rsons. Rand:ll1 , Vi cky. l1'0I'1nI in Polilics: An I"temal/Onal l'mpeclill (2d e d. ). Chicago: University of C h icago Press. 1987. An examination o f womcn in politics and their relationship to men in both ind llslrialiled wes tern Ilations amI developing nations. Statham , Anne, Eleanor M. Miller. and Hans O . Mauks<:h (eds.). 'I'M Worth of WOlntn J- Wm. Alb:IIlY: State.' Uni\'crsity of New York P" ess, 1988. All examinatiun o f women's work bolh in side and oULSidc the homc. WorOllof1" .1011. 'I'M japatl Sytldrome: SymptOlIlj, Ailments, and f?l'Intdies. Nc..'W Brunswick. NJ.: Tmnso,c tioll . 1986. A sociolugical examination or the workplacc in COIIlempOl~u"y .Ia p' lII. Zwcrrlling. Dan iel. Wrnkpltu; Dt!InfKT(lCj. New York: i-Ia'l)c r e and Row. 1980. A fascinating accoullI ofwo rkcn; ' control and self-management in dlt" United Smtes, Great I!rit:lin. Spain, and YugOlllavia.

    Journals ...............................................................................................................
    Among the joul"fJals focusing o n issues of govc rl1ln e HI and the econoffi)' are the A'",,"curt PoIit;ai/ Sn,.,llt Revilt" ( founded in 19(6) . VJF1gressional DigDl ( 192 1). umgmsiOT1(lI Quarlniy Hnkly Il<'port ( 19-13) , bullulri,d (lIId Labar Ilelations &vi"uI ( 1947). Insurgt"11 Sociologist ( 1969)_ Social Polif) ( J970), Tm-orism (1988) . .. nd 11'0,"* ,Hid OcrntllltimlS ( 1974) .

    CflA fY/"t.1I

    I' .

    447
    ,;{I\'1';J/NMENf" AND l1/f. I;'CONOM)'

    ....................

    ==== ." .................. .

    EDUCATION .. ...........................................................................
    ,

    SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECflVES ON EDUCATION Functiona list View T ....... ns mi tting Cultu re Promoting Social a nd Po litical Intcgl,,,tion Ma intai ning Social Colllrol Scrving as a n Agc nt or Cha nge Conflict View Cred ell tialislll Bestowal or Status Privol(e vc rsus Public Schouls illlc raclionisl View SCHOOLS AS FORMAL ORGANIZATIONS Bureaucr.ui u uio ll of Schools Teachcrs: Employces and InSlI1.ICto rs

    T he Stude lll Subcultu re

    EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES: CURRENT TRENDS Mini mum.Competcncy Tcsting


    M ai n~trca mi ng

    a nd Inclus ion

    Womcn in Ed uca tion Ad ul t c.iucalio n

    SOClAL POUCY AND EDUCATION: SCHOOL CHOICE PROGRAMS


    BOXES 16-1 Around the Wo rld: InC(IUali ty in Ed uca tion

    16-2 Everyd ay Beh,wior: Vio lence in the Schools

    449

    E xcellence costs, .. , but in the long run mediocrity costs Jar more.
    Na/joMl Ccnnmiui01l on Exulkrlu ill Edu((1t;OII A Nation al Risll:, 198}

    LOOKING AHEAD
    How does education transmit the norms and valucs of a culture? In what W"d)'$ do schools function as age nLS of social control? Does tracking of students serve to maintain social class differences acros... generations? III what W'dYS is a school like a bureaucmcy? What types of subcultures exist on college
    C"dlllpuses?

    parents with their children's sixth-grade o nly to discover that the mai n focus of each time \\';.IS the impact of having her son join the class. Eventually, fallows came tu that Japanese studenlS acquire a k~.~;I~;~~'~ to func tion as part of a group. 0 J apa nese pare nts had a pcnm llal stake in a child's adjustmem to his new classmatM. the group deah with him," Fallows cludes, "was part of their children's bchavior." In a sense, education is an impomlll $ocialiwlioll-lhe lifelong process of alti tudes, valucs, and hc havior a ppropriatr viduals as members of a particular culturt. years in Japa n, Debarah Fal1ows' two sum """ posed to the socialization process in that schools-whcre young girls and boys group decisions, to value the welfare of and to assess success Of failure based on fo nnance of the group. By COlll'dSt, ,d.oo in the United Slates afe social ized into e mphasis o n the importance of the inrli\"idual. Socialization may occur in a classroom, leamed in Chapter 4, it may also take place interactions with parenlS, fri ends, and even "'" Socialization rcsullS as .....ell from eXp05urt to fi lms, te levision , and Olher forms of lion. \-Vhen such leam ing is explicit -when people consciously teach i the social role of learner- this prQCf'\\ D edu cation . Until the 1830s, education in Ihe was totally administe red by localities, amltht ity of education differed dramaticall)

    Shou ld government provide fin ancial assistance to families that send children to priV'dtc or parochial schools?

    E d ucation does not have a single fa ce. Vietnam has a literacy rate of 80 percent. onc of the high. eSI rates among developing countries. Although tJ1e government suppo rts the principle of fre e eduea lion , only the first three years of a child 's schooling are actually free . After that, families must pay fees for textbooks and for a parl of leachers sala ries. Because many children lInd adults in Viet nam are chronically malnou rished-ofte n eating nothing but rice- day care ce nters in rural areas main tain their own gardens and provide nutritional training fo r parents (jalvis, 1990). Deoorah fallO\\'S , a citizen of the United States, lived with he r fami ly in Japan and sou llleast Asia fo r four years. In reflecti ng on th e dinen:nces in education in J apan and lIle Un ited SL'lteS, fallows recalls her initial shock and e mbarrassme nt when she auended the first two after-school mee tings of

    1",,,",,"

    450
    1'111(" f OUII SOCI."1. m\TITU /,/ON\

    Schoolchildrt7l in Japa n (lcql,ilf: a /eN " $elISt of huw 10 flmctiou (4$ /Xnt of fl grou.p.

    natio n. However , reforms during the m iddle of nine teelllh cen tury wide ned e ducationa l opand helpe d to provide the United States a skille d labor fo rc e ne eded in a ti mc of g rm..c. industria lizatio n . During the la te nine lce lllh early twe ntic th celHuries, schools a lso assume d fun ctio n of assim ilating im m ig ran ts inl.o the 1 1 cultu re a,p d values of lh e nalio ll .

    In the last 50 years, an increasing proportio n of peo ple in the United States have o b taine d hig h school diplo m as, college degrees, and advance d professio nal degrees. As is sho wn in Figure 16 -1, the pro po rtion of people 25 to 29 years o ld with a high school d ip loma has inc reased fro m 38 percent in 1940 to 85 perce nt in 1991. Simi la rly. the p ro portion 0 1"25-to 29-ycar-olds wi th a college degree has

    16-1 Edu ca tlorJaI A t/ alllln/mt i" Ih t! United Sta tes , 029 Years Old, 1940- 1991 25 1

    - College

    85.4

    1940
    , __ Su .."", <:If the

    I.SO
    1992: 14' .

    1.80

    1..1

    Sinct 1940, the In-oportiml of ~,Ie ill the lhlikd Staks 2' 10 29 'jMrJ old with a high uhool diploma hos ",orr Ihan d0f.4bled; tile prop(JItion wilh a roikge tkgrte has ntorly qu.adrup{nI.

    Om.". 1991 b: I!IS.

    451
    QIAVI"I-;R 16 W UCli T/ON

    rise n fro m less than 6 pe l'cen t in 1940 to more lha n 23 percent in 199 1 ( Bureau of th e Census, 1991b: 138; 1992:14 3). CurrcllIly, nearly 59 m illion people in the Un ited Sta tes att e nd public o r p rh"<llc schoo ls- or a bou t 2:) pe rcent o f the na tio n 's popu lation . As a result, t:d ucation h;tS become a major industry in the United St.1tes. More tha n 3 mi ll ion people are e m ployed as teac he rs , cle r ical staff, food service worke rs, grounds kee pe rs. a nd full-time ad min istrato rs. Clea rly, education has become a vast a nd complex social insu lu tio n th l'OlIghout lhe world . It pl'epa res ciuzcns' for the \';.lrio us ro les d c manded by o the r social insututio ns. suc h as the fa mily, gove rnme nt, a nd the econ om y. T h is c hapte r contrasts Ihe fun ctio nalist and con nic t a nalyses of the educatio nal syste m of lh t: Un ited St.l.tes. FlIn c uonaJi sL~ stress the importa nce o f educa tion in lr-.U1smitting c ulture, maintaining soc ial co ntrol, and promo ting social change, T o conlli ct th eodsts. howeve r, educat ion prescrves social cl ass disli nClions instead o f promoting eq uality. Inte ractio nists ge ne rally foc us on mic ro-Ie \'cl classl'oo m dyna mics, such as holY teac hers' expectatio ns a bo ut stude nts an-ect lhe stu den ts' ac tual ac h ieveme n ts. T his c ha pte r also analyzes schools as fOI'mal 01'ga nizalions. Particular a ttc ntion is givc n to the bureauc ratiz.a tion of schools, the role o f teach ers as emp loyees, and the stude nt subculture, Current tre nds in eduC.ttion in tJl e Un ited States- among th em. Inini llu lIll-compe tt: l1 cy tCSling a nd mai nsU'cam ing o f stude n ts with d isabilities-arc disc\lssed . Finally. the soci al policy sectio n exa mines the co m rovel1>)' over sch ool c hoice p rograms in th e Unit ed Slates.

    spread criticism of the dilfc re ntial war i l1'~" func tio n is pelform ed , it will be comidc;rt'C1 in the section o n the coullicl view I In add itio n 10 these manifest fU llctioll\, pe rfo rm a number of /a le//( fun ctions. are transmi tting cult ure, promoting social liLical illlcgra tio ll , mainl.;.tin ing social serving as agen ts o f change.

    SOCIOLO GICAL PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION " " ".""." ."."""." " """............................................... " .. ,,.,, ................... .
    Functionalist View ...............................................................................................................
    Like othe r social inst.itutio ns, ed ucatio n has bo th man ifest (o pcn , stated ) and late nt (h idden ) funclions. T he most basic manifest fun c tio n of educatio n is the transmissio n of knowled ge. Schools teach Slude nts how [.0 read , spea k fo rc ign languages, and r(."pair a u tOm obiles. Educa tion has a nothe r importa nt man ifest fUllctio n: bestowing Sl.;.llus. Owing to widt. ...

    T ransmitting Culture As a social . catio n pe rfo rms a rat he r conservative u-ansm itting the do minam culture. ing, eac h gener .ttio n of young people the e xis ting be liefs. norms, and \~l l u cs ture. We learn respect for social control alld e nce fO I" est.a blished institu tio ns. such :l~ tJle fa m ily, a nd the presid e ncy. Of CO III""" true in m,m y o the r cultu res as .....ell. While c hildre n in the Uni ted Sta t(.'s a re heali ng greatness o fC eo rge Was hingLOn "", coI n . I~riti s h c hildre n arc hearing about ness of Queen Elizotbe th I and \'I'inslon A dispute over J apan ese te' xl x>oks " mi, o . tc resting case slUdy o f t.h e lransmission 01 through ed\lcation . In 1982, J apanese reported th ,\ '- h igh school social sw dit'!i I d ealing with th e nation 's warLime a trocities had been "w,lle rcd d own~ by istr), of Education . Fo r exam ple, where sio n into Manch u ria in Ihe 1930s had been le mled a n " i nvasio n ,~ it W"tS no\\ to be.. an "adva nce ," Japanese a trocities in Korea in ;:lIl d la tc r in Ma nc hu ria were rationali/cd ":, , sponse 10 local resistance." Critics chargtd tht. SC cha nges no t o n ly dis to rted hi~ tor'r buc " contribu te to a revim l o f Japanese i spite vehc mc n t p rotesl.'; from China and rea , the I'cvised language was retained . hl.ll C l'S we re instnlc ted to lake these l l account as they pre pa red their lessons (I\.. field , 1993: Scddo ll . 1987) , De ba tes over schoo l c ur ricu la ha\'e mo n in the Un ited Sla les in the last dl'radt. d istinguished works o f lite r-dtu re as Al ia' Pulitzer PI;z(. -v.'inning novel Th, " Stcinbeck's Of Miu mu/ Men, O. Catcher in tlie H)'e, alld Arl hur mllll h1l\'c been the larget of with in local school d istricts: so,

    "M"",

    "'>.. 1"'

    452
    I'II//'/' I'v un

    SOClIII. INs -rrru n ONS

    Throl/gh schooling. mrll gr,,~mtron of 'DI/llg /NOPk ill IM Unittd Si(4/t-l /J nrpostd to t.M aislillg Mirft, llOnns,
    (Hid of (mr etdtw.,.. S()("IlIli:.ntlOlI ,.~m/i"g Thallksgillillg (Jlld Dlh,.,. Iwl;ollfl[ holidays is (I j)(lrt of /Ms jmJ(:tss.
    0 11

    V(l.l",~

    Riding Hood, ~ ~Skepin g Beauty, ~ and ~SIIOW Wilite." In iL~ anllllal re po rt on AUacNs 011 1111' Free(/om 10 Imnl, People for the Alnelican Way ( 1993) noted that dming tile 1992-1993 school year the re we re :J5 challenges to school materials, the I!.iglwst toW in the I I-yea r hisl.ory of the repon. These c halItngcs included 34i inc idents of atte mpted cen!I()~hip, where demands were made to re move or mtlict curricular or libr, )' lT1alerials 1'01' all stude nts. In 41 pe rce nt or these cases, c halle nged mal,e ria ls ~'err. removed or "'e re restric ted 10 some degree. A ccording lO the re port , more than 20 percent o f all challenges to school mate rials came fmm "iglu!!'i ng (alld olien religious right-wing) o rg-Ani7.ations MId individuals working at the 1I;lliOllal or local IC'ol!1 (refer bac k to the discussion of religio n in the IChools in the social policy section ofChalller 14). On the collegc level , there has bee n g"owing contrO\'tTliy over the ge neral ed ucatio n o r basic curriculum requirements of colleges and universiti es. Critics charge that slandard academ ic cu rric ula ha\'c failed to re presen t the importa nt contribuOOIlS of wome n and people of color to history, litrral urc, and other fields of study. The underlyi ng question rai'>Ccl by th is debate, still 10 be resolved . is lI-hich ideas and valm..s arc csscn tilll for instruction. What culture should be transm iue d by tile Ifhools and colleges of the United Sta tcs? ( Refer

    back fO tile social policy sec/ion ism in Chaptc . 3.)

    /lW/lieu/will/-

    Promoting Social and Political Integration Education serves the late nt fun ction of promot ing social and poli tical integration by transfonllillg a population composcd of diverse racial, ethnic, a nd religious g roups illlo a socicty whose me mbers share -to some cx ten t-a common ide ntity (To uraine, 1974: 11 5 ). A~ noted earlie r, U,S. schools have historically played an im portant role in socializing the childre n of immig rants illlo the 110nn s. va lues. and beliefs o r the dominant c ulture. From a fun ctional iSI perspccti\'e. the common ide ntity and social integration fostered by education contributc to societal stability a nd consensus. In the past, the integrative function or educatio n was most obvious through its e mphasis 0 11 promo ting a common langu age. As was discussed in Chapte r 3, im migran t children we rc ex pected to learn English. In some insta nces, they were C\'C II forb id den 10 speak their native languages 011 school grounds. More rece ntly, biling ual ism has been dL"fended both ro r it.s educalional vallle and as .. means of e ncouraging c ultu ral diversity. Howe\'er. in the view o r its critics, bili ngualism unde rmines the social and political integrAtion Ulat e ducation has tr.lditionally promolcd.

    453
    rJ/III,,.1-.Il 16 f.j)/ (',A'fIO\

    01" Ih,. Viking sm",,~ (U (I rnllitlder of 11,,, ,.Ih"i,. hmlagt' of AIIgtls/mw CoIII!K', iPl Siollx /",lJs, S"IIIII DakOla.
    This jX1ml(lr sl(ll llll is of/m a silf! f(TJ" slmif!111 golil";IIgs (lntl cddffaliotl5.

    The debilte over bilingualism underscores the fact thal nOI. everyone may wan\. to be integrated into the domina nt c ulture of the United States. For example, nu::mbcl"S of Amish communiues ( refer bac k to Chapter 4) shun most modem CO IWCniences, such as e!ecuidty. automobiles, radio, and television . The Amish maintain the ir own schools, which cnd at the e ig hth grade, and do not wa n t thei r c hildre n socialized into man y norms and wl ues of t.he dominant culture. In some Slates, Amish parents have bec n prosecuted 101' violating compu lsoryeducatjon laws which requ irc education beyond eighth grade. However, in 1972, th e Supreme Cou rt upheld a lower coun "uling that Wisconsin 's com pulsory education lilW violated the First. Ame ndment lig hts of the Amish to free exercise of religion (Kerhart and Ze llller. 1994:36),

    Maintaining Socia] Conu-ol In performing tlf Illilnifcst function of transmitung kllo\\lrdgt schools go far beyond teaching slIch skills ~ 11'.... ing. wriung, and mathematics. Schoolchildren lit introduced to standards or proper conduct in pull> lie life which arc quite different from the ru~ bchavior in their ramilies. Like other social ilLui tions such as the famil y and religion , educatioD prrpares young people to lead producu\'e and ordrrlllives a.~ adulLS by introducing them to the nona values, and AAnClions of thc larger 5OCiel~. Through the cXl'l"cisc of social control. stun are tallght various skills and values which "'ill bt scnLial in their ruture positions .,.,;thill the bid force . They learn punctuality, discipline. schrGj. ing, and responsible work habit.'i. a.~ well d.~ hn.. negotiate their W<ly tJlJ"ollg h the complexitlC'o r~ bureauc ratic organization. In eITect, then, q~ serve a'i a tr.msil.ional agellt of social conlIol-tJr. twec n parenL.. and e mploye rs in the life CIdI' most individua ls. As a social institution, etlufOl(Ke re llects the intercsts of t.hs.family and in mm (ft" pares you ng people for t hei!' participation in \It other social institutiun - lhe economy. Stud are being trained for what is ahead, whether 11 tr the assembly line or the office (Bowles and Gin 1976; M. CoIl', 1988) , From a functionali st pel""s pccu\'e, social (~ socializes students to the impersonal mlelo (11 eLy. This function is undertaken by schools /llll r tJlrough transmilling the existing cuhurt' btu .... by "e<reating within their W"dlls tJH: social (011 found in other institutions such as go\'cmmt'lII tJ1C economy. A national survey in lhe Unitt'd ~ in 1989 as ked adults what qualiues were impott* in th e development of a c hild. Nearly.b mam spondcd with ~ the abi lity to get along \\;th 11thm'" as \vith the morc academically related dllMl M leami ng to think for oneself (Elam and ~ 1989). A.. will be discus.sed morc fully later in th(' chipler, schools arc highly bure allcr.llic orgmlilalltd Many t.eache rs rely on th e rules and rcgu[atio111 schools in order to maintain order. Unfortunad!: the need for cO llt rol and discipline can ult pm!dence over the lea ming process. Teachtrlo I1U1 CllS on obedience 10 the rul es as an end in IIW" a shift in p riori ties which r'cflects the I)"}X' (1/
    K

    454
    "AHTFOUH S(X:JM. INS1TrITrIONS

    displaceme nt that was conside red in Cha pter 6. If this occurs, studen ts a nd teac hers ali ke be co me \~c tims of wha t Philip J ackson (1968) has called the hiddm ('urr1C11lllm. The te rm Ilidde" curriculum re fers to standa rds ofbehavior that arc deem ed p rope r by society a nd are taugh t subtly in schoo ls. According to th is ~c ur riculllm ,~ c hild re n IlHlst wai t be fore spe aking until the lcache r calls o n the m a nd must reg ulate th e ir activities according 10 the d oc k or be lls. In ;,ddilion , L a l'e ex pecte d to COnCelll n lt,e o n th ei r own hey work r.n he r th a n assist othe r stude n ts who learn more slowly. A h idden c urriculum is cvide nt in schools a ro und lile world. Fo r example , Japanese schools ofTer b rtlida nce sessio ns dU I'ing lunc h wh ich Sl'ek to improve the classroom ex pe rie nce but also to develop - healthy li \~ ng skills.- In e fTcc t, these sessioll.' instill val ues .m d e ncourage bcllilvior useful for the J apa nese business world , such as sel f-discipline and o pe nncss to g roup proble m solvin g a nd decisio n mak ing (Tsuncyoshi, 1992). _ In a cJassl"Oolll ove rly foc used o n o bedience. \';llue is placed o n p leasi ng the teache r a nd I'emaini ng quie t - rather than o n crc,lIi\'c tho ug ht and academ ic lea rning (Lcacock. 1969:59- 6 1). If ~udents become :Iccusto med to ha bitua l obed ience 10 autho rit),. the type of distressing bchavior whic h was docu me nted by Stan k ), Milgr.lIn in his cl a&~ obedience studies (sec Chapte r 7) llIay result . The social-con trol func ti on of e ducatio n is nOI limited to pa tte rns of n lles ami behavio r. Sc hoo ls direct mld eve n restrict slllde nts' asp ira tions in a manner that refl ects socielal values and prej udices. School adm inistrators m ay allocate substamia l cdlKalional funds for athletic programs while giving much less support la music, a ll . an d da nce. MoreO\'Cr, as we saw in Cha pte r 4, teac hers and g uidance counselors ma)' encourage male sllldc ll lS 10 pursue careers in the scie nces but steer c CJua lly mlenl,ed female stude n ts into careers as early chi ldhood ll'achcrs. Suc h soc.ial izatio n in to traditio na l gende r roles can be viewcd as a fonu o f social control. Sming as an Agent of Change T h us far, th is d isclb.'iion has focuscd o n conservative functions of cdIKtllion-on its ro le in Lnlllsmining the cxisting wlture, promo ting social a nd poli tical integra tion . ,lIId mai ntaining socia l COlllrol. Yet educa tio n ca n

    stimulate or bri ng about desircd socia l c ha nge. Sex educatio n classes we re introd uccd in publ ic schools in response to the soaring pregna ncy nlle a mo ng te c nagers. Affinn au\'c actio n in ed ucation has bec n e ndorsed as a Illeans of coulllcri ng racial a nd scxlIal disc rimination (see Chapte r 15). Project l'lead Start -an carly c hildhood program sc lving 400.000 c hild re n a nnua lly- has soug ht to compc nsate fo r the disad vantages in school readiness ex perie nced by ch il dren fro m low-income f''Imi lies. Ed uca tio n also pro m otes social ch a nge by serving as a mecting g round whe re eac h socic ty's distincuve beliefs a nd trad itio ns C;:1Il lx sha red. In 1992, the re we re 420,000 to reign studen ts in the United SUites, o f who m about 72 percelll were fro m dcveloping natio ns (Watkins. 19( 2). Cro.ss<ulHlra l excha nges bclwecn these \~s i to rs and ci tizens o f the United States ultimately broade n the perspec ti\'e of oclth lhe h os t..~ and their g uests. The Sllmc is ce rtain ly trnc \... hc n s tud c n t.~ fro m th e Uni ted States aU c nd schools in Eu rope, Latin Ame rica , Africa. or thc far cas t. N Ulll e rO ll.~ sociological sludies have revealed that increase d years o f fo nna l schooling are associated wi lh o pe nncss to new ideas a nd m arc liberal socia l a nd po litica l vi ewpoinL~. Sociologist Robin Wil li;lms (R. Will ia ms Cl a l., 1964 :37'1-375) poin ts OUI. Iha l bcuc r-cduc:ucd people lc nd to have greate r a ccess t.o fa ctua l informatio n, a diversity o f opi n ion . an d subtle distinctio ns of analysis. Formal e ducauo n stresses both the importan cc of" q uali fyin g statemcnts a nd the need <11 le as t to q llestion (rathe r th a n si mply accept ) established "Ir llth s ~ ami pr.lctices. As wc saw in Cha pter 2. scie nti fi c m e th od rel ies on fl!ffjllg hypotheses :lIld renects Ihe questio ning spirit that c ha ra cterizes mode rn ed uca tio n. For these reaso ns, cd ucation C'1Il make o nc Ic ..s likely to champion outllloded be liefs and prej udices an d morc like ly lO promote a nd a cccpt socia l c ha nge (Schaefer. 1976: 127; 1995).

    Conflict View ........................... ,........................... ,....,... ,.... ,........................................ .


    Sociologist Ch r istophcl' I-Iu m ( 19S!") :48-76) has compare d th e fu nc tio nalist a nd co nnict vie ws o f schooling. Accordin g to Hurn , the fUll c tio nalist perspec tive partr:.tys the major fe a tu l'CS of cOllle mpara I)' e d ucatio n in fun dament:llly benig n te rms.

    455
    ClIM'I.,.:R If> tJ)110 .710.""

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    For example, il argues that schools rationally sort and SCICCl SlUdcnu for future high-sl<\lUS positions, Ihcrcby mee ting soc iclY's need for wlcllled and expen personnel. By conU-;:lSt, the confliCI perspective vjc ....1i education as :111 instrument of elitc domination . Schools convince subordinate grou ps of their inferio rity, rein force existing social class inequal ity, and discourage alternative and more de mocr::llic visions of society. Confli c t theorists take Cl critical view of the social institution of ed uca tion . They argue that the educational S}1ilem socializcs students into values dictated by the powerfu l, that. schools stine individualism ilnd c reativity in the name of maintaining order, and Ul,1t the level of c hange promoted by education is relatively insignificanl. From a conflict perspective, the inhibiling e ffects of education are particu larly apparCIlI in lhe creation of standards for cntry into occupations, the dill'cremial wa y in which status is besto\.,.ed, ilnd th e existence of a dual system of privat.e and public schools. Crede ntialism Today, a college diploma has become virtually a minimum requiremcnl 101' e ntry into the paid labor 10l'ce of the United States,just as a high school diploma was 50 ye;n s ago. This c hange reflects the process of credelltialism-a

    tcrlll used to describe the increase ill tht' 10\lf\l level of education needed lO enler a field. TIle discussion of the economy in OlJIXt'T looked at the growing trend of professiollali/Jilo of occupations. Crede ntial ism is o ne symptom (If t trend. Em ploye rs and occupational associatiOI1~ IIr ica]ly contend Ulat suc h c hanges are a IObriciil I sponsc to Ule inc reasing complexity of man} jol.1) i Colli ns, 1979:5; Dore, 1976:5; Hum , 1985:95l. BIll> ever, in many cases, clllployel1i raise degree r~ mCIlIS for a position simply bei:ausc all apptil: have achieved U1(! existing minimUIll credential Conflict thcorists have observed that cft'denlWism lIlay reinforce social inequality. They note thl: applicaJlts from poor a nd minority b:lrlgroundl are especially likely to sufle r from the .'SC'"cllatil'f1 qualificatio ns, since they lack the financial sOlll'ces need ed to obtain degree after degn:r addition , upgr.lCling c redentials SC I'\ ~ thl' interest of the two groups most respolHible for !'['end. Educational institutions have a \CSII'O in! est in prolonging thc invesunCnt ohime and mUI1 that people make by staying in school. MorClII as Chl'istoph e r Hurn ( 1985:56-57) has u~~M1f4 c urre nt jobholders have a stake in raising OHIlP" lional requirements. Crcdemialism r<ln in(l the status of an occupalion and is crneidl tu

    456

    mands ror highe r pay. Max We be r amici patcd such possibilities as rar back as 19 16, concludi ng that the ~ u ni\'ers. l1 damor ror the creatio n o r educ.ttio nal ' certificates in a ll fields makes ror the ronn a tio ll of a plivilcgcd strat um in busi nesses ;lIl d in ofTi ces" (Genh a nd Mills, 1958:240-24 1). Bestowal of Status Both fun ctionalist and con fl ict theorists agrce that education perrorms the impon alll fUll ction or bestowing sta tus. As no ted earlier, an inc reasing pro portion o r people in the United States a rc obtaining high school diplo mas, college degrees. a nd advanced p rolessional degrees (rere r back 1.0 Figure 16- 1). From ;:1 fUllctio nalist pers pect.he. Ihis wid e ning bestowal of still LIS is beneficial no t on I)' to pa nicular recipie nts but to the society as a \\'hole. In our discussion o f stm tification in Chapler 8, we noted the view o f Ki ngsley Da\~s and Wi lhert Moorc (1945) tha t socie ty m ust distribute i L~ mem be rs amon g a Vol rie ty o f social positions. Education ca n contributc to this process by sorting people into appro priate levels and courses of sllIdy tha t \\'i ll p rep.ue the m ror appropriate po\itions within the la bar fo rce. Conflict sociologists a re far more c ri tical of the difTcrentiill \\~d )r education bcsto....-s Sl.:.ltus: they stress

    that school!! sort pupils accord ing to social class b<lckgro und . Altho ugh the educational syStem helps ce rtain poor c hildren to mol'C into midd le-d ass professional positions. it de nies 1I10st disadvdntaged childrcn the same c..'d ucational oppo rtunities arforded c hi ldre n of the amuc nL In th is w'ly. schools tcnd to pt'cscn 'C social class inequa li ties in each new genc r.!ljon ( La baree, 1986; Mingle. 1987). Mo ney contributes to this disparity. In all but a lew cases. public schools in the Un ited States havc been fina nced through local property taxes. Sin ce 00 the total \~d l ue of prope rty tends to be 1 ..e r in areas with ma ny low-income fmn ilies. these school districts ge nerally h:1\'c less mo ney avai lable fo r education. Studies conducted since 1987 suggest that the fu ndi ng ineq uities between riche r ,md poorer districts have actually widened in recelll years. While educational expenses have increased across the nation, less affiue nt disuicts have been u nable la keep pace (refer back to Box 5-2 011 page 132). In recent years, the re have been a growing num ber of legal challenges to the disuict-by-d istrict school fi nancing inequ ities with in \,Irious SL 'ttCs (Glaub, 1990). Class differe nces ca n also be reinforced within a single school. Working<lass children a re much

    1
    1

    I ,

    J-

    Shmun js a high school (Q!IIlfrology dass. Worlrillg(/(/js stl/{f~"ts mllJ bt: p/ilud ill vocfltioll(lf tracks (15 pari of thf gmnnl pmrtiu 01 tl"(l(ltillg.

    457

    more likely to be viewed as destined for subordinate positions and therefore placed in high school vocational or general tracks. The term tra cking refers to the practice of placing students in specific curric ulum groups on the basis of test SCOI'CS a nd other criteria. Tracking begins very carly in the classroom , ortcn in reading groups during firs t grade. These tracks can reinforce the disadvan tages that c hild re n from less anlucnt fa milies Illay have if tJley have not been exposed to reading materials and writing instruments in th eir homes du ring early c hildhood years. It is estimated that about 60 percent of eleme ntary sc hools in the United States and abou' 80 percent of secondal), schools retain some fonn of tracking (Stnlll1 , 1993). Sociologists C lenna Colclough and E. M. Beck ( 1986) considered three factors that cOnlribute to thc role of education in maimaining social class diffe re nces: public vers us private sc hooling, economic disparities be twee n school com lllu n ities. and tracking of students in to cu r riculum groups. T he researchers fo und that trac king \\".\$ the most significan t mechanism for sorting and c hanncling swde nts into desirable or subordinate positions in society. To put it a no ther way. the placement of a studcrll into either a college-bound or a vocational track wi ll have more o f an influe nce on h is or he r futu re Ih an sending the student to a private school, a puhlic school, a school in a n amuen t com m unity, 0 1 a school in a low-inco me neighbo rhood . More' over. as noted above, tracki ng is rela ted lO studen ts' social class bac kgrounds a nd the n:: fore se rves 10 maintain class inequalities across ge ner.l tions. A n:uional study released in 1992 fOllnd that ability g"o uping worsens the "G.ule mic prospects of lower-ac hieving slUde nlS while il fails to im prove the prospects of higher-ac hieving studenl'l. Moreover, trac king appears to lessen the likelihood that stude nts wilt learn about and interac t with others frolll d ifferent raci,,1 backgrounds, since a bili ty grouping often co ntributes 10 segregation within schools. Fo r example, 35 percc n t of White eigh thgraders arc in high-abilit), ma the matics groupi ngs, compared with only 15 pe rcent of African Ame6 ca n cighlh-gmders (Ma nsnerus, 1992; Braddock and Sta\'in, 1993: see also Oakes. 1985). Tmc king and differential access 10 higher education a re evident not o nly in the United States but also in many nations around t.he world (scc Box

    16- 1). FOI' example, j apan 's educational

    manda tes equality in school i i all schools use the same textbooks. is the more antuent J a panese families 'A-ho ford to send th eir c hildre n to jllk ll, or cram T hese afternoon schools assisl high in preparing for examinations which missio n inlO prestigious colleges (McCr,lIh. 66; Roh!cn , 1983; M . Wh ite, 1987). Accordi ng 10 a study o f teache rs ' stude nts in the H utbac k" in rur.t1 o where sheep vastly oulfl um \)c l' are being pre pared to stay in tile Mbush. on ly a small min ority see k out t:!ecth'eS ,m ward preparation for college. Howe\'er, in th e 198Os, parents questioned this orie nted cunicululll in view o f n ll-al clining em ploym ent base (M. Henry, 1989). Con Oict theorists hold tha t the cqualities resul ting fro lll fundin g dispariuf'l trackin g a re designed 10 mecl the needs or ern capital ist societies. Samuel Bowles and Cin tis (1976: 13 1- 148) argue that capitaliJm qu ires a ski lled , d iscipl ined label' force " 0<1 th. educltional system of the United Still'S is lured wi th this objecti\'e in mind . Citing ""'_ studies, Ihey offer support for what the'. correspo1ldellct! principle.
    W

    Accordin g to th is a pproach , SC~~h:~(OO~:I:"u~~:::;:: d iffe re nt social classes promo te tl I of individu als in each class and pe rpeluate class divisions fro m o ne genel1Hion to the T hus, working-class c hildren , assu med to be Lined fo r subordinate positions, are morc i be placed in high school vocational and tracks which emphasize close supervision p liance wi th authority. By contrast, from more affluem families are college pre pa ratory trac k.<; which strc~ an d d ecision-makiIlg ski lis-corresponding likely futures. Whil e the cOITespondc nce con tin ues 10 be persuasive. researchers thal the im pact of race and gende r ucational expe riences may even class (M. Colc, 1988 ).
    Private versus Public Schools For c\'en the Un ited Slales who attends a pri\'3le c hildren go to public schools. h was hardlv ""p

    458
    I... RT tY)(JR SQCIAf. J.vSUfU f 10,\'.\

    ...,;. O X 16 1 ARO UN D TH E WORLD B

    INEQUALITY IN EDUCATION

    A . .~.t.~ discu~d

    in Chapter 8, educational a<:hicI'crncnlS pta)' a crit ical ro le in social mobility. ConllC'quently, conce rn has been cxprt.'S.~cd tha t su bordinate minolitks in the Uuit(:d Sta tes-such as Blacks, H ispanics, and Native Americans- do nO' h:ll1;: positil'(! experiences in schools that will assist them in klte r competition in lhejoh market. 1111S country's minori ties. howe\'cr, a rc nOI alone ill I.his cXI>c rie nce. The anthropologist John Ogbu (1978) looked :11 educational ( 1)portll n ilics a nd :lchic\,cmcnts in six societies and found g rOllp inC{I!I(lt. it)' in all of the m. 111 Great Brillli n, ror example. Black WC$! Indian immigr.ulls and thcir descendants (manyorwhom arc 00111 in Brimill ) perform poorly in lIChooJ. By COIImut, in New Zealand it is lhe naUI'e f.faori people-the original islanders now out.numbered lllul dominated by White Eu ropeanswho have th e grc,lI est difficu lty ill the educa tional s),stt:m. Whites arc 300 times mOI'C likclr tha ll Mao r; to attend college. In these societit.'S, race was the critical fac tor diITcrc11liating successful and unsuccessful I:duc'ltional p.erforman cc. Ho\~e\'er, in !1Udyi ng other societies, Ogbu

    found Ihal inequalitt "~IS c\;dent evcn wlwn racial distinctions were abscnt. In India. people from lowercaste backgrounds (refer back to Chaptet" 8) a fe physically ind iStingu isha ble from ot her rcsidents. Yet c hildren from the 10"'l:r castes a rc mllch it.'M likel r to a tte nd the private schools that launch Indians t~ ward bener ca ree rs. While lowerca~te child ren accou!1l fo r O1ore than 15 ]>e rcent o f In d ia's population, they constitute only 1 lixmt 5 percent of those attending college. Ogbu found ccnain common themes in all the societies he studied (o nc o f whic h was the United States). Th e dominan t groups in each society agree on the importance of education and the key role of CdUC1Uiou,11 a tta inme nt in shaping o n c's position in "d ull life. Al lhc samc l.imc, howcve r , fol k explanations in mall Y societies COIltribute to prejudice and discrimination br ascribing fai lu re in school to the alleged inferiority of subord inate minotilies. More recen t sllldies have demonslralCfi th al educational inequalities I>crsist OIrolll1d lile "'o rld:

    ferencc between the ~ma inlan den; (t hose who immigrated to Tai,,,tn from 1lI;lin la nd China in lhe 1940s) and the native TaiWH IlCSC. The lalle r arc much less likely to con tinue schooling than arc lilc mainlanders (Tsai and Chiu. 199!5). Researchers have IOll nd a signincalli gap in edu catio nal auainmell1 bctw('c l1 J ews a nd Antbs living in brae!. Iil P;lrt, this has rcsult.e d from the go\'emmcnt's failure to :Ipply compulOry K hool attendance law5 to Ambs ,IS fOl"cefullyas it has to Jews (S h1I\'it. 199!5). According to a 1992 report by th e World B.1nk, c hildren from poor and rural f,Imilic5 a round thc world are less likely to attend pri+ mar)' schools than children from afnuent and urban families. Moreover, girls from all types of familit.'li are less likely to attend primary Khools than boys. T he re l>Ort u rges governments to ellsure greate r access to education for these underrcpresenled groups (Lockheed et a l., 1991).

    A stud y of educatio na l altai nmelll in Taiwan fo und a subSI3nli<ll dif-

    Illg, thcn, t ha t a s torm of p ro test followed a s tudy

    by sociologist J a m cs S. Coleman and h is associa tes (J. S, Colc m an e t al .. 1982) w h ic h concluded that
    prh-ate high schools provide a beller educat ion tlmn public high sch ools. This project used dam from more than 1000 public and privatc high sch ools. It was the most exwnsivc examinatio n of non public )(hools eve r conductcd in lhe U n ited $ mtes.

    Co1clllan found , eve n when con t ro ll ing for such important fac tors as parents' social cla ss a nd ed\lcation, that private sch ool stude n ts d o bette r than their public school cou nterparts on tests o f reading ilnd Illilthe matical l:lbil ilY a nd m easures o f selfestee m . The g..tins in tes t perfo rmance fro m soph omore to senio r year arc also greate r a m ong p t'ivate sc h ool stude nl.S. The study suggests that pri vatc

    459
    CI/M~rVI16 ' F1)( '(~lno.'

    Show/! is Ihl' lavish mM"u.) IJj tAt Dmfithl Amdtmy. an tbft prrp "'" i" Ma5,fm:hllltt/$. From f.I rv,ifhd pcrspe,'il~, ,niuMt Jehools am I't . . as IJlv moling religifllu (11l1f llHTal t/a!
    dilli.\ioll.~.

    schools have fewer a bsences, in stances of cut.ting classes, and fights, a long with more homework . smalle r classes, and g rc ater panicipa tion in athle tics. In line wi th Cole man 's findin gs, more recent research by sociologists Ba rba ....... False y and Barbant H eyns ( 1984) indica LCs that stude n ts wh o g raduate from private schools are muc h more likely lO e nroll in college than public school g raduates a rc. Th ese d iffe ren ces pe rsist eve n wh e n a bility levels, stude nts' aspirn tio ns, a nd social class bac kg ro unds a re contro lled (sce a lso BI)'k et al ., 1993). The s tudy by Cole ma n o f publ ic and priV"" te d schools has bee ll c ritic ized on vOIr iolls m e thodo logical g rounds. Som e researc hc l"S hOlvc question ed the sampling procedures and tests of ability lIsed by Cole ma n and his staff. Othe rs have noted that this study made no atte mpt to e xaminc meaSUrt:s of ac tual academic ac hie ve m e nt, suc h a.... class ranking or g r d c point average . Perhaps most seria ollsly, critics have suggeste d that Co lc man 's researc h may ac tually be me asuring the e arlier educational performan ce o f public a nd priva te elementary a ndjullior high schools m o re than that o f hig h schools (Fis kc, 198 1:1; L. Middle ton , 1981 ; E. West, 198 4: 16- 18). Viewe d frolll a connic t pe rs pec live, private schools can be secn a..~ p rolll Oli ng division alo ng lines o f religio n and socia l class. About two-thirds

    of priva t.e school stude nts are in schools af1il~ wi th religious d e no minatio ns. In addition. all,.holl; priva te hig h schools include stude nlS from all come levels, th ey havc a greate r proportion f highe r social classes than public high school~ do Using a connic t approach . o lle can argue Ihal ('I man's study may we ake n th e alre ady negatht'1IIage o f public e ducatio n and e ncourage molt nue nt I>.tre n ts to send the ir c hildren 1 pm 0 sc hools. This could accc1erdtc the trend IOlo<Ull dual school s)"Ste m : public schools for the dH.d va nmged , private sc hools 1'0 1' the privilegl-'ii,

    lnteractionist View .................................., ................, ...........................

    ""'~"

    ..

    ~-

    In C c orge Bc rnard S haw's play I~gmab/JII, bto ada pt cd in to the hit Broad way musical /'olj f(l/1 f nowe r gi rl Eli 7a Dooliule is transfo mlcci imu .. "Iad( b)' Professor H CIll)' H iggins. He chJn~~lwt mal lne r ()f spcec h a1 1 te ac hes her the cti(]u(ttt d "h igh societ y." Is it ac tually possible to c hange SOllleClllt"~ ha vior sim ply by trea ting the person diffcrenth? ca llse of th e ir foc lls on micro-level das.<.room na m ics, in terac tionist researche rs have I particula rly int e rested in th is questio n, 'nIt ing approac h (sce C hapter 7) and the (OUlI,. the self-fulfillin g prophecy (see Chapter 10) w

    460
    I'AIIT f'oun

    '

    SQ('.JAI. f,v...,rrtUJ/ONS

    Utat if wc u'e~\{ people in panicular ways, they may fulfill our expecta tions. Chi ldrcn labcl cd as M _ troll bkmakcrs~ come LO view t hemselvcs as delinqucn ts. ... dominant b'-roup's stereotypi ng of racial minoriIlt'\ may limit their opponulIi ties to break ,UV;IY from cxpcncd ro les. Call this labeling process o peratc in tht: classroom? 1-I00v;ll'd Bed.er ( 1952) swdied public schools in low-income and m ore amUellt areas or Chicago. He noticed that adm iniSU' Hors expected leS.'! OfSlUdrillS from poor neighbo rhoods, and h I': wonde red if this view was being accepted by t.eachers. SlLbst..'quemly, in I~'gll!alioll ill Ihe Cill,Hr()()m, psrchologisl Rt,bert Rosenthal and sc hool pri nci pal Lenore J;M.obson ( 1968) documented what they re fc l'I'cd to as d teacher-e,"(pectancy effect-the impact that a It.achcr's cxpccUttio ns about a stude lll 's p<:lfonnance may ha\~ on lhe stude nt 's ac tual ac hie\1!lIle nLS. Between 1965 a nd 1966, ch ild ren in a Sa n Fnmrisco clclll e ntary school werc administered it verba l anll reasoning prc test. The researc he rs Ihen randomly selected 20 pe rce nt of the sample and desi(ndted them as ~spUltC I 'S M- c h i l d rt' n of whom itdchcrs cou ld expect supe rior perfonmulct'. On a t..""I \crbal a nd rea..<>onill){ 1 .('SI, th e spun el's \\'CJ'C found tu score sigllilica mly higher tha n before. M oreover, I.t' ac he rs cvalwtt ed th cm as mo rl' intert"Iting, mon: c ur io us, and bCIIl'J'-a(ljustcd than th e ir d.lS~lIlates, Th ese results were q uite slriking:, si nce the ~purlC rs - un beknow n sl to the teach c ns- had bn-n arbitrmily classified in the -sllpcti o r Mgroup, ,o\pparenlly, teachers' perceptions that these stuckn"" were exceptional led to Il oticeable im provenlt'nls in performance. Studies ill the United Stales have revealed that lC~ch e l~ wait longer for a n answer fro m a SWde l1l tK-licycd to be a high lIchiever a nd arc more likely to gin:: such c hildre n a second c hance. In onc exptrimem, teachcn' expecl.ations were e\'CI1 shown tll ha\'C an impact on s tud c nt.~ ' a thletic achievemt:n t~. Teache rs obtained bettcr athletic pcrl()fm<l.llce-as measu red in lil e number of sit-ups or pLbhups J }Clfonned-from thuse stude nts of whom lbt')' expected highe r numbers (R. Rosemhal a nd Babad, 1985) , nIl' tcachel'-cxpccta ncy e ITect has been confinned in a rather surprisi ng ~e lling: it tr.tjning base for the fsr.tel i army, Instructors for a comb.at comrn:md course we re purpost!ly given incorrect infor-

    mation about the ~co ml1land po tentialM 105 me n of about fo ur days befo re the tminees arrived. Once the course began . the tr ccs who had l}Ce n ladin belt-d - high in pote ntia l ~ did indeed It-a l'l1 more than ot he rs. These tr.tint:es also dcveloped more favol'llb1c attitudes toward the comb:\! com llland course ( l::de n and Shani , 19B:!). Despite these findings , some researchers continue 1 <Juestion the validity of this se lf-fulfilling .0 prophecy because of th e dillicultics in defin ing a nd measuring t.eache r expec .... ncy (S. Chow e t aI., 1990), Further stud ies a rc also needed to clarify the relationshi p between teac her cx pccll:lti ons and actual stndcnt pelfonnan ce. In terestingly, a n ex pe rime nt by ma thematician Uric Treisman underscores how socia l realitiC5-including a teacher's expectations and e ncourageme nt -can influe nce stude nts' perfonnance. T,'cisman ( 1989) o bscrved the study habits of mathema lics swdents at the Unive rs ity o f Cali fornia, Berkcley. I-le found that Asian Americans (a high-a<:hieving population in math e matics claS.'!es) o ften studied in groups; by contrasl. African Amer k ans (whose gr.tdes ill llIit thcmatics tended to be lower) generally st udied altm e, Trc isma n pe rsuaded a gronp of Jirs t-),ca,' African American students to panicipate in a special mathematics honors prognllll that required group stud)" !-le closely 1ll0nill)f('(1 the stude n ts' progress and provided co nsiste nt e ncourage ment. The results of th is experime nt were dramatic: African American SUldt'lIIs in th e ho nors pl'og"lm pe rfonncd at th e S'lIllt! high level as slUde nt'i from other racial and e thnic groups,

    SCHOOLS AS FORMAL ORGANIZATIONS ......................................._.......................................................................


    Nineteellth-ccn tury educal.Ors would be amazed a t till:: scale of schools in the United Stales as we head toward the c nd of the twen tie th cenlLul'. For C X+ ample, Cali fornia 's school syste m, the largest in th e natio n, cllft'e ntly e ll ro lls as mallYchildren as the re were in lhe e ntire cou mr)"s secondary schools in 1930 (Bure.IU of the CenslIs, 1975a:368: I993a: 159) . In lIla llY respects, today's schools, whell viewed as an eXluuplc ofa fo rmal organ iza tion. ilre simila r to fa ctories, hospitals, and b us iness fi rms, Like

    461

    these organi zations, schools do no t oper.ue autonomously; thcy a rc influe nced by the ma rket of potential stude nts. This is especially truc o f priV' lle . schools. but cou ld have bro ade r impac t if acceptance o f sch ool c hoice pmgrams inc reases. (Vo uc he r plans and o th e r types of school c hoice programs will be examined in the social policy secuo n a t the end o f lh e c hapter.) The pa r.llleJs between schools a nd o the r types o f form a l o rgani zations will become mo re appa re nt as wc examine the bu reauc nuic nature of schools, teac h in g as a n o cc upational role , a nd the stude nt subculture ( Do ug hc rtya nd Hammack. 1992) .

    d e nt in th e vast majod ty of school$, whc ther at the: cJe me nta lY. scconchllY. 0 1" even college level.
    I

    D iuisio" of tabor. Specialized experts

    are

    till

    Bureaucratization of Schools ............................................................................... ,.., ....................... , ... .


    The bun:allcl"ali7.<l tio n o f sc h ools in the U nited Slales h ,L~ resul t.ed not only from the g rowing number o f stude nts bei ng served by individual schools a nd sc hool syste ms but also fro m the g rClUe r degree of s pecialization requ ired within a technologically complex socie ty. It is simply no t possible for a single teache r 10 lransmit c ulture and skills to c hildl'e n o f va ryin g agc.~ who will etHe r many diverse <>ccupaIIOlIS. C hap tcr Cl exami ned Max We be r's insigh ts on burea ucracy as ,Ill ideal Iype . We ber no ted fi ve basic c ha ractel'is tics o f bure:'llIc n lcy. a ll o r whic h a rc c vi-

    plo)'ed to teac h partic ular age le vels of studenu mf specific s ll l~eCls. Puhl ic sc hools now ell1plfl'i .... stl'UClOrs ,,,,hose sole ,'espo nsibility is to \'l urk \1'1 c hildre n who have learning disabiliues or ph~~ impail'mell lS. h~ a college sociology dep;mmnIC. o n e pro fessor may specialize in sociology of rdiriage and the famih . and gio n , a no the r in m ,lI o third in indus trial socio lob'Y' 2 I/ip.mrc/ty of (1Il I/writy. Eac h c mplo)'e e of d S('~ syste m is respo nsible to a highe r au thorit}. TI'dft. c o; mus t rc pun 10 p ri ll cipals and assi!;tant principa a nd may also be supe rvised by depan.ment hm Principals a n: ,lIl swt':'-'lble 10 a supe rintendent III schools, and the supe rilltellClc nt is hired and lirtd by a boa rd o f education . Even the students an: hi era rc hi cl.llly orga nized by g rade and within dui. and org,lni z:ltions. 3 WIl'((l'll ru ll's a mi I'l'gula /io1l.f. Teacher<! ,\Ufl <16 min istrators must conform to nume rous IUJr~;Uld regula tio ns in the pe rfo nmtllce of thcirduticsoTha bureallcl<ltic trai t can become dysfull ctional; tbr time invested in cOl1lplt:ti ng required fon m couW ins tead be spe ll 1 in pre pa ring lessons or conf(>maa wilh s tud e nL~.

    j ~-----------===~~==
    ,!

    +-

    Th" IlIIrt(w r mtic c/Ulrtll tmsli('l of dillitioll of /floor (sjJia/iUllio"i,

    mn"lIm 1lI/".f am' rtgIl WI,QII1. mid t!mIJ/OYlllf'1I1 IHJ. W 01' Ift/",il"fll

    qrmiijir:rllions (liftllmgjob smml) Ihrough In1Urt!fur mall] tmpiuttrl l (OlI lrim" 1' 1 rai.flmul' to fffurn/uJ"III 0 rtJ - nptnally if 1111' "/OI'1Itllllt orm. l'rofllJStd from out$idl' 1 ~ ~ j:",.. 111'

    462
    1'. l l(r ,...nUN SOCIAl. INS1TIlr n ONS

    4 Impnsonality. As was not,ed in Chapte r 6. the university has been portrn)'e d as a giant. fa celess bureaucracy which ca res liuie for the uniqueness of th~ individual. As class siLcs have inc reased at schools and uni\'crsilics. it has become more difficull for leachcrs to give personal auention to each student . In fac t. hureaucnu.ic norms may actually encour.tge teachers to treat all st udents in tlw same "~ dy despite the fact that SlUdenUi have distinc tive person a lities and learn ing needs. 5 EmlJ/trymPTIl lime" 011 fedmiCll1 qrlfliijiallions. At least in theol1'. the hiring of leache rs and college professors is based on professional competence and expertise. Promotions are normall)' dictated by written personnel policies: people who excel may be granted lifelong job securiry through tcnure . Teachers have achie\'ed these proteclions panly because of the bargaining power of unions (I~orman and Spring, 1984 ; W. Tyler. 1985). Func tionalists take a generally positive view of the bUl'e:lUcrati7.atioll of education . Teac hc rs can master the skills needed to work with a specialized clientele. since they no longer are expeetcrl to cover a brOad r.:mge of instruc tion . The chain of command within schools is dear; stude lltS arc presulIlably treated in an unbiased fashion because of unifonnly applied nlles. Finally. security of ofl,ce protectS teachcrs from ut'UlIstilied dismissal. In general. tlien , functionalist.. observe that burea uer-Hilalion of education increaseS thl' likeli hood that students. tcache rs, :tnd administl':llors will be dealL wit h fairl y- that is. on the basis of rational and equitable criteria. By cont.mst. con fl ict theotists argue that t lIe trend toWard mol'(: centralized education has harmful consequences for dis.advantaged people. The standardi7"1tion of educalional curricula. including textbooks, will generally reflect lhe va lllc:s. interests. <l.nd lifestyles of the mOst powerful groups in our SOCiety and may ignore those of nlcial and ethnic minorities. In addition. the disad vantaged, mo re 'IQ than the a 01uent, will find it dinkull to so rt through complex educational bureaucracies and to organize dTcct.j\'e lobbying groups. Therefore. in UtI' view of conflict theorisUi, low-income and minority parents will have even less influence over city\\ide and stlltcwide educational ad mi nistrators than they have o\'er loc.. l school officials (Bowlcs and Gintis, 1976; Kau., 197 1).

    :.~.~~~~~.: ...~~:~.I.p'.~?y'~~~...~.~ .. ~~~.~.I.~.~.~~..............


    Whethcl' they sc rve as instntctors of prcschoolel's or gl"'ddllatc slitdcnL<;. teachers arc employees of fom\al orb"mi7.alions with bureaucratic Structures. In Chapter 15, it wa.<; noted that there is an inherent conflict in serving as a professional within a bureaucracy. The oqr-miLation follows the princi ple of hierarchy and expec ts adhe re nce wi ts 1'I11cs; professionalism demands the individual responsibil ity of the practitioner. Th is conflict is very re,, 1 for teachers. who experience all th e positive an(1 negative consequences of working in bureaucracies (refer back to Table 6-3 on p.tge 154) . On a day-to-day level. the occupational status of lroth" brings with il many perplexing stresses. While leachers' academic assignment.s haye become m ore spe cialized as a resu lt of the increasing division oflaboJ' wilhin education, th e demands 011 Ihcir time remain d ive rse and contradictory. In ana lYli l1g the work of schoolteachers. sociologist C. Wayne Cordon ( 1955) noted the connicts inhe rent in serving a.<; an instntClOI', a disciplinarian , and an employee of a school disuict at the same time. Fo r college pl'ofessors, differe nt types of role strain adsc. While formally employed as le achers. they arc cXI>ccted to work on commi ttces and are Cllcour.lgcd to conduct scholarly research . In many colleges and universities. security or posit.ion (tenure) is based primarily o n the publ icatio n of origilllt l scholarship. As a result, instructors must rullill goals that compete for time. Coll ege pt'o fessors rarely have to OCC llP)' themselves with the role of disciplinarian. but this task has become a m:tior focus of schooltcachers ' work in the Unitcd States. Clearly. mainte nance of order is essential in cSL."lblishing an educational environment in which sludenUi can actually learn . Yet the nation's schools have been the scenc or incl'casil1gl), violent misbehavior in recent years (sce Box 16-2 on page 464) . Give l1 thesc diOiculties. does Leachi ng rCm;titl an atlfac tivc prolcssion in the Uni ted States? It t 1969, when tcac hen; were already having di fliculty findingjobs becau.$C of b'Towing educational cutbacks, full y 75 perce nt of parents indic;:ttcd that they would like their children to become public school teachers. By 1993, U13t figure had fa llen to 67 percenL In the minds of parents, the status of teac hing as a carcer for the ir children had declined

    463
    CJ IAI'TI- R 16 EDUot'rIQN ;

    VIOLENCE IN THE SCHOOLS

    L orain, Ohio, a community of 70,000 people. was shake n in early 199~ by the arreSb of tv.'o $C\'enthgrade girls allegedly im'Oh'Cd in :1 plot to kill their English tellcher. Encouraged by $200 in lunch money wdgered by d Olens of students awarc of thc conspimcy. a 13yea r-old hOllor stude nt admitted sh e had brought a 12-i n ch kitchen knife from home 10 stab her tcacher in the h eart. Accordi n g to their plan. her l2-),ear-old accomp lice would ho ld the tcache rd own . However. just minutcs !.>cfore Ihc cI.tSS bell sounded- the signal fo r thc a ttack-an ass istant pri n ci pal passing by Lhe classroom noticed h ow tense the l3-},ear-oI(l 1...15. After invcstigating. th e assis t;lIl t pl'incip:1 1 uncove red the conspi'; IC)' and pr!-" vented tht! ilttack (j . H ull. 1993) . Thc data on school violence in the UniLCd St.n es arc horrif)'ing. An estimated 100,000 pupils across the nation carry gum to school each day. Some 3 millio n incidents of strect crime (assault. rapt:. robbery. or theft) lakc place each rear inside schools o r o n sch ool property. Nearly 300.000 high school students are physically attac ked each m onth . According to a 1993 re(Xlrt by the Na tional C.cnter for l-: duclltion Statistics, 16 perce n t of public sch ool teachers have been t.hleatened with it~i Ul)'. and 7 percent rcpori th ey ha\'e actually been physi. call y att'lc ked. School lIiolence ;s n ot an urban phenomenon a lone. For example. acco rdi ng to a 1993 su rvey. 12 percent or rural sch ools in th e Un ited States had witnessed an ;nerease in guns on school

    grou n ds during the previous rear (D. W. Ha res. 1993: Ostling, 1989: Sharp. 1993). E\'cn these distressi n g dala probabl y underreporl the extent of \'iolence in the nalion'sschools. Espedally in suburban and nll'al areas, schools do not want to be 1{j~W as unsafe or \iolent and the rc fore nlll y remain si lclIl abour violelll incide n ts \\'hene\,er pos.~ible . Mo reoller. there are indic.uions that school adrninistnttors t.l ke a ~not in my rt istlic t ~ attitude ",1 11'11 assc~sing the 1l1ltio l1wide liS(; in school-l'cI;lIcd vio1cm:e. In a I ~)93 S III'\'CY by the Na tional School Uoal'd AssodaliOIl. 39 percent of school adm in istrator'!! sa id th al viole nce had increased in their own disllict.~. 63 pt' rcell1 bc licved it had riscn in ncighboring school d istricts. and 97 pt:rce11l suggested that there was more 5Chon l lIiolence across the U nited Sl<ltes than was the case five years ago (ulwton. 1993a). What explanation~ ha\'c bt:en of fered for the increase in lIi(.lcl1ce in tht schools? Among the factors contribllling to this lise in violence are increasing use of drugs and alcohol by studentS (even on school property); the df."clinf." in fami ly supervision of children and adolescents; roung pco ple 's d"ily ex poSUI'C 10 violence in the me dia; the rise in or~tnized gang aCli \~ ty (:I p henomenon e\~dent in u rban , subu r ban. and n U1I1 areas and among you n g people rrom all social classes and mdal and eth nic backgrounds); and the in crcased usc o f guns and knives duri n g disputes (refer back to th e social policy sec

    tiOI1 o n gun control in Chaptcr11 lllis laSI factor is espccialll' n"", worthy; while there hal'C .tI1OrlIft beer! conflicts between slim. the)' have now become incrt:blnf' life-threatening heca\lsc /mam \lIIo dents carry dangerous .... eapum. ( Ba ~t i"n and Tar tor. 1991: (:dB. 1993; O. W. i-!ayes, 1993). Increasingl y. efTorts to pr",", sch ool \'ioknce are focusing on Ibr wa)'5 in whic h the socialiulIMt 11 yo u ng pe ople in the Unitl"d ~ cont riblll('s tu \10Ience. In. emt 1993. the N:uional Erluc:l tion,~ tiati.)tl calico o n the federal gu. e rn n lcllt 1.0 spend $ 100 ntilli<1t1 Olll~r a Ji\'e-rear period to a~is( Ihr nation's school dist ricts in rlTort'" com bat \io lcncc. Such funrlin)f. al1()Caltt1. could be used to intn. duce progmms designed to pll"'~nt c hro nic aggressil'e bt:hill;Or. to!" ample. a pilot program kno,.ll IJ .-a~t Track (Families alld Sch.w-ft Toget her) i~ funded by the 'Utional Institute of Mental ll talth, It is an carl),-imcl"I'Clllion an,ller IIWIagemellt program which worl!:wnll children beginning in the f~ gr.I(tc. Fast Tmck sodalil('i, (hi!dren to scnsilil'ity 10 oth('o, tht (hllllaging e fTecL~ of \;olenrr. ,and lhc importance of nOIl\;olcm rt' Imio n of conmcts. TIlt program uses ~1I11!-'S and exercises and rei," o n activc parental inl'ull't'mrnt ContempOr:ll)' research bolh in.idr and OUL~ ide schools suggt'lit) th~t ... lCllt ioll to socialilatioll and ,I"gtr manage ment of children i! t~ tiill in reducing lIiolener (Celll. 199:1: uwton, 1993b; M.ut.i('lll 1992: T errell. 1992).

    464

    $OmcwhaL In 1992, 4.4 pe rcc nt of first-yea r mal e rollege S llld c l lL~ alld 13 pcrccm of first.-yea r female \Iudcnts indicated that th ey were imCr(:slcd in becomi ng tcachers. While th ese figures reflect a modtst upturn in th e appeal o f Icaching in recent years, they a rc dramatically lower than the 12.7 percent offirsl-year male stude nts and 37.5 percclll of firstl'tar female stude nts who had suc h occlIpalipnal aspirations in 1968 (AllIi n Cl a\., 1987:46,70: f.lam et al., 1993: 148). Undoubte dly. stude n ts' feeli ngs about th e a ttraeti\'encss of leaching have been influenced by the

    cent pCI' rear in the 19605. I-I owevc r, a lthough the current rou e is much lower. it has misecl even g reater concern among e ducato rs because th e profession is no longe r a nracting a sufficient number o f college grad uates. Until 20 )'ears ago, a steady supply of women a nd minority group members entered teaching. However. as career options have widened fo r these groups in recent decades (refer back to Chaplcl'S 10 and 11 ), many people have chosen to e nte r hig he r-paying occupa tions, mther than teaching (Glissm e l' and Kirby, 1987; SoI6r-tano, 1986).

    economics of U1C profession. In 1993, the a\'erage salary fOl' all public c\cmenmry and secondary school teachers ill the Unite d States was $35,104. This sahuy p laces teachers so mewhe re near lhe average of a ll wage ca m el's in the nation . (In private lndusur, workers with professional respon sibilities ,zlld edaC/ltiOIl:lI C{{{idilic3tiOllJ' COIll(XlI<lble lilt/I tcachers cam salaries ra ll gi ng from $29,000 1.0 S60,000.) By contrast, uni versity slLldents in Japan line lip fo r covete d lcachin gjobs. By law, Japan ese leachers a rc p<l id 10 pc rcclH more than e mployees in the lop-level civil se" lice job, wh ich pl aces th em among the top 10 percent o f wage t amers in the CQUlllry (T . Henry. 1993; Richburg. 1985). As \vas noted in Chapte r 8, the Status of a ny job ref1eclS several factors. including the level of education required. financial compensation, a nd the r('specl given the occu pation .....ithin socie ty. Teaching is feeling pressure in all th ree areas: the ,lInount offom lal schooling required for this profcssion remains hig h , bUl the public h as begun to call for ne\>.' competency examinations for teachers; the Statistics c ited abo,c demonstrate that leachers' salaries are signilicllll tly lo.....e r than those of many professionals and skilled workers; finally, as we have seen, the prestige of th e teaching profession has declined in t.he las t decade. It is not surpdsing, then, to find t.hat many te achers become disappointed and frustrAted and lea\'e the e ducational world for other careers. Many are sim ply "burned O UI " by lhe severe demands, limited rewards, and general sense of alienatio n that they expe rie nce o n the job (sce Chapter 15). In 1987, a Rand Corporation re port estimated attrition a mo ng teache rs in the Unitcd Stales at 9 percent annually. The researchers noted tha t the teac her bUl'llout- r.II.C had \x:cn as h igh as 17 per4

    The Student Subculture ............................................................................................................. ..


    Earlier, various fun ctio ns o f education , suc h as transm itting culturc, mai nLaining social con uol, and pl'Omoting social c ha nge, werc d escribed. An :tdditioll,7/ I/Itelllli.lllctioll ,dlicll ret7tes dill'Cllf to student life can be iden tified: schools provide fo r stlldenL~' social and recreal.ional needs. Education hel ps toddlers and young c hildren de\'elop interpersonal skills th at arc essential dUl'ing adolesce nce and adulthood . During high school and college years, students lIlay m eet fUllIre husbands and wives a nd may establish lifelong friendships (j . W. Coleman and Cressey, 1980:96). When people o bseS"c hig h schools. community colleges, or un iversi ties from the o utside, SUlde nlS a ppear to cons tiaHe a cohesive. unifonn group. J-Iowe\cr. the sUlde nt subcul tu rc is actually much more complex and diverse. H igh school cliques and social groups may be established on the basis of race, social class, physical a ttractiveness, placemem in CO U I'SCS, athletic ability, and le adersh ip ro les in the school and community. Remarkably, in his study of Elmtown , allowing fo r the fac t that a n indh~dual could be lo ng to marc than o nc socia l g roup, AugUSt I-Iollingshcad ( 1975:154) found some 259 distinct cl iques in a si ngle high school. These cliques, whose average size was fi ve, were cen tered o n th e school itself, o n recreational ;u:tivilics, and on religious and comm unity groups. A simi lar diversity ca n be fo und at the college level. Burto n Clark a nd Martin Trow ( 1966) - a nd , mo re n:ce nu),. i-Ic\cn Lefkowi lz Ilo rowilZ ( 1987)have identified distinctive subcul tures amo ng college stude n ts. Looking at th e ir analyscs togethe r, we ca n present fOlLl' ideal types of subcultures.

    465

    Sodol dique$ o'msu/ing of alhlM '" ont asjJ1 of Ihe largtr MUdnl/ subcullllrt of a high 5rhooL

    T he colkgia/e subculture focuses 0 11 having fun and socializing. These swdellts defi ne I.,.hat constilUtes a "reOlsona ble" amount of academic \\'ork (and what a mount o f work is Mexccssil'e" and leads to being labeled as a "gri nd'). Members of the collegiate subculture have liule commitme nt to aCOldemic pursuits. By COnLJdSt, the acmit'micsubcu llllre ide ntifies with the in te llectual concerns of the faculty a nd values knowledge fo r its own sa ke. The l!OCalionai subc ulture is primalily illlerestcd in ca reer prospec L~ and views college as Ol mea ns of o btaini ng degrees wh ich are csselllial fo r advance men t. Fina lly, the mJnamjQrmisl subcu lture is hostile to the college e n viron ment and sceks out ideas tha t mayor may not relate to studies. Indeed , it may be re m oved from the domi na lll collcge culw re but may rind o uliets th rough ca mpu.s pu blic:ltio ns o r issuc-orie nted gro ups. Each college swde lll is c\c n llmlly exposed to tllesc competing subcultures a nd must determine wh ich (if any) seem most in line wi th his or her feelings a nd illlcreslS. T he typolob'Y used by these researchc rs rc mi nds lts that school is a complex social orga nizationalmost like a community with d ifferen t neigh borhoods. However, it is importan t 10 note that these four subcu lt ures are not the only o nes evident on college cam puses in the United States. For example, one might fi nd subcult ures of Vie tn am vctcr-

    a ns o r forlller full-time homemakers at commnMl colleges and fo ur-year commuter institution., lM slliking incrca.~ in olde r college s t udcnl~ \\111 hi' d iscussed more fully late r in tJle chapter. Sociologist J oe Feagin has studied a distinctilCla. legiate subculture: Black stude nts at predorninanlll Wh ite un iversities. T hese students mllst functidl aCddemically and socially within univcrsiue!I IIhtrr there are few Black faCIlity me mbers or Blael";' m iniSll<nors, where ha r'assme nt of Blacks b)camfJII police is common, and whe re the cUlTicula plact little e mphasis o n Black contributio ns. Indet'd, fagi n (1989: 11 ) suggests tha t "'for minority ,ttldm li fe al a p redominantly whi te college or unilt~ means lo ng-term e ncounters with /Jm!{lSitlt_ 'ness. ~ [n r eagin 's view, African Am erican slud(,1lG at such institutions ex pe rience blatant and ~uld: rncial discri mina tio n which has a c um ul3lil'(~ lmp:K1 tha t can seriously damage stude nts' confidence.

    EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES, CURRENT TRENDS ..... ................................................................................_ Most of th is cha pter has focused on the ~ processes a nd social Slructure of ed ucationa! in~ tutio ns in the Uni ted Slates. Th is section \lilt n amine a num ber o f important educational innfIQ-

    466
    I 'ART ~'{)trR SOCIAl. /,\'srrn rnONS

    lions thal have been proposed or impleme nted within the lan 20 ycars. h is worth no ting that people in thc United Sta tes btlieve that cha nge is need e d in the nation 's edu cational system. A 1990 sm"l'cy revealed thal o nly 18 ptrcclll o f respondents were prepared to g ive a grade of ~A~ to their commun ities' elementary JChools. O nly 2 percent wcrc wi ll ing 10 give Ih is top grade to lhe public sc hoo ls in the nation as a whole. BUI such dissatisfaClioll is hardly llnique to tbe United St..'\tes. In a comparative an;d ysis o f morc than 3500 policymakers and organization leaders 1Illhe United Stalt..'S, Great Britain , and West Germany, researchers found agreement that each rountry's educalio na l system wa.'i not functioning \\-ell and that refonns were essentiill (Elam, 1990:52: Landsberger et a l" 1988). No maller whilt the publ ic sentime nt , the constrainlS agai nst cha nge in e ducatio n ca n be fomlirlable. Educato rs m<ly resisl theories o r tec hniques lhal seem " untested ~ or ~ 100 expe rime ntal." Taxpa)'crs ,u'e re luct..'1lI to spe nd more mon ey o n lInprm'en programs. Nevertheless. ollr educationa l ~ste m is badly in need of c han ge, a nd cena in proposals to fllndamcmally reshape lhis institution ha\'e atlracted considenlble atte ntio n.

    - .-~

    Minimum-Competency Testing .. ..................................................................................................


    ~

    Over the last three d ecades, standard procedure in .rhools in lhe United States wa... to pass childre n from on c grade to the next on the basis of age mther than actual educatio nal atlllinment. This practice was called social p,-omotio1J; it stemmed from a belief that the stig ma of being left back might cri pple m otivation and se lf-esteem :md further imped e learning. EducaLOrs thus recogn ized the importancc of the sLudenl subculture in academic success and fa ilure . However, in the 19705, more and 1I10 ,'e people-both insid e and outo;ide the educatio na l world-became upset aboll l the number of students g raduating from hig h schoo l .... ho had never mas tered basic s kill.~ . As iI resu lt, a nationwide movement emerged in support of .i"imum-ompfllency tests (MGT!), which mealure the knowledge that a c hild possesses in such areas as reading, wriling. and mathematics. Currently. school districts in 33 states req uire that ~me test be passed before a stude'lI ca n gmduate

    from high school. Those who fail mll.~t e nter a re medial p rogr.Ull to pre pare fo r retesting. Ho .....ever. a minimll m-compe tc ncy lest does no t grade SUId ents o r place them a t some level o r percentile. Instead, it simply indicates whe ther the !iludent has or has no t achieved a minimum level of proficiency in a subject or skill. While the man ifesl functio n o f the MCf is to certify the learner. the latenl effect is 10 restore the credibil ity of the high school diploma in the minds of employers. Minimum-cqmpc le ncy t.est ing is not wi tho ut its critics. The M has been attacked 011 the grounds er lhat it d oes no t ge n uinely re present s\.mlents abiliLies. In addition , concenl has been expressed that teachers may tr.lin stude nts to pass the MCT, mther than educa te Ulem in a broader man ne ,'. Ag"din , the social role of the teac her is made morc difficult . T eachers may resent the pressUl'e to focus their educatio nal e fforts on MCfs and may feci that they tOO have "fa iled~ if th eir stude n ts do nOt pass lh e leslS. Indee d , a 1990 Gallup survey of teachers found that 78 perce n t believe that the emphasis o n standardized tests has increased in the last d ecade and 73 percent report that they are being pressured 1 spend more Lime preparing students fo r tcsts 0 (Kc ll)'. 1990). The d ebatc over minill11lm-coml>etency t,esLing raises a fun dament..'\! quesLion about the func tions of education . Com munities and policymake rs must resolve whe the r schools should co ncelltmle o n the ma nifest fun ctio n of teac hing skills - by slrcssi ng reading, writing. and mathe matics-or shOll ld take a broade r view o f ed ucation wh ich e mbl-aces the art~ . the humanities, and the social scie nces. A move toward certi fying abilities represents a further ste p toward credelllialism . To date. while parents strongly support the genel'lll principle of going M back to the basics , ~ they have been reluctant to .sacrifice the alleged frills of a more ro unded educillio nal approac h .

    ....................................9. ........................................................................

    Mainstreaminp- and Inclusion

    Pe rha ps no areil of con temporary ed uca tion is as widely misunde rs too d as educ3t,iI)1l fnr students with disabilities. Disagreement even ex ists as to who shou ld (.lI1d shou ld not) be conside red "handi capped . ~ but for the most part educators agree th at this category includes those who are mentally

    467
    CIIAYlJ-:H 16 Em; C..4TIO,\

    Arrorliillg 10 jrdn-al ~~/atiol! 104" took.1fU/;1I 1980, childrrllu,th diSflln"{;/il'J III11s1 be rol/ca/lfl III /1It
    almosphn-, mml similar /0 11 1l')(II1" da.uromll 111(11 IS stl.llabi, fin tit. ..

    SlIowlI ;l (I rhlld wilh l)oo'rI" symllVmr who h(1S bn


    ~"ul ill ...lrHIIIIHr

    ill/o a (1(1l) IJ/

    1I1)1/llis(lhlet.i sllIdfflts.

    disabled, hearing-handicapped (or acollstically disabled ), visually impaired , speech-handicapped. emotionally disturbed (or socially mala(!juswd ). learning-disabled, and physically handica pped. Of course, each of these classifications is subjcct to . . . lI)'ing definitions and funher subdi\~sions. In addi tion. many c hildren are multi ply handicapped, ex perien cing two o r more of these conditions. Current policy in the Uuited $t...,tes rCWlI'ding sc hoolchildren wi th disabilities \\~dS shaped by the passage in 1975 of Public Law 94-142 (Education of All Handicapped Children Act). which took full effect in 1980. With a few exceptions, this l"w calls fo r local school districts to provide an individualized education plan (fEP ) for e \'ery handicapped c hild. In addition. Public L.,w 94-142 holds that states wishing to receive federal funds to ed ucate disabled students must p lace these students \\'ithin the "least restrictive e n vi rollmcnl.~ In other \\'ords, children with disabilities mU~l be educated ill the atmosphere most similar to a regular classroom that is suitable for them. The pr.tctice of pl'omotin g maximu m integration of handicapped c hildren with nonhandicapped chil d ren is referred to as ma instrea m; IIg. By 1991. the fed e ral govemlllclll had spellt mo re than S l 6 billion to implemenl mains trcaming through the provisions of ])ublic Law 94- 142. One stude lll in nine in the nati on's public school s is now covered by th is law. According 10 the Departme n t of Education. 69 percent of all students with dis-

    abilities are participating in regular dali.~' .IJld receiving only support se n~ces. Most of tht It'\I a re in se parah.' classes in regular school buildirllt\ (Canner and Lipsky, 1987; see also A.. Asch. 19119: P. f e rb'l.lson and Aseh. 1989) . An impor... 1ll goal of mainstreaming is to orm ' down societal prejudices reg;uding disabled peoplc . Viewed from the perspective of labeling lhton (sce Cha pter 7). mainstream ing is an attempt tortmove the stig ma att..."1c hed to children with disabl ities. It is hoped that, through day-to-dal' int('~ lions with disabled c hildren . nondisabled peel~ lIS "'ell as pareJ11s and teachers) will become IlI\He '" ccpti ng of those with disa bilities. Student lift II1lI be altered as young people with a nd y,ithoUl ~ abi lities share classroom experiences. Yet, dr~pllt this r.tthe r humane objecl.ive. mainslreaming t... no t bee n received with cmhusiasm by teathers 11" by parellts of nondisablcd c h ildre n. In particu lar, slIch parc n ts fear th at intcgr.Il.l11O of dis."1bled stude nts imo classrooms will make. more diffic ult for their own ch.ildren lO ren:I\!:' hig h-quality education. Actually, mainSIN:alllIR does not di c li.lt ~ Ihat all disabled children be pIui'd in regular classrooms. Only those able 10 iunoion in tra ditional school sCllings are affected. But !ha distinction is sometimes ignored by all apprt'lttll' sive public. Hcginning in Ih e late I Y 80s. a fe w school dj,lrlm ac ross the Un il ed Stales moved far beyond 1IM111' streaming lO an approac h known as indusiol/. l"

    468
    I'M'"/" H,U It ."OOA/ /,\'.\-rl'n roo", ..

    der this e ducatio nal ex.pc rime lll. all c hild re n CWIl those with severe dis:.lbilitics-arc laught in regular public .school classrooms. In the 1989-1990 school ye<lr (th t: last fo r which data are <lvai lablc). 6 pcn;cm of ch ildre n with multiple d isabi lities and 6.7 percent of mentally disabled ch ildren wcr'e included in r'cb lar classrooms. "lr Unl ike nminstreaming, inclusion is not mandoned by I'ublic Law 94 -142 or o the r federal edllQ liuna l guidelines. It is even more controversial than maillstreaming. since incl usion requires additional special education tt:achers and classroom aides to modify lessons and orrer teache r trai rr ing. ThUl; far , e arly research o n the impac t ofincll.lsion has been unclear, with som e sllldies suggesting that it be ne fi ts both disabled a nd nondisable d c hildr'e n and other studies indica ting that it is harmfu l to students with disabilities. As a result, inclusion pmgrams have aroused both praise and cri ticism from educators a nd parenL<; of disable d c hi ldre n (Chira., 1993). The issues of mainstrearning stude nts with disabilities and inclusion arc no t simply educ:u.ional ISSues. They a rc viewed by many, including melll~t'$ ofa g rowing move ment for disabili ty rights. as d\il rights efforts designed lO cnd unjus l segreg<ttion of d isabled slllden ts. As wc wi ll ex.plore fU I"I he r in our discllssion o f the Americans with Dis:!bi lities Act (ADA) in Chapter 20, the goal of illlegra ljng disabled people into educ;'llional and o ther institutions is a cha llenge to th e national cred o o f e qualrl) and justice for all.

    Women in Educatio n .. ......................................................................................................


    -.~ ~

    The educ;lI iona l syste m of the United St:ltes, like many o tite r social insti tutio ns, has lo ng been characterized by discrimina tory trealmen t ofwum en. in 1833, Obedin College became the first institutio n of higher Icam ing to admit female swde nts-somc 200 years after th e firs l men's college was esta!> Ii~hcd. But Obcrlin believed that womcn sho uld aspire to become wives a nd mothers, no t lawye rs and intdlecumls. Fe ma le stude nts \...-dShed men 's clothIng, cared fo r their rooms, :'IIld served them 011 meal~. In the 1840s Lucy Stone, then all Obcrlin undergraduate and later onc of the nation's most outspoken femin ist le... deI'S, re fused to writ(, a cornmcncemcrlI address because ir would h ave had to

    be read 10 tir e audience bya male stude nt ( Fle tcher, 1943; Flex.ne r, 1972:29-30, 342). rn the twentietll century, sexism in education has been manifested in ma ny ways-i n tex. lbook.~ with negat.ive ste reOtypes of women. cou nsclors' pressure on kmale studen ts 10 prepa re fo r ~womt: n 's work,H and unequal fund ing for women's a nd men's recrea tional progr.llns. Btu pe rha ps nowhere has cdUC:llio nal discrimination been m ore evident than in lhe e mplo),me nt of teachers. The positio ns of university professor and college admin istr.no r, which hold relatively high stalus in thc United St:ttc.~, have generally been resen'ed for men. Yet public school teachers, who have much lower status. arc largely fe male. According to data compiled by the federal gm'eTrl lllcn t, <1..<; of 1992 about 85 percent of gmde school leache rs in the nation were women. By cont1<lSI., as of 1991, women accounte d for on ly 12 percent of a ll full professors OIl colleges and univer");ilies. Mo reove r, according to a study by the Am erican A~ociiltion ofUni\,crsity Wome n, as of J 99 1 ",omen accounted for o nly 5 percent of the nation's school slIperinte nde nts a nd held fewer than 350 of the 3000 college and university presidencies. E\'en whe n they hold the sam e degree as me n , women academics ofte n receive lower salaries. According to federal data fo r 1991 . female full professors typiC<tlly received $49.700, compa red with $56,500 for their male cou nte rparts (Burea u of the Census, 1993<1:405; Dc panment of Education , 1992:224, 229-230; H icks, 1991 : 19). The re has, howeve r. been ;m increase in Ih e pr" portio n of women continuing the ir sc hooling (sce Figufl: 16-2 on page 470) . Whereas in the past, women were underrcpresen t.ed in college en 1'011m enl. today 55 pe rcent of the na tio n 's undel'gr.lduate stude nts are female. Access to graduate educatio n for women has a lso increased dramatically; fo r e"<l lllplt! , th c pc rcerHllge of doctoml degrees awarded 10 women rose from 14 percent. in 1950 to 44 pCl'ccrll in 191-)2. Professiona l schools, as we ll, have become muc h m orc open to women. The propo rtio n of women g mduates from medical sc hools has increased from 6 percent in 1960 to 34 perce llt in 1990. Thirty-one percent of all dental school graduates arc now female, compan.(\ with less tha n o ne perce nt in 1960. Simila rly, 42 percent of all hlw sc hool g raduat es arc wome n , compa red

    469
    (;//AI"I"'II "" f;J)/I(:A '/'/{}N

    FIGURE 16-2

    Proportion of High Sch ool Graduates That Irlroll in Co llege,

    by Gelid" and Race, 1960-1991

    50

    with less than 3 percenl in 1960. Pressure from u. femi nist moveme nt (see C hapler 11 ) played a m .. jor role in opening the doors of these instit!!tiOlll ( Bureau of the Census, I 993a: 183, 185; Mancgold 1994 ).

    40

    Adult Education ......................................................................................__......_Pic ture a Mcollege sWdenl.- Most likely, you'll imagine someone under 25 years of age. This Ifflects the belief that education is something experienced and completed during the first two or thnf decades of life and rarely suppleme nted after !.ha: Howeyer, many colleges and universities haw '11'1\' nessed a dramatic increase in the number of otdtr students pUl"Suing two-year, lour-year, and gradual~ d egrees. These older students are more likel)'lo bt female-and <Ire more likely to be B];lck or Hi~ panic-than is the lypica l 19- or 20-year-old coller stud e nt. Viewed from a co nfl ict perspective, it is nl. surprising I.hat women and minorities are o\'errtp" resenled among o lde r sl,lIdcnt.s; members of they groups arc t1lC most likely to miss o ut on hi~h('red ucatjon the first lime a ro und (F. Best and EberhMd 1990). In 1970. only o ne-quarter of all swdcnts lali1li! credit courses in colleges in the United St.,leS "'Cft 25 rears old o r older. However, b)' the earl)- 19':-,,this figure had risc n lO more t.han 40 percent ('ire Figure 16-3). Obviously. sociological models oftbt collegiale subculture will h:we lO be f'C\lsed significantly in lig ht of such c hanges. Moreo\'er. as t~~ of lhe w typical- college student increases. then" Ji

    30

    20
    10

    - - While moles

    - - Block males
    - - While femolM

    - ,k<' femalM
    1975
    19!j.~a:17.'1.

    IO',';60;;-"19!'.-;'-;-;1970

    1980 1985

    1991

    .,'l-.....: I\""~a" or,h.. (:en . " s. ,

    f.mol/m"'l t of IVlJitr IIIommr ill higlwr

    Ilu' Ul/ill'(( Stales Iw~ rQ lllinu('ff to gm", sinct / 960, whift tPIJ"OUlllnJl of Afrimn A","icon "'Oll,,'n Iras jllI(flUlfffl. Enrollmnll of Whilt (Hul Afn'rrll/ American '~II illC/~(/.Jtd ~lIbMlllllially ri rlrillg tht I/I(lr ir. Virlllam, rialllltd in tll~ l(j~ / 970s, DlIlI rose again ill th~ 198fh.
    t dllflllioll ill

    M(IIIY fOlI~"'.J mId IIIIivtr.Sllid 1tm~ ItIItllasnl a dmm(llic incrM.Sl' ",""

    II rlm&n- of oldn- stuMlb PUrlU'"R tp. yllr. fOII1'11r, mId grrulll(/tf ~

    470
    PART FOUR ' S(J(".lA I. IN!>Tn"UnONS

    be a gro wing need fo r o n-cam pus c hild care (rerer


    hack to Chapter 4). T his is especia lly true in community colleges. where tht: median age of stude nts is already ~1. It should be noted that the nation 's colleges nffll. oldcrswdenL<;. Given the expected decrease in population in the age group 18to 24 years old ove r lhe period 1983 to 1995, institlllions of higher learn ing will have lo li nd new consu m ers for their services in order to sUlv ivc finan cially. This need has le d colleges across the Un ited Slales to develo p adult education programs. Curre nuy. abou t half of all adulls t.."1l:.e part in some type o f a dult e ducation . Onc aspect of the adult education boom involves !he rapidly c hanging nature of the business world in an age of technological innovation. Business firms have come to accepllhe view of e ducation as lifelong and may encourage (or re qu ire) employees to learn job-I'e lated skills. T h us, secretaries a re sent to spec ial schools to be trained 10 use wordproccs..~ in g system s a nd video display uni ts. Realtors attend classes to learn about a lternative forms of financi ng for home buyers. In occupation a fter occullation, longtim e workers and professionals are going back to school to adapt to th e new demands "ftheir jobs. So, too, arc younger e mployees: a national survey in 1993 showed that o nc out of fOUl"

    FIGURE / 63 Age Distl'"ibution of College Students in the Ulli ted Slates, 1970-2003

    ~
    -

    1
    j J
    _
    SOIJ~a.:

    .<

    6.2

    2.4

    1970 Students under age 25

    1991

    stvdents ages 25 and cYer

    lIurra" Qf 11,,,

    0,,,,,,... 1993:<: 173.


    By the mid-1990s, liMe!' s/!/denu luiU. accotml for 40 pn"C~11 of (Ill sluden ts in wlkgts in flie Umted Slales.

    workers ages 21 to 29 receh'ed suchjob-rc1ated cdlIcation (Department of Labor, 1993).

    "'-~I

    ,.. .. ,

    SCHOOL CHO ICE PROC RAMS


    ton-ex plained U U1CY remain strong supponers 1at of the nation 's public schools. Yet their decision mea m that they wou ld begin paying $10,000 a year ( nearly double the am oll nttha t the aver..tgc public school is able to spend per student) on their daughte .... s jun ior high school e ducation. Many observers insisted that the Clintons' choice o f a school for Che lsea should be regarded as a private family decision. But. c ritics noted the irony that Uil1 Clilllo n has opposed school c hoice prOgJllms that would assist parents in sending their c hildre n 10 privdte schools. yet the Clin tons are affillCnt e nough that tlu_y can send Chelsea to Sidwell Friends School wiU10ul ally government a id (Doerr. I99S). The term school chi)iu programs rders to various types of educational experiments under which par-

    Howdo ad voca tes of school choice programs draw on an .malob'Y to Mfree_m arket Mbusiness competilion to support their vie\\'S? Viewed from a conflict perspective, why is there concent ove .... the social class and religious impliGltions of school c hoice programs? '~cw(.d fro m a fun ctionalist perspective. how would -chool cho ice program s affect th e role of education in promoting socia l and pol itical illl.egration?

    In janual)' 1993. Ch elsea Climon bebran allend109 Sidwell Friends School. a respected privdte IChool in Washington. D.C. Chelsea's parellLSPre<lident Bill Clinto n and H illa ry Rod ham Clin-

    471
    CllArn:.R 16 EDUCAnON

    AOOII//MHhmiJ ofPriva~l(Iwt.J s/lIrfl'tlls in 11" Uni/M St(ll~ IU/(IIIf ills/i/II/lUlls wilh religious 1ft/Will) \

    e nts ca n c hoose wh c rl' 10 send th e ir childre n . Such plans o fLCn allCmpt 10 stim ulate bette r performance from local schools by mandating that some type of financ ial n :ward will fo llow sl udents as they move to new schools. For example. c hoice programs may usc vouc hcn; or tuition tax credits, which proviri<' 1"01 th e transfer of puhlic funds to the public o r p rivate school of parenL~' choice. The use of school vouchers was firs t advanced by economist Milton Friedman in his book Capitalism (IIIfl Freedom ( 1962). Proponenls of school choice oflen rel y 011 Ihe work 01 economists for suppon (J . A. Tuc ker, 1993). In thc view of journal ist Billy Tashman ( 1992:9):
    They drc;l111 ofa fre(... m .. rker ("<IIIe-;llion s)'litern in which p;UCIlI..'S sho p for schools the \\~Iy thcy shop for tOOlhpastc. E\cry swdclII would be handed their portion of tht school budgcI (aboul S6000 ill New York City) in the form of vouchers to prcscllt 10 Ihe so.:hool of thei r c ho ice . &:l1ools pirkcd lhe mOSI would grow rich and Ihrhc. & hOu l ~ nOt pickcd, prcsltlnably bad" schools, would be fo retlf w compete or go OUI of business.

    cal educational funds. At least 12 olher st:ltt'S ~ actively conside ring various types of school cholft' programs. On Iy the c ity of Mi lwau kee a ll ow~ prilOlll" schools to compete for .~ t udc n LS. Undcr <In t'xpt.'tJmc nt;'11 program , $2600 trlilion grants \\'ere jotiwn 1(,
    st ude ll tS from low-income fam ilies; the$(' gr.lnb cou ld be mecl for tuition at private !>Chooh \\1ti<b participated in the prognnll (Chi ra, 1992: !\cIA. 1993; Tashman , 1992). Ma ny critic isms havc becn voiced concemrlll school c hoice programs. The analogy to hu,irK"'ll competition wilh in a free-market eCl/nom, la. been challe nged as d eceplive. Opponcnb 01 '>(hnuj c hoice ;uguc Ihal while a successful busint"-' ~t~h as Coca-Cola can expand inlo new marl{'L~ arn the Uniled $tillt."S and indecd around the "orld.ln elementary' school has a limi ted potential for r\ panding ils clien tele. Rather than expanding. outstanding public school will instead hewt!!t more scleCLive :I;; pare nts com pele 10 cnrollthnr child re n (Br;'lccy, 1993). C ritics ad d Illat , O\tcheror tu it io n ta.x credit pn_ grams involvi ng privat e sc hool ~ give the$C ~h(~oh an un fair ad van lage i rr a IIrac Ii rIg st udenl..'S and furrding. Priv;.\tc school~ can cxclude prospeclhe ~II~ dt:IlLS wh o may be d iffi c ult 10 ed ucate, whereas public schools art: oblib'1lt.cd to serve any ,1Ild .d st.udents. This issue has heen raised as well in .... sessing school c hoice program s wi thin publir ht~ schoo ls. A sludy ofallcrnalivc high school (Of "Ill("

    Sociologist James S. Co1c man ( 1992:260), a SIIPporter of sc hool ch oice p rograms, he lieves tha t they will benefit the 'conSt.llllc rs of education , that is, parenLS and children ."
    Cu rrcntl)', I!\ states a llow slude n IS to cross distric t lines and mkc wi th them their share of Slate and 10-

    472
    /'AKf"F()/'H <;QC/M /" .\ITIl'IIU'\"~

    net sch oo l ~) placernc nc p rogram ~ in New York Ci ty, Chicago, Bosto n, a nd Ph iladelphia ro und that these programs o fte n o perated to the de trime n t or -stllrlenLS lit ris k .~ T he typ ical hig h school ad missio ns process ;1I these progm ms works " brainst those ra mi\i(!lj who " re poo r, who do no t spea k Engl ish , o r "'i th par e n ts who failed in school. The mab, ,let , ochools gene ra lly adm it studc nts with hig h basic !kills and test scores, good aue n dance a nd be ll .. v inr records, a mas te ry of English . a m i no specia l learning pro bl e ms o r dis.,b ilities (D. Moore and 1)a\'el1port , 1988). Viewed r,'om a con fl ict pcn;pcc ti\'e, the social c\ass and religio us implica tio ns of school c hoice prognuns are a m allc r o f concern -especia lly hen such p rogr.ulls provide fi nancial support fo r lamilies to se nd c hi ldre n to privatc and paroch ial schools. Stud ies of ex isting c ho ice p rograms sug aesl that th e more amue nt househo lds il nd those lIith highly educa ted pa re nts arc especia lly like ly to take adV-Ullage of these expe rim e n ts. (In pan. th is is because vouc h t:rs a nd tuition tax cred its mar not wvtr thc full cost o f private school a nd the refo re may not be useful ro r less affiue nl fa m ilies,) Contt'qucnt1y. dl c re is a da nge r thal cxp:m sio n of "hool choice p rograms would accelerate the fl iglll of afiluelll fam ilies o ut or Ihe nation 's p ublic school S\!tems (Ch ir..l, 1992). Critics of choice progntms are also troubled br !he divisi\'e l'cl igio Lls issue undc rlying this po licy. About two-th irds or private school stude nts in the l'lIited Sta tes attend insti tLl tio ns with religio Lls aJ: IiIb tio ns. For oppo ne n ts o r vouch en; and tu ition laX credit.'i. ;my fede ra l aid to parochial cduC' ttio n . -whethcr d irect (paym e n ts to pa roch ial schools) orindirecl (tuitio n gran ts to slUde ll LS 0 1' tax crcdtls)-threa te ns the na tion 's histo ric se l):l rmion beIVottn church a nd stal.e. Mo reover, d '-.lwi ng o n the fU IlCtionalist pe rspective, cl'itics or sc hool c ho icc point out tha t educatio n in the Un ited Sta tes has traditionally pro motcd social and po litical intcgr';!lion, Such inte!:p-.IIio n is u nd c nl1incd wh e n Stlldtl\l~ a tt.e nd pri vat e a nd paroc h ial sc hools a nd d o not imcract wit.h pee rs across class, racial, e th nic, mcl religiolls lines ( Hnlcey, 1993; Li nes, 1985). This . c t of th e con troversy ove r school c hoice programs recalls th e battles ove r religion in Ihe schools cMc:ussed in the !>ocial JXllicy section ill Chap tct 14. ,\ report issued in 1992 b)t the Camegic Foun

    d:lIjo n /()/' Ihe Ad''<IIl CeIllCIll orTc;lc h ing, a lcadi ng ed ucatio nal rcsea rc h g roup, casts do u bt on the value of sc hool c ho ice p rogr.ulls. Researchers visited choice progmll1s across the Uni ted St;:nes and surveyed m o re than 1000 parents, Dcspi tc fi nd ing certai n bright spots. sllch as in nO\'<ltivc progra ms run by ru ral schools in r-"hnn esota, the researc heni fo u nd that no statewide c hoice p ,'Ogr..Hll had d Clllo nstr:.lI ed a clea r link be tween schuol c hoice a nd improvcme nt in sl.ude n t achicve me nt. Mo reover, because or th eir findin g that the parents who take adv,lIl tage of c hoicc progr.ulls a re hellef educated , the Cm'ncgic researc hers expressed concern that c hild re n rro m less ed ucatcd fami lies lI1a)' be the losers in a n ed uca tion al ~frce markc t ~ and may c nd up in the wo rs t schools (Chir", 1992 ) . 111e C' fIl egic re po l"! is also critica l of Mi lwa ukee's two-ycar ex perime n t wi th vOllchers. or th e 34 1 st u d c n t.~ who lIsed vouc he rs to e n rol! in p I;vat.e sc hoo ls, 54 pe ,'ce nt d ropped Oll t of che progmm a f~ te r onC ye ..w. p rimad ly due to prob lems rchu ed to th eir families' poverty. O nt" o r th e p rivilte sc hools pa rticipating in the experi ment closed in lhe midd le o f the fi rsl year. stra nding 63 c hilck e n , 1 o re\I' m'er, 13 e ligible P" j' '<Ite schools in the Milwaukee a rea exercised their ~sc h oo l choice" by decidi ng /101 10 participate in th e voucher program- th ereby limiting the aV:'lila ble ch oices fo r (primarily less af Il ue nt) fa mil ics seeki ng a bettel' educatic)Il ror th eir c hi ld ren (Ch inl, 1992; T ash m a n. 1992). In 1992. a C<llIup 11<l1iOllal sun 'cy foun d th a t 70 perce nt of aclu lts in the Un ited Sta tes (;uld 78 pe rcet1l o f pa re n ts with sc hool-age c hi ld re n ) f:Lvo rcd a vOlLc he r systcm tha t wou ld allow pare n t.~ to send c h ild ren to ally sc hool th ey c hose. Hm,'e\'er, other surveys, using questions with differe nt wording, have prod uced quite d ifferen t results, Fo r exa m ple, a poll conducted in 1992 by U1C Ca1'llegie Foundal.ion fO ll nd that 62 perce n t of responden ts o p poscd givi ng p'lre ll ts a vouche r ~whic h Ule)' could usc tow:l rd enro ll ing th e ir c hild in a priv'lI e school at pul>i lie e xpe nse:' whi le 32 pe rcen t or respo m le nts favored th is po licy (Chi ra, 1992: B8: Lawton, 1992 ). In the 1993 electio ns, more tha n 70 percent of Ca l iro rnia '.~ \'o te rs rejected :I m,~or ini tiative lhal wuu ld have provided $2600 in vouc hers for each or the Slate 'S 5.8 m ill ion schoolch ild ren. T he meas url' had bee n supported p rimadly by pol itic'll conscr\'atives (am o ng th em rOnl1er \'ict" prcsidelll D:ln

    473
    (J /,l/'1"'~

    16 l'J)(,.1(A'IION

    Jli.irnum.competellCJ tests (MCTs) TCSL~ which mea'ure a child's knowlcdge of basic skills, such as readIIIg, ...Tiong, and mathematics. (467) Itnal promolio" llu: practice of l:.assing childre n from olle grade to t..IIt.' next. 011 thc b;uis of age rather than actual educational achic\cmcnt. (467) TfGrleer-expectancy effect The impaCllhat a tC;lChcr's t"XpeC-mlions about a student's performance ma ), ha\c on the student's actual achievements. (461) Trarllillg The pmctice of placing studeIH.s in specific ClIrricululll groups on the basis o f test scor'CS ~Ind olhcr (litcria. (458)

    .WDITIONAL READINGS --.. .. .. ........... -............................................................................... .


    ~ ~ ~

    hies, Samuel, "lid I'it' rller! Gintis. Sthoolillg i'l Capilal III Allltrim: Eduralior,alllLfon/lS amllh' um/T(uiilfiorlS of ECI/Il(n1Iir Lift. New York: Basic Books, 1976. An in'tghtful critical eX,l/llinalion of educational I'clorm fmlll a conflict pers pective. li,~lSt , J amcs, and Dalc Tnlsheim. 1'ht Oue IIl,'tlinSI (lit .U:/: Chic.1go: Univcrsity of Ch icago I'rcss, 1988. A cl'itique of the well-known slandal'dil.ed test whic h OUIlints thc adverse impacl it has on poor and minOri ty \ludenlll and questions whether the St\T genuinely is useful in the college admissions process. o..'Orkin , Anthon), Gary. Ttadu:r BU/7loul ill Ih, StMoU: SlnlC/ilm/ C(lll5a mId Can.s.tqlltllle$ for Chifdml. ,\lbany. State U lli\'l~ rsi ty of New York Press. 1987. Rather than focusi ng on the impact of b Ulllollt on l('~chers, Owurkin considers lhe ncgative consequence's of teachers' bUl'I1out 1'01' SltH/PII Is. Hum, Chrislopher J. Tht Limils aPu/ /'o,ssibi/ilitJ of Sclu}()l illg(2d ed.). Boston : AlI)'1l and liacon , 1985. Hurn prolides a useful analysis o f cOllu'ovcrsial methodological i>.>ucs in education, such as IQ tcsting, teachcr~xpeclanC)' c lTect, ;Ind equality of opportunity.

    ''',b/i,

    Mcicr, Kenncth j" and .Ioseph StCIYlU1, Jr. 771t Polilics of l-/isl1flllir Edllm/Ilm. Albany: Sta te Unh'crsit), of Ne .... York Pres.~, 1991. A conccntrnlt-d anal)'5is of Hispanic education ill lhc Ull ite d States, m nging from local school \)o;ml 1)()1itia; to federal bilingu;,l progr,ullS. MoO-at!. Michad. C~rnillg of Age ill Nt'" jlflry: C.dl.-gr aM Ammmll ClIllllft. New Brunswick , NJ.: RUlgcrs Ulli\'cl'Sit)' Press, 1989. All anthropologiSl draWll on 5Ur.CYS and obscr.~llion I'c)eal'ch 10 dcscrilx' cOllt e ml)Qnll)' life on college campuses. Oakes,Jcallnic. KI'I'f,ing Track: /-Iow H igh Sr/looLf S/rur/IIP'f Inequnlity . Ncw l-fa\Cn. Conn.; Yale Uni\'ersi ty I'rcss. 1985. An explanation of how tracking promoH.5 social ' inequality. Powel!, Anhur G .. Eleanor Farr...r, and Da\id K. Cohen . TM SItoP/J;Plg Mall I-flgh SchOOl: mPlPlns nll(/ /..6St7) 1/1 IM ducatlmm/ MarkfpUice. Boston: Houghton Mifllin. 1985. On the b;asis of their stud), of 15 ~econdal) schools, the authors argue lhat the ~Iosers~ in lhe high school marketplace a rc the Ill,~o';ty of studerWI not ser.ed hy sped:11 programs. Sowd1. Tholl1<1~. Inside Ameriwn Educ(/Iion: Tltf Dtdirlt, lit, Decq,{iml. Ihe /JogmfU. New York: }-' ree Prcss, 1993. The aUlho r, a noted conscn'llti\'c columnist, con tends that schools in the U nited States are detctior.uing despite having sufficicllt fin:lI1dal resources. Whitc, Merry. Th, jtlpn.lltsI' Edlual;onal C/wl/mer: A Commllmt11//0 ChiMrm. New York: Free Prcss. 1987. A look at lhe sU'cngl hs and wcakncs.,cs of the Japanese cducational system. W an emphasis o n the early years. iUl

    Journals ...............................................................................................................
    T Ile' sociology uf educ:uion is reflected ill Edllraliowll Record (founded in 1920), Education IInd Urban Society (1968), lhe 1/(II1J(lrf/ Edlualimw/ U",il'l<l ( 197<1),jaumal ojEdutatimwf/-,"all{197:1), Phi fP/la Knppllll ( 1915 ). and Sociology of ttllw/ion ( 1927).

    475

    ::=~ ~====:

    .....................

    ................................... , ........................................ . .................. , ......... , ....................... , ............

    HEALTH AND MEDICINE .... .....


    , ,

    SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPEcrrvES ON HEALTH AND lLLNESS Fu nClionalist App roach Connict Approach Inte r(lctionist Approach LoI bcling Ap proach An Ovcr,'iew SOCIAL EPIDEMIOLOGY AND HEALTH Ge ndcr Social Class Rllcc an d Et h nici ty HEALTH CARE IN THE UNITED STATES A I-liuolical View l'h)'Sicialls, Nurses, and PatielllS

    The Ro le of Go\"c n mlelH Altc rn adves to TI,uii tional He alth COl re

    MENTAL IlLNESS IN THE UNITED STATES Theoretical Models of Mental Oisorde r5 Pa t l('rn~ of Care SOC IAL POLICY A.'1D HEAL11-I : NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE
    BOXES 17- 1 Arou nd the World: Bitter PilbPrescri p tion On lgs in th e Third Wo rl d 172 Curre nt Resca rc h: Sexism in Medical Research

    477

    Gve me health and a day, and I will make the pomp of emperors ridiculou.s.
    Ralph Waldo EInI'T'SOIl Naturt. AddrtSsu. Ilnd LuturtS, 1836

    LOOKING AHEAD
    In what
    WAYS

    are health and illness socially

    defined? In the United States, what behavior is required of people considered to be sick? How does medicine function as a mechan ism of social control? Does gender. social class, race, or ethnicity innuence person's likelihood o f ex periencing illness. disease, and disability? I-Iow do fun ctionalisL~ and interactionists view the professional sodalization of physicians as it relales to patient cal'e? How do sociologists apply labeling theory to the study of mental illness? Should the Unit.ed States institute a program of national health insurance fo r all citizens?

    All

    of us would agree that the general health of individuals should be viewed as an important fActor in assessing a socicty's quality of life. Yet JU!(lWt-Iike sllch related tcnns as wdltle$S. sic/mess, and riisefw!-is actually an elusive conce pl. Although these te rms may in itially appear to be long in the realm of the physical sciences. their meanings a rc clearly shaped by social defin itions of behavior. As a reflection of the relativistic nature of health , cert..'lin ai lments are found only in one or a fe ..... s0cieties. The te rm culture-bound sYlldrome refers to a disease or illness that cannot be understood apart

    from its specific social comext (c. Cas.~i(~. 326). For example, in the last 20 years. a bound syndro me quite evidcm in the anorexia ne rvosa, has received lion . First described in England in the I condition is char,lc terized by an intense feal coming obese and a distorted image of Those suffering from anorexia nen'osa young women in the ir teenage years or drastically reduce their body weight through induced semistarvatiO Il and self-induced . Anorexia ne lvosa is best understood in tilt' 01' .....estem culture. which typically views ,hI' youthful body as healthy and beau tiful. fin pel'SOn is viewed as ugly and la cki ll~ in discipline (Chem in , 198 1: R. Halm, 1985; 1985; Swam, 1985). O ther societies have their own dromcs. For exam ple , dysch romic a disease chanlClel'ized by SpOts the s kin-is so COTllIllOn in a particular American Indian tribe that people who il are regarded as abnormal. Indeed, the few men who do not suITer from this diS("dM' cluded from many of th e lribe's social "",",' ca use they arc viewed as ~s tr.m ge.~ III a 19t!2 co nducted in Nigeria. at least half of all ",udo questioned reponed suffeli ng from "brain with symptoms including burning or cm.. sations. In 1993, hundreds of girls in Egypt out in sobs and complained of unpleasant and nausea. Many of them faimed and schools subsequen tly closed. Although i ','

    wh."".

    478
    1'1,/11' FO/JII .'I0CJM. nVSI1'f1f110NS

    HUlI/h care l(lkt5 mtlWj Jonns arQll1ld 0., world. Cllpping"--(l tr(UlitlQtllli practir,e lIMit j'l anon.! Oiilla, hutia, I:.g,PI, mu! Grw.u-sfHvitlla in wxkrn

    SUe/ion cups /0 dmw 0111 blood in tmi" /0 1Q1~ blood /lrl!5Surt, imflrOiN arcu/u(iml, and "Unit mwcuUlr pain. The Maloilall l~k of Uzultui f5Ullld-oni! of Ihe
    UJ<\'

    F;lIi(llui. PIIYlioOu:mpists

    Solomon Islands of fhe IIJeSUrtl I'fl(ijic-/Xfiroe that Ih~ (1ft IIInlidnal profN':rlia which miua swtdling in (I
    IMf {{dUd r.mtlu . In the PhotogmlJh, a boy has twiskd (lnd JquNUd (I r.mtlu ltaf 10 rtka.se its jlliUJ as a reJlVlfy fur

    his IJroiwI finger. 11/ China, a mml is


    sllow'lI being CO'/J'-fM wilh s(IIlIl to

    real)

    the hRlling

    ~ntji/$

    of stl11d IM:mI'J.

    479
    (;HM~I"-'/

    17 11I-:AJ.TII AND MEll/a",,,":

    cou ld nOllind any clinical reasons for th is outbrea k, similar incidents had occurred in Europe but are unknown in North America ( Hedges. 1993; Prince, 1985; Zola, 1983:39). Throughoul this book. wc have repeatedly seen that the sa me actions call be defined differen tly, depending on the social actors and the I.irger social context. How, lhen. can we define health? Wc can imaginc a con tinuum II'ith health o n o ne cnd and deat h on the other. In the preamble to iL'i 1946 constituti oll . the Wol"ld Health Organiz'llion defined h ea lth as a Wstale of compl ete p hysical. men [aI , and social well-being, and not merely the ilbscncc of disease and infirmity" (uavc\l and Clark, 1965;14). With this definition in mind, the M healthyWe nd of our continuum rcpresenL" an ideal loward which wc are orien ted rather than a precise condition that wc cxpeCl lO allain. Along Ihe continuum . people define themselves as "hea1thy~ o r wsick" on the basis o f crit.eria established by each individual . relatives. friends. coworkers, and medica l practi tioners. T his re lm.ivistic approach to h eillth allows us to view il in a social context and to consider how it varies in different situa tions o r CUltUl'CS (Twaddle, 1974: Wolinsky.1980:64-98). In this chapter, we will consider a sociologica l overview of health , illness, health care . and medicine as a social institution. Wc will begin by examining how functionalists, con nicl theoriSls, intentction istS. and labding theorists look at health-related issues. Then wc will study the distributio n of diseases in it society by gel1de r. social class, ilnd race and ethnici ty. Particu lar anenlion will be given t.o [he evolution of the health care system of the Unit.ed States. Sociologists arc interested in the roles that people play within the health care sysl.em itnd the organizations that deal with isslles of health :md sickness. Therefore. we wi ll anal)?c the interactions among doctors. nurses. and patients; [he rolc of gove rnme nt in providing health selvices to th e needy; a nd alternatives to trad itional health care. The c hapter continues wi th a n examinatio n of me ntal illn ess in whi ch we CO Ill,n IS[ t.he medical and labcling approaches to mental disorders. Finally. the social policy section will consider whether the Un ited Stales should follow the lead of other western democracies by establishing a n:).tional health care system or providing national health IIlSllrance.

    SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECfIVES ON HEALTH AND ILI.NESS ........................................................................................-.- --Why is it that wc may consider oU I'S(:I\,cs \i(kv," when othcrs do not agree? \Vho conlrols ddilli,O. of health and illness in our society, and flit ends? \"hat arc lhe consecllIences of ViCloilllt: .... self (or being viewed) as ill o r disabled? Ura on IOtLr sociological perspectives- i"ullcliolr co nnic t lheory. imerauion ism, and l:tllt'ling lito l),-we ca.n gain greater insight into the ...ocial ..... [ext shaping definit.ions of health and In-''dtmclll illness.
    ..............................................................................................

    Functionalist Approach

    Although illness is a p henomenon c\'idcLLt in itIII cictics. functio nal ists contend that ,Ill OH'rh dciinition of illness wou ld im pose SCriOll~ ditW tics 0 11 the workings o f a sociC'lY, Illness least a te mporary disL'uptiun in a pel'so1L'~ MKial teractiulIs both al work and at home. from a fUllctionali51 perspective. Mbcing be conlrolled so as to ensure that not too. plc an.' rclcascd from thei . sociclal . a[ anyone time. "Sickncss~ requires t.hat onc take on J ~i.il even if tcmporarily. The sick rQle refc" to .,. expec tations abow the att itudcs and !xh,!I'i"r perso n viewcd as being ill (S. H. Kiug, I o logist Talcott Parsons (195 1:428- 479, 197'2. well known fof' his COlllribLltions to them), (sec Chapter I ). has outlined the required of people cOllsidc rcd Msid:..~ Tilt, cmpted frulIl the ir normal , daY-Ioday ties and geller.-tlly arc not blamcd for i tion. Yel [hey arc obligated to try to get Iodl. this lIIay include seeking competcnt pm "". care. t\u empting [0 get well is particulMh tant in thc wo rld 's developing countric~. hI ern aUlomated indus[rial socie ties, " 't' ( .111 grcater degree of illness o r disability, hut in ... ultunLl o r agr' lrian societies the isslIt: or availabi lity is a muc h more crilical concern c hanic. 1978:84-85; H. Schwanz. 1987:2~-241. According to Parsons ' theory. ph}'\iciam tion as wS"tc kecpers~ for the sick role. citlt" fying a patient 's cond ition as ~ illness~ 01 . ing thc patient as M rec()\'el'ed. TIle ill
    M

    ""*

    480
    f'.~HT FOIJR

    -"CCl.lf 1.\','fITl'/ rno.\'~

    becomes depe nde nt on the doctor, ~ cause Ule latler can cOlHl"o l \".Iued rcW'.lrds (no l only trc:llTnc nt of illness, hut al50 excused absences from work and .tChOOI). Parsons suggesls Ihallhe doctor-patient relationship issolllewhallike that betwee n pare nt and child . Like a parelll. the physician gran ts tJle p.'ltit:nl the p.ivilege of re lUl1ling tll society as it fu ll ,md func tioning adult ( Bloom ll1ld Wi lson . 1979: rreidson, 1970:206: Parsons and Fox. 1952). There have been a number of c riucisms o f the concept of the sick role . In tJle \'ie w of some ob-'\el"lcrs, patie nts' judgme ll l$ I'cg'lI'dill~ theil" own ~ta.le of health may be related to their gender, age, 'iOCial class, and ethnic g roup. The sick role may be more applicahle 10 people experiencing short-term illnesses than those \','ilh recurring. long-Ie rm illne!SCs. Even simple fa ctOI'S sllch as whether a pcr~Il ij e mployed o r nOI seem lO alTec l wi llingness to assume the sick ro lc-as does lhe impact ofs~ cializaliol1 in lo a pal'lku /;:u- occupatio n o r acuvity. For example, beginning in childhood. athletes 1~"111 to defin e cerlai n ailme nts as "spo rts injurics" and th erefore do nOI regard the mselves as ~sick" ICurry. 1993). None theless, sociologists cQlu jnue It) rely on Parsons' model for fun ctionalist a nalysis uf lite relationship between illness a nd socie la.l expctt.1ljons for the sick.

    ~~i~.~. ~P..P..~~~.~ ..............................................................


    Wht=reas fu nc tional ists seek
    10

    esplain how health

    "It(: S)'stems meet the lIeeds of socie ty as we ll a...

    those of individual I)atic nts and medical pracLit1Uncrs, conflict Iheorists take issue with this view.
    nIt:),

    express concern Iha! the prolcssion of m edinuc has asslI med a prccminence tJml extends well brlvud whetJlel' to excuse a stude nt from school or ...! eUlployee fro m \\'ork. Sociulogist Eliot Frcidson 0':170:5) has li kened th e position of medicine to!l.Iy "to that of ~tate rel igio ns yeste rday-i t has an offi(ially approved mon o poly of thc rig ht to defin e hrahh and illn ess and to treal illn cs.~." Q mnict th eariSl~ use Ih e te rm IIIl'dimfiwlion of suciel)' to refer to Iht' growing role of medicilll.: as a m:tio r inSUlutio n of o;ocial control (Con rad and Schneider, 1992; \tritiumyand McKi nlay, 1977: Zola, 1972. 1983). \\113t is the significance of medicin e as a mccll alltmJ of sociill con trol? In Cha pter 7, we learned !h.I1 \!)Cia! control in\'ol\'es tec hniques a nd stratc..:-

    gies for reg ula ting beh:wio. in orde l to e nforce Lhe distinc ti\'e norms and \!alu cs ofa culLUre. Typically. .....e think of inlonnal social COlllrol as occurring within f.'lmili es and pee r groups. whereas formal .s0cial control is carricd Ollt by amhorize d agents suc h as police officers, judges. school aclminisU'i.Hors, and employers. However. viewed from a conflict perspectivc, m edicine is not simply a Mhealing p"' fession"; it is .. regulating mechanism as well. How is such social control manifested ? f irst, medicine has gread y expanded its domain of expertise in rc celH decades. Sociely tolemtt's such expa nsion of the bou ndaries of me dicine bcc.. use we hope that these experts can bring lI ew M miradc cures" to complex human problems :L~ they have to lhe control of cert.. in infectious diseasc...'lI. Consequcnliy, <IS L medicali1..lltion of society has proceeded in the he ,,,'cnticth century, physicians have become muc h more involved in examining a wide range of issues, among thc lII sexulIlity (including homoscxuality), old age, anxiety, o besity, c hild dcvclopmclll. alco-holism, and drug addiction . The social significance of medicaJiza uolI is that o nce a pro ble m is viewed using a medical mmlel- once med ical expe ns become influential in proposing a nd assessing relevant public policies- it becomes more difficult for "common peop l e~ lojoin lhe discu5Sion and 10 e x e n influe nce on dc...'C i ~io n making. It a lso becomes more diffi cult to vic..."W these issues as being shaped by socia l. cu ltural, 01' psychologica l facL ot'S, rather tJlan by ph)'Sical or medical fa ctors ( R. Caplan . 1989; Conrad a nd Ke rn , 1986:378; Com -ad and Schneider. 1992: Starr. 1982). Second. med ici ne serves as an .agent of social control by reL.'lin ing absol utej utisdiclion over many health care procerlurc...S. It has even attempted to ' g uard ilS jurisdiction by placing healtJl care pr~ fessionals such <IS chiro practons and nurse-m idwives outside th e rcalm of acceptable m edicine. Despite the fa ct dml midwives first hro ug ht professionalism LO child de livery, they have been portrayed as hav ing itwdded the M legitimatc" fie ld of obste trics. Nurse-midwives h;\\'e sought licensing as a means of achicvi ng professionalrespcctability, but physicians continue to exert power lO e nsure that midwifery re mai ns a subordinate occupation (M. Radosh, 1984: P. R..'ldosh . 1986; Zia, 1990; Zola , 1972). The mediC'dliz..'l uon of society is but one concern o f conflict theorists as they assess tJu: workings of

    181
    CI/AP/l'fi J7 1/I' M.1// ,..NU /If,.1JfCJNI:.

    Nursr-mit/wiVt'-!J h(lvt 50ughlli(t!ll5ing 1 0 (uhie'l.It ,,,'Op~l$imw{ I"rs!lf.(tnbilily, bul IJ}IY5irimu fOnlimlt 1 exm/lOfVC" 10 0 nuul1l' Ih(ll mid"'if"Y r,.,nnin; /1 5Ubordinnl~ ocnlprltion .

    health can: institlltions. A~ wc have see n throughout this textbook, when :tIl a l )~l.i ll g any issuc. con Ok l thcorisl.'l seck lO delCnll inc who bencfit'>, who sulfen, and who dominates at the expense of olh~ el"S. Viewed from a conlliel l>erspeclive, the re a rc glaring in cqu ilies in health care delivery within the United States. For example. th e re is an unequal dis.lribution of medical scn 'iccs on the basis of both income a nd geogra phical laealion of r.~cilitics a nd pcrsonnel , leaving poor and rural a rC<L~ under se rved. Similarly, from a global pcrspt:clive. the re arc o bvious inequities in heahh carc dclivcl)'. Thc'c arc 470 people pcr physician in the Gu ited Stales. while African nations have 26.000 10 80.000 people per physician . This silllalion is on ly worsened by thc ~ brain drain - the illlrlligr<l tion LO Ih e Uniled Sl<ucS a nd other illd ustriali zed n alio n .~ of ski1led worke rs , professionotis, and lechnicia ns ....ho arc desM

    pcratcly needed b)' their ho me counuies. As pan o f lh is brain drain , ph),sicians and o lher health care pmfessionals have come to the United Slates from developi ng courllries such as India. Pakislan, and various African states. ConJlict theorisl.'l view such e migralion o ut of the Third World as yet another way in wh ich the world 's COre industrialized nations gai n a better quali ty of life at the expensc of developing counlries. Similarly, as is discussed in Box 17-1 (page 484) , multinatio nal corporations 00snl in induslrializcd countries bave reaped signifiant profil.'l by "dumping~ unapproved drugs on unsuspecting Third World consumcrs (Sch aefe r. 1993: 103-104; World Bank, 1992:272-273). Conflicl lheorisL'> e mphasize that such inequities in health ca re resources ca n luwe clear tife-and dealh conseq ue nces. For examplc, in 1992 the ill/allt mortality rate (the number o f deaths of in fants under I year of age pc r 1000 live births in 3 give n year) ra nged as high as 168 per 1000 Ijle binhs in Afghanistan and 127 in Ethiopia (see Figure 17~ I ) . By comrast, Iceland s infant tnOrtalitlrdte was only 5.5 infant deaths pcr 1000 li,'e binhs andJapan 's I.,.as o nly 4.1. In 1992 the United Stales had a rate o f 8.6 infanl death s per IOOU live births (although it is estimated lhat the ,"ue in sollle poor, inner-cilY neighborhoods exceeds 30 deadls per 1000 live birdls). YeL despite the .....ealth of the Uniled Slates, at least 25 nations have lowe r infalll mOrlali ry rates, among the lll Great Britain a nd Ca nada. Connictlhcorim po im out that, un like the Un ited Slales. mall)' of tJlcse 25 cOlllltlies o ffe r SO Ul C form of government supported heal lh care for all citizens. which t)'PJ cally leads 10 greale r availa bility and use of prfo natal care lIum in this coltrtlry (Haub and Yanagish ila. 1993).

    .!.~!~~~~~.~.~~.~!..~p..P..~?.~.~~....................................__
    In examining health , illness. a nd medicine a5 a s0cial instillllion, imc raclion ists g-cnerally focus on micro-level study of the roles pia red by heah,h cart' professionals and palients. Thc)' c mphasizc that tht patienl sho uld not always be vic\~ed as passive, but instead as an aelor who ofl en shows a powerful inle nt lO see Ih e physician (Alonzo, 1989; Zob. 1983,-'9). One way in which paliems sometimes play an ar

    482
    l'Ala' H)UH
    SOCJ,\I. lNsrrrlfno.v.~

    tive role in heallh ca re is by failing to fo llow a physician's advice. For eX<lmple, despite p hysicians' inslIUctions, nearly half of all patients SlOp taking medications long before they should. Also, some patients take an incorrect dosage on purpose, and others never even fill their prescriptions. Such noncompliance results in pan from Ule prevale nce of ~lf-med i cation: in our society, many people are accustomed to self-<liagnosis and self-trea lJnenL. In their slUdies of the roles p layed by physicians and patients, interactionists point out that the same ~mplo ms may be presented differently by different groups of people. In one study, for example. patients were interviewed while they were waiting to ~ physicians; the symptoms these patients p resented were compared with the eventual diagnosis and an eVd.luation of the urge ncy of the condition. The researchens fo und that filllt-gcncratio n I!;sh

    American patie nts had a tendency 10 understate their sympto ms, whereas fi rst-gcneration Italian American pat ients were more likely 10 generalize and overstate their symptoms. Such results remind us that health care illleractiolls occur within a larger social context and are influenced by the norms and VAlues of d istinctive subcullures. Indeed, a greater sensitivity to cuhu ral difTe.-ences by physicians would, in all li kelihood. increase patients' compliance ....ith medical advice (Zola, 1966; see also Wolinsky, 1980:67-68) .

    ~~~!i'.'.~. ~I'I'.":'~~~...................................................
    In stud}~ng deviance, we used labeling theory to understand why cerlain people are viewed as deviants, ~bad kids,~ o r criminals whereas others whose behavior is similar are not (see Chapte r 7). Labeling

    FIGURE 17- 1

    Infa nt M o rtality R a tts, 1992

    168 127
    105

    70

    p.,pe'$Republic of China
    38

    53

    Great Brilclin

    Infant mOriality rata

    1-'(.1,),

    dramatic(llIy
    ral~,

    o
    Haub and Yanagloh,o.
    1 99~.

    25

    SO

    75

    100

    125

    ISO

    l75

    from nation to nation. TIu UniW


    SMta has rola.
    (I

    lnfont death$ per 1000 live births


    \l.O."IQ:;

    comfHlmtiw:ly low
    fllnI

    bill

    .tI!Ilna1 oiha IlQ/iof/.) hmlt

    Iowa

    483
    CJ IAI'TU/ 17 11'4.1-1"/1 11>\1) Af.J)IOl\1:

    80X 17- 1 AROUND THE WORLD

    8lTITR PILLS-PRESCRIPTION DRUGS IN THE TH IRD WORLD

    PeoPle in thc Gni tcd SlateS arc familiar "ith conlro\'c .... i~ COIlcerning prescription m<-,,<Iicineamong lhem , Lht" high COSt (If drugs, lIbuc 01 prescriptioll cl"ugs by p;uiellls, allll the governlllent's slow apprm-dl process for new med ications. Yet IIldll )' more pe<)ple arc affected by tlu:st: problems in As;;t, Aft;ca. :md LHin America. III acldi lion. dc \'eloping coun trie~ in thc Third World lace the fo llowing dif ficulties conccming prescription
    clrub'!l:
    -/J11Ig/(lhf/j"R' Alt hOllgh there 11 ;lI'c

    been imprm'e lllents, the in formation a"aila bl(' to phy'!icialls and P.1tiems in developing coun tries i,~ less likely 10 include warnings uf heallh h;\I.HcI~ and more likd )' to includc IIndOC'ulllc nLcril.eSlimo niOIls Ihan in industrialized nations (Si lvcrmall, 19i6). l.,1uh of Ml /n rrgtJiali(J7l. The distinction in industrialized n:ltiofl s bctwe('n pre~ui pl;on and Overlhe-counter" dntgs is largely absent in thc TIlinl WO/Id, Apal'l 11'0 111 ,I lel) fe"' ~lfong medicalions, "il'tll.llI) all d rugs a rc ;tl';lil.Ible (0 the gl /tcral public without

    ;1 prescription , Onc I'CSUit is widc"pread misuse of a nlii)iotics, I.(trh of IIrctJS III g""mr tllUgs. Even more than in Ihe United States. people in developing coulllries need Ihe money Ih<:)' would !!.o1.\'C by purchasing gene ric drugs, HowC\'('f, the mul ti tmtio nal corpora tions (refer bac k to Chapler9) Ihat mlltlllfacturc prc~cri plioll drugs s lfOllg l ), resist a n)' dfol"l:O 10 iliaI' ket their pate nted d rub'S aL lower costs, When the), cannot block the manufacture of gcnclic dnlgs, mu1tinational~ some ti mes llInJ to o rchc~tr.ucd public relations campaigns to COl1l incc Third World CQnSllIllCt'!i that gCllctics may be indTl"Clin:, impure, or C\'en contaminated.
    "0/1111/11111; "

    :11i,Cd n:lIioI15. fra udulent ca~ula a nd t.1.blets ;tre IIlallur. .Ctured and 1 1ll:lfketl"<! as cst~lblish{"(1 producb in the Thi rd World, These ~med.. icalions" C Olllaiu useldi ingrtd~ en ts o r I)t: rhaps one-tenth of the tll'cdcd d~1gC o fa genuine mMka tion. In SOllle cases, they .m: sold at low prices a.~ "bargain\.o but in o ther instances they art priced ;l~ high as legiLimatc ptC.s<:1iption dntgs, III 1988, a slud~' in Indonesi:t round that 30 percent of all dl1lgs in circu\;lIion ,,ere fl~llIdulell t : ;l/l ilwe~tib'l\tion ill Ik.:azil in the la tc 1 980~ found Ih~t 2() p('rc("tl1 of drub'S sold in nonhospital pharmacies " 'cre: ("O\II\terfeit (;\iallland and ManhalL 1990: Si l\'Crlnan Cl aI. , 1990). Thclle problcms arc 1\0\\ being addressed by intcmational organ~ 7';:ltions and \'Ollllllal)' association" 1111: World He:lllh Organi7alion a nd consume r groups in \'l\I'iOWlI\<tlions arc wo rking with government agcncie~ . mcdic;11 ;Issucialions, and indllSu}' groups to bli ng all end to lhc use o f "bitte r pills" in the lltird World (Sih'('mmn Ct al .. 1992).

    of I/lm/Jprmlt!ri tin/g:;.

    Drug comp:Hlics ba~d in ",cstcm Europt.', Japan , ;lI1d (until 1986) the Uni ted Statd have made sub ~la lHi;1 1 pro fits by selling drligs to foreig n coun tries whic h ha vc not Ix'e n apprm'ed in lhe i r OI~ll homelands, Often Third World nllliollS :I re the main dUlllping grou nd ror Ihese una ppro\'cd (h'uJ.,"I. Sn" 11/ amnltl/rr/ IfnlKt, In a pmctice \;I'1Hall y HnknOI'.'H in industri-

    --

    theorists a lso su ggest thal Ih e d esignation " hcalth y~ or "iW gener"lI)' invokes ~t)Ci'll definition by signiric;utl otlters. Just as police. jltdges, anel ot h e r regulators or social con trol have the power to (il-fin e cert."lin pcopllo as cd minals, health care proressionals (especially ph)'!iidans ) hll\"c the power to define cerll.lin people as "s i ck.~ J'o.l ureovcr. like labels (hat suggest no ncon fol'Tn it), or c riminalit),. labels as~oc ial cd with illness commonly reshape how wc arc treated by ollleo :md how we scc ourselvcs. In our

    MKic ty serious consequences arc :ltIaclted to labeb \\'hich suggcst lcss than perrect physical or mtnl3l heal th ( Bccker, 1963; C. Clark, 1983; H . Sch"-aru.

    1987:82-84).
    Jle rhaps the ultimate extreme in labcling 50CiaI bcbavior as it sicknc:.'S can be seen from a historial exa mple. As enslavemen t or Arlicans in the United States came t1nder increasing a l l.'lck in the nineLel'nth cemury. medical authorities pro\'iclcd tlt'lO l.uiona1i7.ations for this oppressive practice, N'Ottd

    484
    /'\NJ ('()/'II
    0

    ,iQf'JAI 1 ' ,\YrrrUTfOSS

    physicians published arTicles slating that thc skin lolorof Mricans deviated from M h ea llh y~ while skin mloring because Mricans sulfered from congenital leprosy. Moreover. the continu ing efforts of enIhlvcd Africans to escape from their White masters ",'efe classifier! as an exa mpl e of the "disclHe of rlmpctorllania (or "crazy runaways"). The prcstigious New Oril'allS Mnlim/ (j/ul Surgical jounuj/ sugg~led Ih:H the remedy for this Mdisease WoIS to Ireat slaves kindly as onc lI1ight treat children . Apparently. these medical authorities would not entertain the view t.hat it was quilC healthy and sanc to nUl <lway from slavery or join in a slave revolt (Szasz, 1!)71). The power oflabding was poignantly revealed by British sociologist Ann '-Iolohan in d <..'SCribing a ,i\id personal experience. Holohan visited a php;iciall for treatment of what she believed 10 be a rOIltint breast infection arising: from an earlier ir~jury. Hnwc,'er, the physician found a lump, told her' that ~ht: might have cancer. and recornrnendcd that she (,lHer the hospital for a biopsy. I-Iolohan ( 1977:88) relatC5 the shock she felt as she left the clinic and rellu1l1' d to the "outside \\'orld~:
    w

    A /'"lOll 111110 Im. AIDS mllSi rind 1101 f

    onfJ WIth the /1'-IHJ5t~/illg m6Jiral


    ro'~/ul'lm!s 0 lll~ di$ttls~ ifY /f brll (li.ro

    h ~:1:ll1ed incn."(!ib1c rlUll r10lhing had dl,I1IHNI - lhe ~tln was stil! shi ning, tht: road sweeper garl rt:ring the lea\e$. I 5,;\t in my car lllld immense wa\'es of panic ellgulfed
    IlIC .

    of(/f~(/m/

    willl /lIt dis/lwillg wall' ffJIIlf(/,wrras 1(1/.1;>/.

    I drove blindly Irorne and rccall \t:ry link

    of the auualjollrney.... Ycr I "~IS no M sickcrMrhan hefore my consultarion. AJI lhal IMd challgcd "~IS lhe
    VOSSlbilily of a mcdical label l'or my ~ylllprolll .

    l'pon returning home, I-iolohan attempted 10 deny \hl' seriOllsness of her ilhrcss. She ralionalil.ed that ,ince she cou ld sti ll perform house hold chores, she could not possibly have cancer. Eventually, 1-10 1 0hall did enter the hospital and undergo a biopsy; lite results showed Ihat she did nOI Ir;:wc a malign,mt tllmor. By the late 1980s, the power of another lahc1"person with AIDS w - had become quite evidcnL. Once someone is told by a physician that he or she has t~tcd positive for IIIV, the viru s associated wilh AIDS, the patient must deal with the possibility Ih,u rlt;alh Illay not be rar ;:I\\~l)'. Immediate and difficult !Jut'~tions 111115t then be face d : should onc tell one's family llH'mbcrs, onc's ~pou sc or 1D"c!', onc's frit:r1ds, o nc's coworkers, onc's cmplo),cr? I-Iow will

    each of them respond? As discussed in lhe social policy section of Chapl,c r 5, people's inte nse fear of this deadly disease has led to prt.;judice and discrimination-l'Vc n social osu-acism -against those who havc (or are suspected of having) AIDS. Consequl ntly. a ptrson who has AIDS must deal not only with lhe devastating medical consequences of the disease but also ....-illl tht distressing social consequences associated wi th this fellred label . ulbeling theOl;sts argue that e\'en physical tl"dits ca ll , in a sense, be socially Mcrea .. ed ~ through hrbcls. Applying lahcling 1l1 cory 10 treaunent of tht' blilld, health statistician Marc; I3crk (1985) examined rates of reported blindness throughout New York Slate-where physicians and optometrists arc rcq uired by law 1.0 re po rt. the names of blind 1 );:ltiCIlIS. Ekrk found that in countk--s \.\;lh a higher proportion of physicians and optomcu;stS, a higher pJ'Oponion uf residcnt.~ are cla'\sified as blind. He found no similar pattern involvi ng th e di~trihLllion of health care

    485

    profcssiorlals alld reported rales of infectious diseases. Bcrk's 1'I.:scare h suggests th at deviance is indeed in the Meyc of lhc beholder" (or. more aecu I"dtely. in ule M perceptio ns of the beho lder," whether sighted o r nOl). TIlC pre\'ale nce ofa condition such as blindness apl>arcntiy depends in pan on tJ1C number of official beholdcl1l availablc to apply this label. In the social polity section of Chapter 20, we will exami ne prejudice .md discrimination against people with disabi liti (.~.

    ~...Qy.~!,.!!.~~.................................... ........................................
    A~ h as been noted throughou t this book, the fou r sociological approaches described abo\'e should nOl be regnrded as mutua lly excl usive. In UlC study of hea lth-rclatcd isslles, they share ce rtain comTllon the mes. Firs t, any person 's he a lth o r illness is more tha n a n org;m ic conditio n, since it is subjecl to the inte rpretatio n of o th e rs. Owing 10 the irnpact of cullUre, family and fl'i e nds, and the medical profession , hea lth a nd illne.;s arc no t purely biological oc curn:::nces but an.' sociological occu rre nces as well. $ccond, since members of 1I society (especia lly industrial societies) share the s:.IIII C hea lth delivery .~ystem. health is a gro up and societal conce rn. AJthoug h hea lth may be defined as the complete wellbeing of an individual. it is also the result of his or her social c nvimnmcnL As wc shall sce in the nex t section, such fa cto rs as a per-sem's gender. social class, race, and e thnicity can influen ce th e likelihood of contracting a pa rticular disc:'lSc (Cocke rham , 1989: 17 1).

    the m p hysicians. sociologists, public health orr~ cials, bio logis1 \'cte rinarians. demogra phers (Kt s, Chapte r 19). anth ro po logists. psyc ho logists, and (in sl.udies of ai r' pullulion) meleorologisL~. In sodal ep id e rn iolo~,'y. as well as in shrdies of populluion a nd crime \'iCli rni 7~lliol1, two concep~ are corn m olliy employed: inc idence and pra'3lenee. [II cidell ce rcfcl"S to the number of Ilew c-d.~ of a specific disorder occ urring within a given p0pulation during a stated period of time. usuaUt' a year, For exa mple , the incidence of AIDS in tht United StiHes in 1992 WO" 45.472 cases. B)' contrast preual#mce refe rs to the tOlal n umber of cases 01 a specific disorder that cxis t a t " gi\'('1\ time. The pre\'alence of A IDS ill 1992 was du.'iC to 242,000 cases ( Bureau o f the Ccmu.~ , 199;\a: 13'1; Nrw rcn* Times. 199301). When illc idence figur'es arc presented as r:it~ or as th t' rttnnocr of reports per 100.000 pt:Ol)lr. th ey arc called morbidity rates. Sociologists find mo rbidi ty l"atcs useI'll I hecause they rC\'l'al that ~ specific disease occu rs mo re fr'eque lltly among olle scgm en! of a population l han a notha. The lelm morta li t), rate refe rs to the incidence of dc.uh in a bri\"en population . Wc wi ll examine rnonalily ratt\ in greater d etai l ..... hen .....c consider population i.~ sues in Chapte r 19.

    .G.~~4~.r............. ...................... _ ...................... ... ....................__


    A large body of researc h indicates that. in cOrl1JX1r

    SOCIAL EPIDEM]OLOGY AND HEALTH


    Social epidem iology is the study of Ih t distribulion o f disease, im painnent. and ge neral health Status across a popu lation. In iL~ cllrliest pe riod . cpidemiolob'Y conce nll1l1cd on lhe scicntiri c study of e pide mics, foclIsing on ho w they slarted a nd spread . Conle lrl porary sod'll epide miology is m uch broader in SCope and is concerned not o nly with e pide mics bl.1! a lso wi lh no ne pidemic diseases, injuries, drug addiction and alcoholism . su icid e. and men tal iIlnes.~. Epidemiology dra\\-'S on the work of a .....ide V"Ariety of scientists and researchers, a mong

    i5011 with men , .....omen experience a higher pm-:a lcnce of many iIlncs...'iCS. There arc \lariations-for example , men arc more likely to h;l\'c parasitic <fu. eases Nhc reas women arc more likely 10 become diabetic-but, as a gI'OUP, 1\'Oillcn appea r to tX' in poorer health than me n. This seems nOlc\\'on hy and sllq)l"isi rlg. cSI>cciallt in view of WOtnl'lI 's greater longcvily r<ill'S and 1000l'r mon a li ,y rates a t a ll ages. Sociologist Lo is Wr bruggc ( 198!U62- 163) observes:
    III
    ~Llm .

    wonwn h;l\'c mure frc(luc lll

    il l n cs.~

    :uld

    di~

    abi lity. hUI lhe pl"Ob l clII~ :m' typically nOI Sl'riou~ (Iil" lIlI'c',ucning) (JIICS. III contr;L~t , lIIell .~u lrer more from life th reateni n.:: discak'S. aud tJ lesc CillI!>C mor(' pt"1' manenT rlisahilil y and earlier death fOI" lhem. Onrw' is "sick('r~ in Ihe shon 1'1111. and Ihe (Jlhel' ill the lutl/: run.

    486
    PART

    ,'oun ,sf)("1Al, f.vsrnV TlON\

    Th e apparen t inconsiste ncy between tlH! "shorl-

    mn" ill health of women and th eir greater lo ngevity


    deserves an explanation, and researchers have advanced a theory. Women 's lower mtc of cigare ue smoking (wh ich red uces their risk of hean disea~e, lung C-Ancer, a nd e mph}'!iema), lower consumption ofa lcoho l (whic h red uces tJle I;sk of a utO accidents and ci rrhosis o f the liver), a nd lower rales o f employment in d angerous occupa tio ns expla in about one-third of tJleir greater longevity tha n m e n -despite wome n's o the rwise poorer health record. ~io reover, some cl inical sludies suggest tha t the genuine d ifferences in morbidity be t,w een women and men may be less p ro no unced than is evide nt in the data o n morbidity. Researc he rs argue that women are m uc h man: likely tha n men to seek treatm ent, to be diagnosed as having diseases, and thus to have their ill nesses rellccted in d ata examined by e pide m iologists. Accord ing to a natio na l su n'ey released in mid 1993 by Lo ui s Harris ( 1993), wome n in the Uni ted Slates have less hea lth insu ra nce cove rage than men and recci\'c less medical care ;lIl nlla lly. T hey are more li kely tha n mell to depe nd 011 public he.lltJl care progmms such a~ Med icaid . I'anially as a result o f inadequate coverage, women are less likely to h:we access to need ed med ical cilre. Fo r example,one-third of the women su rveyed indicate d that in the previous year they had no t had such pre\"fnth'e care as a b reast exam, a I'ap smear, a pelvic exam, o r a m ammogram. From a conflict perspectivc, WOIIH!n ha\'e been particularly vulnerablc to tJle med icalization o f society, with e\'e ly th ing from birth to beauty treated in an increasingly me dical contex t. Such medica1i1 .:1tiOO may contribute 10 women 's h ighe r morbidity rates as com pared with those of me n (ConrJ.d 'lIld Kern, 1986:25-26; Riessrna n, 1983; fo r a d iffere nt view, sce Cove a nd H ughes, 1979). Iro ni cally, ""hile wome n have bee n especially anccted b y rned il"dlizatio n, med ical researchers often excl ude ",\lmen fro m cl inica l stud ies. T he co n troversy over this issue is discussed in Box 17-2 (page 488).

    FIGURE / 7-2 Days o/ Disa.bilily by Fa.mily In come, / 990

    under $10,000- $20,000- $35,000 $10,000 $19,999 $34,999 a ndO'>ler


    F amily income

    Tlu /cJtVf.'l' a family's i ,lI:o=. Iht' higher ;0 j"ritU7!U cif di;ablillg iUlI~!iS, as
    mtUSllrffl
    !In:oiOlI.

    bJ {lny.~ of dirobilil1 P"

    Social Class ............. ,................... , ........., .................................. .


    Social class is clearly associated ""-l th d ifferences in morbidity and mortali ty r,ttl."S. Studies in the United States and other countries have consiste n tly shown

    that people in tJle lowe r classes have highe r rates o f mo rta lity a nd disability (see Figure 17~2). Moreover. as W'J.S d iscussed in Chapte r 8 , a study p u blishe d in mi d~ I 993, which drew on data o n d eath rates in the United States in 1986, d ocu me n ts the impact of class (as wel l as gender and race) o n mo rtality. Among people whose fam ily incomes were less than $9000, the d eath rou es per 1000 peo ple 25 to 64 years o ld were as lo llows: Black me n, 19.5; Whi te me n , 16.0; Black womc n , 7.6; White women , 6.5. By contrast, a mo ng people whose fam ily incomes were $25,000 or more, thc com pa .... ,tble death rates were: Black me n , 3.6; White me n, 2.4; Black wo me n , 2.3; Whi te women, 1.6. T he research ers add that tlle gap in the d eath mle between Blacks and Whites is widening; a pparen tly, the strides being madc in improved health ca re are reaching Wh ites but not Mric:1II America ns (Pappas et aI., 1993:103- 109; see '11so Curaln ik Cl al. , 1993). Although people in the Un ited Stales fro m higher social classes have g reate r life expecta ncy

    487
    CJIAPTF.R I] IW.ALTII JuW) MD)/ClNE

    SEXISM IN MEDICAL RESEARCH

    ne stud y, usi ng 22,071 \"Olllntttr subjects. found that raking sma ll doses of aspiri n Gill reduce the risk of a hear! attack. These ..t.... ~ults, reported in 1988, gave physicians in the United States a Y.lluable piece. ofinfonnatiolL. But there WoIS a major problem: not one of the 22,071 subjects was a woman. Conseque ntly. o lder women-the women most likely to el(perience. heart problems- had no "'"aY of knowing if !.he results of the sl\Idy would be applicable to them. TIlis male-only study is no t un precedented. A study designed to learn whether smoking increases the rid:. of gelting cataracts inYolvcd 8SS male subjects a nd no women. A rl'!search project exploring t he links berwcen hcart disease and high c ho lesterol, lack of exercise, and smoking used 12,866 male subjecu and, again, no ..."Omen. Re pre sentatiyc Patricia Schroeder, nOling the absence of women in man y mcdical studics. concludes: ~Atthis point, dOClOl"3 just aren't gelling the kind of guidance they need when thcy try to prescribe to wome n- (I'urvis, 1990:59-60). Fe ma le physicia ns and researc hers charge tha t sexism is a t lile heart of suc h research practices. ~White men cont.rol these things, ~ insist!! Dr. Kathy Anastos, a New York City internisL "When , for scientific reasons, Ihey have LO limit di\'crsity, they c hoose to study themselves. Then when they get the re suits, they ap ply the m to everyone. H's very uflscientilic~ (Berney, 1990:27).

    Even when ...o me n Oft lhe subjects of medical researc h, conclusions Illay be drawn and widely populari~ed despite fragmentary data. In 1990, the prestigiolls N~w 11.gltmdJaurnal of Mtdicine "In an ed iLQri;ll focusing on the rdative inability of the female digestive system to metabolize alco hol a.~ effectively as that oC the male . This conclusion .....as based o n a sl\Idy of o nl y 20 men a nd 23 womcn; moreover. 12 of lile women were a1c~ ho1it.~, and all 23 had ocel! hospi talized for surgery for g;1 ~lric d ysfun ction. In criticil:ing lhi~ edi torial . Jeanne Mager Stcllman ( 1990:A23), a professor of clinical public health, and Joan E. Benin, an el(ecutive of the Women's Rights Project of the American Civil libe rties Union , ask: "Where ....~I~ the usua l cautio n and prodence of lile New England Journa l in t.he overex trnpolation of data from h05pilalized patients to the healthy population, and why was thi~ stOIY fronlpage ncWl!?~ Ctitics of current medical re.search practices insist r.hat there is a desperate need for studie~ with wo men ~ubjects. [stelle Ramey, a receml) re ti red physiology researcher, points out that researchers have fur tOO lillle infOImalion 011 the imp-lct of choleslerol and diet on women's health. Rallley adds that the lack of research on women and heart disease is esp,da lly shocking, si nce heart disease is the number one killer or women. There is also a shortage of data 011 wome n with AJDS-C\'t:n though

    the proponioll of AIDS patients who are female has increased. With such issues in mind, in 1992 the Nat.ionallnstituLCs of Heal th (NIH ) e\otablished an Office of Research on Women. TIlis ollke i~ charged 1<I;th ensuri ng that .Idequate numbers of women sef\e iJolh as res(:archI.'B and as participants in laxp<lyer supported studies (ik'rnt!")', 1990: 26-27; Cotton , 1990:1050; Painter. 1992). The federal go\emnlent has ~bo launched a IS-year. $625 million study of the heal1h of IfJO,OOO women ages 50 to 79. Among the focal points of the study will be the causes of heart disease, cancer. and osteoporosis aHlong these okler women. Researchers expect t!ut the results of this study will pfO"ide scientilically Yillid information for older women and their php,iciaru and ....i llultimately be reieV".lnt loalt women in the Uni\rd States. Efforto. will be made to exami ne medicallv underserved ,Ircas alld to tlll"gtl African American, Hisp,1I1ic, and Nati\'e American women to take I)."\rt in this l"C5eare h . l l lis research on older 1<I'Onltll .....ill constitute the largest medical stud y evcr undcrt.'lken in the Unite d Sta td. In alll!ouncing tht' pl"Og"lm , Or. Ikmadinc Healy. director of the National Institutes (If Health (1993: I ), declared: "In tenns of medical rcscarch, womCII have been ib'1lOrcd ton long... . Today, we are entcring a ne\,; age in wome n 's health researc h~ (sc:.'C also Angell, 199~; Whceler, 1993).

    488
    pIoKr fOOR SOC/M. fNSTrrmIQ.VS

    Thf ()(Cllpali()lu of IJtQjJli ill lilt l(llI.on" da.N'S of Int' Uniltd StaltS /lmd fO lot ,nore dallgl'l'OIU tnall fnm,. of In, mort'

    off/u,,,,.
    than tlte less affiuellt, they arc more likely La experience peptic ulcers. The lower classes, by controlSl, arc more likely to suffer from certain forms of cancer, as well as from problems rehltcd to 011(oholi~m and drug abuse. In general, the re appears lO bt: two to three times as much serious illness among luw-income people as among the nation's J>Opul:"Ilion a.~ a whole (Graha m and Rceder, 1979:76; sec also Lcmkow, 1986). Why is das.~ linked la health? Crowded livin g COIlditions, substanda rd hOllsillg, poor diet, and strc"S all contribute to the ill heahh of man)" low-i ncome pwplc in lite United SIaIC8. In cert;.lin in~t:tIlces , poor education may lead tn a lack of aw;:m:ness of measures necessal}' to maintaining good hC<lllh. Yet fmanei"l stra ins are certain ly a m~or fac tor in the health prablelps of less afnuent people in Ihe l:nitcd States. Given the high COSL~ of quality Illedic-.u care-wh ich we will ex plore Illore fu lly latc r in \hr dmpter-the poor have significantly less access to heahJl care resources. The differcntial delivery of health care:: by ~oc ial class is apparent fr0111 a I ~93 national survey. Of those:: respolldent~ earning S75,OOO or more, 79 perWll were :.atisiied with Ihe quality of thcir mcdical cO\'C..-age, compared with o uly 47 perce nt of those raming It.-ss than $15,000. Similarly, 51 percent of alllucnl respondenLS expressed s;nisfaClion with tIle WSl of medical carc, compared \:ith only ~5 per.. (('Ill of low-income respondent'> (Berke, 1993:E6). Another factor ill the link between class and he<lllh is evident. at the:: workplace: the occupations of people in the lower classes of the United States tend to be more dangerous than those of more affluent citizens. Minen, for example, must face tlle possibility of injury or death due to explosions and cave-ins; Ihey are also likely to develop respiratol)' diseases such as black lung. Workers in texti le mills mar co ntract a variety of illnesscs caused byexposure to loxic subslances, including onc disease COIllmonly known as browu IlIngrlivase ( R. Hall. 1982). In rccclH years, the n:Hion has learned of the perils of;lSbe<;tos poisoning, which is a paniculal worry for construction workers. In thc view of I{.ul Marx and contemporary CO II fli ct th eorists, capitalist societies such ;L~ the United Stones ca re more about maximizing pro li LS than they do abolll tllC health and safety 01" industrial workers. As a result, governmcnt agencies do not take forceru l action 10 regulate conditions in tllC workpJace, and workers sunt:r man y prevenwble, job-relalCd injuries and illnesses. According la a 1988 analysis by health specia lists in ere'lt Britain, almost 40,000 adult deaths rI/ell )"eM in that nation can be auributed to c1a."S diOcrences. Members of the lower social classes experience higher monalilY because of their greater vulne.-;tbililY to sllch factors 'IS dangerous jobs and inadequate housing. Il i~ linle wonder, then, thal the World Health Organization has asked cOlllltrics

    489
    Of,Wn"ll/? lIt:AfJII ,.,NU MtJJJU.\/.

    to reduce diffe rcn ces in health statuS due to economic advantages by at least 25 percent by the year 2000 (Scott-Samuel and BlackburIl , 1988).

    HCOIlth profiles of ma ny racial and ethnic min orities reflect the social inequaHly evident in the United Stales. The poor economic a nd e nvironmental conditions of groups such as African Americans, Hispan ics. and Nati\'e Ame ricans are manjfest.ed in high morbidity and mo n ality rates for th ese groups. Some amictions, such as sickle-cell ancmia among Blacks, have a clea r genc ti c basis. Bm, in most imtances, e nvironme ntal factors contribute to differemial rates of disease. Compared with Wh ites, Hispanics arc more likely to live in poven y. to be un employed, and to have little ed ucation. T hese factors contribuu: to Hisp,mics' in creased risk of contracting a variety of diseases. f or example , Hispanics arc fOllr limes more likely than Whites to suffer fro m LUbcrculosis, are three limes more likely to conmu:l diabetes, and aI'C also more likely 10 h;l\'e cancer of the stomach, pancrcas, and ce rvix. Hispanic c hildre n suffer dispro po rtionately frOIll lead poisonin g and measles. A1lho ugh Hispa nics constitute on ly abo ut 8 percent o f the population Oftll t: United States, they account for 14 percent of reported cases of A1DS, including nea rly 2 1 percent or AIDS cases among women and 22 percent among c hildren (Council o n Scie ntific AfTajrs, 1991 ; Nove lla e t al., 199 1). The morbid ity ra tes and morL"llity f"iltes ror Blacks arc also distressi ng. Compared \\~lh Whi tes, Blacks have high e r death rales from diseases of lh e heart, pneumonia, diabt:t.t:s, and cance r. The death rate from su-okes is twice as high a mo ng African A.merlea ns as it is among Whites. Such e pidemiological findin gs renec t in part the ran that a higher proportion of Blacks afC found among the nation's lowe r classes. According to a study released in 1992 by the National Ct: nl cr for Health Statistics (1992), Whites can expect tu li\'e 76.0 rears. Hy contrast, life expectancy fo r llIacks is 69.2 years; indeed, for Black men life expectancy is o nly 64.8 yt:.lrs a nd has bee n decrtasillgsi nce 1984. What accounts for these racial I.lifTI:rcnces? According to a national survey condu cted in 1986, Blacks of all in come levels are s ubsta ntial ly WOI"$C

    o IT th:.m Whites in terms of access to ph)'5icians. For example, African Americans had a lower rate Ohl.... its t.o physicians; this findin g is espcciall} disturb, ' ing, since rates of serious illness are higher amoll~ Blacks lhan Whites, Th e survey poi nts to signi!lcantly less use of mediC;11 care by B1;tcks, and -add, Ula t Bl acks arc less likely tha n ,"Vhiles 10 have medical insurancc. F'ina tir, in comparison .....ith Whit~, Blacks we re round 10 be less satisfi ed .....iul the health care they recei\'cd Irom physicians ilnd from h~ pital personnel (Bl e.ndo n el aI., 1989) . A study or health ellre in Ve terans Affai rs hosp~ tals found that substantial racial ineqllalities e'l(i~1 in the provision of cardiac care. Researchers dJ"tI\ o n records of hospiL"l1i7.alions in these haspit"t, o\'e r a live-rear period. They found tha t Whites admitted W hean pro ble ms ,",'ere signifi cantly mor~ iUl likcl)' (someti mes twice as likely) to undergo car diac surge ry than were African Americans. ThClSf results were especia ll y troubling, sin cc patiellt; at Veterans Affairs huspitals are nOt billed for mediC",ij services, and physicians are salaried; conseqlleOlO . fin a ncial considerm io ns sho uld not be innuencing mc:d ical dec.isions. Racial bias appears to be the 0111\ explanatio n for UIC diffe re nces in trea tme nt of (liI' tients hospita lized with serious he.ln problem~ (Whitue ct a I. , 1993). Moreove r, drawing on the confli ct PC['specth'(', sodologist Howard Wait7.kin (1986) suggests that racial tensions con tribute to the medical problem., of Blacks. In his vic ..... , the Slress resulting from racial prej lldice and disCI"iminalion hel l>S to explain thr higher r<l1es of h ypertension found among AfriGlIl Americans (and J-li~pa lli cs) compared with Whites. Hyperte nsion is twice a.') common in 13htck.s as ill \Nhiles; it is believed to be a ctitical f."lClo r ill Blacks' high mortali ty rales from hea n d isease, kidney d~ ease, a nd stro ke. Altho ugh the re is disagreemeut among medical cJ( pe rl~, some argut: that the slre\>I I'csulting from [""..cism and suppressed hostilityex ace rbates hype rtcnsion among Blacks (Goleman, 1990). Just how sign ificant is the impact o f poorcr healll) o n the lives o f lhe natio n's less educated peopll'_ less a tTlue nt classes, a nd min01ities? DI"awing on d variety of research studies. pO pUI ~Hio ll .~pecialisl Evclyn KiL"lgawa ( 1972) eSlimaled lhe ~c.xcess mortality rate" t.O be 20 perce nt. In o th e r "'ords, 20 per-

    490

    Health costs i,1 till UTlilffl Sta~$ ha~ nco/aiM ill pan bause of intmllil'g use o experulVf Itrhnology..,~ C4 T f S((lnnll'l; a diretl dl!scenlialj/ of Ihe

    X-ray machint, USI!.f a compuler 10 inltgralL piclllrd shol from various


    aTlgV.s into a singk, mllltidimensional

    il/wge of a toddlers (or an adult 's)


    Mull.

    cent more people were dyi ng tha n othclwise miglll

    have, because of di ffe re ntially poor health lin ked to race a nd clas.... Using Ki lagaW'd 'S model, we ca n calculate that if cvery person in the United Statt.'S were Wh ite ,lI1 d had at least o ne year of college education, SOllle 458,000 fewer people would die in [995 (Bure.m of the Census, 1993a: 19) .

    cording to a stateme nt by a redcraJ health officia l in 1992, the lifetime wst of treating an AI DS patie n t in the Un ited Slates has reached $102,000, compared with $57,000 in 1988. At the same time,

    FI GURE 17J To ta l Htalth Cart Expendi lures in tht Un ittd Slatn, / 97'-2000
    17SO
    1500

    HEALTH CARE IN THE UNITED STATES


    As the entire nation is well-aware, the costs o f health rare have skyrocketed in the last 20 years. Fo r example, in 199 1 tOlal expenditures for health care in the United Slates reached $809 billion, almost tllice the 1985 ligure (see Figure 17-3). The a mOUllt \\'e now spend 011 health care equals that spent o n education, defense, prisons, farm subsidies, rood ~tamps, and roreign aid com bined. Moreover, it is tslimaled that by the )'e ar 2000, 10ul1 expendilures ror health care in the United Stales will rise to $1.5 10 52 trillion (K. Anderson. 199 1; Hasson, 1992: Welch, 1993). The rising costs o r medical care are especially apparent in the event or cat.tstroph ic ill nesses or confinement in a nursing home. Bills or tens or lholl..ands or dollars are no t u nusual in the treaunc nt of cancer, Alzheimer's disease, and othe r chronic diseases rcq uit'in g cuslodial carc. MOIcover. ac-

    ..

    :j! 1000 7SO

    .B

    12SO

    & 500
    2SO
    0

    SOI IlU.: 11,,,"..,,, . I!/'J2

    Experulilures for health ((Ir, ill till Ut,;led SlaUs ha'lw. om/ill/ud 10 ri.Y, rrocltillg all alllime high of $809 billio,1 in 199/. Acttmling to frrojtctions, txpenditures f or IIMUh ((lrt' will rrorh J/ .6/rillif)fl by IIll )Wlr
    2000.

    491
    (' IAfY/J-:R 17 "I-:ALTH ANI) Alf'JJICI.\'f: J

    however, evel1 Ircaunc nt 01 sh ort-te rm ill nesses fo r palie nts of all ages has come 10 in volvc greater relia nce 0 11 sped Ollists ,m d ncw medical technologies -which has contr ibuted sign ifi cantly 1.0 escalating health care costs (L. AlulIan , 1 ~)2 b: U8) . T he ~gr'lyi ll g .of A llI eti ca ~ (sce Chapte r 12) is dea rly a fa clor in rising health care COS IS. Oldcl' pt!ople Iypically have longer Stll)'S ill Ihe h ospital th a n you nge l' pat ients, a nd Ihe elde rly obviously acCount fo r ,m O\'c n vhelming perce ntage of n ursing home expe ndilures. InsUl1Incc covc rage a nd exist in g fede ral assistancc pl'Ograms. sllc h as Med icare, provide reimbll l.,;emcl11 for nOl quill' h;llf o f all medical cons. FO!' exam ple, a 70-year-old person who e nters Ihe hospital four limes fo r heart proble ms and surge ry ca n easily spe nd $6000 tha t \\'ill nOI be cm'e red by Med icare . Pl'Oposals IQ fill th is ~ m edi ga p :' as it has been c."IlIed , rc neet conce r n ' about such unknmvn and pote ntially stagge ring COSLS ( ~1 ec h a ni c, 1986 : W. Stevens, 1987a ). Clearly, the health ca n~ system or the Unit.ed Sta tcs has moved far beyond the days whe n gene ral praclitioncrs living ill a neighbo rhood o r commu ni ty typically made ho use c."I lls and c h;II'ged mod ' , est fees fo r th eir se lv ices. 1-I 0\V d id hea hh c. re becOllle big business im'olving natjonwid e hospiml c hains and marke tjng campaigns? 1-1 0\\' have these c hanges reshaped t)1>ical inte rdClions bet\\'een doctors, nurses. a nd paLie nts? We will add ress these qm..':Stions in the nex t section o f lhe cha pter.

    ~..BJ~~~.~~~...y'.~ .~ ~.................................................................
    According to sociologist Pau l StaIT ( 1982). writ ing in his critically accla imed book, Till' Sod al T ra nsfor m(l/iot! of Aml'llmn M~Ii(";'II!, the aUlho ri lY o f m edical profcssio llals rests o n " s}'ste m of standardized edllcaLio nall icensing. The e.~ ta bl isI Hn e llt of such a syste m mai ntai ns aut hOri ty from o ne genera tion to the nes t a nd tra n smits illll hority fro m the pro fession as a who le to its in di \~ d ll alll1 e mhe rs. Howe ve r. health ca re ill tht Unit ed SUll es has no t always fo l lowed this mod el. The "popular Ile all.h rnove me n lw orth e 1830s and 1840s e mphasized prcven tive care a nd wha t is tcmled "sclr- h C\p . ~ There \vas strong criticism of ~doc to rin g" as a pllid occllp.<'1tio n . Ne w mcdical

    ph ilosoph ics or sect.s established tJl cir own Illc.:dicM schools a nd challenged the :nnho ri ry ~lIld methods lJf more tradition al docto l'S. By the 1840s, 1lI()\1 sUI tes had re peale d me dical li ce nsin g laws. nOlI eve r. th ro ugh the lea(li:I.,;hip uf the American \ k d iC Association (AMA). founded in 1848. "regllbt ll1 dOCIOI'S all<'lt' ked lay pl,;,ctitioners, scctalian do("' 10rs, and fema le p hysicia ns ill geneml. (For ,I dif ferent view, scc V. Na\'llrro, 1984.) The e me rgence of m;l'iSive, o rga nized philanthropy in the ea rly twentie th cCllIury-adminl)te red by such o rg anizatio n s as 01C RockefeUcr and Cam egie fo und;nions -had it c ritical impact in ft"' s haping a nd cen tra lizi ng medicine'. Begi nning m 1903. e xte nsive fo undatio n support was allocatc.'(i to create a respecta ble med ical profession. A "'" searcher e m ployed by the Ca rnegie Corporation W SC Il!. 10 I.our the natio n in orde r to deterlllltlt ,IS V Jhich med ical sch ools should receive funding. M t.e r the publication of the Flexru.: r repo rt in 1910, nume ro us m ed ical sc hools th a t he found Ullworthv of linanda l aid we re forced 10 close. Among them we re six of the na tio n's eighl Blac k medical schoob a nd mosl o f Ole alterna tive schools which had been open to fe male stude nts. In stale afte r state, tough licensi ng laws we re ad opted la restric t medical prole tice to traditiorml dOClors from a pprovcd instirutions. i\s o ne rcsuh, babies co uld no longcr be d,... live red by midwives in 1I10st stales: OlC pmcticc 01 o bste u'ics were resU'icled to ph)'Sicians (Ehrcnrtlch ilnd English . 19i3) . O nce a UllHlli lY was institu tio nalized Olrough st.. ndard iu :ti programs vf education and l ice ll~ lng. . il was conferrcd IIpOIl all \\ hn successfully com ple ted these progr.uns. Recognition became rela tively una mbiguous. Thc all lho rity of the physiciJn no longer depended 0 11 lay aHilUdes or the pt'r'!o(,n occupyi ng lhe sick ro le; it wa., in creasingly built illlfl th e SU'JCturc of the medical p rofession and tht health ca re syste m. As the institUlionali7.a Lion or he a lth ca re proceeded . Ihe medica l p rofc.'i~~)n b rained con u'ol ove r bo O, Ihe Illll rke t for its sel'\;c(,\ a nd tIle variOl ls o rgan izatio nal hi e ra rchies t.hat gO\'ern med ical pnlcticc, fin 'U1 cin g, and poli cYlllakin~. By lhc 1920s. physicia ns co ntrQlIed hospital Itchnology, the divisio n o f labor o f health 1 "8QlIlld >C1 and . indirectly, o lher I>rofessional practices .$lItl1 ,t\ nUl~i n g ;U1d phallllacy (R. Cosc r, 1984).

    492
    I'II K I' FQI 'H ,<;O CIAI.. I ,\ Y I r,, (nON \

    ~~.~ ~~~~...~.~.~.!~!.. ,~.~~,~ ,.~,~.~~~,~.~... ,.... "................


    The prcemincnce of physicia ns within the health care system of the Uni tcd Statc.."S has traditionally gin"lI th em :t po.sition of dominan cc ill their dealmgs "';U1 both patients lInd IUJI'$CS. The functionalist and intemCl ioni)t pers pcctives combine to ufrera framewt)I'k for unders mllding thl" professional lOCial ization of physicians as it relates to 1 ><'llielll ore. Functionalists suggest that csmblished physicians and medical school professors ser\'e as mentors or role models who transmit knowledgc, skills, and \':llues to the passh'e leamer-the medical SlllMm. Interaclio nisLS emphasize that stude nts are molded by the medical sc hool cm;ronlllent as they interact with the ir dassm;lles. Both approaches l.U gut Ihat the typic;!1 training of physicians in the t;nited St..1.tes leads to I-.llher dchurnani7ing physicianpatient e nco un ters. Despite mally effo rts to lunnally introduce" humanistic dimension of patit'lIt care ill to medical schocll curricula, patie nt Ir.erload and cDst-colllainlllCllI efforts of hospitals trod to rcduce pO.$itjvc relations. Moreover, wideIpu:ad publi city conccl'Iling malpraclice suits and high medical cosu has further strained Ihe physi. ci,ulpatient dy.ld ( Beeker Ct al., 1961; Mcrto n Ct :.11 .. 1957: Mizmhi , 1986: 11 ). TIlesc problems in medicine have mkcn the il' to ll on comemporary ph)'S ici:ms. A su ....cy conducted for the American Medical Association in 1989 rel'rdled that 39 percent o r doctors either definitely or probably would not go imo medicine today if they were in college and knew wh.1t they now know ..bout the field . This discllchalltmCIII is somewhat similar to the ~ burn outM ex perienced by teachers jrefer back to Chapte r 16) , yet it is nevclthelcs'i surprising because ph ~ ician s (unl ike schoolteachers) tiny r1 subsm ntial inco mes and high prestige. DeIpite these benefits, the physichms su ....eyed report that they arc dis illusioncd by thc growing competition for patients, i n crCII.~ed govel'llment regulatiOIl or medicine, and worrisomc mal pl1lctice lidgation (L. Ahman and Rosenthal, 1990). Inter-dctionists have close ly exa mined how compliance and ncgot iation occur bet.....een physic ian "nd patie.nt. Th ey concur with Talco u Parsons' view that the relalionsbi l> is gcncmlly asymmel l'ical, wi tb dOClorli holdillg a positio n of dominan ce and con-

    tral of rewards. J llSt as physicians bave main lained dominance in their inter-actions with paticnts, doctors have similarly COl1lrolled interactions with nurse~. Desp itc thei r tr-di ning and professional status, nUI'SeS com monly take orders from physicians. T raditiona.lly, the I'ciatio nship be tween docto rs and nurses has IKlrallcled the ma lc dominance of the Unjtcd Stales: most ph)'sicians have been male. whereas virtually all nurses havc been fema le (refer back to Box 11 -2 on page 321. which focuses Oil male nurses within a tmditionally female proression) . Like other women in subordinate roles. nurses have been expected to perrorm their duties wilh out challenging the authority of men , Psychiatrist Lconard Stein (1967:699-700) refers to th is process lIS the d()('./Qr-TIIlflf' gll llll!. According to the rules of this Mgl.\ me. ~ the nurse mUSt !H!\'C I" dis.1.gree o pen ly with the physician . When she has recommendations concel'lli ng a patient's carc.she must communicate ulcm indirectly in a dclc ren tial to nc, For example, if asked by a hospiml's medical residelll, ~Wh at slee p ing medication has been belpful to Mrs. BrO\\ln ill the past? ~ (an indirect request for a recommendation ), the nurse will respond with a disguised recollune ndalion statement, such as M n_ Pe tobarbital mg 100 was quile effccti\'e night before M last. Her careful response allows the physician to authoritatively restale the sa me prescription as if it were his idea. By the 1980s nurses in the United States were increasingly speaking o ut, engaging in political actio n, walking picket lines. and joini ng lawsui ts-all \\'ith the goals or better pay, more respect for their professional cxpertise, and transfo rmatio n of the health care system. Margrctla Style~, p l'esidem of the American Nurses Association (ANA). notes: ~N ursi ng is 97 percent fema le, and Ihe proble ms we face are typi cal of thosc faced in women's professio ns, especially low pay and low status." Both inside th e hospital and in tJ1C larger political system, n urses have organized to battle for autonomy, an improved image, and r....ir compensation for U 1Ci!' skill and dedication ( Holcomb, 1988:74). Like nurses, fe male ph)'Siciallli fi nd themselves in a subordinate position due to gender, According to a report isslled in 1991 by the. Feminist Majority Foundation and the American Medical Women 's

    493
    (JliW'1-R / 1 flf' I .l'fl ll,\7) MEJ)/('J.\'t: .....

    Woml'7l still runw disfmJIXlrfiOllll/df Iuw pay and l'la/Ju lm/hin liuJ mtdiad plUjmioo.

    A"sociation, women still receive disproportionately low pay and Slmus within the medical profession. In 1988, for example, women doctors eallled 63 ce nL~ for eac h dollar earned by a male doclOr. TIlis gap in earnings is nOl simply the result o f differing levels of experience. The American Medical Association reports that in 1987, male doctors with o lle to four years' expe rie nce earned ,m aver.lgc Il e t income of $ 110,600, compared with $74,000 for women doctors with comparabl e experie nce. Male physici.ms with 10 to 20 years' experie nce ealllcd an a\,e"lge net inco me of $1 58,000, compared with $99,400 for fe male physicians wi th similar ex perience. The 199 1 report noted that although 36 perce nt of all medical studell lS in the United Sta tes .....e re female, 79 ])C I'ce nt of medical school facu lty members, 98 percent of medical school chairpersons, and ail medical sc hool deans were male. Th e American Medical Association (AMA) has never had a woman as chi ef executive offi cer in its I 44-ycar history (J. Gross, 19Y1b:lO; HillS. 1991:C7).

    Th.~...R9:~.~ ..9:f. . G.9:y'~~ent....__ ..................................... .


    Cindy Martin died in 1990 at age 26, after four mon !.hs of surgery and inte nsive care a t Presbyterian Univcrsity Hospital in Pittsburg h . In the aftcr-

    matt. o f he r death , her husband 's insurance compan y received a bill fOl' 5 1.25 mi llion. \Vhik account::lnts attempted to untangle the costs of seve n surgical procedures pelfollned 011 Cindl Martin-including heart. liver, and kidney trdm. pla nlS- this case underscored troubling issues r~ W Uding the high COS I o f health care, Who should pay for I.he expensive medical procedures of the 1990s? What role. if a ny, should government pht in p rovidill g medi cal care and health insurance for U.S. ci ti ;tens (Fre ude nheim , 1990)? The first significant ilWo lvclllcnt of the fcdl:idl govcmment ill !.h e financing of health care canlt' with Lhe 1946 f-liII -Bunon AC I, wh ich providcdsubsidies lor building and improving hospitals, especially in ruml areas. An even mo re imponam change came ....'ith the c nacunc nt of two wide-ranging government assistance programs: Medicolrt. whi ch is cs~ nti ally a compulsory health insurance pla n for the elderly; and Med icaid, which is a lIoncontribulOry federal and state insura nce plan for the poor. These programs greatly expanded fcder.l.l involvement in health care finan cin g for n~ men, women , and children. In addition, Oiler lOOO govem ment-subsidized community health cenlt"1\ a re loaHc..-d in low-income. medically undcrstl"\"td communiues ( Ble ndon , 1986). Givcn ..!tes of illness and disability a mong elder~

    494
    1'/lf(I'F{)UH. SOO/ll,
    1.\''''1inrno,\~


    people, Med icare has had a panicula r ly no teworthy impac t o n the health care system o f the Uniled States. Initia lly, Medicare simply reimbursed health care providers such as physicians and hospitals for the casLS of the ir services. However. as th e overall rostS of Medicare increased dramatically, th e fedeml govelllment introduced a price-comro l system in 1983. All illnesses were classified into 468 diagnostic-re lated groups ( ORGs); a reimbursement rate was set for each condition a nd re mained fixed regardless of the individual needs of any p;lIiem. In e ITect. th e federal government tOld hospitals and doctors that it would no longer be concerned lIilh their costs in treating Medicare patients: it would reimburse them only to a designaLCd leve l. If a patient is sic ke r t.han averdge (tha t is, the averngc set fo r a pal'tic ular illness) and req uires extra care. the hospital mwH a bsorb a ny e xpenses be)'O ud it.~ ORG allowance. However, if lhe patie nt is Ic.~ ill than avcmgc for an illn ess, Ule hospital ca n ~n lially make a profit from t.he fixed level of reimbursement (Downs. 1987; Eastcrbmok. 1987:49). The ORG s),stem of reimburse me nt has COIl tributed 10 the comrovcrsial practice of"dumping.~ under which patie nts whose trC' tlment may be un . < profitable arc tr.tnsferred by priV' Ilc hospit."l.Is to public faci lities. Many priV'.ttc hospitllls in th e Unitt.'(1 Slates have begun to conduct ro utin e ~ wal l4:t biopsies" to in vestiga te the finan cia l status of potential patie nts; t.hose judged as undesirable arc then refused ildll1i s.~ ion or aJ'e dum pt'd . Since the introductio n o f DRGs. some urban puhlic hospiwls have reponed 400 to 500 pe rce nt in Crt'rLes in the number of patients transfen'cd from priV' t e hospid uls (Fcingla.'iS, 1987) . Such dumping can havc grave conseque nces fo r patient'>. In 1984, a Ha rvard Medim l School te am .malyled rccords of 4.1)8 p.nie nt., t"mslerre d during ' ill5iX-mOnUl period to a public hospital in Oakland , Dlifomia. Researchers fo und that in 7.2 percent ofcascs, th e patie nts were transfe rred before being !tabilizcd medically; the ir care suffered as a result. Viewed from a conflict perspec tive, such prdctices arc especially likely to hun those people at the bottom of stratificatio n hierarchies based o n social (lass. ("'.tce a nd ethnicity, gende l', a nd age (1), Taylo r. sore d nationa l health insurance or c rea te d a nationa l hea,ltl1 service, By contrast , the United States govemme lll has been much less aCII\'e in providing health care fOI' its citizens. The sociaJ policy section althe e nd of the c hapte r will examine tJle issue of national heaJUl care insurance. wh ich in 1993 became a major legislati\'e focus fo r the Clinton administration.

    Alternatives to Traditional Health Care


    Thus far. wc havc concentrated exclusively on traditio nal fonns of health care-part.icularly, reliance:: on physicians a nd hospit:als for u'catrnen t of illness. Yet at Icast one Ollt of e\'ery three adults in the United States a u e mpts to ma intain good health o r respond 10 illness through use of alternative health care techn iq ucs. Fo r example. in reccnt decades there has been g rowing int e rest in '/O/i,flit; (this term is a lso spe lled who/is/if:) medical prin cipl es first developed in China. Holistic medicine is a mea ns of hea lth maintenance which vie ws Uu: person as an imcgralion of body, mind. and spidt (Siroll a nd WaiLZkill , 1984:246), The individua l is regarded CL' a totality. rather than as a collectio n o f inte lTe lated 01'&,<1.11 ~ te m s. Trcaunelll met hodologies includc massage, chil'Opr-dClic me dicine. acu puncture (which involves the inse rtion of fin e needles into slllface points), respir.... tol)' exercises. and the use of herbs as remedies. NUlri tioll , exe rcise, and "ta lking th e rapy" may a lso be used 1.0 trc'lt ai lme nl.'i gene rally treated t.hrough medica t.ion o r hospitali1 .ation (E, Chow, 1984: Eiscnbcrg et al.. 1993; M. Goldstcin et aI. , 1987). PmctiLioners of holistic medic ine do no t necess.... rily fUIl Clioll tot:llly o utside the health care s)'S'te m. Some have medical degrees a nd re ly o n x-rd)'li a nd EKG machines for diag nostic assisla llce. Othe r ho listic clinics, ofte n referred to all wtUtlCil' dinio. reject the use of medica l technology, The recent resurgence of h oli.~ lic medici ne comes amidst a wid es pr~ad rccognition of lhe value of nutrition a nd [he dangcl'S of overrclian cc 011 prescri ptio n dru!:.TS (especially those used to re duce stress, sHeh as vaJium), The medical I.:sta blishment - pmfessional organizatio ns, rese,lrch hospitals, and med ical sch ools has gcner-dlly $Crved as a stern proteclo r of lrddilionally accepted health care techniquc.,. How-

    1985,9). During the twe n tie th century. one Euro pean nalion afier another has adopted
    go\'e l'llm c nt~po n-

    495

    A cu/JulIrturr. which inooh~ Ihl: in5ntiO/l offi'lr /ladles into SlJrjou poinb, U DIll! comma" lrralmnll ml!thodolbf:1 tI.uooattd Wllh holmlC mU/idllt.

    ever, a major breakthrough occurred in 1993 when the federal government's National Institutes of Health-the nation's major funding source for biomedical research-opened an Office of Alternative Medici ne. e mpowered to accept grant lcqucsts. Potential areas o f study include herb<11 medic ine. mind-body conll'ol techniques. and the use of electromagnetism to heal bones. The director of this office, Dr.JoeJacobs, is a Yale-trained pediatrician who became familiar .....ith the work o f Native American healers through his Mohawk mo ther and late r through serving a<; it doctor on it 'av;yo reservation. A11hough the Office of Alternative ~'lcdic in e was initially given on ly S2 million of the In stitutes' $10.3 billion budget, its establishment ncvertheless represents the first official recognition of alternative health care trcauncnts (Angier, 1993a. 1993b). In some Casc!S. movements for political change have generated health care alte.-natives, For example. as part of the larger feminist movemc nt beginning in the 196Os, women became morc voc;:11 in their dissatisfaction with the tradi tional hcallh care system. Marked by the appearance or the book Our fk,dies, Ourselves (Boston Women 's Health Book Collective, 1969, 1984). the contempomry women's health movement emerged out of the realization that women are by far llle most frequent users of health services for themselves, their chi ldren, and

    other dependent family members. Activists agret that women should assume more responsibility fOI decisions conceming their health. TIle mo\'Cment therefore has take n many forms. includ ing organiz:uions working for changes in the health care 5)" tem, women's clinics, and birLh and ~selr-help" groups. Although the women's health movement Slipports greater access to health care ror all people in the United Sta tes, it focuses on specifi c wOlllcn'~ health issues sllch as menstruation , childhinh. abortion rights (see Chaptcr 11 ), and menopause. Women's he'llth groups h:wc expressed concern about the ha7.ards of or.il conu"aceptives and the intrauterinc device (lUD ) - hal'..ards which they r('el have been concealed by drug companies and the medical establishment. Activists generally ravor a greater voice for women in matemilY carc, the r .... tablishment of midv.~fery cent.ers, and full reprrsell talion o f lc malc cons\lmers on health polier maki ng boards. Partly in the name of equal opportunil),. but also in the ho pe ofincreasingscnsitivi ty to women within the he.llth care establishment, the women's health Illm'ement has demanded increased entry of women into medical school and hospital adnlinistration positions. Some activists have gone so far as to endorsc lhe exclusion or male medical students from obstettia and

    496
    I'A.RT FOUR - SOClA.I. INnnurm,\',\'

    gynecological speciall ies. Clea rly, fc minist.. a re 1"(.'sisting the wc ial-colllrol aspect.s of lh e malcxlominated medical hier.u-ch y (Corca, 1977:252-266; Ruzek, 1978; Sherwin, 1992; M. Zimmennan, 1987; Zola, 1983:282). The goals of I,he WOIllCUS hcalth mO\'eme nt arc ambitiolls, but the health care syste m has proved lO be rairly resistant 10 c hange. ConniCI lheorisLS point out rhat physicians, medical sc hools, hospitals, and dl1lg companies all have a vesled interest in keeping womc n ill :t rather dt~ pende nl and uninfonucd position as hcahh care consumcrs. Although there has been an increase in female doctol'S, women remain lIndcrre prescnted in kc..'Y positio ns in lhe hcahh can~ sYSlem of lhe Ullited S... ,tes (R. Sidel and Sidd . 1984:2(8).

    MENTAL ILLNESS !J'I...T!:I.~...I!N.!T~!?.!>TAT.!l.~........................................


    Tenus sLlch as lIIell/(I/ illllfS,\ al1(l i nsanity evoke dramalic and oft.e n inaccurate images o f elllotional problems. The media routinely c mphasize the most \iolcllI behavior o f lhose with disturbances, but mental health and mental illness can more approprialely he viewed as a continuum of 1x:h;wior lha t ,,'C oursel\'es mo\'e alo ng. Using a less sensaliona l definition , it person ca n be considered la have a IIlCllIal disorder "if h e or she is so disltl rbcd !hat (oping wilh routine, ('\'(,I)'day life is difficuh or impossible~ (J. W. Colc man ;md Cressey, 1980:3 15). How prcvale nt is mental illness in the United SUites? In the largest st udy I)r i t~ k.ind comluctcd in this country, DalTell Regie I' ( 1988) ami his colleagues al the Natio nal InSlilllle of Me nml Healtl1 illtcrviewcd 18,571 :lduI IS. They fou nd that, in the previous month . 15.4 pe rcent of respondents had suffered froll1 at leas t o ne ment."ll disolder. The mOSlCOllllllon disorders included anxie ty disorders (affecti ng 7 pel'cent of those surveyed) and mood disorde rs (5 pe rcent ). According to Regier, the I"elau\'t: abscnce of high-<jllality me ntal health care is tonfi rmed by the lindin g that only onc-third ofthc ldpondetllS Wi lll me ntal disordcN reportcd rclei\1ng ucaunCnl du ring Ihe prc\'ious six mo nths. People in the Unit cd St:ues have traditionally maintained a Ilcg-.Hivc and suspicious view o f those lIith mental disorde ..... Ho lding the SL.'lHlS of w tnCIl _

    tal fXtticn t~ o r eve n ~ fol"lll e r me ntal pal i e nl ~ ca n h"ve unfo rtun ate and 1IIldeSCI"Vl'd conSC<ltlellces. For eX:lmplc, du rin g th t: 1972 election o mlpaign , it "'as Icamed thal the Democratic vice presidential nominee, Scmuor Thom:!s Eagle lon of Mi.s.somi, had once received trcaune nt for depression. I)ublic reaction was so stro ng that presidential nominee Ceorge i\kGo\'c m ,,~.tS forced to drop Eagleton from the Democratic ticket. Politics is nOI the o nly arena where people viewed as me ntally ill expelie nce second-class trcilullenl. Voting lights arc denit.<J in some im;tanccs, acceptan ce for jury dUly is problematic, alld !)<Ist e motional problems a rc a n issuc in divorcc and custody cases. Moreover, contc nt :mal)'sis of ne twork telcvi sioll programs shows me nIally ill c haracters lInifon nly portrayed in iI dellleani ng and d erogatory fashion ; many 'IIC labclcd as ~c rimitlall y insane,~ Mwae kos,~ OJ" ~ psyc h os.~ Fro m all intcractio nist perspective, a key social inSlil.tllio ll is shapi ng social Ix... h ,l\'ior by manipulating symbols and thereby inte nsifying peopl e's fca rs aboul the me nIally ill (Hunon , 1990; De Flc ur and De rm is, 198 1; Link, 1987).

    I.~.~.Qr..~.~~.~ .. Mg.9..~~.~..9..f. . M~~.~'...p..~Q.~.~.~.....


    In studying me ntal illnl'Ss, wc can dr.lw on both a medical model and a more sociological ~tpproach deri'lled from labeling lht.'Ory. Each model ofTel"Sdisli nclivc ;LSSumplions regarrling treatment o f people with melllal di.<;ordcrs. The "U'tliml mOtI,", ,riew!> men ml ill ness as a disease dCli'llcd fro m biological causes thal can be treated through medical imcr.'e ntion . All menta.! dysfun c tions are attributed to physical GlUSC5-whe ther physiologica l. biochemical. or genetic. In the view of ils c ritics, the medical Illodel relies loo heavil} ' 011 che mical illle rvCl1lio n in treating penple with Illenlal disOI'ders. Psychologist Alben Bandu m ( 1969:16) argues tJlat this approach has led to the " UII.C Ill illillg search for drugs as quick. re medies for ill terpersollal pro blems, and long-te rm neglect of' sodal '~l ria bl es as ill fl uential determin ants of dt.. ... "iant response palLerns. ~ Nonetheless, Ihe medica l Ill od el cont inues 10 be pe rsuasive in treatlllent of me nIal illness- in good part bec;mse all ps)"chia triS I.~ arc first II<li ned as liIed ical doclors (Cockcrham, 1989; Conracl , 1975) . III COIHrast 10 the medical model. labelitlg the-

    497
    (,1 IJ WI1:X li 111-".11. 1 ."(// " ,\1) ;III"J)IO.\"I;.

    o ry suggests that me ntal illness is not rcally an "illness,H since the individual 's problems arise from living in society and not from physical maladies. I)sychiatns t Thomas Sl as7 ( 1974 ), in his book The _ Myth of Menlallll1ltss, wh ich first appeared in 1961 , advanced the vi ew that numerous personality diso rde rs are not "diseascs but simply patte rns of COIl duct labeled as disorders by significant others. The response to Szasz's challe nging thesis was sharp: the commissione r of the New York State De parunent of Hygie ne demandcd his dismissal from his unive rsity position because S"'.a.!iZ did not "belicve Hin men1.011 illness. By contrast, many sociologists e mbraced his model as a logical e xt.e nsion of examining individual behavior in a social cOllle x!. A<l we have noted throughout this lc xti:)(X)k, a glven behavior may be viewed as no rmal in one soc iety. disapproved of but tole ratcd in a second, and labeled as H sid. and heavily sanc tio ned in a third. Altho ugh labclin g will not typically "make sane peoplc insane,H it undo ubt.edly causes me ntally ill patie llls to feel th,ll the), arc dcvalu ed by the large r society. And the morc thc), believe thcy are being negatively la beled , the more diffic ultthcy wi ll find it to inte ract wilh o the rs. Some me ntally ill peoplc may keep their proble ms and treatme nl a secre t and may withdraw from social contacts. Such CO j}ing ~tralegics to deal wilh labcling can lead tu ncgalive conseque nces in terms of emplo}'lllc nt, social support networks. and self-estecm (Cockerham , 1989:252-256; fo r a different view, sec Cove . 1970, 1975, 1980: 103; Link ct al., 1989). In rcviewing the mcdical a nd labcling models of me ntal illncss . wc can co nclude that neithe r model otTcrs a f1ati sfa clory ove rall e xplanati on . The medical model is persuasivc because it pinpoints G UI seS of me ntal illness :md trcaunents for disorde rs. Yet pro pone nts of the labcling perspective majntain that me ntal illness is a distinc tively social proccss, wha te ve r oUler processes a re invol ved . From a so-. ciologlcal perspective. the ideal approach to me ntal illness integrates th e insights of label ing theory with those of th e medical approach (SchcfT, 1975a, 1975b:256-257: sce also Meilc, 1986; Thoi ts, 1985).
    H H

    Patterns of Care
    Fo r most of human history, those suffe ring from mental disorders we re dee med the responsibility of

    their famili es. Ye t me ntal illn ess has becn a matt(r of govcmme ntal conce rn much longer than phystcal illness has. This is bec.-mse scvere emotional di ... o rders threate n stable social rela tio nships and w tail prolongcd in capaci tatio n (Clallsen, 1979: 105). As early as the 1600s, Euro pean cities beg'" to COIlcln iine the insane in public fa cilities alo ng with Ihe poor and criminals. Th is developme nt brought !('sista nce from prisone rs, who were indignalll at being lorced to live wilh "Iunat;';s." The isolation of thc me ntally ill from o lhers in th e sam e f'aci lityand fro m the large r society mad e physicians the cenlrnl and ultimate auth ority for their \\'clfarc. In the United States, the pe riod of the I 840s ilflcl I 850s was the ~age of th e asylum ." Ik fore 1810, on))" a fe w sta tes had institut.io ns fo r lhe mc m,.lly ill, hut by 1860, 28 of lhe nation 's 33 states had such puhlic fa cilities. The asylum was put fO f\\~dI"d as a htJmanitanan a nd even utopia n institution ",'hich would rehabilit<He th e suffering a nd selVe a.~ 3 mndel facility fo r th e rest or society. Its social strUCturc cmphasized disci plin e, neatn ess, fixed schedules, a nd work assignme nts for patie nts. Existing rela tionships wc,'c deemphasized ; familics were discouraged from visiting with pa tie nts because thl'\' ",'ould disrupt hospital routines (PerJ1Jcci, 197t Ro ulman , 1971 )_ A<l noted in Chapter 4, the rcside ntial mental hospital is an example o f a total ill stitution in which people are re moved from th e larger society for ~n appreciable pc riod o f time. Drawing on the ""ark of Erving GolTman . Harold Garlinkel ( 1956) "" \'caled tha t people in total institutio ns undergo "degradation cc rcm o ni es~ which strip th em ofth til identities, destroy pen;onal dignity, and often lead 10 confusion a nd distress. From a fun ctionalist ]kr speclive. the c rowd ing and d epcrsonali l..l tion in he re lll in me nt1 hospitals are dysfunctional to!(; cie ty's resolving e motio nal proble m ~. A major policy developme nt in caling for rnOS(' will1 me ntal disorde rs came with th e. passage ofthr 196~ Communit)' Me ntal Health C.ente rs Act. The CMH C program , a~ il is known. was significal1tin inc reasing federal gm'crnmelll involveme nt in lht' treatme nt of the me ntally ill. It also marked acceptance of the view 1l1al commun ity-based mental health ccnters (whic h treat clie nts on an outpatient basis. the re by allowing th e m to continue wOl"ki/lg a nd living <11 homc) provide more dTectivc treat-

    498
    1 '10111' fOVII _ <;Q("JIII. IN,\TflV{JONS

    Patienls in ~sitkntial mnltal hospitals urui~ w dtgradlJlion a,-,.,nqnUs which J/rip then afidmtilJ arid d~truy ptrsanai dignilJ.

    ment than t.he inSlitlltionalized programs of state and county mental hospitals do. The expansion of the federally funded CMI-IC program decreased inp.nicllI care. Collseque nlly. b\ the 1980s, comlllllni l r-ba.~ed mental health care replaced hospitalization as the typical form of lreatment. The deinstitllliOllal izatiOIl of lI1C mentally ill reached dramatic proportjons across thc United SIJles. Whereas state mental hospitals had held alnlOSI560,OOO long-term j><'ltieIlLS in 1955, by 1993 they held fewer than 100,000 p.'llienLS (Sack, 1993). DeinstilUlionalization was often defended as a social refonn which would effectively reintegrate the 11ll'ntllly ill into the outside world. Howeve r, th e authentic humanitarian concern behind deinstitutionalizalion proved to be conve nient for politicians \I'hose goal \\-'as simply cost cutting. Sociologist P. R. Oingman ( 1974:48) has argued that lhe principal fiCtQr in getting rid of st.. tc mental hospilllls wa.~ ... Ihr rising cost of mailllaining such institutions.

    Moreover, because of severe financial cutbacks fucled by the recessions or the 1970s and I 980s, community care is far from adequate, especially in major cities and rur,,!! areas. Although the CMHC program was OIiginally intended to include some 2000 conul1unity centers, only 760 are currently in operation (Bureau or lIle Censlls, 1993a: 130; Elshtain, 198 1) . A repon released in 1990 by the Public Citizen Reseal'c h Group and lhe National Alliance for lhe Men ...... lly III reveals that more than 250,000 people with SC I;OUS mental illn esses (schizophre nia or manic-<Iepressive illness) are living untreated in publi c shelters, on the streets, or in jails. By contrast, only 68,000 people with such illnesses arc in mental hospitals. In the view of Dr. E. Fuller Torrey, a psychiatrist who served as lead author or this report , there has been a ~ near total breakdown in public psychiatric services in the United Stales" (Hilts, I 990a:A28).

    499
    C JIAI'I1-.H 17 Iff:ALHI A,\V MfJJ/C/.""1-:

    NATIONAL H EALTH INSURANCE

    \Vhic h pt."Qplc are especially likely 10 be witho ut hcahh insurance coverage? If the United St3tes adopted nationali zed health care, how would it change thc posi tion of ph)osicia ns \\'ithi n the health care system? Viewcd from a conflict pcrspcc t,ivc, "'hy is it dinic ult to ac hiel'c basic c hange I'>'ithin thc health care system of the United States?

    E ach year, people in the Unitcd States spend about $800 bi llio n on health ca re. and that fi gure continuelo to rise dramatically ( refer back to Figure 17-3), Health carc has become a ~eriotlS econo mic issue for many individuals and famili es, who fear (with reason ) that illness can le01d to econo mic catastrop he. Because of the skyrockct.i ng CoSL~ of all medical services- but particularly hospitalizatiOll - tlle i s.~lIe of health iFlsurancc is on the minds ofmanycilize ns and legisla tors in lIIc United States, Indeed. a national survey in 1993 fOllnd thal 79 percent o f fC'..'spo nde nlS (and 94 percent of Afdcan AmCI'icans a nd I-lispanics) e ndorsed thc genera l concept ofa natio nal health care policy (Cle ments,
    1993).

    At present , th e United StalCs re maim Lhe only western industrial democr.l.CY that does not treat heal th care as a basic right. Confl icl th eorists ilfJJue that th is difference re fle cts all Ilmlc rlying and disturbing aspect of capilalisrn: illne~ may be exploited fo r prolit. While o the r western de mocrac ies have adopted govem me nl-sponsored national health inslI r.mce or c reated a llaLional health service, the Ame rican j\-ledical Associalion (A MA) has playcd a m;yor role in blocking such measures in the Unitcd States. The AMA h,1S exace rbat,ed fears about Msocialilcd medicin e" and has e ncouraged the publi c to believc that the Msacred doctor-patient relatio nship" would become less personal and in tiIllate in anr governmental health system , Yet evcn thc edi tors of the Jounwl of lilt' Amrrirnll Mrdirl1i Aswnal;oll, I\'riting of the institutional rac ism of Ihe natjou 's health care system, hm'c concl uded I.hat "it is not a coincide nce that the Un it ed Stau.'S of Ame rica and lhe Republic of Sou th Africa .. " an' th e only developed , inSlitutionaliLed countries that do

    nol. ensUlC acce ..... to b~~ic health care for all citizens (Lundbcrg, 199 1:2566). Most people in the UnilL"(1 States currently hold some form of privale health imur.rnce, such as Blu\' Cross (which COVC I'S many hospital costs). mut' Shield (wh ich covers dOCLOrs' fecs during hospi!...I, izalion), or bo th . Hu ndreds oflinns ~lIpply sllch il" sura llce 10 the publi c and reap ~lIb~ tantial profil~. In addi tion, mi llions of people are covered 0, Medicare :md Medicaid, two pro!,'l;"uns passed b) Congrcs.'i in the 1960s la assist se nior citizens lInd the poor in paying their healUl eaI'(: bilb. According to the Natio nal Cell ler fo r Health SI... tistic.~ ( 1993a), as o f 1992 some 37 millio n people in the United States had no health inSUr.lllce. The uninsllrcd Iypically inclllde sc::lf-cmp lo),!':d people with li mited in comes, illega l iml1ligr:ilus, and sin gle alld divorced rnother'i who are th e salt pro"iders for their fami lies. Blacks and eSJ>eciall) Hispan ics are less likely than Whiles to carry pn. vate health insurance. III 1992.32 percent of Hispanic'i were uninsured , compared wi th 2 1 percent of t\frican America ns and I1 percent of Whites. Currentl}', lhe ~cgmenl of the nation's population wilholl l health insu mnce remaills high, both be causc Ihe COSts of private coverage ate rising sharpl) a nd because many private insllrers now refuse to create policies for ind ividuals and grou p~ viewed as "h igh risks Mbecause of their mcdical histories, Peo ple wi thout hea lth insurance llIay be vulnerable 10 a lower qualit), of medic;tl c:;t re Ihan thOS(' who are co\'ercd . According 1.0 a sludy of nearl) fiOO,OOO palie nlS hospilalized in 1987 in :;t national sample o f hospitals, patie nlS without health insurance are significantl}' more likely to die than are patients who h,,\'e pliv"te health insurance, J\l oremer, a stud), rclc(lsed in 1992-which amllped m o~ than 30,000 medical records in cily hospit.als in New York Cit}'-found that uninsured palicl1rs had more t.han t\\'icc thc risk of receiving substandard care t.han did privately insured pa tients, This I\'ali lrue regardlcss of the ge nder, r.tc(~ , or income of the paliell L'i ( Bursli n e l al.. 1992; I ladle)' Cl aL. 199 1::\74-379) . With MICh disturbing inequities in mind , polier maker'i have expressed renewed inte rest in the j>O"

    500
    1''tRTI'OI..'/I S O('JIII I\) trll 'n().v~

    TM Amnican Mtdicai Association (AMA) has pwytd a major role in bl4dting national hMilh in$llrmlct or Ih~ creation of (J ,Whonai hulllh st:rvict i" thi United Slain.

    sibili ty of na tional heal th insur.UlCC, Nalional ht(ll1h uti1.lranct is a general leml for legisla tive proposals that focus o n ways to p rovide the e ntire popula tio n \\ith heahh care se rvices. First discussed by govrmment ofTi cials in I.he 1930s, it has come to mean many different things, ranging from na rrow health insurance coverage with minimal fcderal subsidies \0 broad coverage with large-scale federa l fund ing. As of rnid- 1994, al leasl 20 hea lth care bill s we re pending in Congress. Expens divide these proposals into four basic catcgories:
    "Pay qr Pitl)'. ~ Employcrs eithcr would provide basic health covernge fo r all workers or would be requi red 10 pay into a fu nd to assist govelllmc lll in exte nding coverage to those who a rc curre ntly uninsured . Tax crtdilS and lJO!uhers. Each person would receive either a fu ll tax c redi t to b uy health coverage, a partial tax credit, or (in th e case of the poor) a tax-su pported vOllc her. A II/anaged market. Em ployers and governme nt wou ld bargain with existing health care plans and \\ith ne tworks of physic ia ns and hospi tals to e nsure affordable care fo r all and more eITective cOll trol of heahh care costs. UnilJf:J'Sa{ hudth ca". A11 residen ts would be e ntitled to health care fun d ed p rimarily through tax revenues. People would choose their physicians,

    who would be paid by government (V. Calm , 1992,7). Oppone nts of broad national health insurance insist tha t a ny of these proposals would be extre mely costly and ",'ould le-.ad to significant tax increases. Defenders of the proposals counter tha t oth e r countries have maintained broad governmental health coverage for decades: Great Briw in's National Heal th Service is almost tot.dly tax-lluppon ed , and health care services (includ ing med ical visits and hospitaliza tion ) are free to all citiZen!>. Under Sweden 's na tional health system, medical care is delivered primarily by publicly funded hospitals a nd clin ics, while a n ational health insura nce syste m sets fees for heal th care services a nd reim bul'Ses p roviders of health care. Al though Canad ians rely on private physicians a nd hospitals for day-to-day treatmen t, health care is guara nteed as a right for all citizens. Income laxes are used 1.0 fina nce public med ical insura nce, medical fees are set by the gove rnment. a nd private health insurance is pro hibited. Australia has universal health coverage provided by the governme nt and supple me nted by p rivate insurance companies. The governmen t sets basic fees fo r medical services, b ut patien ts can c hoose thei r own physicians.

    50}
    Cl IAP'lF.H 17 llf.Al.7H AND MEJ)leJ.\ 'f,

    Ironically, whi le these cOllnlries oRcr extensive health covcr-agc for all citizens. the Uni ted States has higher health care costs than any other nation: an average annual cost o f $2566 per pe rson, compared with S 1770 in Canada and only $972 in Great BriUlin (Farnsworth, 1993; Marmor and Codfrey, 1992: Ridgeway, 1993; Rodell, 1993; Twaddle a nd !-I essler, 1987). Critics point out that if the United States were to move in the directio n of nationalized hea lth care as in Great Britain or Sweden , there wou ld be a marked l1'ansfonnaoon in the health care system as a social instit ut.ion. With medicine unde r tight control by the fede ....tt governme nt (",'hie h would own a nd o perate all hospit...'lIs), the doctor-patien t relationship wOllld be altered, since an individual would not Ilec(~rily have a ~fami l y doctor. ~ Physicians and d C nLisL~ would no longer be selfemployed professionals who would SC I their own fees. Instead, they would become salaried professionals working for the govern mcnl. As onc conse.. que nce, 1 dominan t role of doctors in lhe heallh .lle care sYSle m might be diminished somewhal. Under suc h a national health cart: se lvice, ph)'liicians, nurses, u:dmicians. and other he'llth care staff would all work for a common "boss~ in Washington. In late 1993, after seven months of secre t dcliberdtions by a health care advisory group headed by Hillary Rodham Clinton, President Uil] Clilllon unveiled a bold plan to guarantee hc.. lth insurance coverage for all people in the United States by 1998 while. d ramaticaJly expanding t.he federa l govern.. ment's power to control health care costs. Under this plan , eve ryone would have la carry health insur.mcc and contlibute. lO it>; cost, bul govenlme lH subsidies wou ld be extended to the poor. Officials est.imat.e .hat lhe average pre mium for a basic ben ..

    efits package wou ld be $1800 per year for an individual and $4200 for a two-pare nt family; employ el's would pay 80 percent of these costs, while tht e mployee would pay 20 percent. Children's dental care, incTC"".t.Sed mental health co\'erdge, and preg. nancy services (i ncluding abortions) .....ou ld Ix included in the benefiL~ package. CoSt controls wOl~d come through a system of "managed compe titioll: since regional health alliances would purchase earl" fi'om competing networks of physicians, hospitals, and insurance com pani es. The ensuing competition betwecn lhese networks ideall y would reSu1tl health care COSts a nd improve the quality of care. As ofmid.. 1994 , there W'dS fierce debate in CongreM about the Clillton health plan and compe ting legisla tive proposals. As confli ct theolists suggest. the health care '}~ tern , like o ther social inst.iHllions, n"!sists bask chan ge. [n geneml, those who receive substantial wealth and power through lhe workings of an Cl[' isting institutjon will have a strong incentive to kel"p thi ll b>"ll as they are. As explilined earli e r, priV".l.le illsuran ce compa nies arc benefiting financialt)' from lhc CtUTent system and have a clear in t.crcSI in opposi ng cel'lain forms of natio nal heahh insurance. In addition. the American Medical Association, one of Washington's most powe rful lobbyi ng groups. has been successfully lighting national healtll in SUldll Ce sin ce the 1930s. Overall , there arc mOI"l~ th an 2nO political action cornrniuees (PACs) which re present the medical, ph armaccu tical , and insur ance industries. Thesc PAC" contribute mil[ions of dollars each year to members or Congress and use their influence 1 block any legislation that would .0 threaten their illlerestli (Dolbearc , 1982; Kemper and Novak. 199 1).

    502
    "AHT "y)OR SOCM1.

    '.vsrrn ,.,.,0,"""

    SUMMARY
    The: meanin8l of h ealth, wel1n(."$S, sickness, and di.'lt::tSC ~Tt' shaped hy social definitions of bchavior. This chapter conside rs socio logical penpcctin!5 on health and ill II~, the disl,ibulio n of d ise :.sc~ in a society. the evolution of the hea lth care syste m as a social institu tio n. and m(' ntal illness in th~ Uni ted Slates.
    I A relativistic approach 10 health y sUtus ...1101\'$ us 10 in a roeial context and to consider how heal th vanes in di lfcrciU situations or c ultures. ! Accol'd ing to T a kon Pa rsons, ph}'l>idans func tion as 'ga lekecpcl'!I~ for the sick role, eithe r \'cri tying a person 's condition as i ll" o r d esigna ting the person as "reeov\'~'hcalth

    ere:1."
    , Connicl theorists use lhe tc nn metlilOIiUlllon Q/.roci,., to refer 10 medicinc's growing rolc as a major insti!Utioll of'social con trol. 4 InlcraClion islScm phasizc Ihat Ihe palien t 5hould nO I always be viewed as a passive aCIO" will1in th e heahJ, C,II'C rr'Slt'm, 5 Labding theorists sugge51 Ihat Ihe designaljon o f a pc'rson a~ "healthy o r ~ iW genernlly im'Olvcs 5oci:11 d efiniuon by sigllificaOl othcrs, 6 Contemporary social tlpidtl miology is conccrncd nol only with e pide mics bUl ;llso "'; Ih noncpidemic discase~. injuries. d rug addiction a nd alcoho li\m, suicid e. ami mrntal ilIm'ss, 7 Studics have con~isten lly shown that people ill Ihe lower da'i.Se5 hal'C hig he r l~tl CS nf mo n a lity a nd d is,,\hil-

    Sociologist Talcou Panon! hall argued thal the d oetor-pa tie llt rela tio nsh ip is somewhat like that oclween parent and child. Doe! this view .seem accu rate( Sho uld the d octOr-p a lient re la liol1..~hip become more eg.tlit:trian? H ow mig l" functionaliSL and conflict theo rists dil1er in thei r ' ;ew.s o f t he powe r o f ph ~'Sicia ns \\'; thin the health care system of the Uni led Sta les? 2 In the 1990s, whal does JI mean to carry a label associated with a disability. ~ lIch as ~b l ind: "dcaf." or "wheelchair user'? Are Iherc 51rong sligm:ua ,1l{;lc hc.:d 10 labels wh ich sugg<.-'S I phys ical or me nIal <lis,abilities? Arc students with disabilities gelle rall y accepled ill yo ur college and ~'Our com nlllllily? Arc the re explieil c h:lllengc.'S to negati l'C label ing o f such swden15? ! Imagine that your inSlnlc tol' has asked )'011 10 de\'elop a SIII"I'CY conccming people's altitudes IowaI'd alternalivcs 10 tmditional health care, such as acupunc ture and chiropmctic lIled icine. 1 low would you select ;t 5<unplc fOl' Ihis swdy? What kinds of (1IlCStiOIlS would you ask?

    KEY TERMS
    Cultur'eboulId syndrome
    A

    disease or

    illU CSli

    (hal

    G III-

    1\0 1 be IIllderslOod ilpan from ill! specilic social conu :)(!. (p:lge <1 78) Health tu defined by Ihe World H Cilhh Organiz:Hion, :1 slate u l completc physical. mcntal, a nd .social well-

    '"

    S -n le precmillclH role ofph)'sicians ""ilhin the health (are 5)'l!tcm has give n the m a positio n o f d o minance in their dC:llings wi th nu rs(:s 311(1 patien ts, 9 TIle ORC s)'lllcm of rdmbu rllcmc nt has cotHribuled

    to the c0l1troversi;t1 prnctice of "dumping," und('r which pall rnlS lI' hl>:iC treaune lll may be: IInpro fitable arc II":IIISfm't'd by pn \... te hospi ta ls 10 public facilities.

    I'

    ained

    People in the Un ited St.;l(e5 ha,'e Irnditiollilll y mainiI nCg"dti\'c illld su~piciou~ view of 1110se ,,';th mCIl-

    ul di50rder~, 11 AI p resc lIl . the Ulliled SllIlC.~ rc main ~ Ihe only westeN! industrial democra cy !hal doc.~ 1101 l.-cal health C;lre as a bask righ t,

    be ing, a nd 110\ me rely the a bscncc of dise:LSC a nd inli rmi ly. (480) Holistic medicille A mcans of health mainle llilnce which views Ihe person M ;111 inlegnttio n ofl)()(iy, mind, a nd spiri t, I":II.hc r tha n as a 1'0lk'(;lio ll o f il1lc rre l:lled org:1II S)'MCIIlS. (-195) IlI cidellce The n umber of new cases of a specilic di,'iOrder oc(,u r ring ";lhill a gil'c n popula tio n during a St3I(:<I pcriOl'l o f lime, (486) Ill/all ' mo,.talitJ ,.ale T he !lUmber o f d e aths of inl;\llIs under I )'Car of age per 1000 li\'e binJls in a f/:il'e ll yt-ar. (-182) Mo,.bidity ,.ates The incidcllce of diseases in a given population. (-186)

    503

    Mo,.tality ,.a te 'nle incidence of death in a given popu]:ujon. (486) p,.evalence The total number of cases of a specific disorder tha t exist a t a given timt'. (486) Sick ,.ole Societal expectations about the attitudes and bcha\ior of a person vicwed as being ill. (480) Social epidem iology The study of lhc distribution of disease, impairment. and general heah h Sta h L'I ;ICroSS a populatio n. (486)

    @'QI.:rI.QN1!:.~!r::I.9..S..............................
    Bosk. Charle~ L AU God'l Mis/ukes: Gelletic CoIHly./Hlg i/l (I 1'~ilJlric H ospital. Chicago; Unh'cr:!lil}, of Chicago PI'C$S.

    1992. Dr.twing o n obsel'\'ation researc h, Bask pro\~des an inside look al how a genc tic coullseting team intcracts with parenlS a nd with o nc another. Conrad, Pekr, a nd J oseph W. Schneide r. DmltlllCt' and M~imliwtjon: From &llln,.5J tQ Sirlmess (expanded cd.). Philadelphia: Te mple University Press, 1992. In examining ~uc h IO pics as (Img use, mental illn ess, .tnd child a buse. th e authors weigh the fine line between defining CASeS as deviance o r as medical problems, Fox, Re nee C" a nd Jlldit h P. Swazey. Spurt! PartJ: Organ R"plaumml in Americrlll Society. New York: Oxford Uni\'eniry Press, 1992. The ,lIllhon argue 1hat the concept o r o rgan do natio n as a girt is gr.tdually being re placed by lhe \iew that human org-.tns required ror trJllsplall1.!i arc a special type of commodi ty, McBride. David. From TIJ /0 AIDS: EIJidttl1io amo"g Urbtm Rla(M .si,ue 1900. A1 b:my: Sta1e University of New York Press. 1991. An unusual book .... hich focuses o n the public health of African Americans and how the relative;: prcllalcnce of tubt' rculosis :md AIDS alllong lIIaeks crca1ed health care crises. Pa)'er, Lynn, Mtd/aM and Cullt'": VarittitS ofTrt(lIWIeIII in IIv. Uni/td Slates. England, WtSl Gennfl11)" amI fnm a.Kcw

    York: Holt. 1988. A medical joum~ll ist examines thr ways in whic h culture contri butes to differences in IlH.'dical care in rour induslIiali/.ed nations, She;:T'\\in . Susan. No tlmgrr J>atitmt: Fr:mmi.sl Elhia oM HMIlI, Carr. Philadel phia: Te mple Uni\'t:rsiIY Prr::s5, 1992. An introduction 10 the feminiu perspective on ethiCill judgmelllS made in medicillc. Smolan. Rick. Phill;p Moffit. and Matthew NaythOlu (eds,). 771(1 I'olm:f' to l /tlll: " "anll AIt. and M odtm Mid id,II:. Englcwood Cliffs, 1''J.: I'rcll ticc-liall. 1990, An Illustrated look at medicine as it i~ prolctieed Ih mugh. Ollt the world, Waiukin. HowJrd, TI,e &rond Sic/mess: umlrruli(ltolU of Cupitu!ist /lM/11l (;an', Chicago: Unive rs ity of Ch icago PI't.'SS, 1986. This indictment of medical care dell\,tf) in (he Uni ted Slates ofTers interesting comp:llwllu \lith health care in Cub:1 and lhe P<:ople 's Rcpublicof China. World Bank, World 1 :m"'Of,mc,t Rqxn1 1993: IflVI'Stmg jll 1-Itf.llth. New Yo rk: Oxrord Uni \'Crsity Press, 1993. This imemalio nal agency's lln nual report examinc.\ health Care policics worldwide and anal}"I.C!s their relath'(' 5UCcess in impro\i ng health a nd limiti ng health spending. Zussman, Roben. IlItouil)t! Carr~' fHtdirol Eihics and IN ''''f!diml l''rofessiun. Chicago: Unh'er.sity of Chicago Prtst. 1992. IllIet1sive care units in hospitab- filled \lith cril, ic;dl y ill patients and expensive tech nOlogy-are ttSt, ing grounds fo r rundamcntal elhical fJuC$tion~, ZUlI!<man examines the proces.se!l through y,'hich thnt qucstio ns arc lIegouatcd .

    J..?~?~................................... .................................. mm._


    Among the jOllmais dealing with issues or health. iIIntM, and hcalul care a rc } (lIIl1Ial of H tflllll and Social &Mt~ i()f' (fou nded in 19fQ) . Miloollk MemQ1iai Qlwrltrl! (1923). and Social Sci~ut m/([ Mtdirin, (1967).

    51}!
    l'Ala f'()lJH SlXIA1, /",')'1'rruno....

    P A R T FI VE

    CHANGING
    ..............................., ......................................, ... ... .

    SOCIETY

    505

    . ..... . . .... . . ................ .... . . . . ... .


    CHANGING SOCIETY

    PART FIVE

    ThroughQut this textbook,

    WI!

    have been reminded that sociowgists

    are vitally concerned with changes in cultures, social institutions, and sociallNhavior. Part Five will focus more diredly on change as a chamdnislic aspect of human societies. Chapter 18 describes changes in human communities, with particular emphasis on urban and metropolitan growth. TI~ diversity of suburban and rural communities will also be fk11wnstrated. Chapter 19 considers changitlg patterns 0/ populo.lion growth and their social consequences in tm United States mid throughout the world. The challler also focuses on the environmental issues that confront our planet as we move toward the lwenty-first century'. Chapter 20 offers sociological analysis DJ social change as refkcted in collective bthavjar and social movements. In the book s epiwlJUe, we offer a sociowgicaL view of lechnowgical changes and the ways in which they are reshaping our future.

    507

    \
    t \

    o ., .............. I:====:t=~~~===::t .................. .. v

    COMMUNITIES

    HOW 010 COMMUNm -ES ORIGINATE? Early Communities PrcinduSlrial Cities Industrial Cities

    Who Lh'cs in Ihe Cities? Social Problems of Cities Suburbs Suburban Expansion Dh'crsity in the Suburbs Ruml Communities SOCIAL POU CY AND COMM UNrrrES: H OMELESSNESS
    BOXES

    SOCIOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO COMMUNIT IES Ecological Vie ..lI of Urba n GrOI"lh .. Conflict View of Urban Growlh Models of Communit), Auachment
    Li near-Oc\'CIopmclI l Model

    Systemic Model TYPES OF CO MM UNITI ES Central Cities

    18-1 C,m 'cnl Research : Urban Apa n hcid in the United States 18-2 Speaki ng D UI: T he Death ofa Family Fann

    509

    The city is rooted in the hamts and customs of the

    /Jrople who inhaml it

    Robtrt E. Palt!. and EMltst It: ButgeJs Tk City, 192J

    L OOKING AH EAD
    How do industrial cities differ from earlier fonns of human communities? What theories have social scientists pl'Oposed to explain the process of urban growth? What effect does the size of a community have on people 's feelings of identity and belonging? What types of people tend to be found in cities? What faelors have contributed to suburban expansion? Why have rural communities experienced increasing economic problems in recent decades? How has the profile of homeless people in !lIe United States changed in lhe last 15 years?

    T oday, the suburban mall is a signifiC'dlll retailing and social celller for communities across the United Stales. For parent~ caring for young children during weekday shopping hours-for teenagers after sc hool or on weekends-the mall may be a comfortable place LO illleract with peers. Neverlheless. whi le malls sen'c positive social fun CTions for many people, malls do not necessarily welcome evef)one. This was evident in 1987 when the manager of a l11all in Solllh Bend , Indiana, opposed a ~ holiday shopper" shuttle bus sen'ice. This sen 'ice would have provided additional buses to enable poor and primarily Mrican American residents to come 1.0 !l,e mall during the busy Christmas season. Even

    though ret.'lil businesses normally want as many customers as possi ble, mall officials regarded these bus riders-in the words of the manager-as "downtowners" and "wests iders~ who would be "undesirable" at the mall. It was easier. of course, to 1I>t. such code words than to explicitly state that the mall viewed low-income and Black consumers 3$ "undesimble" (Rochbcrg-I-Ialton , 1991:6). As we will sec in this chapter, ncighborhoods and even suburban malls play an important role in people 's lives. They do so by briving people the feeling that they are part of a community (although somelimes this community feeling is based in pan on thr exclusion of others viewed as different and "undesirable"). In sociological terms, a community is a spatial or te nitOlial unit of social organil.ation in which people have a sense of identity and a feeling ofbclonging ( DolSOn, 199 1). Communities influence who our friends will be. since it is difficult LO maintain more than a f("'l; friendships o\'cr long distances. Communities also have an impact 011 the types of occupations that people seek to enter. A member of an br,l.eh kibbuh.-a collective society in which all member; share in ownen;hip of community assets and gO\'ernance-may decide to study irrigation or som(: other aspect of farming ill order to best scrve the larger group. Pcrhaps most important, communilies define social standards and exercise fonnal and informal social control. In 1973, the United Slatf"li Supreme ('.ourt identified "community standardsas appropriate criteria for evaluating whether ~ book o r film is pornographic and can be prohibited from sale .

    510
    PART 1;1\"

    a lANCING !iOCH,"IT

    Amhropologisl George Murdock (1949:79) has obsclved thal there arc only IWO truly universal units of human social organizaLion: the Ilunily and the conununif),. This c hapter will explore tllC importance of communities from a sociological perspective. It wi ll begin by examining the slIccessive development of early commu nities, prcindustrial cities. and industrial cities. A number of theories used by social scientists to explain urban gmwtll will be presented, including ecological perspectives ami connicLtheory. 1l1en, the th ree basic }'Pes of CO Illmnnities found in the Uni ted SI...lIcs-central citi es. suburbs, and rur.J1 areas-will be con trasted. Finally. in the social policy secLiun, we will analyze the distressing phenomenon of homelessness in the Uni ted Slales .

    .~.~Y.. ..~.?~~~.~.~~... . ..... ................................................. .


    of human hisLOry. people used subsisItnct techll%gy-Ihe tools, processes, and knowledge tl101t it society requires to meet its basic needs for sllIvival. Thus, the need for an adequate food supply was satisfied through hunting, foraging for fruits or vegctables, fishing. and herd ing. In CO Illparison with later industJ'ial societies, early civilizations were much 11101'e dependent on the physical environment and much less able to alter that environment to their advantage. As we saw in Chapter 15, the emergence of horticultural societies, in which people actually cultivated food rathcr th,lIl merel}' gathered fruiLe; and vegetables. led LO many dramatic changt.'S in human 50Cial organi/..ation . Significan tly, pcople no longcr had la move from place to place in search of food. In fact. group cu ltivation required th;,u people remain in specific locations and thereby encouraged the devclopmem of more stable and enduring communities. Ultimately, as 3Sl;cuhural tec hniques became more and more sophistiollCd, a cooperative division of labor involving both family memhers and others developed. It gradually became possible for people to produce more food than they actually needed for themsehes. Consequently, food could be given, perhaps as part of an exchange. to others who might

    For

    1II0st

    lx involved in llonagJ;culrurallabor. This transilion frol1l subsistc nce la surplus represented a clitical step in tllC emergence of ci ties. The term social surplus refers to lhe produClion by a group of people of enough goods to cover their OWI1 needs. whi le althe same time sustaining people who arc not c ng-dged in agriculLur..l1 tasks. Initially. th e social surplus of early comm unities wa$ limited tu agricultural products. bUl it gntdually evolved LO include all lypeS 01 goods and sC lvices. Residents ofa city came LO rely on community members who plovided c rafts products and means of transportation, gathered information, and so fortl\ (Lcnski et at , 1991~ F. Wilson, 1984:297-298). With this social surplus came a more elaboratc division uf hbor, as wcll as a greater opportun ity for diffcrential rewards and privileges. So long as ... cveryone was cng- ged in the same tasks, stratificalion was limited LO such factors as gender, age. and perhaps lhe ability lO pelform tbe task (a skillful hunter could win unusual respect from the COl1\munity) . l-I oWe\'Cf, the social surplus allowed for expansion of goods and se lviccs. which ironically COln lead to greater diffelcntiation. a hicrarchy of occ upations, and social inequality. Therefore, social surplus W;lS a precondition not only for the cStllOlisluucnt of cities but also for the division of mem-

    511
    C J/Anl-:n 18 CI),\fM v,..rTJf;S

    bt!rs of:1 comm unit), into social classes (sce Chapler 8). The emer'gence o f social surplus marked a fundamental shift in human socia l organil..atiun.

    Preindustrial Cities
    It is est im ~Hcd that, begi nning about 10,000 n,G.,

    permanent settlem ents free from dependence on crop CllhivCltion emerged . Yet, by today's sranda rds of popu lation, these early communi ties would bardy qualify as cities. T he prei"dustrial city, as it is ICrmcd , had only a few thousand people li\'ing within iLS borders. These residents relied on perha ps 100,000 farmers and their own part-time farm ing to provide the m with the needed agricultural surplus. The Mesopotamian city of Ur had a population of abou t 10.000 and W'dS limited to roughly 220 acres of land. including the cana ls, the temple, and the harbor. Why were these early ci ties so sma ll and relativel), few in number? Ul'banil.iltion was restricted by a number of key factors:

    (th:! 1 is, the creation of a social surplus) , a favo1'able ph),s ical e ll\'ironment, and a \\'ell-<le\'eJoped SQo cia l orgoUli/.atio n. For Sjobe rg, the criteria fo r defi ning it "faroTable physical cuvirullInem arc variable, Proxirnit} to coal a nd irulI will he helpful only if a society has tJle technological expertise 1 use these natuml re,0 sources. Si milarly, proximity LO a rh'er will be par ticularly bendi cial if a cu ltu re has the means to transport W'..Iter efftcicntly to the li e lds 1'0 1' irriga tion and to the cities fOI" comumption , A sophisticated social org:miz:.nion is also an essemial pl'econdition for urban existence. Special, iz.ed social roles emerge mo re ftl lly in ind ustrial s0c ieties tha n in ea rlier coml111l1l itie!>. T hese role$ bl;ng people together ill ne"" ......,ys through the exchange of goods and setvices. A .....cU-de\'c1oped Ocial org:mization e nsures that these relationships are clearly delined and generally acceptable. to all panics. 'I his function becomes even morc crucial as cilies beco me larger a nd l1l orc ind ustrialized.
    K

    IVli(mcl' 011 animal pawe,. (both humans alld beasts oJ burrlen) as a sotlrct' oJ mtrgJ Jar t'collomir production, This limited tJle a bili ty of humans to make use of and a lte r the physical e lwironmenL 2 MOOtS/levels oJ surplus produced by Iht' agricultural urtol". Sociologist Kingsley Davis ( 1949) has estimated that between 50 and 90 farmers were requ ired to support I ci ty residellt. 3 I~mblem.) iTI trallspurtalioll and storage of food and OtllPl' goods. Even all excell ent c rop could easily be lost as a rCJ;ult o r J;uch diffic uhic:s. 4 Hards/lips oJ migmtilm to tht' cit),. For mall}' peasa ntS, mig ration was both physically a nd econo mically impossi ble. A few weeks of travel W-dS out of the question without more sophisticated techniques of food Storage. 5 Dangers oJ city life. Concentrating a society's population in a small area left a society open to attac k from outsiders, as well as mOl'e sllsceptible to extrem e damages from plagues and fires.
    Gideon Sjoberg ( 1960:27-3 1) examined the informa tio n on early urban sculements of me dieval Europe, India, a nd Ch ina. He ide ntified three preconditions of ci ty lire: advanced tcchnol01:.'1' in both agricultural and nOl/agricultural areas
    ;I\~ ilable d

    Industrial Cities
    A(h"mces in agricu ltural technology led 10 dramatic c hanges in communi ty life, bul SO did the process ofinduSlrial iz.nion. As was noted in Chapte r 15. the i"dllstrial revolution, which bcg-MI in the middle of the eighteenth cenlUry, fo cused o n the application of nonani rn al sotlrces of powcr to labor tasks. Induslria liz.nion had a wide t"ilnge of rdfecLS on peoplc's lifestyles as well as on the strUClUre of communities. Emerging urban settlement.'. became cello ters not ollly of indusu) but a lso or banking. fi. nance, :md industrial management. The factory syste m which developed during the industl'ial re\'olution led to a muc h lUore refined division of labor than was evident in early pn.-industl;al cilies. Many new occupations were created, and onc by-product was a much more com plex set of relationships 'a mong workers. Thus. the i"dus, trial city was not merely morc populous than its preindustrial predecessors; il was also based on \'ery different plinciples of social organization. Contrasts between preindustrial and industrial dtie! were outlined b)' Sjobcrg (1960:323-328) and are summa rized in Table 18- 1. In compa rison with indllstlial c ities, preinduslrial ci ties had rc::Jativcly dosed class systcms and limited

    PIIRT

    Ft'''' OIIl,\'CI...O 'IOCI,..." ,

    512

    social mobi lity as well as a muc h mo re rigid division of labor by gender. Status in these early cities was based on ascribed cha racteristics suc h as family background. Ed uca tion W:L~ limited to mem bers oflhe eli le. However. in industrial ci ties, fomlal educatio n gradually became available to many c hildren from poor and working-class families. Wh ile ascribed characteristics suc h as gender. race, a nd elhnicilY remained imporL lIll. thc l'e was a g reater opportun ity for a tale lHed or skille d individuaJ to beuer h is or her social position. In these and o ther respeclS, the industria l city is genui nely a -di ffe re nt wor1d~ from the preindustrial urban commu nity.

    T\BI

    f: IS I

    ~P,ell'

    .-WQdoo
    PRE!NOlISTRIAL ernes

    sW'"

    Closed cion syslempervasive inRuence of $OCiol cion at birth Economic reolm controlled by guilds ood 0 few families Beginnings of divi,ion af labor in creotion of goods Pervasive inRuence 01 religion on $OCiol norms

    Open clo" systemmobility bosed on oc:hieved choroc:terisria ReIoriv-ely open compelition Eloborol1!l specialization in manufocturing 01

    SOCIOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO COMMUNITIES


    ............... !;!~.......... .................... .......................................... .

    good.
    tnRuence of religion limited fro certain ar80S 05 society becomes more 58Culorized Standardizotion enforced by custom ood low EfI18(gence 01 communication through posters, bulletins, aod r1e'N'fXIpen formal schooling open 10 the maes and viewed as 0 meons of odvoncing the $OCicl order

    EcoloPical Views of Urban Growth

    HIHlIMI

    ecology is concem ecl with the inte rrelationships among people in thei r spatial setting and physical e nviro nmen t Huma n ecologists havc long becn interested in how the p h ysical c nviro nnlelll sha pes people's lives (rivers can serve as a harrier to residential expansion) and also how people innuence the sUl'I'ou nding environ ment (the advent of air-conditioning has pla)'ed a critical role in the growth of major metropolilan a reas in Ihe southwesl). Urball ecology focuses on such interreJalionsh ips as Ihey emerge in urba n areas. Early urban ecologists such as Ro berl I'ark ( 19 16, 1936) and Ernest Burgess ( 1925) conce ntrated o n city li fe but drew 0 11 the approaches used by ecologists in studying plan t a nd animal cOllllll unities. With few exceptions, urba n ccolObrists u':lce their I\'ork back to the cot/ cet/tric-: ot/ e th eory devised in the I 920s by 1~ lIrgess (see Fig ure 18-1 o n page 5 14 ). LTsing the city of Chicago as a n exa mpl e. Burgess a lTered a fram ework for descr ibing la nd use in industrial cities. At the center, or Ilucleus, of suc h a city is the ce ntral business distric t. Large de partmem Slores, hotels, thealers, :lI1d fin ancial institutions occupy lh is highly val u(!d land. Sunounding this urban cen ter a rc slIcceeding zones Ihal contain other types of la nd IIse and that illustl1lte the growth of thc u rba n ilrca ovcr time. Encircling the central business di.strict is the ~lOne of transitio n,- which has a tem pora ry c ha racter. since ilS residents arc in the immediate path

    little standardizolion of prices, weights, and meosur" Population largety illiterote. communication by word of mouth Schools limited to elites ond designed 1 perpeluote !heir 0 privileged slotus

    '\OI1It:I;: IlMed

    on G.

    ~ob.. rg. 1960:!l2~_'28.

    hulusrriat riOtS difln-td from 1hL!'r ,m,j"dwlrialfurr:nmnt:fS il/ mall] important rr.sputs. TIrey I/Q/ Ollly lvm' illrgt:r Iml also hall opro class S)'slnns, tt/alilltl)' ~II (ol1lptlilioll. mill
    e/(lIlOmle )jJeciai iUl/i(}II jll Ilu

    IIIll1wjtullm"lg of gootls.

    513
    ClIAf'n-:H 18 COMMUI\..rn~

    FIGURE 18-1 Burgus's

    COIIC4IIItric-ZQII4I ThCQry

    "'"
    Residential

    IV

    Tht amrentric-w1U h)'ptKMili


    {kvt~

    Wfl.l

    BllrgrsJ iQ tkstrIbt hou$illg mId soo(lf Ch(lr(lckrislir:.s

    U, Enusi

    of

    Chic(lgo. JJ01~, ih41 m.ockI pruutd 10 hm~ Ulid,.,. (lppficUli01I$,

    of business and industrial expansion. Homes in this a rea are gell enllly unpopular: most people do not wish to live next to a fact ory. T he zone of transition is populated by tJ10SC al lhe bottom o f the nation's social hierarchies, including recent immigrants and the poor. Whe n people livi ng in this zone achieve upwa rd mobi lity, they frequently move lO the outer zones of reside ntial hOllsing, iI m ust be stressed that lhe creation of zones is a sodal p,'ocess, no t lhe result of natu re alone. Families a nd business firms compete for the most

    valuable land; those possessing the most wealth and power are generally the winn ers. The concentriczone theory pro posed by Burgess also represented it dynamic model o f urban growt1L As urban growth proceed ed , each zo ne would movc eve n further from the ce ntml busincss diSlrict. By the middle of the twentieth century, urban popula tio ns had spilled beyond the tmditional city limi ts. No longer could urban ecologists focus exclusively o n growtll in the ce ntral city, for large number.; of urban residents were abando ning the cities

    5 14
    J'ART H""' CJIANGI.\'G !iOCflo.T)' ,

    10 lh'c

    in suburban areas. As a response 10 Ihe emergence of more than onc focal point in some metro polilan areas, C. D. I--!:trris a nd Edw;:ud L. Ullrn a n (1945) presented lhe IIll4ltiPlt!-'II4c1ei theory . In their \'iew, all urban growth does no t radiate oUlwarrl from a centr.ll bw;i ncss c\istricl. luslead, a melropolilan arca may havc Illany centers of development, each uf whi ch reflects a panic ula r urban need or activity. Thus, a city may have a finan cial district, a man ufacturing 7.one, a walc nrom arca, an entertainTTlclH center, and so forth. Certain types or business (inns a nd ce rtain types of housing will naturally cluste r :around e.lc h distinctive nucleus. The rise of suburba n shopping malls is a "ivid example of th e ph e nome non of multiple nuclei within met ropolitan areas. Initiall y, all majo r retail ing in cit ies was located in lhe ce ntral business district. Each reside ntial ne ighoorhood had its own grocers, bakers, and butchers, but pt:oplc travcled to the cemer of the city to ma ke majo r purchases at de partment stores. However, as major metropolitan a reas ex pa nded and the suburbs becamc mOTe popUIOllS, an increasing number of peoplc b('gnn to shop nearer th eir homt::s. Today, th e suburban mall is a significant re tailing and social ce nter for communi ties across the United Stat.es. In a refineme nt or m ultiple-n uclei theory, contemporal)' urban ecologisls ha\'e bcgun to slUdy what jou rnalist .loci Caneau ( 199 1) has called

    ~e d gc ci ties,H These commUlllues, which have grown up on Ih e outskirts of major melropolila n a reas, arc economic and social ce nlers with idelltilics of their own. (The edge cities surrounding Phoen ix, Arizona, a re shown in Figure 18-2 o n page 5 16.) Ily any standard of measurem c ntheight of buildings, amou nt of om ce space . presence o f medic;\1 racilities, presence of leisure-time fac ilities, or, o f course, population -edge cities qualify as w'ban areas rath e r than as large subu rbs (8 . O' Hare, 1992).

    The 1990 ce nsus was the firSl to delllo nslrdte tha t more than half the populauon of the United States lives in 39 me tropolitan areas-each wil h 1 millio n or more residents. In onl y three states (Mississippi, Vellnont, a nd Wesl Virginia) do more than hal f the residents live in rural areas. Clearly, urbanization h as become a celltr.!.1 aspt.Ct of life in the United SI" tes (Bureau of the Census, 1991d). It is important to e mphasize that urba nization is evide nt not o nly in the Un ited StalCS but throughout the wodd. In 1920. only 14 percent of lhe world 's people lived in urban areas. but by 1990 that proportio n had risen 1043 perce nt and by the year 2025 it is ex pected to be as high as 61 percent (sec Figure 18-3 on page 517). During the nineteellLh and earl)' twentieth centuries, rapid urbanization occLlrred primarily in European and North

    ShOWl! is a squaller Mllwmnll ill Maim C.iI'J. /Usidmb of squall" ulllemenu grnl'rfllly hfllH' $u/lslomiwri housit!g a1ll1 I?rnUf' f~w pub/it" vn';(1f.

    515
    CJI.tI'lUt IN CO,\/I/{I...,nt;\

    FIGURE 182

    Edge Cities Near Phoe" ix, Ari:Olla

    Oeervoney

    "11,;1 jigm'f' slw,,',- lilt' duumlorl'rl arm IJj 1'/UjI>lIix, A l'iwl/(I, (dmlg wilh tdgt
    ('jI lt" ', t'1/II11:,""K t'llgt' ('jilt's. (/lid

    Phoenix area

    (l1/:.",

    "

    A
    Smiles

    ",","town

    pWl1ntd Ed ge cities art nonomlt filII/ sori,,1 (i'lIlm will! irit1lllliD of IIInt /)HI>! whit" "m~ growII up 011 IM
    rili~,

    @ Edgecities

    01l1lk1l1,s

    0/ m(ljOr mftropolllllll "mu.

    8 kilomeler5
    Norlh
    "'_

    o
    "~'~~'~ '. '0''':''' "
    OffICI

    (j Emerging edge cilies


    F'1onned edge cilies

    MocmIDin

    Melro (tinier

    ScoItKIoIe R ood

    2~ =~l Tompo::"'~F=I){,,=={')= ..
    Mouoloin Meso/ Chondl8l'"

    I
    >(J\'R'Ic:G"rr"au. I ~J I I~I.

    8~:>_-"
    Motmloin

    ~ ~

    .. I~~========
    Svperwtion Freeway

    "I1,l' figllre on tJ,f'


    011 COItJU llltT

    O",IOSIIt' IHlI.", /Jru(d grtl/ll!ics prtfKlrM by lit(

    1..oJ ,\101110) !,(lbom/lIty. S/iOfllJ IM


    ILSIOlli,s/lIIlg tha,,~
    /11

    Ihal art O(rurrin, tAt wo'rld, ", 19'0, Ollly 1nl ci/iD hod j
    major mnropo/ilall arffl$ aann mllllOlI or /l/orf i"/lfIbilrmts. J-/OWtl,tr.
    Ilrrorli;IIg
    Oil/It'll NIl /lOllS.

    III(I(/,'" tht 48 rillf'$ v.'ill haw j 1I11//lOn or /I/O" IJeJfHf' by /h~ yar 2(J()j.

    10 IlrojliolU

    5 16
    "ARTHI,/,; ' CJ'A.\'C/.\'G!i(XJ~.-n

    FIGURE 18J

    Urban Popu la tion Worldwid e

    Percent of popvIotion living in cities, 1950


    Key:

    less than 20

    Height of bars repre~" popvlotiQn of cities OYer


    5 million in 1950

    Percent of popuIotiQn living in cities, 2000 {projected)

    Key
    20 10 40
    40~60

    Height of ban represenh

    populotion of cities OYer 5 million in 2QOO

    ""M aD
    nu::
    R.
    FQ~.

    . 60~aO

    1\187: 10- 1.'1 .

    517
    ClIAP'J1iH 18 CO.IIM/J!\TrtES

    Amcl;can cities; howcver, sincc World War 11 , there has been an urban "explosio n" in the world 's developing countries. Th e dramatic g rowth in urban populations has been fuelcd by natu ral increase (excess of births over deaths) and by m ignllion. In Mexico, foT' example, mig ratio n accoun ts for o ne-founh of the ex pansion o f urban a reas. Visua lly, this growth is o bviolls in the expansion of -squaller se ttle me nts" 0 11 the edges o f Mexico City (R. Fox , 1987:32-33: Uni tcd Natio ns, 1993) . The lenn squatter settlements refers to a l'Cas occupied by the very pOOl' o n thc fri nge of cities. Their ho using, whic h is mo re accurately called ~s hcltel',~ ;$ construc ted by the settlers th emselves from d iscarded material , induding cratt."S fro m loading docks and loose lumber from comple ted building projects. A thriving ~ info rmal e conomy" (refe r back to Box 9-1 o n page 25 1) typica lly d~ "clops; residents establish small, home-based businesses such as g rocery storcs,jewelry sho ps, and the like. Squaller settle menLS a rc not commo nly fo und in the indus trialized natio ns ofNonh America a nd Ellwpe but rathe r in cities in the wod d 's developing countries. Indeed , such .~C::l tl e m e n ts ho ld 30 10 60 percelll of' the population o f many de\'doping nalions in the Third World . The existe nce o f these com nUlllities rem inds us that respected tllcorctjcal models o f socia l science develo ped in the Uni ted States may not be directly applicable to other cull.IIres. Ecological models o f urban growth. fol' exa mple. would no t explain rnctJ'opo lilOlIl expansion that locates the poorest people on the urban fringes (Ca!;te J1s, 1983: 173-2 12: Lowe, 1992: Patton, 1988) . As p<ln of the worldwide urban ex pansio n, some lIIeU'opoli uUl a reas have spread so far that they have connccted with other urban ce nters. Such a densely populated a rea, co mailling two or more citi es and Iheir suburbs. has become knovm as a mega lopolis. An example is t,he 500-milc corridor stre tc hing fro m Boston south 10 \Vash ingto n , D.e. a nd inciudillg New York City, I'hilade!phil.l , an d Baltimore, wh ich accounts fOr ont.-Sixlh of the total po pula' lion or the United States. E"en when it is divided into a ULQno mous political jUI;sdie tions, the m egalopolis can be vicwed as II single econom ic e mity. The meg"...lopolis is nO! evident solely in the United States; such areas are nm..' seen in Great Britain , Germany, ha ly, Egypt, India, J apan , and Ch ilia.

    .~.~~t.Y.~.~~.. ~.f...y"~~~...G.rQ.~ . __.....__ _ .


    Whil e acknowledging the descript ive value of Ufban ecological models, conn ict th eo l; sLS i nsi~1 rhal metropolitan g rowth is not govenled b)' ....'iltcnI..m and rail lines, as a pure ly ecolob";cal intcrpretatiou mig bt suggest. fro m a cu nli icl pc rilpectivc, com. munities a re hllman c reations thar re nect people's needs. choices, and decisions - but some people have mo re innue ncc over these d ecisions than others. Conflict theorists : I'g ue tlmt ecological apl proaches typically avo id examini ng the social forces, largely eco nomic in nature, that guide ur ban growth. For' example, central business distri<'n ma)' be upgrdded or abando ned depending 01\ whethe r urba n poli cymakers gnlllt subsLalll ial lax c xemplions 10 deve lo pe rs. The suburban boom was fuel c d by fede r ...1 hOllsing policies Ihat channded invesrm e nt capital into the co nstruction of 8inglefa mily homes rat he r lhan to afforda ble renwl hou ... ing in I.he cities. Si milarly, ..... hile some observcruug. gest tha t th e gro ..... th of slln belt cities is due to a ~ good business dilllatc. ~ connicL Ulcorisl'i countt'r tha lthis te rm is ac tually a c up hemism for heftygmo e rnme lll su bsid ies tUld :tntilabor policies (Coudi c ncl' :l nd r eagi n . 1988; M . Smith , 1988: 183). SociologistJoc Feagill ha$ like ned urban dt'\'e~ opment to a W.llnc in which powerful elite! pial Mono poly \...tth re al moncy. Feagin ( 1983:2) no~ that class connict has always been part of lht' d ynamics of urban life:
    On thc onc sidc we ha,c Ihe progressive city I;Olinrik and the urban gl'ass-rooUl l>t:op1t:'~ 1lI00emenlj o p~ in g IInbridled growth and devclopmcllL On the O! !iCI side. wc ha\'c rhe cI;tS!; of profit-()zicmcd dC\~lopt" bankcl'!l. landowners, and induslzial j'xecutill.S wht, ' buy. sd I. a nd (k vclop land and buildillh'li in citie~jllSI like thc)' d o W othel' for-profit commodities. ilh

    In Ihe vicw of connicL theorisLS, dc\'clopt'11, bui lders, and invcstme nt ba nkenl are lI ot c5pccilll~ interested in urba n growtJl whe n il means pI'0\111ing hOllsing ro r middk-or IO''''-income people. Thi.! lack ofillle!'est contributes to the pro ble m of hon.1'" lessness, which will be discussed in the social poli'" se<:lion at lhe end o f th e chapter. 111 esc urban d irr<, counte r that the nation's housing shortage and thl:' plight of the homeless arc not their fa ull-:lIId in-

    518
    PIINTI'lI.,.; CifM'GINGSOUh'1"

    ing. a home. But for developers and investorsmany of the m large corporations-an apartment is simp ly a housi ng investment. These financiers and owners are primarily concerned with maximizing p rofit. not wi th solving social problems (Fcagin , 1983, 192).

    ~.~~.~.~~. ~E.~~.~.~~. ~.~~~~~~.~ . . .


    What effect does tllC size of a community have on people's feeli ngs of ide ntity and belo ngi ng? Do residenlS of Phoe nix fe ci as deep a sense of comnl\.l nity as people who live in the much smaller locality of Tempe, Arizona? What is the im pact of one's neigh bors' moving in an d o ut o n feelings of community attachment? Two models have been advanced by sociologists to assess the influence of the Si7.c o f a community's population and ilS geograph ical mobili ty o n social bchavior: these are the li near-dcvelopme nt model and the systemic model. Let's consider each o f them in tu rn. Linear-Oevelopment Model 111e linear-d evelopment model is illustrated by ferd in:md Tunn ies's ( 1988. o rigin,,1 edition 1887) use of tJ1C concepts of Gtml'insrhflft and Gtsellschojl. ru we saw in Chapter 5, GtmeiTlSrhlif! describes dose-kn it co mm\lIli ties where social interaction among people is intimate and familial'. By cOnt ntst, the ideal ,~ o f c,.selL{r/wjl describes modern urban life; there is lillJc sense o f com monality, and social relatiol1ships often develop as a result of interactions focllsed on immediate L.'lSks. such as pu rchasing a product. Tonnies ;md other sociologists contend that as a community grows in Sil.c, tllC natu re of relationships between its members chllnges accord ingly. This is termed the li" ear-d evelo/Jm e,,' model, since a change in o nc v.lria ble (population size) is hypothesized to lead 10 a diree! change in a second variable (feelings of com munity attac hment). Furthermore, it is argued that population .'I ize is the prim;IIY factor affecting palterns of social bchavior in ;1 community. Th is is somewhat like ~tying lhat ~people behave differently in cities becausc they live Sc\'eml d ecades afler Tonnies's work, an American sociologist came to similar conclusions. Louis

    l'i~lIt'(f from
    IHtl(HI

    (I

    col/flirt jJt!Il/ltil/f:,

    deurwpn-s, buifd,.,-s. fHlll

    tonrtrn~

    i7llJejllllenl hal/kn'l arf prilllan/), with IfIlIXlllli::.i'lK fn'Ofil. Iwl


    (/.,I

    with SOflll'lg sod/If frrobkms SI/(h hO"..tlOHIO J .

    Wlllhatthey do nol have lhe capitlll needed to construct and suppo rt sHch ho usi ng. l}lIl anl uent peopk l/reinICI'eslcd in growth . and can sOll1ehow fin d capital. to bui ld new shopping centers, omce towrn, and business parks. Why. then, can' , they provide c.'piml ror alford able housing, ask conflicltheorists? Part of the answer is that devclopers, b.lIlkcrs, and other powerful real estate interests view housing in qui te a different mal1ner from tenants and mosl homeO'ooTlers. For a tenant, an apartme nt is shelter. hous-

    519
    CJ/N~IFJlIS

    CO.If.IIUNrrrl,."i

    Wirth (1928), while a graduate student in sociology at the University of Chicago. researched and wlUte about aJewish area in that d}'. His study was later published as a book entitled The Ghetto; it focused atlention on the unique lifestyle found among res-idents of urban areas. Wirth later expandcd o n tllis me me in his notable article ~Urba llis m as a Way of Life" (1938). Like T6nnies, Winh argued that a relatively large and permanent settlement leads to distinctive pattems of behavior. which hc called urbal/ism. He identified three critical factors cotlu'ibllling [Q urbanism: the size of the population, population density, and the heterogeneity (varie ty) of tile population. Each of these factors has particular implications for the nature of relations between people within an urban environment. Size prevents residents from gelling to know most of the people in the community. It a lso facilitates spatial (or physical) segregation based on race, ethnicity. social class, and lifestyle ("singles" versus elderly couples). A frequent result of urbanism, according 10 Winh , is Lhat we become insensitive to cvcnts around us and restrict our attention to primary groups to which we arc emotionally auached. Thus. residents of large dties may W'.l.lk past alcoholics passed OUl on the Slreel without offering help.

    Shuum is "Th, SulmHly ~ ( /9'0), /I painting by Gr>orgr T{)(J/tPr. Acrording to sociologist GnJ: S;mmd, !/rbml rtSidt71u (sI/ch (~ Ih'H sllbfllay ptlssmgn-JJ cannot hmlt! social rewlwnships with all th,. fNOPI, INy tnCOlln t~. Indffli, (IS jj ",idenl in t~ painting. urixw lif, ((m lQlIIrlime1 /If intimidating IIlIIi 1llil'lwtillg.

    As early as 1902, German sociologist Georg Simmel ( 1950:409- 424) observed in a lecture that il is impossible 10 c.a rry on a social rclaLionship ....ilh each pt:!rsoll onc encounters ill an urban area. If someone <ltlempted this. he or she might ~be cornple l,e1y atomiwd illlcrnally and c.ome to an unimag inable psyc.hic stale." Th c l'cforc , tllC size of an industrial city conLribmes LO a certain di stancing in personal rela tionships outside one's primary gro ups. On the other hand , there are advantages 10 living in highly populated areas. C. R. Creekmore ( 1985) suggests that. in certain respects, city life is healthier than life in ftlml areas. For example. cities ha\'e better medical carc. water supplies. sewage systems, and e merge ncy services. Moreover, the g reate r the number of individuals in a community. the greater the

    520
    PART tnE' CHANGf,\'(; SQrJI!."11

    possi ble r.mgc of occupat ions, ideas. values, and lifcstyles. I n WirtJl'S ( 1 9~S: 1 5) words, the dty call become a w mosaic of socia l ,,orl(L~.M

    Systemic Model Some ofWirth 'Ncoll eagues at th e University of Chicago shared his inlerest in th e effects ofu rbanilalinn Oil be ha\ior but cam e 10 somewhal dilTercnI conclusio ns. William L Thomas ( 1927). along wi th Roberl Park .Uld Ernesl Burgess ( 192 1. 1925). as"-cd if a C,clllrinsdUlfi was evcr tmly char..ctcristic of prc indus trial societies. T hey proposed a systemic mudel of urb<ll1ism as resulting from a variety of fac tors. of which popul:H ion size was only onc. In their \'iew. in orde r to undenH.and urban ism full y it is c!lscntial lO examine the entire social syslCm , including people's intcractions. th eir panic ipation in social institutions. and the influ('Ilce of societal norms and values. For example, if onc is a rece nt arrival to a city-or if one's neighbars are constantly ch a ll gil1g as people move into and out nf th e city-onc's se nse of comm unity attachment. a lld bdonging will be reduced . The system ic model tends 10 emphasize gcogmphic mobility, rather than cOlllllluni ty si;.:c, as a cnldal dctenninalll of commllJli I)' attac hment. F;unily ties and lriendships CHl o\'e rcomc the allon}'lll iry of densel}' popula tcd urban a rea~-but ou ly if people have e no ugh tjme to get aC<juailllcd and to maintain slable and supponivc relationships. 111e rc~arc h of sociologists J oh n Kasa rda and .\Io rris .I an owi17. (1974) olTers support for the system ic model. O"cr 2000 adults in England were intel"\iewcd a nd a.~ked if th ey fdt "at h ome" in their commlulities. if the), would be disappointl'd if they had 10 mo\'e away, and so fonh . The research ers found tha t length or rcsid ence was a better predictOr or cOll1murli ty :lItac hlll ellt than othe r facto rs were, including lhe siw of a com muni ty's pop ulation. Subsequent study of 50 northern Californ ia communi ti es br Cla ude Fischer ( 1982) also sug+ gested that popu lation Sill' was nOl th e celltral factor leading to feelings of a li enation from friends and lIeighhors. We can lX:lIer lIlldcrst:lnd the evide n ce for the systemic mod e l if wc lIse the analog), of the cla~s room. Cenc' <lUy, educators argue lhat smaller classes promote II more personal re1alionship among studcnts and faculty-an acad emic GNllein Kill/ft, in a sense. But suppose that in a 2:').lIlemi>er

    sem inar, 4 o r :} new students join lhe class every week, ,."h ile a sirnil:tr numher drop lhe cou rse. It will be dillicuit 10 dcvelop any sensc of communi ty al1.achmenl. On the ol h e r hand. if a larger class of 60 srudc llts renmins IOgethcr fiJr two years, evel)'onc (i ncluding the instruc tor) Will get to know each o l..l1e r fairly well. Thus, length of contaCt. a.~ well as size or d e n sity, C<ln be a crucial d etenninant of s(>c ial relationsh ips. '111e data d eveloped by K:lsard:l ,tIId J anowilZ as well as by Fisc her "ppc;u to le nd greater SUppOI"l to the systemic 1lI0del tha n 10 the lincar-de\'e!opment model. For both T(ul1lies an d Wirth . large industrial cities arc ch a racle';led b ) anonymity and impersonal ity. I-I o\o"cver. these researchers may have given insullicient emphasis to the efTects of large--scale migration on comllllmity auachmell1 within urban cenlers. T herelorc, if wc wish lO identify ke), fac tors which afTect urhanism , we nced to add mobilit)' to size. density, and het e roge neity o f popula tion (T iltle, IY89).

    TYPES OF ....., .......................................................................... ..............................,COMMUNITIES


    T h e rollowing sectio ns "'ill examin e difTerent types of communi tics found in the United States. fOCll..<;;ng on the dis tinc tive c h a ....... cteristics and problems of central cities, suburbs. and rurdl communities.

    Central Cities ...............................................................................................................


    In (c rms of both laud and populalion . lhe Un ited States is UJ(' fo urthlargest na tion in the world. Yet threC:-<luarters of the popu];uion is concentrated ;n a mc re 1.5 percent of tJ1C na tion's lan d area. In 1990, SOfTIe 197 Illillioll PCOplc-;lccOlllHing: for 79 percent of the natiOJ1 '~ p(,'Oplc - li\"cd in metropolitan areas. Even Ihose people who live ouLside centra l cities. such <IS reside nts of suburban and ruml commun ities, find th;t! their lifes tyles are heavily influenced by urban CCnters (Bureau o f tile Census, 1993a:35). Who Lives in the Cities? Many urban residents are th e dcscclldanL~ of European immigrants- Irisll, Il<Ilians.jews. Poles, alld others-who came to the Uni ted States in the nineteenth and pa rI)' twentieth centuries. Thc c itics socializcrl thCSl' ne wcomers 10

    521

    Arror-d;"K /0 ~ /lrrbrrtj ( urba" lift is "OItwmthJ ft1I rh ...... Olle wltgfJry of urban rt1ldm/l ... Ga"s calls COSOlopoliws. mIIII. IhI: dry IQ lake adlHUlIa/iP 11) 1/, ~. rul/ll ral and inltlllrtun/ bnllfit\

    the norms, values, and language of their new homt."land and g<IVC them an o pport unity to work their w"tly up the economic ladder. In "dditio n, a substantial number of low-income Blacks a nd Wh ites callle 10 Ihe cities from ruml areas in tlle period following World War 11. Evc II today, cities in the United States are the destinations of immigmnL't from arOlllld the woddinclud ing Mex ico, Ireland , Cuba, Vietnam , and Haiti -as well as migran lS from the United States cOllullo nweallh of Pue no Rico (refer back to Chaple r 10). Yel. unlike Ihose who callle 10 this counuy 75 or 100 years ago, current immigmllts are a niving at :I time of growing urban decay. This makes it more difficult for them to find employme nt and decent housing. Urb,lIl life is noteworthy fo r ils dhers ity: it would be a serio us mistake to see all city residents as being alike. Sociologist Hc rbe rtJ Cans ( 199 1:54-56) has distinguished belween five types of peop le found in our cicies:

    CosmtJfJoliles. Such rcsidents Icnmin in takc advamage of lhc unique cultural and IIml benefits. Writers, arlists, a nd sc ho lars this category. 2 U"marriM and childlm proflu. Such

    cllles LO intcllecfall into people

    choose to live in cities because of the acul't' uil\hli6r and varied recreational oppol1uniti('S. 3 ROII/ic villagrrs. TIlesc urban residcllh pmr-I live in their own tight-knit communitil'S. T\pu.... immigr.lIlt gro ups isolate themselves in ~lIlh onp. borhoods in order to avoid resentment trum'" established urban dwellers. 4 TIll' (Ie/nll".,i. Very poor pcople and famili", be little c hoice hUllO livc in low-rCllt. ami ollen,.. down , neighbo rhoods. 5 Th~ Imppeli. Some ci ty residents widllu Irdl't ban ce nters bu t cannot bectluse of their linrilrd nomic resources and prospects. Cam itlcludfl Mdown ........trd rnobiles M this categOl)"-pro)ik in once held higher social positions but IIhu rorced to live in less presligious neighbllrlU!om .. iug to loss o f a job. deatll of a ~"'dge C'J,fncr. UI age. Both elderly individu:als livi ng alollt dnd ' j[ies !!lay feci M lrapped M paJ'! bccau!lt' thr't rrtrII in c hanges in tlleir comllllulities. Their dNirt' \u IiIIr elsewhe re may reJk their un ea~illl-.s \\1th ... "Cl milial immignmt groups who have beuHlI(' t neighbors. From the categories fi rst devised by Gan, 1111 we ;.II'e reminded that the city represents a IIurt (even a dream) for certain people and a ni\r:hrm.

    522
    /'"/lTFI' ''' ' QIJ,,\'C.JXG .'tf)(Jf""l'.

    for o thers. Gans's work underscores the importance of ncighborhoods in contempor.try urba n life. Ernesl Burgess, in his study o f hfe in Chicag:o during the 1920s. had given special attcn tion to the ethn ic ncighbol"hoods orth.u ci ty (re fe r back to Fig. ure Its- I ). Many decades later, reside nts in such dis triclS as Chinato\\'IlS or Creektowns cOlllinue to feci anached to t.hei r own ethnic communities r"":H hcr tha n to th e large r unit of a city. Even Olrl~ide sllch ethnic e nclaves, a special sense of belon ging can take hold in a ncighborh ood. In a marc rcce nt sUldy of Chicago. Ccrald Suttics ( 1972:2 1-43) coi ned the te rm de/elided neigh/Jorhood to refer to people's ddinitjons of the ir comurunity boundades. Neighbor hoods acquire unique ide ntities because they are viewed b)' residents as geognl.phically sepamte-and socially difftrent-from a<lj;rcC'rrt areas. The d efe nded neighborhood, in e n"tx t, beco rnt:s a selllim c nt.a l union of similar penp1c. Neighborlrood phollt: directories. comtnunit ), [l ewspa pe rs, school and pari sh boundaries. and blLSincss advertisemelll.'l all serve to define a n area and distinguish it from nearby communities. In some cases, a ncighborhood must. lite rail) d efend ilSelf. Plans ror urban re nelval or ::1 supe rhighway may threaten to destroy a n ill'ca 's unique charactel' and "crlse of attachmen t. In rcsislilrg such change... a ndghborhood may employ the str:rlegics and lactics o f community orga ni/.a lion del'f'loped by pion eering organizer S.wl Alinsky (1909- 1972). Like many contlict. soc iologi s l~ . Alinsky W<CI con ccrn ed with the ways in whic h SOcie l}"s most powerful institutions ac t to maintain the pdl'i1eges of cC!"lain groups (such as real eStale developt'rs). while helpi ng la keep oUler b>TOUPS (such as sl um d\\'c l1c rs) in a subselvie nt position . Alino;ky (1 946:29) f'lIlp hasized the need for commu nity residt'1l1S to fight fo r power in their 1000lities. In his view, it Iv<rs ~on l y through th e achi eveme nt and constructive IlSe of power" that people could beller themse lves ( HOlWi u , 1989). or course, th e possibilil), ex ists th at a d e rended neighborh ood will acquire its distinctive identity by t'xcludi rrg those who arc dee med dille rerH or threatening. In 198 1 the Supreme Cou!"t. upheld the right or lhe cily of Memphis , T e nnessee. to e rect a barrier and close a street connecting an all-White and all-Black ncighborhood . White residents re-

    quested lhe closure, claiming that ulere was 100 much ~ undesi rable traffic ~ comi ng through Ulci r m'iIl community. In a dissenting opinion, Justice Thurgood Marshall. the first Mrican American to serve on the Supreme Court, called the banier a "badge ofsla\'ery . ~ In SOIl1 C cascs, rr eighborhoods use nllll'C subtle methods Iu cxclude those viewed as "outsiders." SodologistJudith DeSellil (1987) fo und 1hill White, non-Hi spilni c reside nl.'l of the Brooklyn ncighborhood orCreel1 pOilll50ld or rellled apartments and homes on ly by "word of m Olll h. ~ Thei r goal was to keep \'dcant housi ng from fa lling into UIC h:mds of mino rity film ilies. Although Suules tends to stress th ~tl strat egies of neighborhood defellsc arc c pisodic, sttrdies by DeScna and o the r.. indical e that suc h social networks aimed at maintaining housing scgregation may be constantly aCljve. Memphis and Grccnpoint serve as a reminder that some COIllmun itjcs un ite 10 figh t off developers and their bulldozt:rs. bill oth e rs com e together to exclude racial and e thnic minoriti es. Social Problem... of Cities 111ere can be great varia nce in the typc..'S of people alld ne ighbo rhoods found in a city in the United States. YCt all r'csidents of a central city-reg;:rrdlcss of the ir social class, rdcial. and eth nic di!Terences-[ICc certain COI11man problems. Crime, air polluliurr , noise. unemploymellt , ovcrcrowrled schools, inadequate publi c tr"<lnsportation - these unpleasant rea li1.i e~ and mart)' more are an increasing feature of CUIIlC nl por<l.ry urban life , They arc pa rticularl y evide nt in the nation 's oldcr cities, sllch as New York. Philadelphia, Bo~ton . a nd Washington , D.C. Perhaps the single most dramatic renectioll of the natio n 's urban ills has been the apparelll M d eath ~ of e ntire neigh borhoods. In some urban distri clS, husiness aClivilY seems \'irtuaIJ)' nOllexistt:nl. One call walk for blocks and find littl e more than:t ckvastating array of dete riorating, boardedup. 'lhandoncd. and burned-out buildinb Some 'S' obselvcr1l have go ne so far as to cum pare ~llch neighborh oods 10 parts of European ci tjcs wh ich suffe red inte nse aerial bombing during Wo rld War 11. Such urban devasla tion has greatly contributed to lhe growing pro ble m o fh omeiessness, whic h v.~ 1I be discus...ed in the social policy section a t the cnd of th e (' hal'lc r.

    523
    rJIA.P1"1-U HI '

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    Another critical problem fur Ih e cities has been mass transponation . Since 1950, the number of cars in th e United St<llcS has multiplied twice as fast as U1 C number of people. As a result, there has been growing traffic congestion in metropolitall a reas, and mallY citi es have reC Ob'llized a need for safe, d~ fi c ie nt, and in ex pensive mass tnlllsit systems. However, the federal government has traditionally given much more assistance to highway programs than la publi c lransponation. Propo nen ts of the conflict perspective note that such a bias favors the relatively am\lent (au tomobile owners) as well as corporatio ns such as auto manufacturers, tire makers, and oi l companies. Meanwhile, poor residents of m etropolitan areas, who arc much less likely to own cars tJ1311 members of the middle a nd upper cl asses. face higher farcs on publi c transit along with deleri01<lting service (Laz.a re, 1990. 199 1) . This disproportionate fundingofhighways began to c han ge somewhat only in Lhe 1970~ , as Congress passed a numbe r of laws desig ned to aid th e nation 's Illass t"msporl<Hion efforts. Yet federal fu ndin g for mass transit has fallen to le.'>S than ha lf th e 1960 level of spending. Conseque lllly, few new uomsit sys t crn,~ have been built in the last two decades. Some, such as UlOSC in Ponland. Oregon, and Ba l-

    timore, have enjoyed success; others. iuch!t ami's Me tmr;]il. have failed to attractthrcxpcctl ridership . In fact, th e :\1iami system h,lS l)ttn casti cally labeh:d "Metrofair by its C'ritic.( (\\ld al.. 1987). Mon ey-or, more accurately. lack 01 nl\ln at the heart of many of o ur nation 's urban lems. It clearly limits each city's <lbWl, tl) r burned-out ncighborhoods, to provide h'J1N"J ho m eless individuals and families, and t!) tm mass tr.msit facilities. Mo reover. in lhe 19i1h early 1980s, certain cities came near to ~tl"tltul 1~\Ult, while others were forced to close lilrir system s before the e nd of the academi( \oi2f cause th ey cou ld not afTord to met'! their I..... During 1979. Cleveland became the lit~\ nujN' 10 default sin ce th e De pt'ession ul tht' 19:1\. Th e cOllvenlional explanalion fM tlw fuaI other words, financial) crises of N('\\ \\Ir\. othe r ci ties was excessive munici pal Ser\"t(t~. cales of this view note d thaL ill an erd of urlWl dine, the cities simply could not allord ~\I!"" public su bsidi es for ci ty coll eges. muniC Ipal tals, welfare programs, Ihe a rts, all(1 so forth ever. con flict socio logists have rightf} !]1I this explanation. Fre nch urbano]llghl "

    524

    URBAN APARTHEID IN THE UNITED STATES

    :I proV()C;IUVe column in lh(! Nf'W url! Times on -Amcrica'~ Crban AP;H'thcid," David Rusk (lYY~), a former mayor of Albuqucr(pu:, New f.. lcxico, not.ed a disu'e~il1g pauem l."idt'!1l in lhe nation's communi ties. According to cenSllS da ta, in tw()-th irds of the 200 larges. mClro poli.a n a reas in the United Slates. inner-city populalions-primarily poor Blacks and Hispanics -are ~lIrrounded bys uburbs that arc 90 pcrcenl \ ....hite. With the exception of ccrtain CUIllme rcial and resid t'lHial ci ty neigh borhoods tai lore d for the afllucnt, thl" cities ,H'C deca}1ng while .m h url.>Il alld (OllllllLlIlitie5 bc)'ond the suburbs prosper. Data rrom lhe 1990 census con cerning South Central Los Angdo -the ncighbo rhood which be came .he cciller of .hat dty's tragic rioting in 1992 (refe r back to Chapte r 1O)-unrlel"SCort: .he b'Tim realities of life in the inner city. This pre(\om lll;ultly Arrican A.nlt:rican and i-l isp:mic commun ity-where Whi.Cs constitute less than 3 percem of I'eside n u - had a median household income of onl)' $19,382. For Los Angeles as a whole, the comp:.lr:lble figure was $30,925; for

    In

    the UnilCrj States as (I ""hole, $34,995. [ n 1990, olle Out of every fo ur SQUIll Cemral rcsidt'nts WlLS on welfare: 55 percent of adu lLi were ull em ployed or were n OT in the paid 1.lbor force ( H ubler, 1992). In some citics, condiuons havc Ix:come so desper.uc tha t lowincome a nd homcless residents ha\'c erected ~shall1ylOwluft reminiscelll of the S(luatter setuemcn .. , fOlllld in many T hird World cilies. [ n New YOI'k City. all cs.imatcd 15,000 makeshift dwellings ha\'e beC11 bu ilt 0 11 marginal property (for e)(ample, un der approaches 1.0 blidgcs). Ellcampmellls for the hOI11c1es~ have become evident in man y other comllluniUes. among them Los Angeles. Dallas. &m ta ~10n ic-d . Californ ia. a nd Aurora. Illinois. T hese colllemporary shanty.owns are reminiscent of the ~ H oo\'ClVillcs" established "crou t he United St;1.tes during the Depression of 1 1Ie 1930s ( 1'. Brown. I \J~)3: J. Fisher, 1993). The critical factor in the v..lrying rortune~ of financially troubled inncr-cilY neighborhoods and prospeling subu rban communi ties has becn the tr.m sfomlatiOIl in lhe economy of lhe United SIa.es re-

    suiting from lhe JXIsundustlial rev o lution (refer back to Chapter 15). ll1ere has been a significant decline in the numbe r of nmn ufacluring jObs-trad it iona ll y the SIapIe of the urban work fo rce. At th e same time, the growth in ser.iceand information.relatedjobs hits required an educated and skilled labor rorce that most cities fi nd d imcuh to pro\ide. Consequentl y, while job gruwth in cities has been negligible, suburl have benefited from the openi ng of new ~tech nol Ob')' corridors," m,ulYof which were begun witll substantial government :I!1Sistance. Given the pc~iste n ce of hall sing segregatio n in tlle United States, African Amelicans and Hispa nics a re increasingly t .... dpped in cities where e mployment oPpoflunities a re shlinki ng and where many of the awilable jobs are low-wage serllice positions (such aJi work in a fast-food restaurant). Ye., ill rela tively d istant locales, sub ur ba n Whi tes are holding imporlant jobs i n the industries of th e fu ture. T his is the na tio n's ~nrball aparlhcid" as we a pproach the twellly-first century (Massey and Denton, 1993; Sassen , I990).

    Castells ( 1976, 1977:4 15-420) argues t h a.L New York's "bankruplcy" res ulte d from th e fa il ure o f big business to pay additional taxes which would sU I>port needed services. Despite! these fi na n cial stresses. some d Lies h ave I"C'Vitalizcd th emselves in the last de;:cacle. Well before its defa uh. Cleveland h;:ld becom e a natio na l subject for jokes in 1969 wh e n its polluted Cuya-

    hoga River caught fire. Yet to d ay th i.~ sam e rive r is lined with p leasure boars, bars, a nd rest.'lU ra n LS, wh ile n ew down town sto res and luxury h otels have been ope ned. Bu t who really benefi ts from t h is brick and m ortar? As in m a n y o the r ciLies t hat h ave inves ted h eavily in dow!llown redevelopment, Clevela nd's impove rish ed ne ig h borhoods h ave barely seen a n y fina n c ial gain fro m down town re-

    525
    rJM.f'THt. 18 CQ,lfM UNnu;s

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    jifkd will! "nd skJUffl/Jf"lllnd In"gh -uc/j i1Ujuslri~-hlll't n.~ ill/a -QUi" cilies- Ihot ri,I(I/lmd big-cily dQl/m/mUlI (1",13 /IJ /(1_
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    vit;lliz.atioll. Indeed, while employment ill the Cleveland metropolitan area is incrcm.ing, most of the new jobs arc in suburban in dustrial parks ,md few arc in inner-cilr ncighborlH,?ds (Tu rquc, 199 1). In l!ox 18- 1, we examine the disparity be{ween amuelH, predominantly White suburbs and financially deteriora ting cities that are increasingly popu lated by African Ame ricans and H ispanics.

    Suburbs
    Th ere arc variolls definitions of suburban Mea'>. T he term mUl/rh derives from the Latin sub IIrbe, meaning "u nde r the CilY." Until reccnt ti m eS, most suburbs ",'ere just that-tiny communities totally dependent on urban centers for jobs, recreation, and even IV'Her. Today, the suburb defies a ny simple definition . The term gene rally refers to any community near a large city-or, as the Census Bureau would say, any territory wit hin a metropolitan arca that is not included in the central dty. I~y thal.defini lion, more than 119 million people. or about 48 percent of llle population of the United States, lived in the suburbs in 1990. However, as we v..ill sce, suburbs often have li ttle ill COl11mon, apart from thei r classification as -suburban.~ For example, the ci ty of

    Yonkcrs, New York, borders on pam of ~I'II \ City. As of 1990, Yonkers had a populJliln 188,000 and was I he eighty-fourth-Iargcst cill in nation. YCI many consider Yonkers to be J "11 of New York City ( Baldassarc, 1992: Bureau Ii Ce nslls, 1993a:44). It can also be d ifficult 10 d istinb'llish hctll'ttn urbs and rural areas. Certain cri lcria arc ).(enmJr used to define suburbs: most people work a t . (as opposed to rural) j obs, and local go\"cmmml provide services such as l'>'atcr supply, se\\~ posa1. and fire protection . In nlral areas, ~llCh vices are Icss common, and a grcater propf)MI"1I residents arc e m ployed in fanni ng and r('\;ltrd tivities (Baldassare, 1992). Suburban Expansion Whatever the pren't'rltfiI. il.ion of a suburb, it is clear that suburh!> h,1\t pa nded . In lacl, suburbanizalion has beelllhf dramatic population trend in the Cni!rd _ througholl t the twe ntieth cen tury. SuburlMn i d grell' at fin; t along railroad lines, then at tM mini of strcclca r t.r.lcks, and by the 195th Jlnll~ nation's growing srstcllls of frcC\I.'ll)'S and t"l!ftl' IV<IYS. Th e suburban boom has been (.'~pedalh dent in the period since World War 11. Su burba 11 i za l iOJl- or mell"opoliml1 iZ<lU!m ... proccss has also been called-is !lOt nc/~

    526
    I'AIIT 1'/1'1-_ Cl/ANG/,V (; sOCJJ..."1.

    10

    prompted by expansion of Iransporl<Hion services the fringe of a city. The 1923 earthquake Ihat dev.l.~t::l.led Tokyo e ncouraged decentralization of the city. Until uIe 1970s, dwellings were limited to a height of 102 feel. Initially, the poor we re re legated to areas outside municipal boundaries ill their search for housing; many c hose to li"e in squatter-type senlements. WiUI the ad\'enL of a rail lIetwork and rising land COSts in the central city, lIIiddlc-classJapancse began moving to tllC suburbs after World War 11 (P. Hall , 1977:225-226). In the United Slates, peoplc moved 10 the suburbs for a variety of reasons. Sociologisl Pete r Rossi (1955) divided thesc causes for moving la suburbia 11110 what he called "pus h ~ and M pUW factors. People were pushed toward the suburbs by the difficuhies associated with life in cenLml cities: crime, pollution, overcrowding, and the like. At the salllc time, they were pulled toward suburbia by a desire 10 live in smaller communities, 10 own their OWIl homes and gardens, to find beller schools for their children , or simply to cnjoy the status linked to lifc in an affiuent suburb. In rece lll decades, large corporations a nd othcr businesses are increasi ngly being pushed away from the. cities and pulled lO\\'ard suburbia. In 1980, less than half of all office consuuc t:ion in the Uniled Slates was in the suburbs; by 1985. the figure had risen to about IWO-UIirds o f all construction . As a result. many suburbs-fi lled wi th new skysc rapers. onicc parks, and high tech industrics - have ('volved into "outer cities' that rival traditional bigdt)' downtown arcas as economic centers. This new dC\elopmen t in suburban expansion provides additional supporl for the multiple-nuclei theory of urban growth (De nller, 1986:6 1; W. Stcvc ns,
    19ij7c) .

    The proportion of African Americans living in suburban arcas in the Un ited States has inc reased from 26 perce nt in 1980 lO 32 perce nt in 1990. ( In the suburbs of Chicago, while the number of Whites incl'e,L~ed by only 2 percent during UIC 1980s, thcre was a 45 percent increase among Blacks, a 72 percent increase among Asian Americans, and an 84 perce rll increase aJllong Hispanics.) Yet the most significant grOWUl in U1C percclllage of suburban AfriCiHl ArneriCiUls has come from movement into sllburb~ that are predominanuy Black or are a(ljacent to predominantly Blac k areas, In many in-

    Diversity in the Suburbs In the United Stales, r:lce and ethnicity remain the most important fac tors distillguishing cities from suburbs. After studying 44 central cities and 128 suburbs, Patricia Gober and ~1ichelle Bchr (1982) concluded that UI C size ofthe minority populatio n - morc than otllcr variables such as agc of population 0 1' soc ial class- wls . Lhe critical distinguishing factor between these two t)1>Cs of communities. Nevertheless, the comm on assumption that /;uburbia includes only prosperous Whites is far from corTeCL

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    AJiml A merl((lIIs.

    527
    OIAP'I}.J/ III
    COM'\IUNrm:~

    stances. these suburbs are isolated from surrounding Wh ite communities and havc less satisfactory ho using and municipal services (Dent. 1992; Dunn , 1987; Ma.ssey and De m on, 1993; Reardon. 199 1; Stah ura, 1987). Again in contrast to prevailing stereotypes. the suburbs include a slIrpl'ising number of low-i ncome people fro m White. B1:lck. and Hispanic backgrounds. Poven y is lIo t conventio nally associated with the suburbs, partly because the suburban poor te nd to be scallered a mo ngst mo re affiue nt people . In 50me instances, howe\'er. suburba n communities intcntionaJly h ide soc.ial p roblems in ordcr to maintain a " respec tab[c ~ image. Sociologist J. Jcff McConne ll h as studied homelessness in suburban communities on Long Isla nd . near New York City. He found an unsta led COnlraC I bctween tlu_Se com' munities and thei r homeless reside nts. Shopkeepers, po lice offi ce~, and public officiaLs tolerate and even as<;iSl homcle!iS people -so lon g as they stay away fro m centra l business districts, sleep o ut of sight of casual obse rvers, and a llow suburban communities 1.0 pretend tlmt homelessness is on ly a pro ble m somewhere e1sc ( He nneberger, 1993). SUI-prisingly. the suburbs havc also become ho me to many immigrants from foreign coun tries. Trdditionally. immigrdnL~ e nte ring the Ullitcd States havc become cnll'e nchcd in ccmral-city neighborhoods, ma ny o f which have taken o n the distincti\'e culture and ethnic navor of the newcom e rs. Howe\'er, according to population surveys conducted by the Census Bure au betwee n 1975 and 1985, al mosl half the 4.7 million Asian. Hispanic, and nJ ack immigrants who moved to the United StaLe~ dLuing that period chose to set lle in suburban a nd nonmetropolitan areas rather tllan in cc nm!.! cities. Many of these immigr.lIlts - espcciaJ l)' tllOSC from amuent , professional bac kgrounds - have setlled in largely White ne ig hborhoods (Herbcrs, 1986). Rega rding age distl'ibutio n, the suburbs arc Mgrayi ng~ like the rest of thc United Stales (se c Chapte r 12). Fo r exam ple, Levitlown, Long Island - named for its developer, Bill Levin- had only a three-room country schoolho use in 1947. The community experienced dramatic growth in the decades afler World War 11 ; by 1972, Lc"iuown Me moriaJ High School a lo ne had a senior class of 400 students. Yet, by the earl)' 1980s. the school's g r.tduating class had dccreased to 200. and Lcvit-

    town wa.~ atte mpting ' 0 id.,".,,, loca.i.," I... . pools a nd community cenlers that would the growing proportion of elderly ..... Ban-on, 1983). Suburban settle me nts have becolllt' 10 tha t even the colleai\'c te nn SUOU,.U\ Kl\'d SlIppol'l to tlle ste rcotype of suburb.m Pollster Louis Hanis has divided s ubUlh~ distinc t categories based o n income IM.~I or growth. Higher-income suburbs arc as ei lhcl' afflllelll brdroom or afflultll !l'ttW bedroom com m11mlil'-f rAnk at the highefl lemu of income, proportion of people in profcssio nal and llI,magenri.~al~.~~,~":;::: perce ntage of homeowners. A ni/ies Ic nd to be o lder. and dod in population . They are more likdy to ncss finns and do nOI senc ma inly a~ a idence for commutc rs. Harris has recognized Ulat cen aill cas are cOUlpo.sed o f ind ividuals and

    <Ia.

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    low or modenlle incomcs.o~;~~:;;;~::: mlln;t j,.fse rve as the home colla r ,...orkers wh o h,wc moved from c ities. r.m~jllcom~ slaK'''01I1 (mmnunit~ art' the 0lde51 suburbs il nd are experiencing range of soc ial proble ms c.h ardcter~lk of u'al c ities. As is tnle of Gans's model dents, Barns e mphasizes the d'''''i ~do".I~ the general catego,)' of su/mrbia Pi,..,. also Palen. 1994). Clearly. not all subnrb.~ n residenl~ divcrsi ty of the slIbul'bs-esJ>Cciall) less amnen t famili es, or members ornnai nie mi no rities. ,.,rill be into tltdr tic.~ . Whcn the Ford Motor Ric hmond . Ca li rornia, to Milpitas. union attcmpted to build ployecs - ma ny of whom ".,. . "". ernlllCIlI of Milpil<lli promptly rewned indusuial use (L'lI'SOTI and Nik.kcl, 191'~!S4 ZQ";'lg la ws, in thcory, are enactl"d that certain sta ndard5 of housing ,on,tnlClli s:.ltisfi e d . Th ese laws can also separate commercial e ntc rprise.'! from ",i" i<~'''I 1 Thus. a suburb m ight wish lO pre\'ent movi ng to a quiet reside ntial ne igl.,lx,rl"oooI ever, some zon ing laws have effo rts to keep low-income people OUt

    528
    /'AI(I

    nIl-: OIi\Nr.f,W; sOCf~;f"t

    and ha\e been atlacked as ~s n ob statutes." By requiring that a person own a cermin number of square feet o ( land before he or she can build a home-or by prohibiting prefabri cated o r modular ho using-a comm unity can e nectively prevent thl! construc tion o f a ny ho mes lhatlov,rer-class families might be able to afford . The cou ru have ge nerally Ict suc h cxcl usionary zoning laws stand . even when c harges have been made that their c nactm e nt was design ed to kee p out racial minoriti es. According to 11 study by rese.\rchers at the Uni~"C ..s ily of Chicago's Population Research Gentcr, Mrican Ame rica ns arc more likely than o ther minOlity b'TOUPS t.o face reside ntial segrcb"<ltion in the suburbs. The study compared suburban scllle melll patte rns fo r African Americans, I-lispanics, alld Asians in 59 ci ties in [he United States. Asians were most likely to be accepted in traditionally White suburbs. I-iispa nics were likely to be accepted if th ey were perceived as White, but were likely to expe rience discriminati on if th ey were perceived as Illack. The director of the Population Research Cc nter, Douglas Massey, concludes that ~stJ'o n g penalties" for being Black were evide nt in the Center's findings (!-lays, 1988:A I6; Massc)' and De nt.on , 1993).

    Rural Communities
    As we ha\e seen, Ihe people o f the Uniled States li\e mainly in urban areas. Yet onc-fourth o f the populatio n lives in towns o f 2500 people or less which are nOl adjacent to a city. As is true of the suburbs, it would be a mistake 10 view runll communities as fittin g irHo one set image. Turkey farllls, coal mining towns, cattle ranches. and b"<lS stations along inte rstate hig hv.e.\ys are all part of th e rural Un ited States. In contras t to the historic stereotype of the fa n ner as a \Vhhe male, African Americans and wome n have long pla)'ed a signifi cant role in agriculture in the United States. Wo me n actively participate in (;mning across lhe coulltry- in large and small fann s, in profit.'lble and lililing fami ly businesses. Fanning wom e n are almosl a lways ma rried and ge nerally have large famil ies. Segregation by gende r is typic d of fann labor: men are more likely to be engaged in field work. while women ser....e as their farms' accountants. personnel and equi pmelll managers, and purc hasing agents. r.,lany --s " studk have documented the hig h degree o f stH. SS experienced by fanning women as they attempt to

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    i" /ht! Unittd S/(l/u.

    529
    ClIAI'nH III m.II.III'XI1JE!.

    fulfill many demanding social roles (He nnan a nd Marotz-Baden, 1987; Keating and Munro, 1988; Lomin, 1988). \,vhe rcas women a rc involve d in fanning in all regions of the United St..'1tes, 90 percent of Afr ican Amcric:m farmc rs work in the south . T he ir farms te nd 1.0 be small - only an ave rage o f about 100 acres compare d with the nationa l average of 4400 acres. Mo reover, Blac k fa nners a re concen trated in ar eas o f the COUll UY wilh sevclc econo m ic dinic ullies, including limi ted j ob opportunities and few supponivc selv ices for residen ts. In 1960, 11 pcrcent of people running farm s in the United States were African America n, but by 1990 this fi gure had fall e n to o nly 1.5 pe rcent. In good pan, this \\'<IS not a volu l1t.'1 I)' withdr:lwal from farmi ng: farm displaceme nt and loss of land among African Ame n C:'lIlS OCC U I1i a t a rate 2 ~ times hig he r than the ral e among 'W hite fanners (Banks, 1987; Hoppe and Blucsto nc. 1987: Smothers, 1992b). In thc United Slates. people have traditionally maintained a rather idyllic image of life in rural comm uniti es. When asked about th eir livin g prefe rences for a 1989 Ga llu p poll, 56 percent of respondellls indicated that they would prefer to live in a smal1towll or a rural farmin g area. By contrast, on ly 24 pe rcent c hose a suburb, a nd on ly 19 pe rcent favon::d a city -despi te the fact that four Ollt of five responde nts lived in metropolitan areas (D. J o hnson, 1990). This idyllic image of rural life tends to mask seriOIlS proble ms. rn srnalltowns, for exampl e, many rcwil and selvice S10res arc dosing-among ulem. badly needed auto repair out lets. Public scrvices suc h as fire protec tion. road maintenance. hospi ta l and med ical services. and waste facili ties a rc often inadequate. One study reported tha t 60 percenl of m idwcstem towns have no public wate r systems. AI thoug h homelessness is nOl so senous a proble m as ill centra l cities, substa ndard housing conditio ns are a ll too commo n ill rural conunun ities U. Reid. 1984). The rece nt diffic ulties of Ihe na lio n s f-arm e rs have becn wel l d ocume nted in the mass media. Although the federal govcmme nt spe nds bi llions of d ollars annua lly to su bsidize farm prices, bankruptcies a nd foreclosures have inc reased in farming areas ac ross th e Uni ted States (see Box 18-2). 111e decl ine o f famil y fa nns is especially evide nt , as

    sma ller farms are rapidly being s",~I'...4 large r ones. II has become more :U1d to maimain a family grain farm with 3f1O acres; moreove r , an yone \\'ho thinks of fam ily farm now fa ces start-u p costs at $200.000. Consequently, since 1980, r.'1rmers under the age of25 has cenl. T oday. on ly 25 percent lUre Farme rs o f America (and o nly 7 nois) s.'ly that the>' plan to go in 10 farming 1992: O. J o hnson , 1992). The poslind usl rial revol ution ha.~ betn kind to the run:.1 comm unities of .hc Un; .... Despite the images portra yed in th. culture accounts for a ni)' 9 pcrcentol in nonurban counties. Ye l mi ning and the two n onagricultuT""al staples of the omy- have been in decli ne along: with AI the same lime, the manufact uring bax a reas has been slow to participate in the: high technology illdllsuies. Consequently, with rura l ocono",;", f.I'.... poverty on the rise, data on internal the 1980s showed a shift away rro,,,,,~;,,~:,: nities toward m etropolitan areas. \' l1.lral communities had experien ced ,I ntf 1. 6 millio n people, in 1988 rural area, net loss of 150,000 people to m,,,,,mpotu.. , Th is decline reduced the IlUmbcl' 01 United St."ltcs below the 5 million "",k-d time this had bee n lrue si nce IY:lO. United States had only 9.6 million ;nl' a1.... deed, ill 1993, the CenSllS BtII'eau fa rm residenlli accounted for o ul) 2 natio ns populatio n -compa red 1790- and therefore a nnounced lhal longer l.:ond llcL ilS special fa rm SItr\'C)" the Cc nslIs, I990e; Vobejda , 1993). Onc consequence o rthis ruml del lillt' icymakers have been conrrollhd I'oith a pleasa nt respo nsibil ilY: deciding I'o hith and counties will be sllpponco \\'illl no mic developme n l a nd whk h will , ;ntftj!CI lowed to die. Ne\\' schools. bridge.~, aud hel p to savc a declining a rea, bUl Slate are nOl in a positioll lO support l'\'CI) At present, there arc no prccise dal" un sma ll towns across the United Sl.:tll"\ decade. Still , Mark Drabensoll. 3 n

    5]{)
    PART FIVE ' CJIA.\GI....'G .'>()CI/:"/1

    THE DEATH OF A FAMILY FARl\1

    11 is becoming In(mr mid moTl)' difficult ro "/(Iinla;" (J JalllilyJarm ill tM Unitw $talff. /n tlv Jollowing seucti01i, AIIl)' Jo KnJe:r (1991 :/5) oJ 8angor, Pmni)lvanill - Il student at Amerim11 Uni~ilJ-lpeaks of how her Jamily's farm is dyi1lg ami haw difficult it is to watch:
    [am afarmcr'sdaughrer. [am also a 4-H rnernix:r, breeder and showman of sheep and showman of cattle, Mr fam ily's mnn is d)'ing and I ha\'c watched it, <lnd my family, suITer. Our e~tem Pennsylvania faffil is a mere 60 acres. The green rolling hills and forested land are worth a minimum of$200,000 to developers, but no longer provide my family with the means to s ll~1ve. [r's a condition called a,'SCt rich and ca.~h p<Xlr, and it's a hard \\-.1y of life. My grandfather bought our falm when he and my grandmother were first married. He raised dairy cattle and harvested the land full time for more than 20 yeal'$. Whcn he died, myfalher took over and changed the farm to beef cattle. horses and pigs, and kept ule crops. But il wasn't ~nough to provide for a you ng famil)'. so he lOOk on a full timcjob, lOO. I Gill remember, whell [ was roung, sitting on ule fence with my sister and picking out a new llame for each calf. Mr sister's favorite cow wa~ named F1ower, and so we namcd

    prices Slaned dropping, we began to rent some land to other famlers, so they could ltan'cst from i1. But prices have dropped so low this year there are 110 takers. The land will go unused; ule tractor and the equipment have long since been sold ofT. I don't remember ule horses. ['vc seen a few pictures in which my father, slim and dark, is holding his newoom daughler on horseback amid" small he rd. And ['vc heard stories of his del ivering ha), to f:.lIIDS all over the Sl.1.IC, but I can'l ever remember h~~ loading up a truck 10 do
    it.

    her calves BUlh'rcup, Daisy, Rose, and \'ioleL Flower was the blder of a herd ol'more lh'\I1 20. The only <;;1\tlc left on Qllr farm now arc mr rounger sister's and brother's 4-H projects. I can remember a huge lnIctortr"<liler backed into the loading chute of our bam on daps when more Ulan 200 pigs had to be ta ken to market. That was before the prices went down and my faUler le t the bam go empty raule r than Ulke on 1110re debt. I can remember mr father ridillg 011 the traclor. larger than life, bail ing hay or planting COOl. When

    P\cce br piece, our Rum has deterior.1led. We started breeding sheep and now h au~ aoom25 head, but tlley yield little rL'vetltle. My mouler, who works as a registered nurse, once said something that. will remain 'NiUI me fon.'ver. ''Your father works full uml:: lO suppon Ihe f:.mll. [ \\,'Ork filiI time to support Ule family." 1'\'1:: scen movies like ~The River~ and "Places in the H eart.~ The)' tell the real struggle. BUI people can 1c,ll'e a movic lhcatcr, .!Od therc's" happy ending for them. There aren't man)' h3ppr endings in a real fanner's life. I was reared hearing that hard work paid ofT, while seeing that it didn't. ~'Iy younger broUler would like to l<,kc o\'cr the faml some day. but I'm not sure it will hold on much longer. l t~final breaul is near.

    531
    c/IAJYfl::R 18 CO.IIMUNlrt1:S

    the Federal ReselVc Ban k in K,Hlsas City. predicts: ~Thcre are going to be some rural com m \lnitic.~ Ihal prosper al the expcnsc of dying ncighbors. and 1 fully expcct the trend to continuc" (Lapping et al., 1989: Wilkerson , 1990:A I6). Faced with declines in :lglicult urc . mining, and manufac turi ng, more than 200 rural commun ities acro~ the United Sta les have dt'"clopcd marketing ca mpaigns to lure elde rl)' mib'TIlIl ts. For exa mple. North Dakow 's stale legislatu re has begu n O peralio n Back Homc Agai n, which hclps small towns lrace thei r high school graduates ;IS far back as 1950

    and encouragt'! them to return home [,11 "1:~~:1 years. Guntel"Sville, Alabama. a tOWII of 7(11111, u"cted 250 retired couples over a r throug h advenisements in retirement lInd television commercials on shown on ESPN (the cable sports I these retirees will bring ....ith and spcndi ng while placing few se rviccs such as p ublic schools. ":~:'::~,:~~,:::21 1.0 o ne estimate, I'CI,irc d couples who I I t.o Alal.h'lma have an nual incomes of $~~d~~1 asset'S of more than $250.000 (Kerr. IWI).

    HDMELfSSNF.SS

    Is it COITcct to assert that t h e va.~ t majority of homeless people are isohllCd individ uals with no se nse of commun ity? In wha t ways has genlrifica tjon cxacc rb:ncd the problcm of homelessness? Arc the people of the United Slales concerned about or indiJTerent to the plight of the homeless?

    the evenin g of November 29, 1993. despite near-freezing temperature, Yeua Adams appar ently WCIl ! lO sleep o n a bus bench in \Vash ingloll, D.e. The next morning. this 43-yea r-old mother of th ree grown c hildre n was fou nd dead on the be nch, surrounded by shopping h.'lgs and covered o nly by an old b lanke t. Adams h ad becn a lami liar face to or{ice .....orkers and homeless people in the neighborhOOlI. Dnct' an emplo)'cc of a prcschool. she had long hauled severe depression and an addiction 1fI painkilling dn1b"S (M. I lall , 1999b). E\'cl)' wimcr. homeless peoplc like Yeua Adams die on Ihe streets during cold nights. Typically, there is little pu blicity attached to their deaths, a nd in some C'1Ses au thoriLies (OUI never even ide ntify the deceased . 1-I00vever. Vella Adams' dCilth received nation .....ide attention hccause of 1I'1U!r1' she died: I'ight across from Ihe U.S. De parunen t of Honsi ng and Urban Dcvclopmelll (HUD). We ll ;lW,II'(.' of the bitter irony. SeCl'Ct3'1' o f Housi ng and

    On

    Urban Developmenl Henry Cisncro\ 0993:11 noted : ~ he died across the street from 111\ Ilk just weeks aft e r I said tha t rclicving homdnsa would be H UD's top priority." Ycua Adams was but one or motuy pcupl~ in United States who live on city or suburban \IIC:C& in abandoned buildings, in sub\\'iI)' ~tatiOIlt train yards. in public parks, or in sht'itt,!,\ ing to a 1993 cstimate, the nation 's ho,,,,,",,. pq~. 1I1ation is at leas! 700,000 and may be d.' mi llion. Given the limited space in puhhc at a minimum hundreds of thousands of l",opklt this cou nu), are homeless and without I 199!1) . Homclessncs,'i is evide n t in both inchl"riaIiIIt and de\'eloping counlnes. In GrC;lt nritJi n.

    175.000 households a,',~~:::~;;~~ ~;:l:~~:~;:: people arc acceptcd ~ and are given housing. An c\'en largcrllllmbtl.f&' h;lp~ I million people. arc lUrned <lW;\1 fnllll emrnell! ;LSsistilll ce or are sharing a hou~hnld. relad\'cs or acquaintances but wanl st'V"~" cO l11l11odations. While an aCCUrdte figult Il available, i1 is estimated that I percelll 01 ~ Europeans arc homeless; they sleep ill thl' ...... . de pend 0 11 night shelters and hostels, or lilt' 10 carious accommodations. In Third World trie ... rapid population gro ..... th ha!! OUtp. (N thr 1 pansioll of hOllsi ng b)' a wide margin. kJdiRj rise in home\c..SSness (B. Lee. 1992: 1 ' '[;lII. Steam, 1993).

    532
    /',\/(1' nl"'~
    '

    CIIANG/,W ; WI('Jf;n

    The ,"asttT .Ita/us of bring homtkss carTUN 11 ;k'TJotl.l s/igmn aM (/In Iwd 10 prtjudicr and di.lcrimination.

    Both in lhe United States and around the world, being homeless functions as a ma.<;I,e r slatus (refe r back 10 Chapter 5) that largely defines a person 's position within society. In this case, homelessness tends to mea n that in many important respects, the individual is QUlsidl! society. Indeed, the master status of being homeless carries a serious stigma and can lead la prejudice and discrimination . Many com muniti es have reponed acts of random violence a&rainst homeless people. In New York City, there we re 2 1 incide nts in 1992 alone in which )'Oung people tried to set lire to me n and women slet:ping in subway stations. Two of these victims burned t.o death; in 13 of th e 2 1 attacks, the perpctnllors were nOl found (M. K.'1ufman , 1993). There has been a significant change in the profile of ho melessness during the last 15 years. In the past, ho meless people were prim arily o lde r \" h ite males living as alco holics in skid row areas. However, today's homeless are comparatively younger -with a n average age in the low thirties. Overall. an estimated 44 percent of ho meless people in the Un ited Slates arc from racial and e thnic minority groups. Moreover, a 1992 survey in Los Angeles of shelters that accepted only homeless adul ts fo und that 46 percent were African American, 25 pe rcent were Hispanic. 23 percent were Whi te, 2 pe rcent

    were Native Ame rican, and 1 percent were Asia n American (Ford Foundation, 1989:20; HelTern an, 1992; R. Rosenthal. 1987; sec also Bun and Cohen , 1 989). Altho ugh the llIass media present the homeless primarily as melllaUy ill , a study of homeless people in Austin , Texas, concluded that the ~ linkage between homelessness and mental illness has been ovcrsw ted. In contrast to the stereotype of homeless people as isolated individuals, recent research suggests that a growing proportion of homeless people a re families without homes (ofte n a woman and he r childre n ). According lO a repon issued in late 1993 by th e U.S. Confe re nce of Mayors. families with c hildren accounted for 33 percent of those seeking food and shelter in 1992 and 43 percent of those seeking such aid in 1993 (NI!W Vori Time$, 1993ej Sno ..... et aI., 1986:42 1). Homeless women often have additional problems that distingu ish the m from homeless men. In comparison with homeless men, homeless women rcpon mo re rece nt injuries o r acute illnesses, as well as more chron ic heallh problems. Moreove r, hom eless wom e n ha\'e experienced more disruptions in their families and social networks than homeless men . For many homeless women, having a child represellts an impormlll source of suppon.
    H

    533
    CJMYI'eU 18 ClJMMUNrrWS

    Homeless women with children who live in shelters arc less like ly than ho meless womcn in single-.. dult , she hers to have me ntal health sympto ms and to have dri nking proble ms; homeless ",'ome n ,.nth children arc also less like ly to have been ho meless over a long period of time (Milbum a nd O'En::ole. 199 1). Studies of homelessness point to a wide v.uicry of causes of this conditi on, am ong lh em unemployment, c utbacks in public assistance, d cinstitutio nalizatio n of the me ntally ill (refe r back 10 Chapter 17), a nd the decline in allo rdable hOllsing in metropolitan areas. By th e laIC 19805, il had become clear that the nation 's low-income re nters and ho meowners we re being increaJingly priced O llt of the housing market. SlUdies show t.hat half of the I>oorest ho useho lds (those wi lh incomes below S3000) were paying more tha n 72 percent of their incomes fo r reli t, leavi ng them "..ilh an average of only $7 1 per mo nth for a ll o ther da ily needs. Yt;:t tile federal budgct for housing had fall e n from $.10 billion in 1980 to less than SS billion in 1988 ( P. Ke rr, 1986; Mc Bride, 1987; Mo rg- mhau , .... 1988: 18). In rccen t d ecades, thc process of urban rene\val has included a notjceable boom in ge"trificatioPJ. This Icnn refers to the resenle ment of low-i ncome city neighborhoods by prosperous families and busin ess finns. In some instances. city gove rnme nts have promoted gelltrification by gro\nting luc.rtive lax breaks 10 developers who convert low< ost re nta l unils into lu xury aparllncnts a nd condom iniums. ConlliCI thcOIists no r.e that ah hough r.he aAluent may derive both finan cial and e mo tio nal he nefits fro m gellllification and rede\'clopmelll , the poor often c nd up lJeing thrown o m 011 thc street. Thel'e is an u nde niable connection bcu'>'een the na tion's gmwing shonagc of affo rdable housing and Ihe rise in hOlllck'"Ssness (Ellio lt and Krivo, 199 1). Yel sociologist Pe le r Ros~i ( 1989, 1990) caulions that it. would be incorrec t 10 focus tOO narrowly on lack of she her while ignori ng the de cline in the de mand for manual labor ill c iti es, the inc reasing prevalence of chronica lly u nc m p loyed young men a mong the ho meless, a nd o the r structural fa ClOI1l. Rossi contends Ihal slruc tural c hanges have put everyone in e xtreme poverty al high e r risk of becoming homelc..> ss-espcciall)' poor people who exhibit an accumulation of disabili6es (such

    as drug abusc. bad health, unco"'pl"I"'" c riminal records). Being disabled forces the individua l lO rely on a social famil), a nd frie nds for slIppon, often [or lo nged period. Lfl.hc Slrain on tl,;, is SO great tlla l. it collapses, homclcs'MS suIt. While Rossi's theory has been many researchers, th e general public to "blame th e victim (refer back 1 Bo'S~_. 0 227) IC becoming ho me less (B. Lee, II' Thus far , policyma kers have oftcn ~~: 10 stee r r.he ho me less IOward huge, Q unhealthy sheltel1l. Many ncighlXlrhl.lOli5 munities have rt!sisted plans 1 O~1l 0 or even smaller residences for lhe ho.':iao~ raising the familiar cry of "Not in m\' The major fede rdl progrAm inte nded 10 ho meless is tlle McKinncy He"n, I,,, ,'"';..... passed in 1987 . This act authorizcs rcdn:al e mergency food , she lter, hcaJu\, mt'ntal cuc,job trai ning. and education for ho,.ri";' dren and adl\IL~ . Approxi mately SI billion is diSlrihu led t\nnual.ly to about 1 00 based se rvice o rg;:m i/.atio ns (Doblin Cl aL, Survey daul suggeSI that lhe public aClio ll 10 address Ihe needs of the ho",.1<o<.\I a na lysis of both nalional and local found nearly 60 percent of rcspondt'lIb pay higher laxes LO support progro\m\ a ttac k the root causes of homelessllCS!o. ing runs COlllll.e r 1.0 people's typically ing a bo ut. taxes and slands in sharp , m""" public's h;"\rsh view of welfare rccipi('nlS poor (Raymond. 1990). While policymilkers struggle :tboUI haw Wi lh lhe g"01\1ng problem or h om.' I"""",,~ less people lhe mselves somelimesjoill ler lheir lives. Iu discussed earlier in INmany ho meless people constrllct 'h;:~::;: provide Ihe m wi lh bolh makeshift sense of cnm munity. Most sludic~ cm,ph..,o! homeless people are disempowl'rcd and chised. However , drawing 0 11 intel"\i~ dcipant--ohscrviltion research \11t h hon",i<o'l'I in Ma ine , David Wagner a nd Marcia ( 199 1:543) conclude tha t ~,.nl h jusl . sources a nd organizational "'''''';,." ;h....t.. vel)' poor people can achieve comidcrabir in affecting resource distribution on it

    "'Pllo<''''

    ft

    5J4

    MOfCOver... e ngagement in prolest move ments

    can have a dramatic impac t on the lives of participants in Illo\'e ments fo r the poo r .~ Wagner and Cohe n conducted a follo ....'-up study of homeless activists in Portland , Mai n e ...... ho had lived in a ~ tent ciry" fo r almost one month in 1987 as a protest ag;:tinsl the closing of 1""'0 emergency homeless shelters. Over a sixmonth periud in 1990, the resc,u'chcrs were a bl e la intelview 65 of some [05 tC nt city panicipa nts. T hey found th al. strong ~ial Lies and social networks were evid en t among the survey respond ents. Whether in tellllS of housing or social welfare benefits, the si LUa lion of the telll city activists was

    better in 1990 than al the lime of the protesl. For example, as of mid-1990, 50 of the 65 participants intclviewed were housed nuher than homeless. Wh ile the I,ent city participants seemed to have g.li ned t he m ost fro m thei r protestS, I.hcir activis m led to positive changes fo r all ho m e less people in Portland. PrOlestors left the lent city on ly after the city government. agreed to the opening of several year-round shelt.ers and other social welfare reforms, includi ng assu r in g the ho m e less di rect representation on certain city boards. By the fo llowing wiUler, the nUllIberofsheher beds available in Portland had in creased by 50 percent (Wagner and Cohen, 199 1:543-56 1).

    A commll tlity is a spatial or terriloria l unit of social nrp;anization in which people have a sel1SC of idcntily and iiI feeling of belonging. This chapter examincs the three basic types of COlllllluuilics that arc found in the United SUt": cellll"J.I Cil ics, S\lburbs. and m ml areas.
    I

    Anthropologist Ceorge Mu rdock has observed thal

    lation trend ill Ihe United States throllghoullht: \wentietll century. 9 T he nation 's rural economy is growing more diverse: new indllsui;11. scn'ice. and mining jobs arc being crcated in ate"s ptc\'iously restricted to f"tlllin g. 10 In cont r.tSt 10 Ihe Stereotype of 1roll1c1es.~ peoplt: as isolated individ ua ls. recenl research suggestS that a b'TOWing proportion of homeless peoplc are Jamilil!:s without hom{'s.

    there arc only two trul y univers..1.1 units of hum.1Il social


    urganilation: the family and the community. f The single most significant preconditioll for tile emergence Of;1 re l;ltive ly large and stable com1llunity was the creation of a socill l su rplus of agricultlll' ll prortllrllon. " S CideoTl Sjobcrg identified three pn_t:ollditiollS of cHy life: ad\-.lIlced tecilllolOb'Y in both a~'1kllltllral ami nnnagricultll1' ll areas, a fa\'Orable physical ('mironmelll. ./ld a \'\el1.oe\'dopcd social organil.atioll. 4 An in d ultrilll ciry is based on very ditTererll priuciplo of social org',miZ::ltion than a p r~in d usl rilll ci ty is. 5 When'as ecological theories of urban growth focus on Ihe impact ofwatclways, rail roads, and the like on sc\lIement patlCnls. conflict theorists emphasi7.c I,lulI lI .. han dites exert significa n t con tro l o\'er the process ofgrowtll. 6 Many urban rc.~idcnts are recent immigr,lUl..\ tWill other u:Hions or arc the descendants of earlier immi

    grams.
    7 In the lasl twO decades. cities havc confrontcd a ll overwhelming arr,ly of c..'Conomic a nd social pro blems. including the possibil ity o f fi n:U1cial defllull. 8 Suburbaniz:ltion has been the most dramatic popu-

    This chapler gin:s special allcllIioll to the conllicl view o f urball growth. H ow might functionalist thc..'Orisl'l view urb.l n h'TOwth? Should l.."Cological views of urban growth, slIch as concelllric-lone theory a nd multiplem rcld th(.'Ory. be properly viewed as function:llisl? 2 I.n the United Statt.'S, there has long been a fear and suspicio n concerning life in cities. Imabtine thal )'Ollf instruc tor has assigm:d }OU to conduct a survey of attitudes toward cities ill your cOl11l11tl1lity. H ow might you de\'e!op a represem,1tive sample for this stud),? What types of questions wou ld you ask? ]-Iow would ),011 attempt to ellSure that your q u C~t.io ll s art' u nhiased? What would be the ad\'antage and disadvant:rges of using ill.person inlen.icws, te1ephollc iTl[crvicw, and mailed question naircs for this research? 3 How has your home cormnunilY (YOUf cily. town. or neig h borhood) c han ged over the rears )'ou have li\'oo the re? Hal'C Ihe re bcCIl significant changt.'S in the cumllluni lY's economic b.'1se alld in its r.lcialllnd ethnic pro-

    535
    ClltV'I'EH IS
    CQMMUNrrlF..~

    file? Havc the tornrllLlI1ilY'S social problems intensified or lessened over time? Is hornele~sness currently a major probh:m? Wllal art' the communily'~ fmure prospcn.~ as il approljchcs lIle twellly-fint cemury?

    Megalopolis A de nsely POPUI;HCd arta or more cities and lheir surrounding '":,"'''' I Multiplenuclei th eory A theory of urtJan veloped by Harris and Ullman. which ';'M ,.emergi ng from many [enters of dC\dopn.1aIl which may reflect a particular urh.l11 need
    (5 15)

    KEY TERMS
    Community A spatial or tcni torial uni Lof social organi zation in which peoplc ha\c a ~ IISC of identity and a feeling of belonging. (page 510) C()llccntric-%onc thcory A theory o f nrb.m g rowth de vised by Emest Uurgess ""hich secs growth in terms of a series of rings r:ldialing from the central busim:ss distriCL. (513)

    Defcnded neighborhood Sutlless formulation that area residenL~ identify their ncighborhood through defined community borders and through .1 perception that ad jilCent areas arc geographically SepimltC and socially different. (523) Gentrijicatioll The resettlement of lowin come cit)' neighborhoods hy prosperous (;I milics ,md busines.~ firms. (534) Human ecology An are;t of study concented with the intcrrdatiollships among pcople in their spatial selling and ph)'!Iical environmcllt. (513) I"dustri al city A ci ty chllrdctelized by re1athe1y large size, open competition, an open claM system, and e labo rate spt."Cialization in th t: mallufllcluring of goods.
    (5 12)

    h.dustria / r el/olutio" A scientific rc\olution, largely oc curring in England between li(i(l and 1830, whic h fo-cm.ed on the a l>plication of nonanimal sources of power to labor lash. (5 12) LilU!or.dclldoplntmt IPlodd A \;ew of community at tachment which I>oints to populalion size as the pri. mat)' factor influcncing patterns ofbeha\;or in a com munity. (5 19)

    Preinduslria/ (;il)' A cil)' ",it1l pie living willlin ilS borders and ",,,,,,,,n",, ath'cly closed cla.s..~ system and limited mobilin Soda' surplus The production by, '!"'"I" of .... enough goods to cover their own same tiJlle ~ ustaj nin g people who arc "'" ''''. aglicultural tasks. (51 1) Squatter selllemellts Arca.'! ~":'~;"d on lhe fringes of cities, in structed by the scnlen thelllsdvu from d;,,,,,ioIJ terial. (5 18) Subsistence technoioKJ The tools, pmccws. knowledge that ;l ~ocicty rc<)uires nee(l~ for .\u rVivlIl. (5 11 ) Suburb Accordin g to the Census 8"",", '""_ withiu a metropolitan lIrea thal is nol ""''''''''~I~ cenLraI cily. (526) Sys temic model A model of comlJnUJiI~ proposed by Thomas, Park, and pha.~iICS gcogr.tphical mobility, ~,",,' 'i,,,,~.,.. size, a.~ it cnlcial r.lclor in influencing p;u~ ha\ior. (52 1) Urban t(;ology All area of sllIdy which '~:::~ illlerre lationships between peopk and I ment a.'! tllC}' emerge in urban aTf:;d. (5 13) Urbanism A lenn IIscd by Wirth to pancms of social bch:wior C\idem amQn" dcnts. (520) Zoning laws Leg;.11 provisions stipulating architeclUrdl design of housing and Ofldl a means of keeping rAcial minorities :md peoph: OUl of ~ub urban areas. (528)

    536
    PAl Hl"E CHANGI....G !>OCII-.n

    '\)\{icrson, Elijah. S/I'f#luiu: Rlla, Clan, IInd ChfIngt in flU Urban Commllnity. Chic<lgo; Univcrsi l}' of Chicago Pres.~, 1990. An African Amel'ican sociologist draws on participalll-obsc",;uion research 10 I'I'o\;de insigh l illlo a lower-class I~hlck rommu nity and :Ul adjoin ing ge ntrified neigh borhood (refer b.ld. 1 Box 2-1 on page 43, 0 which is deri\ed rrom this book). Utstclls, ~fallue l . "flY Informa/iolml City. Oxrord, England; Basil Blackwell, 1989. A confl icllheorist considers how the nature of space, place, and d ista nce has changed rundamen tall y ;IS a result of recent lechnological change, Frq, William 1 M,tropoiilan Ihnmca: IJeyolld Ih' Transi1. 1;011. \v~hingLon. D.e.: I'0plllation Reference Bureau, 1990. This concise (52.p:lge) work looks at recent changes in meLI'OI)Olit:Ul areas. including minority populalion, su l,m rban growt h. incomc distribution. and age of residents. Glazer, Nathan, a nd Mark Lilla (ed5.). TlU' Public Fa u of ArrhilfClurt: Cilli.- Cuiwrr. 1111(1 Public Sptw:s. New York: Frt.'e Press, 1987. This collection, drJwn from a varielY of academic disciplincs, shows how huildings c<ln shape social life <lnd arc, in turn, am."i::led by governmental action. I~ck.son, KennClh T . Crabgras$ FrYJII/ier: Tf~ SUllllrballiw1;011 of I~ Uni/M S/a/t".s. New York: Oxford Unh'Crsity Press, 1986. A hislori;rn describes the dl.....'CIopment or outlying areas from the eiglw.'Cnth CCIllury 1 thc pres0 enL

    Kling, Rob, Spe nccr Olill, ;md Mark Poslcr (cds.). Post S1lfmrba'l California: Tht 1'rtllI!.!omUllioll ofOHlIIgt County sina World War 11. Bcl'kc1c}'; Uni\'cnily of California Press, 1991. This collection or 10 al'1icles covcr.! lhe latest developments in t.'d ge cities. rrOIll t.;U:payers' r(."Volts 1 indusu';al developmenl. 0 Kozol , J o natha n. IliItM mid I/er Dlildrrn: Homtlt.ss Famitin in Ammm. ~ew York: Hallantine. 1988. The nOled educator records Ihe d(.'Spcr.ltl.' "oices of the men, ....,omcn, and cspeci<llly c hild ren who <lrc homelt:ss and struggling ror su"i\~.u. N)'den, I' hill;p W., and \Vim Wiewc1. (;h(/Ufllgillg UllnN'1I Ikudopmrllt: A" Urban Agr"1lda for IM 199&. l"ew Bruns..... ick, l"J. ; Rutgers Unh'ersilY I}re$.~, 1991. A Crilical anal)'sis of proposills to deal with the problems or cemral cities. with special emphasis on Chicago. Rossi, Peter H. Dawn ami 0111 ill Ammca: TIlt" Origilu of Homtles.mns. Chicago: UUi\'t:rsity or Chicago Press, 1989. Rossi analp.cs the problems faced both by homeless people and hy ~prec;uioLLs l y domiciled~ people who a re vulnc rable to becoming homeless. Waterficld, Larry \V. Omflicl and Crisis ill Rtlra{ /\mmca. New York: Praeger, 1986. Ajoul'Tl" listic acco unt of the challenges facing rum1 arca.~ of the United SUtles.

    J.?:~~~.~.......................................................................................
    Among the journals focu.sing on community is!lues arc Jounlal of Urblln Affmrs ( founded in 1979), RI/rat SodoiogJ' ( 1936), Urb(ln Affairs Qumurly (1965), U,bo.n AnIhropoloKJ (1 972), and Urban Studia (1964).

    537
    CJfAP1F.R 18
    CO.\lM[,!'lrnF_~

    .....................n::::::::::::=lI:>;;:;~.~....

    """"I

    POPULATION AND THE ENVIRONMENT

    DEMOGRAPHY: THE STUDY OF POPULATION Malthus's Thesis a nd Marx 's Response St udyi ng Popubtion T oday t:icmenlS of Demography WORLD POPULATION HlSTORY Ocmogr.'ph ic Trolllsilion The Po pul'l1ion Explosion FERTILITY PATTERNS IN THE UNITED STATFS
    The Bab)'
    l~oorl1

    THE ENVIRONMENT Environme ntal Problems: An Ch'crview Air Po llutio n W;ucr Polhu io ll Con ta mination of L'lIld Functionalism and H uman Ecology Conflict View of [m'ironmelHal Issues

    SOCIAL POLICY AND THE ENVIRONMENT: OPPOSITION TO LANDFILlS BOXES 19 ' AfOund the World:J apan 's Declining Fcnility 19-2 Curre nt Rc~a rc h : The Demogrnph) of Islamic Na tions

    Stable Popub lion Growth

    POPUlATION AN D MIGRATION Inte rnational Migr:llio n


    Internal M igr.Hion

    "

    ",

    "'.i "

    539

    Viewed in IonKflln perspecliv~ growth of the earlh's pojmlotion has been like a long, Ihin powder fuse that bums slowly and halJingly until it reaches the charge and then explodes.
    J(jngsity Dauis
    T~

    I""

    World Dertwgraphic Tmnsitiotl, ~ J945

    LOOKING AHEAD
    Why is it important to study population issues? Why did Karl Marx disagree wilh Thomas Robert Malthus's view that rising world population was the cause of social ills? Why is there such concern in Japan about the nation 's low fertilit), rate? If the United Stales maintains stable population growth, what will be the social implications for our society? How can the functionalist and conflict penpeclives be applied in studying the environment? Why is there so much commun ity opposition to loealing landfitls nearby?

    many as curremly live in Mobile, Alabama. beginning or 1994, after only 16 )'can of tcnce,~ thc population oflhe iSi<Uld "''as 1.3 billion . This made Popuiandia the largest nation-more populous thall Chm.by.~ 100 million (Haub and Yanagishita, 19'-J3). World population ~~::~~';';i~-~~';~:":~ striking growth or P anyone conrronting social problelm ri 19905. For exam ple. since 1975 Mexico notable strides in increasing agricultuiil tion through a rise in the amount of cultivation , greate r reliance on m'lCh,ii,"', ..... ~ proved lIses of ferti lizer. At the same lime, Mexico's population has increased ri ...,..iaI from 50 million in 1970 to 86 million in I9'JO. sequently. even though the nation's production has become more I' ficient, the actual amount of food person in Mexico is less than it W,IS (Haub and Yanagishita, 1993; Weeks, In ule United States as well, thcre I~ a shi p between population growth a nddi~~~~~ Indeed , the size, composition , and d the population of thc Uniled States ha\1: port.1.nt inlluence on many of the policy' cus.~ed in lhis book. For exam ple, signifkam o f immigration from Latin Amcrica and ,w contribuled 10 wha t some ObsclVCrli !iCt for multiculturalism (see Chapter 3). The ing of people in metropolitan arcas has the nation 's housing proble ms (sec Many naturd.1and social scientists Or< i",,,,,~ the study of population-related issues. Th~

    1977 lhe Population Refe rence Bureau proclaimed the "discovery" of a minicontinent in the Pacific Ocean about the size of Californ ia. Since then, the Bureau has used this imaginary land mass, which it named "Populandia," to illustrate the growth of world population. We are to imagine that from January I , 1978, onward, all t11C world's natural increase-that is, all people bom above the number needed to replace those who die-has been transplanted to Populandia. According to the Bureau, a jUlllbo jCt arrives at Populandia International Airport every two minutes, carrying at least 280 more c hildren . By the e nd of the first day Uanuary I , 1978), there were already 200,677 people in Populandia-about a.<;

    In

    540
    PMrr HVE ClIANGINC
    SQC~I:.'"

    explo res the na ture of reproduClion a nd casts light 011 factors that alTecl fertility (tJle a mounl o f reproduction among women of c hildbearing age). The medical palh ologist exa mines and anaJyzes u'cllds in the causes of dealh . Geographers, hisll)rians, :.md ps}'c hologislS also have distinctive COIltribuliolls to make to our undc rsla nding o f populal iun (Wrong, 1977:6). SociologislS, more than these othe r researchl'rs, focus o n thc socia'facIOI;:, I.hal influe nce popllhuion r.nes and Irends. In their smdy of population is..'H les, soc iologisL'i are keenly a\l~dfe tha t various ele me nlS of poPU];Ilion-such as fenililY, moriality (the amoulll of death), and migr.ltion-are profoun dly aRecled by lhe norms, values, and ~ocia l pallerns of a socielY. Fertility is influenced by people's age of cnuy in to sexual unions a nd by their use of cOl1traception both o f which , in tum , rdlec t th e social a nd religious values UliIl guide a particular culture. Mo rtality is shaped by a na tion 's level of nutrition , acceptan ce of immllni7.:11ion . and provisions for sani tation, as well as its gene ra l commiunent to health care a nd heallh CdUC;:llio n. Migrntio n ]rom one CQ Ulllry to another call depend on mariwl and kinship ties, Ih e relative degree of !'lIeial and religious 10lerance in various societies. a nd people's evalu atio ns of employment o ppo rluniti cs (l'lec r, 1975). This c haptel' will consider certain aspects of population as sllldi ed by sociol ogi~lS. It will begin by examining th e co ntroversial ;,n alysis of POp"hHioll trends prest'nted by Thomas Robert Mallhus ,m d the critical respome of Karl Mane The special terminology lIsed in population research will be detailed , and a brief ove rview o f world population hi5tOly wi ll be offered. Particular attelltion wi ll be give n to th e curre nl proble m of ovcqlOpulation and to the prospects fo r and potential socia l COIIseque nces of stable popu la tion growth in the United Slates. uner in the chapter, we will examine the e nvironme ntal proble ms faci ng tit!' world as we en ter the tweTlty-first ce llllllY, and will e1mwon the functionaliSI and connic1. pcrspeClives to beUel' IIndc r513nd e nviromne n ml issues. It is impo rtant nOt to o\'ef"limplify the rel:,tionship between population and the e nl'ironment. Rising population , in it.'lClf, docs not necessa rily dcsu'oy the e nviron me nt, while stable po pulauo n growth alone i~ no gual';:u-{tec of

    healthy air, wate r. or land . Neve rtheless, as will be c\idc nt in the social polic}' sectio n o n opposition 10 b ndfills, in creases in population can strain Qur environmental resources and present. difficult choices for policYlllakers.

    DEMOGRAPHY, THE STUDY


    OF POPULATION
    Demography is the scientific study of population. It draws upon S(.,\'cral compo ne n ts of popu lation, including SiIX, composition, a nd l.enitorial distribution. in order 1(1 understand Ihe social conseque nces of po pul al.iu n. De mogra phers study migr..ltiulI pallerns, geographical I,.uiatio ns, and historiGl1 tre nds in an effort to develop population forecaslS. In addition. they a nalYle the struc ture of a populat ion in lerms of such facto rs as the age, gender, race, and ethnicity of iL~ members, One of the earlieSt demographers was Edmond Halley ( 1656-1742). all English ast ro nome r who became well knowJJ Ihrough his association with the comel visible IllOSI recently during 1985- 1986. Hallcy :.pplied his matJlematical ~ kill s to outlining t.h c mortality recorrls of the German Lawn of Brcsl:! u and evcntuall y developed a table showing death rates b)' age. Altho ugh Halley's statistical tech niques h:l.\'e been questione d by later schola rs. his analysis does re present the first simulation of the lifet ime mo n .. lit), experie nces uf a population. Ilall c), wa the fi rs ' scientisl to use death slatistics in dilTerel\l age groups to detcnnine a person's likeli hood of death as he or she passed through each age group (Pol"liafiQ'1 T(HI(,)" 1986). Despite such cad)' conuibUlions. demograpllYIms e mel'ged as a science only in the last 200 years. Demographer J udah Mat.rns ( 1973:10- 11 ) has sho\\ll tha t the scie ntific study of popUlation could not begin un ti l tlle rc were sophi.~tica led systems ror reporting vital e\'e ll L~ (births. dea ths, marriages, ali(I divorces) for purposes of taxation and go\'elTllllcnml administration. Such systematic compilatio n of dam began on a large scale in ninetccnlh-cenlury Europe. ~-tOfCO\'C I', the science of demography required tl1eOlislS who would olTer geoemli1'<ltions concern ing the relaliollship between population f<1Ctors and social cha nge. A key fi gll re in undcrt:.king this type of analysis W'dS Tho mas Malthus.

    541

    TIll! Rn!t'Tend ThmlUl.5 HOMt Maill/UI (1766- 1834) 5uggested !lwl lilf world's

    population was growing mare mpilfiy


    than the avaiifjblefoolf supply,

    ~,~.~~.~~.~..~.~~.~...~~...~,~.~~~.~"~.~~,p.?,~.~.,,,.""
    The Reverend Thomas Robert Maltbus (17661834) was educa1.en at Cambridge University and spent his life teaching history and political economy. I-lis written work contains strong criticisms of {WO m;~or institutions of his time-the church and slavery-yel. the most significamlegacy of Malthus for cOlllemporary scholars is his still-controversial v:ark Essa}'J Oil Ihe 11inci/lU> of Population, firsl published in 1798, Essclllially, Malthus suggested that the world's population was growing more rapidly than the available food supply. Malthus argued that the food supply increases in an arithmetic progression (1, 2, 3, 4, and so on), whereas the population expands by a geomeuic progression (1,2,4,8, and so on). According to his analysis, the g<lp between the food supply and the population will continue lO grow over time. Even though the food supply will increase, it will not increase nearly enough to meet the needs of an expanding world population.

    Malthus proposed population cOl!lrolll' ,.. swer to the gap between rising population and supply, yet he explicitly denounced aJ1i/idal of birth control because they were not saurt by religion. For Malthus, [he approprialt Ita control population was \0 postpone lIlarriav lit argued that couples must lake respon~ibilit'ifOf number of children they choose to hear: \Oidull such restraint., the world would fdCC ..... id~ hunger, poverty, and misery (Malthus et ~1.. I original edition 1824; Peterscn, 1979:19'2Rashid,1987). K.,ul Marx strongly criticized Malthus's \1r\111 population. Marx saw tht:: nature of eCOtlUmi&: lations in Europe's induslrial $OCietie~ :I~ tht RIIi lnll problem. He could not accept the Malth_ notion that rising world popUlation, rathtr " capitalism, was the cause of social jib. In opinion, there was no special relationship btnaI world population figures and the supp,," N sources (including food), If society Wtlt' ordered, increases in population should \t'aI! greater wealth, not. to hunger al1d mc,ery, or course, Marx did not believe that ,ap1tMIr operated under these ideal conditions. Ht IIIIiIr t.'lined that capitalism devoted its reSQllr(~ III financing of buildinJ!,TS and tools rather Uull more equitable distribution of food , hOll~inJl oUler necessities of life. Marx's wur],;, i.~ impt to the study of population because he linlrd population to the distribution of JT~()Urt topic that will be taken up again laler in th" ter. His concern with the wrilings of MahblD teslifies to the irnport.lnce of population in cal and economi c affairs (Hawlcy, I!HiO: 1954; Peterscn, 1975: I fi.lJ , 1979:74-77), The insights of Maltltus and Marx fCg',lfffinA ulation issues bave come together in whal t, t the lleo-MaitJmsinn view. Best exemplified hy work of Paul Ehrlich (1968; Ehrlich anti ~ 1990), author of The Population 8vl/!b. 1111". sians agree with Malthus ulal world !)\"puI". growth is outstretching natural resources. I in contJ-dSt to the British theorisl, the) birth control measures are needed to t(guLllf ulation incre'lses. Neo-Mallhusians h:we l ' navar in the ir condemnation of developtd which, despite their low birthrates, consume I proportionately large share of world "'......

    in*'

    542
    /'ART

    nw: CH/WC/XC SOOt'!'!'

    While rather pessim istic abo ut the futu re , these theorists slress that birt h control a nd sensible use of resources a re esse ntial responses to risi ng world populatio n U. Ticrney, 1990; Wee ks, 1994: fo r a c ritique, see Commoner, 197 1).

    ~~~~!;..P'.~.P.~~.ti.??!.?.d.~L .....................................
    The relative balance of births and deaths is no less impo rtant in the 19905 tha n it was d ur ing the lifetime of Ma hhus a nd Man... The surTc ring that M althus spoke of is certainly a reality fo r many people of the world who a.rc hungry a nd poor. Maln utrition remai ns the la rgest contributing faclOf 1.0 illness and death a mo ng c hild re n in the de\'elo ping countries. Almost 15 pc rce l\l of th ese child ren will die before age 5-a rat.e nearly 14 limes higher than in develo ped na tio ns. Furthe rmore, w.l1fare and large-sca le mi p"lltion have exace rba ted the relationship be twee n po pula tion a nd food supply. [n order to com ba t worl d hun ger, it may be ncccssaey 1 reduce hmnan bi rths, to d ra nullically in crease 0 the wo rld 's food supply, or perha ps 10 do both at the same time. With th is in mi nd, it seems essential to study popu ]ation-rdated issues (Wo rld Ba nk. 1993:202-203) . In the Uni ted St;ues and most othe r countries, the census is the prim ary mechanism fo r collecting population infOl'lllaliOTl. A ce ll SU S is a n e n umera-

    Lion or cou ntin g of a population . The Constit ution of th e Un ited St.a les req uires that a ce nsus be held every 10 years in order 10 dctel1l1ine congressio nal representation. Th is periodic investigation is sup-plemen ted by vital statistics; these records of births, deaths, ma rriages, and d i. . orces a re gathe red th rough a registration syste m maintained by gove rnme nt uni lS. In addi tion, o the r go\'enune ntal stl1\'e)'S provide up-to-d a te in fo rmal ion o n commercial developme n ts, eduCl.ltional tre nds. ind ustrial expa nsion, agricul tUr::ll practices, and the status o f slIch groups as ch ild ren , the elderly, racial mino ri ties, and single pa rents. In adm iniste ri ng a nationwide ce nsus a nd conducting otht:r typ es of researc h. demogr-aph ers employ many o f" the skills a nd techniques described in Chapte r 2, including q uestion naires, in lee views, and sam pli ng. The precision of population proj ections is con tingent o n the acc uracy of a se ries o f assumptions tha t dc moge tphcrs must ma ke. First, , they must determine past popul;ltion 1rellds a nd establish a base pop ulation as of th e date for which the forecast bcg-,II1. Nex t, birth a nd death rates must be established, along with esti mates of fULU re fluctuations. III maki ng pr~iec li on s fo r a natio n's popula tion trends, demographefl> must consider migratio n as well , si nce a sign ificant num ber of individuals ma}' enter a nd leave .he COUlltry. Becausc o f the di ffic ulties o f estimating flllure

    In t'" Unit",1 SWIllS mul mill/olhn"


    courJlriLS, I/Jr tnlSlU" is IlIr primar), ~tllarlisrn fur rolUC1JrlJr It/formaliflr! aborJI lilt pofl1llalioll.

    543
    f

    HM'fhll 19 ' l'OI'UI..ATlOS IINn "rH!:.- I;.,V17RONMf:";(

    births, deaths, and migration. demographers USllally specify a range of projections-from "high" through ~mediumH 10 "low." Thes..:: St.'ltislical forecasts are useful 10 a wide range of concerned parties, including planners, public administrators. economists .and com mercial inlerests.

    ~.~.~.~?'~.. ?'.~..~=.~ .?s.!:~p..~Y..... _ .....................................


    Demographers employ tllc distinClive tenninology of their science ill analYI.ing and projecting population trends. Population faclS arc commun icated with 1I lang uage derived from I.he basic elements of human lifc -binh and death. The birthrate (or, more ~pecifi c alJy, Ihe mule birthrate) is the number of live bi rths pCI' 1000 populalion in a given year. In 1993, for example, there were 16 live births PCI' 1000 people in the United Slales. The birthnllC provides infOl"lnaUon 011 the aCLUa l reproductive patterns of a society. One "'ay delllOgr'lphy can projecl fUlure growth in a socicty is 10 make lIse of the total fertility rate (TFR). The TFR is the ;J\"erage number of children born alive IQ any woman, assuming thal she conform s 10 current fenilhy rates. The TFR reported for Ihe Unhecl SWI.C'I in 1993 was 2.0 bin.hs pCI' woman, as compared wi th over 7.3 births per woman in such developing countries as Ethiopia and Yemcn. In Box 19-1 , ....'e examine the concern in J apan o\'er the nation's low total fertility rale. ~Jortalil y, like fertili t}, ;:. measured in several different I\~..tys . The dea th rate (also known as the crI/de t{mlll ml,) is the number of deat.hs per 1000 populatiun ill it given year. In 1993t hc l)nited States had 11 death rate of 9.0 per 1000 population. The illfa'lt mortality rate is the number of deaths of illranlS undcr I rear of age pCI' 1000 live births in a given year. Thi.~ particular measure sel....es as an impvrlal1l indicator of a society's level of health care; it rdkel" prcnaml Ilutrit.ion, delivery procedures, and i1lf3111 screen ing measures. The infant mortality rate also runctions as a useful indicator of fUTUre populaliun growth, sinCl' additional infants who survive 10 adulLhood will contribule 10 further populaUon in creases. There is " ....'icie disparity among nations in !.he rate of death of newborn c hildren. In 1992, the infant monalilY rate fur the United States was 8.6 de aths per 1000 live binhs, whcfl'as for the world

    as a whole it wa.~ :In c~limalCd 70.0 birth_. ,-\I 25 nations have lower r..ttes of infant lmo""ilfl tJ1C United StaICS, including Great Brililiu, :md Sweden (refer back 10 Figure 17' 00 483) . In 1992,Japilll's infant mortalit) ratt 4,4 dcath~ per 1000 live births-slighth'lnI half the rate of infant de aths in the L'nilrd ( Haub and Yanagishita. 1993). A general measure of health used b} phers is life expectancy, which is the 3\-erap bel' or rears a person can be cxpected 10 Ii current mortalilY conditions. Usually Ihe reponed as lire expectancy at birt". AI Japan reporls a life expectancy at birth and Iceland rcporlS 75 rears, both \Iighth than the l)nitcd Slales' figurc of 72 \'t';\I'I'I. (rast, life expectancy al bin h is ICl;s thau 45 many developing nations, including The SiCI"';'1 Leone, and Afghanistan. The growlh ra te of' a society i~ 'I:'\:\:~~:: lweell births ami deaths, plll'i die lweCIl immigml1/s (those ..... ho ellter a country tablish pCnllanenl residellce) aud liII who leave a country , per 10110 lation. For the world as a whole, simply the differen ce between births3nd 1000 population, since i I I emigration mUSt of Ilecessity be CCI"<l1. Un ited St:ucs had a growlh mteofl.1 P"'''''U pared WitJl a n e:'li matcd 1.6 percent "'orld (Bureau ofllle Census, 1993a:S-9; Yanagishit;J , (993) .

    ""Ii"""

    Onc important aspect of' demographic vohes study of the history of population this is made dimwIt b)' the lack of 1"1;,,ahI<t mation lorall bUllhe modern cra. Fur ficial national censuses wel'c rclatil"cI\ 1850. Researchers interested in (",trly I tJ\crcforc turn to archeological rem<lin~ rnenU;, burial sites, haptismal and I.IX ora l hisl.0ry source~. We lhi nk uf the wodd ;IS having;l IMfCt' tion-some 5.5 billion in 199~. Yct until times, th ere wel'e relatively fc .... hum31t~ t.his planet. Onc e'ltimate placed the \\ltrid

    544
    l' If((HI1! ' UIA ...

    ,.J...' ;SOClf"O

    JAPAN'S DECUNING FERTlLllY

    B eginning in 1990, Japallt:se IIC\\o"'Spapers, magazines, and tek:vi~ion nel'o'scasls gave increasing attention to a phenomenon they called the M 7 shoc k .~ This phrase 1.5 c~ptured the "ide~pread sense of disbelief over the fau IhaLJapan's \01;11 fertility rate (TFR) Iwd fallen [Q 1.57 births; Japanese women were aver.lging only sligtuly above I and oue-half children per lifetime. Alld [he shocks k.ept coming_ By 1993, Japan 's TFR was down LO 1.5 births and was projected to fall to 1.37 births by 2000 (Haub and Yanagishita, 1993; Yanagishita, 1992, 1993), To put Japan's IOtal fertility rate in perspecth-e, Ihe lowest TFR reached in the United States was 1.74 births in 1976. Th e lowest figlire ever reported was 1. 28 births in West Germany in 1985. Conversely, the Huttcri tes. a Noml American rdigious sect. averaged 12 children per woman in the 1930s by promoting early and univers.ll mar-

    riage and by discouraging use of birth con trol measures (McFaJls, 1991 :4,7), According to official population estimates, Japan 's annual growth rate fell 10 iLs lowest postwar level between 1989 and 1990-jusIO.33 percelll per year. Population pro. jeClions released in 1992 suggest ,hat il.'l populatjon will actually begin 10 decline after 2011. Japan is already experiencing some of the dcmogrJ.phic consequences lypically a.ssociated with low fertility, among them a shortage of younger workers and rises in the cost of health ca.re for the elderly. Indeed. Tokyo Shoko Research reporLs that whereas only I percelll of successful Japanese businesses had to close in 1988 owing to a shortage of labor, this figure had increased to 6 percent by 1990. Wh y has there been such a con tinuing decline ill Japan's total fertility rate? While Japanese men continue to favor tr.ldit.ional gender

    roles both in the workplace and within marriage, an increasing proportion of Japanese women resent male dominance and view marriage as a Mmw deal~ that denies them opportunities available to men. In 1970, only 18 percent of women 25 to 29 yea rs old were single, but by 1989, 38 percent of women in this age group were single (yanagishita, 1992:3, '1993). Even among couples that do marry, ....-ark and financial pressures have conuibuted to lower fertility. MPeoplc feel so much pressure on the job that they work. until nine, ten o'clock at night,~ obsen'Cs Ku- : nio Kitamur.l., a Tokyo obstetrician . . MThen they have another hour and a half home on the train, because most people can't afford a house anywhere near the office. You probably can 'I get a seat, and the train is full of drunks, singing and throwing up. After all that, who has the sU 'ength to get in bed and make a baby?" (j. Schwartz, 1991:20).

    lation o f a million years ago at o nl y 125,000 people. A<; T able 19-1 (page 546) indicates, tJle population has exploded in the last 200 years and conullues to accelerate rapidl y. Merely in tbe ti m e it has taken you to read this f.rr in this one paragraph , tbe l\o"Odd populauon bas increased by 97 pt:ople!

    !?~.?'~.~p'~.i.~.. !~.~~.~.?~... .......................................... .


    The phenomenal growtb of world p o pulation in recent Limes can be accounted for by changing patlrms of births and deaths. Beginn ing in the late 1700s-and conunuing until the middle 1900s there was a gradual reduction i.n deat11 rates in northern a nd western Europe. People were able to

    live longer because of advances in food production. sanitation, nmrition, and public health care. While death rates fell, birthrates remained high; as a result, there was unprecedented population growth during this period of European history. However, by the late 1800s, the birthrates of many European countries began to decline, and the rate of population growth also decreased (Matr3S, 1977:38-44; McKeown , 1976). The changes in birth- and death rates in nineteenth-century Europe serve as an example of demographic transition. Demographers use this term to describe an observed pattern in changing vital statistics. Specifically, demographic transition is the change from high birthr-dtes and death rates to rel-

    545
    CIIAVTF.R 19' f'OPUU"I"lON A.IoJD T/fl"; Fj'lV/HONA/J-;."T

    For World Population. F..tbnated Time for Each Successive

    ~"'..I"''''''' lncre.-e or I Billion People


    POPUlAlK)N LEVEl
    TIME TAKEN TO REACH NEW POPUlAlK)N LEVEL YEAR Of ATTAJNMENT

    1
    ~

    First billion Second billion Third billion Fourth billion Fifth billion Sixth billion Seventh billiofl Eighth billion Ninth billiM Teflih billiofl Eleveflth billiM

    Humon history before 1800 Approximotely 130 yeors 30 yeors 15 yeor, 12 years 10 yeors 11 years 11 years 13 years 18 yeors 34 yeors

    About "'.D. 1800 1930 1960 1975 1987 1997 2006 2019 2032 2050 2084

    /)uring ilU' Iwmlirlh (m/uf'l.

    fm/lUulliun hm mU Ihlll! in W"~ Whmas it took r01Jghl)

    Po,"" ....
    /J() . .. .

    rmcl/ Iltf 5uond billioll m Il'I1rII Im/mw/ioll, il took (nil) J() W!m III mull tlU' third billion umJ 12 mICII Illr fifth billioll.

    ~nn" Data tor 1997 through 2050 are projection , . ,,-,UMU,: : l'''l'"bt;ol\ Kcfc r<nc.c !lnreaL!. 1993.

    alively low birthrates and death rates. This concept, which ....FdS introduced in the 1920s, is now widely used in the study of population trends. A.~ illustrated in Figure 19-1, demographic transition is rypically viewed as a threc-stage process: 1 High birth- and death rates with liule pupulation growth 2 Declining death rates, primarily the result of reductions in infant deaths. along with high to medium fertility-resulting in significant population growth 3 Low birth- and death rates witb little population growth Demographic transition should be regarded not as a "law of population growth,~ but rather as a generalization of the population history of industrial nations. Through use of this concept, we can belter understand the growth problems faced by the world in the 1990s. About two-thirds of the world's nations have yet to pass fully through the second stage of demographic transition, among them , many countries in which Islam is the dominant religion (see Box 19-2 on page 548). Even ifsuch nat.ions make dramatic advances in fertility control, their populations will nevertheless increase seriously because of the large base of people already at prime childbearing age. The pattern of demographic transition varies

    from nation to nation. One particular1~ tinction is the contrast bctweenlhc occurring in developing nations-whit'h about two-thirds of the world's I' that which occurred over almost a CClltlll)' in indUSU'ialized counuies. Demographic "~"p,, developing nations has involved a "1''''' , "... " death rates without adjustments i Specifically, until the end of World War IL was a vel)' gradual decrease in the death developing countries, due ptimatily tu . water supplies and other public sanit:H)' Yet the birthrates of these COllTltries In',,,t,,,' ....I. high-about 30 per 1000 population in thr (as compared with under 19 per 1000 il" th, l,aII States during the same period). In the post-World War IJ pcriod, tht, d~..th of developing nations began a sharp revolution in "death control~ \V.IS trigg~red biotics, immunization, insecticides (sluh at used to strike at malaria-bearing m'''q''''''''),,1 largely successful campaigns against such eases as smallpox. Substantial mediad and heahh technology was imported almost from more developed nations. As a """,lit, .~_ in death rates that had taken a CemU1)' In was telescoped into two decades in many ing countries. Birthrates scarcely had timc to beliefs about the proper size of

    te,'""",

    f","III;"",,.....

    " /6
    /',1111' f'lI'E (;/{ANCING SOCIYIT

    fiGURE 191 Demographic Trolllitioll


    Sloge l

    !~.~. .~?p.~~~~~.~~~...~~P.!?~~.~~........................................ .
    SIoge III

    -" 35

    50 45

    so..,. 11

    '0

    30

    25

    ~ 15 .i 10 0 5 0

    " 20

    !Deathsl

    Apafl from w,Jr, rapid population g rowth has been perhaps tJle do mina nt inte rna tio nal socia l proble m o f the pa~ 1 30 years. Often tJlis issue is relcrred to in c mOlio na l te nns as the ~popu la tion bomb" o r "po pulatio n ex pl os i on. ~ Such striking hmg uage is ' no t surprising, given the st.lggerin g increases in world populatio n during th e last t.wo ce nturies. As was de ta iled in Tabl e 19-1. th e po pula tio n of our plan e t rose from I billio n around the year 1800 to 5.5 bill ion by 1993. The Un ite d Nations projects thal world po pulatio n could rise as hig h as 6.4 billio n by 2000 (Ha ub a nd Yanagishita. 1993; I-Iallpt, 1990).

    J)~mcgraphm;

    use

    (/11

    {(mapl o[
    10 desNlbt

    demographic

    tr.m .~ i Uo ll

    changes hz birthmtes ami df(lth m t,s dUllng stngel' (If a lIatioll'J drwlopmnl i. This WaPh S}WIlIS th~ /Km,,"1 till/I

    100/1

    I II tht first slagr, boIh birth"ala (lilt! dtlltl! mta wm: higll .so Ihat thne was lill~ populatioll grow/h. /11 IM suond Slllgt. Ih, birthmU mlU1intd hIgh. Idhif~ 111~ df(ll/t mU !hriinffl S/Ulrpiy, w/,ich lnf 10 m/Jid gmWlh. By tJUI ftUl SI(lgr. whirl! mally ~lopillg Im/iOIlS haw yft to nlll!T. Ihe birthrate aiso tUclillfd, (/tul

    pwa ill pr~l tly dlWWJlt'd lIatiQll.s.

    Ilwre !IIlH agaill fittlt fJt1J11 w lion growth.

    possibly change as quickly as tJ1C fa lling death rates. For centuries, couples had given binh t,o as many as eight or mOl'e childre n with the realizatio n tha t perhaps (WO o r th ree would sUlv ivc to adulthood. Conseque ntly. whereas Europeans had had several generatio ns to restrict their birth r.ltcs. peoples of developin g natio ns needed 10 do th e same in less than a life time. M,m y did no t, as is e vide nt fro m the astrono mi cal "po pulatio n ex pl osio n" tha t was already unde r way by the middle 1900s. Clearly. f.un ilies we re mo re willing to acce pt tcchno logical advances thal pro longed lire tha n 10 a bandon fe rtility pa ttc m s wh ich re nected centuries or tra dition and religio us tra ining (Almg re n . 1(92).

    Shawn

    jf

    a family pfanning dim

    ill

    Paki.ftan. FUlI1iry PlfllWlIIg t/fm1!J ill dt"INlaping rountnt.J IIot (111) mlua

    ""/JroV1' m(llenwl het/fth U, ht/ping


    "'OIMIl 10

    unwanted populllllon Kffllutll Iml rtlll

    f,m, (lW' spa" /Jff1r'umcia.

    547

    THE DEMOGRAPHY OF ISlAMIC NATIONS

    4i nations in which Islam the dominant religion are the fastest-growing group of cOlllluies in the world. Curren tl y, nearly one in evel), five human beings is i\l us1\111. At present rates of growth, the world's Islamic population of about 980 million in 1988 could almost double to 1.9 billion berore the year 2020. Sociologist and demographer John Weeks (1988:5) points o ut thal "although Islam is a proselytizing religion, its proporlionatr. incre<lsc in the modern world is much morc a result of nalllrdl in crease (the cxcess of births over death5) than it is U1C COli version of no nMoslems to the Islamic faith.- The Islamic nations report higher-thanaverage fcrtil ity, hi gher-than-avcragc mortality, and r.tpid ra te~ o f population growth. Thcsl' countries are viewed as being inlhe early stages of demographic transitio n from high to low birth- ,md death rates. The total fertility I,He (TFR) of the Islam ic nations is 0.0 projectcd births per woman, comp.. -U"ed with

    Lw

    i~

    4.5 births in o ther de\doping n;\tions and on ly 1.7 bin hs per woman in lhe developed nations. Islamic counuies are growing at an average of 2.8 percent pcr year, or 22 percent faster thall the world's other dcveloping nations (\Veeks, I98!:!: 12- 13). \Vecb (1988:47) Icviewed the population policies of these Islam ic countries and tound th<ll th e re ,vas eonsidcr,lblc d iversity in Ulcir positions regardin g reproductive beh;wior and population g rowth . Abo ut half u1e govcrn1llellts of the Islamic nalions reponed that they were satisfied with their currclll r4teS of population growth; 40 per(elll stated that thl'i r currem ratcs of growth were tOO high, whereas 10 percent indicated that their growth rates were too low. Certa in Islam ic nations have impl emented Mpronatalist" policies to increase population . For example, Iraq, which has the hig hest natu ral increase mic (3.9 percent) of any counu), in the world, grants allowanccs and IWllefits to fam ilies. WOIlH'll receive paid maternity

    leave at 100 percenl of camln~ U1C first 10 weeks of prCf(ttaaQ The government's eXJlli,il gU41b cncourage each ",'oman I" hM minimum of four chihlrclI. ~ ,~-I tmst, many Islamic COll ntrietMIhIr" d irec tly implement famih plailllllll Pfob'TIuns or allow vohull,tn planning association.~ to ''fI'"W'" healt h care facilitic.' ami diltriMPcontraceptive method.... The d iversity in the positi"llt Islam ic nations regarding p.~ tion growth is undcrsc;ort:rI in aIl' pon issued in 1992 b)- tlit ulation Crisis Cormniut.'t'.

    1_

    countri es with tht: wu!"!! r planning records for 1991 l~ the United States), ....hilr \t,," was praised for achicI'ing d"....... increases in comracrpUlt .. Other studies have includrd dones!;I, Turkey, K!(}pt. Tunisia among th t: Isl.unir ..."".'. that have made in promoting cOntl1UTPUvt and redllcing fertil ity ~t('l; Shcrbi llin , 1 99{};Als.,I99~:OIll ami Roudi, 1993; Wt:els, I~~

    ""I"",,",,,,, ""....

    By the middle [970s, demographers had obsen'ed a sli g ht decline in the growth rate of many d cveloping nations. These countries were still experiencing population inc reases, yet. their rates of in crease had declined as d eath rates CQuld not go much lower and birt.h rates began to fall. It appears that F.,ntil), p lanning elTorts have been instrument.a l in this demographic c h ange. Beginning in the [96(h, govern menL~ in certai n d evelopin g nation s sponsored or s uppo rte d ca mpaigns to e n courage fa mil y planning. For example, in good part as the resu l L of gove rn rncnt-sponsorcd bi rth control cam paigns, Thailand's to tal fe rtilit y rate fell f rom G.I

    births per woman in 1970 to only 2.6 in 1990 1I00ed in Box 19-2, Indo n esia, Tunisia, ami are among th e other countries whic11 h;m ' substantial progress in promotingcOtltf<ltt'IJIM and reduc ing fertility ra tes ( Ha ub a.nd ,,,''''..... 1993; MJ., 1992; Weeks, 1988).

    Through lhe eITorts of llIany (among them the United Sl;l.les) and des (among the m Planne d Parenthood). ti lit}' rates of man y developing cO Llntri(~ ha~

    ~~;~l~~~~ f~~ii-f~i'

    dined. Supporters of 'd";iI,;', efforts applaude d in 1993 when r t ton signed an executive order resuming u" I.....

    internat.ion~aJ~~r"i'

    548
    I'..... RT FWf Cl IM'CING

    SOC'''...,T

    FIGURE 192

    Population Structure of Mexico cmd the United S ta tts

    Mexico, 1988 Moles {in millionsl


    Age

    United States, 1990


    females (in millions) Moles (in millions)
    Age

    femolel {in millions)

    85

    85
    80

    80 75 70 65
    60

    75 70 65
    60

    55
    50

    55
    50 45

    45 40 35 30 25
    20

    40 35 30 25
    20

    15 10 5 0
    12 10 8 6 4
    IOl!IItt:

    15 10 5 0 2 0 0 2 4 6 8 10 12

    \\,...,Il10, 1994,230,

    Thi5 figllTt sh()W$ Ihe /JOP1lliJtion pyramids of M txico (HId Iht Unittd

    ing of orga nizations within the nation and overseas that suppOrt o r p romote abortion as a method of family planning, However, some critics, reneCling a conniCl o rienl;llion, havc questio ned why the United States and m her industrialized nations art: !O enthusiastic aboUl population control in the de\'eloping world, In line with Marx's response to Malthus, they argue that large families and even !K>plllation growth are nOllhe causes of hunger and misery, Rather, the unjust economi c domination by the developed states of the world results in an untfJual d istributio n of world resources and in ....'idcspread pove rty in exploited developing nations (Rowen, 1993:5) . Even ir family planning efforts al'e successful in reducing fenility rates, the momentum tow<u'd growing \\'o dd population is well established. The deo,'e1oping nations face the prospect of continued

    SI(lIIIS, Dt1!1I1ofJillg cOllll lnt..s lillt M t'rico IUlw high birfhrala, but mOl'utlity laka ils IoU ~ tht lift r.yclt and Ihtft art I'tlalivtl.y ftw ptopft over tht (Igt of 6..5, By cmltrasl, tht Ulli/id SllIfes conlinua 10 displlrJ lilt bu/er of /he -lxIby boom oJ lilt 19..50s olld 5ltQWJ 5t1iotls

    m()rlolif)' only 01 oldtr o~,

    populatio n growth, since a substantial ponion of thei r populatio n is approaching childbearin g years, T his is eviden t in Figure 19-2, in which thc popu I:llion pyr.unids of the United Slates and Mexico are compared, A popu la tion pyramid is a special type or bar chart tJlat shows the distribution of population by gender and age; it is generall)' lIscd 1.0 illustrme the

    549
    CI /AP'I'F.R 19 PO/'W.A 7'I0N MV 1'111:.' J:.Nl'tHONMl'.NT

    Auordi ng 10 tslimaU!>, aJ IIW"J IU QI~ u arUr IQ om-Ihi rd of an MUltI in urban myu (wry IM HNvi'fll,$ wh;rh dl'slf(1]s th r body's immrHlt
    systelll.

    population Structure of a socie ty. As Figure 19-2 illustrates, a subSlamial portion of the population of Mexico consists of childre n who are unde r the age of 15, with their childbearing ),ears stillw come. Thus, the built-in momentum for population g rowth is much g reate r in Mexico (and other developing countries) than it is in the United States. This is evident in an cxaminatio n of population data for India. which in 1993 had a population of 897 mill io n. De mographer Leon Bum'ier (1984:25) has projected tha t, e\'e n if India 's fertility rates level off to ues ne ar those of North America < md Europe, the nation's po pulation will sti ll reach lA billion by the ye:'lr 2025. That figure. is high e r than the c urre nt combined total foJ' all of Nonh America. South America , Africa, and Europe. Thus, becausc of th e substa ntial mo men lum for growth built into India's age stnl clllrc, th e nal.ion will face a sta.ggcring increase in population in th e coming decades -even if its birthrate de clines sharpl),. By 1993, popu lation specialists and po licymakers, worried about the popuhlliun exp losion, were facing certain disturbing 1~\Cts, among them Lhe following: The world populatio n l'Ose by 93 million bet\\'cen mid-1988 and mid-1989, an all-lime record increase.

    According to projeclions of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organi7.ation , as man)' ..,fi1 nations will experience c ritical food problems in the future , India now produces less food grain ptr person than it did in 1900 (Haub, 1988). Developing nations are not experiencing the dt'dines in fel'tility that had been predicted earlier by researchers, Most serio usly, a report publishro in late 1992 by the Populalio n Crisis Co.nmittn' suggests that nei the r China nor India is likel\ tn stabilize growth unti l well into the next centun, owing to serio us shortcomillb'S in these coururitJ' famil y planning prog rams. China and India art Lhe world's two most populous nations, and COlttinucd g rowth in these two countries is likely tn result in substantial environmental damage, jf} eluding soil and watcr de ple tion (CfOSSftt.e. 1992). Population growt.h is not a problem in all ind~ trialized nation s. Indeed , a handful of'countriesan a dopting po licies whicb encourage growth-amon~ the m ,japan , which is considering offering bellt'fiu to famili es which have children and is upgrading child care services. NcverLheless, a global peopet:live underscores the dire consequences that could result from continue d popula tion growth (T. Re:id. 1990).

    550
    PART FIVE CJIAJo.G/NC SOC/t.T1'

    A tr.tgic ncw faclor has cme rgcd in tIlt: last decadc which will rcsuict worldwidc population growth : Ihe sprcad o f AIDS (refcr baek tu the s0cial policy sectio n in Chaptcr 5). According to es> timatcs, ill ccr!.;.l!n African nations, as many as o nc(]lIarler to o l1 c-third of all adults in urban areas carry the HIV "irus whic h dcstroys the body's immune sys lcm . It is projccted that ,It least JO million people in Asia will he infected wilh t.h e HIV "irus by the year 2000. Given the grim fmcc,lst.-; offered by rescarchers. the AlDS epidemic i ~ likely to have increasing impact on world populatio n pauerns (Shenon . 1992).

    post-Wurld War 11 period encouraged many married cou ples t,o ha\le c hildre n and purc hase hOllles. In addi tion. several sociologists - as well ..s fem inist author Beuy Friedan (1963)- have noted thal the re were pe rv.:t.si\c pressurt.. o n women dming 'S the 195Qs for marriage, ho m e making, and mothe rhood (Bouvier, 1980).

    ~.~.~.!~. ~?p.~~.~~.~ .?.~~..~.~~................ "................. .


    Although the tOlal ferti lity rate of the Uni ted States has re ma ined low ove r the last {WO decades. (he na .. lion contin lles 10 grow in Si7.e because of two factors: the mOlne nlum built in to our age SlnlCl ure by the postwar population boom . and lhe continued hig h r.tlcs of inunigration. Because of the upsurge of births in the 1950s, there are now many more people in their childbeating years than in o lder age groups (where most deaths occur). This growth of popula lion rcpresents a ~ demographi c echo" oft.he baby boom genera tion. many of who m ;1I"l~ now pare n L~. Consequently. the number of people born each rear in the Uniled Slates co nlinues to exceed the number who die. In addjt.io n. lhe nation allows a large number of im migrants 10 e nte r each year: tJlese immigranlS c urrently accounl for betl..een o ne-fourth and o ne-third of annual growth . However. assuming re\alivcly low fCrlility levels and mudera le net migration in Ihe coming dccades. the United St;-tles may reach zero populalion growth (ZPC). ZPG is t.he state o f a population where Ihe number of binhs plus immigra nts equals the num ber of deaths plus em ig ra nts. For more than 99 percen t of itS history, humanity remain ed in the firs t stage of demogr.tphic tr.tnsition a nd had li ltle or 11 0 population growth (McFalls. 1991 ; McFalls Cl al.. 1984; Population Rerere nce Burea u, 1978). The Uniwd Slates is nOI alonc in approach ing zero populali on growth. Other COUlltrieS, especially in Europe. arc at or are a pproac hing ZPG. hi the recent past. althoug h sume nations have achieve d ZPC , it has bee n rclath'ely short-lived. However, given the currenl international concern over world population . more nOli ions may attem pt to maintain Z I~G in the early twenty-first centUl),. Demog-raphers estimate that it will probably lake until the } ar 2200 ror de mographic tr.tllsition to run its 'c coursc worldwide, with the world's popu lat ion

    FERTIUTY PATTERNS iN T ilE UN ITED STATES


    Dmin g th e las t fo ur decades, the Uni ted States a nd otller industria l nations have passed th ruugh two different paue rns of po pulation growth - th e first marked by high fertililY a nd ra pid growth (stage 11 in the theory of demographic transilion) , t.hc second marke d by declinc in fenili ty a nd lill.le growth (stage Ill ). SociologiSL are keen ly aware of Ihe ~ <; cial impac l o f these fenili ty patterns.

    ~.~. .~.:!.?r.. . ~.??~ .......... ....................................................... .


    The 01 0S1 rece ll! pe riod of hi gh fertility in the United States has oflcn bee n referred to as the bolry boom. After World War II -duri ng whi ch large numbe rs of l11ili1.<lI)' person ne l were sepa rated fmm their spouses-Ihe a nnual number o fbinh s beg-.1.I1 to rise d ramatically. Ye t the baby boom was no t a return to the large families COllllllon in the 1800s. In fael , the re was o nly a slig ht inc rease in the proportion of couples having three or mure c hild ren. Th e boom resulted from a striking decrcase in the numbe r of c hildless marriages a nd Qll c<h ild families. Although a peak was reached in 1957. the nation maintained a re latively high birlhra te of over 20 live births per 1000 population until 1964. (In 1 99~. by contrast, the birth rate was 16 live births per 1000 popllla t.ion -or 20 percellllowe r than in 1964.) It would be a mistake 10 a ttribu le the baby boom solely to the relurn home of large numbers o f soldiers. High wagL""S and gel lerai prospe.ril yduri'lS the

    551
    CI/~/'Tt:JI.

    Iq 1'QPI I..A.TlON Ai"/) "till'; M'\III()\.lft ;'\'T

    As Iht' UII;tNi Staid appruwhll


    jJOpUW/ WII gruWlh (71'(;!,

    J'If.

    Ii" '" /
    I"

    fll,''l' of Ill, pvjJIIlallfm

    ( UIIIIIIM'

    ,.O'

    reaching a peak of 12 lO 14 bi ll ion (McNamara , 1992). What will a socie ty with stable popu lation b owth .... be like? In dcmogr.tphic terms, it will be <Iuite different from the United SL ates of the 1990s. By the year 2040, there will be relatively equal numbers of people in each age group, and the median age of the population will be 37 (compared wilh 33 in 1991). As a result , th e population pyrdlllid will look rnort= like a rt=ctangle. Yet stabl e growth does not necessarily mean that people will be nonlT1obile. Internal migralions-whelher Rback to lhe dtf or Whac k to the fa rm ~-a re slill possible in a ZPG so-ciety ( Bureau of the Census, 1993<1: 16; Day, 1978). The impact of zero populatio n growth goes far beyond del1logrdphic sta tistics. Day-to-day lile will be somewhat different as coun tries cease to grow and the relative proportions of the popul ation in vadous age groups remain constant. By itself, ZPG is no gllar.tntee eith er o f bo unty or of econo m ic ruin. There will be a much larger proportion of o lde r people, especially aged 75 a nd over, a fact ~... h ich will place a greater demand on the nation's socia l service program s and he a lth care institutions. O n a more positive no te, the e conomy will be less vola tile under ZPG, since lhe number o f entrants

    to the labor market will be morc stabh' (Spt'm::k 1978: 187 ). In industrial societ ies such as the l'1l[('d \1,11 power and position in the wod;. fo re' hJ\"t If,\dI. tio na lly been determined in parI by lengtll 01 0('[ vice, With ZPG, there "'ill be less OppollUllttl I promotion based on ti me of service, 5ill(t " lall'" part of the population wi ll be o lder. For t'l<.unplr in 1988 the Unit ed States had 40 !,erct'nt (1'\\1'1 r~~ plc aged ,~o to 55 than aged 20 tu ::!5, By nUll" if the nation reaches ZPG, there will Iw Hlth ,') 11 lO pe rcent fewe r adul ts o f age 50 than of dge ~II Conseq uently, many more people with ::!U In yeal'S o f WQl"l:. experience \vill be compet... !!; lOT Lht same desirable positio ns. ZPG will also lead to c hanges in foloul\ !llr Clea rly, as fe rtili ty rates continue 10 derlill\', WHlllrG wi ll devotc fewer years to childbcal'ing and w thr social roles of tn!l\herhood, The proportion I) ma ried women en tering th e paid labor fnrCl' (JU Or expected to rise (sce Chaptl'r 11 ) In Jddnl!)I\ the re Tllay be further increases in the di\.)ftr r.&It in ,l ZPC socie ty. As families ha\'c ft\\('r dulrllr unhaPI)Y couples may feel freer lO Sl"d. \(~r.lt a nd divorce ( Day, 1978; McFaUs, I!ml Wlrb. 1994 :249).

    552
    PAlI.'I HVE (,JJAXGJ.W; Sf/UI-; n

    rQrY1AI!QN . N'!!l...M.I.QMII.QN ................


    Along with bi r ths :md deaths, migratio n is onc o f lhe three facl.Ors a n'c nin g popttlatioll growth o r decline. The lc n n migration refers la relativcly permanent mm'cment of people wit h the purpose of changing thei r place of reside nce (Prc hn . 199 1). Migration usually describes !!lowme n! over a sizable disl<lIl cc, nlth c r th an fro m onc side of a ci t}' to anO! her. As a social p he n o me n on, migr.Hio l1 is fa irly COIllplex a nd rcsull.'l fro m a mrielY o f fac to rs. The mOSt importam te nd to be CCOllo mic - rinancial failure in the Mold coulllryM and a perception of greater economic opportunities and pt'ospe rit.y ;n the new homela nd. Other r.'lC(ors which con tr ibute to migration include racial and rel igious bigou)', dislike for prevailing political regimes. and desire to reun ite o ne's family. All these forces combine to t/!isll some i ndh~dlL a ls Ollt of their homelands a nd to tmll them to a reas believed to be more attracuvc,

    ~.~~.~.~~.~~.~.~~.~...~~.~~.~?.~.... "... ".....


    Interna tional migration - changes of residence across natio nal bOl lndaries- has been a signilicant rorce in redistlibllting the world '~ population du r-

    ing cerlain periods of history. For example. the composition of the Uni ted Slatt.'S h'L~ been signilic:uuly alte red by immigrants who have COI11t' he re in the nineteenth :lIld twe mic th centuries. Their elllry was encouraged or restricted by mlious illlm igr.llion policies. The immigration policy of the United States ",as examined ill detail in the social policy section of Chapte r 10. In the last deolde, immigration has become a controversial issue throughout much of Europe, Western EUI'OIX!, in pa rticul,II', has become a desirable destinatio n fo r many individuals and f:unilic.."S from fo n ner colonies o r fo rme r COlllll11lllistbloc cOUlllries who a r'e fleeing the poverty, persecuti on . and w;ufarc or their' nalivc lands. Currently, the re are 20 millio n legal im migr-<lllts in weste rn Europe. along with an csli nlated 2 m illio n illegal immigrdlltS. With the number of immigrants and refugees increasing at a lime or widespread unemployme nt and h Ollsing sho rtages, the!'e has been a su-iking rise in antifo rcign (and ofte rl open ly r<ldsl) St:1ltiment in Gcnn<lny, Francc, and o thef' countries. Right-wing fOl'ces in Germany (including members or the skinhead coullle rcu ll\Ll'e exam ined in C ha~ ler 3) have mounted more than 3500 allac k.~ on fo l'eigners in recent )'ears. Gypsies from easte rn Europe and immigrantS from Asia a re ofte n the tal'-

    }'ou llg II({J-Nazi_ \ shoWII i" IlIft' 1991 ill 0 wm:h through till' nt, 0/ !-Inll" Gtnnmry. Right-lI'mjJ /Ot"rn ill C..mnfllll (il1durlmg mnllW 0/ (h,

    Ill.,

    sleillJU!fld rvuIIIPT"dluff) lUll' moullfl'd lIIor, /1111/1 J'OO fit/oriel 011

    /umgnm i" r/'l"l'lIl ytll"$.

    553
    ( '/IAI"/1:J/ /4,1 /'0/'111.:1 TWo\' ANIl

    'fll/:: t;.\'1, '/IION,\II' ,"/' "

    gelS, and there h:wc been attacks as well on Germany's small Je wish community (It'mgt', 1993). Dc\'eloping countries in Asia and Africa are also encountering dinicultics as thousands of displaced peoplc seek assistance and asylum. For example, as of 1992, Bangladesh had received more than 300,000 refugees from Myanmar's Ro hingyd Muslim community; J ordan had take n in 250,000 to 300,000 Palestin ians who had fled or been expelled from Kuwait; and K.enya had accepted more than 230,000 refugees fleeing war and fa min e in Eth iopia and Som.L\ia. The poliLical l-llld economic pro ble ms of dc \'c\oping nations (refer bac k to Chapte r 9) are only intensified by such massive migrntio ll under dcspcrdtc conditions (Ku.shnic k, 1993:252) .

    inte rnal migratio n from the ~ s n ow beh ut north central and no nheasle rn stales 10 tht' bc lt ~ in the south and west. Since 1970, the 511ft has absorbed almost l\o\'O-lhirds of the growth of the United States. lies move 10 the sun bell because of it~ economy and desirable climate. I\usines.scs "11' tJ.lcted by the compal<ltively i n expe!l~i\t' supplies. increased a\'ailability of I:lOOr. and weakness of laoor unio ns. Since 1988, while inte rnalmigr.ltion to Ihe south h~, """... high . migratio n to the west has lessened J:I job boom in that region has ended (DulIl1. Cober, 1993),

    r.1::I.E.:..~9.NM!'.NL.........___ _
    In 1962, in her pionee ring book .'W/nll Ral.:h cl Ca non warned about the health suiting frOIll the widespread use other pesLicides. Colrsoll pointed to tht" the insecticide DOT, la te r banned b) tht' mental PrOlection Agency after it \\J.., found. C;lIlSC cancer in testanimais. In warning 01 ina Lioll o f society by industry and ,',,' p"ofi" Carso n concluded : "Wc shall have no rdid Ih is poison ing of 'he environ ment until our cials have the courage and integrity to the public welfare is more imponant than and to enforce this point o f view in the I;!(C' pressures and all pro tests, even from tht' self" (Brodell l'. 1993: 114 ). By the I970s. the cnvironme nt had \wculllroil jar conce rn a cro.~s Ill e Un ited St<lle~. All 25 million people partkipated in till' Earth Day on April 22, 1970. Some 20011 nities held plan ned Earth Day celeb"ltiun\, there wcre e nviro nmcntal tc,lch-im at mu", 2000 colleges and 10.000 schools. Prol'it 0 11 be half o f e nvirOlllue nt,ll caUSt.'S Wt're many parIS of the nation . In the call) j or movcment on I I emcrg('d, while Congress established the mcnw) Pro lection Agency in 1970 and Clea n Ail' and Clean Water AClS (D. 1I.1~r". In lhe 19905. people around lhe pi<lIItl ricd about the continuing deterioration III vil'Onmc n1.ln 1992, some 106 ,,,,,d, ofK,,,,,m ...,

    .~~~~.?,~,,~~.~.i.?,~............,..................................
    Migra tory movc mell lS \o\rithin societies can \'<Iry in important ways. In traditional societies, migration o fl e n re presenlS a way of life, as people lIIo\'e to accom modate tJle c hanging availability of fe rule soil o r \\ri ld game. In indusII;al societies, people may relocate as a result of job tr.lnsfers or because they believe that a partic ula r region has beller emplOyme nt opponunilies o r iI mo re dcsir.lblc dimate. Although nations typically have laws and policies go\'cnt ing movement across their borders, the same is nOL true of intent,,1 mo\'ement . Ge nerally. residents of a COlllllf)' art: legally free lO migr.uc fro m onc localit), LO anoth e r. Of course. this ill nOt the ca.~e in all nations; the Republic of South Africa has histo rically restric ted lhe movement or Blacks a nd other non-Whiles through the sysle m of segregation k.nown as aparlndd (scc Chapter 10). We can idelll ify twO diuinCll\'e tre nds o f recent imel'llal migration within the United States:
    Suburoolliz.ation. During the pe riod 1980- 1990, suburb<ln counties grew in population by 14 percent while the ,otal popu la tion of tile Uniled Stales rose by 10 perce nt. The proponion of the population I h~ng in ce ntra l cities sla)'ed consta nt .'1 about one-third over the preced ing 40 years. Meanwhile, the shal'e o f lhe population living in no nm ctropolila n arcas declil1 ed from 44 percent in 195010 20 pe rce nt in 1992 (Bureau o r the Census. 1994) . 2 ~Sllll ni llg ofAmerim. ~ Thcre has been signifjcanl

    0""'.

    d""""II,
    "",>Kc.,

    n,,,,,",,',I.

    554
    ' .... H'f NVIi CJIANC'J,\'(: .>Ix.'l t-n '

    -tht: largest gathe ling 0 1 the world 's po litical Icader< in histOl)-mCI in Rio deJa neiro to at te nd the t loited :o.Jations Conference on Environm e n t and l>fo.'elopme lH (comlno nly known as the w Eanh Summit~). Indeed, more than 35,000 peo ple. including 9000 journalists, participa ted in the oHidal meetings and Ilollgovcrnmema l evc n ts in Rio. The Earth SUlIlmit occurred within a climate of K COIl CCfll. In 1992, lhe United Sta tes N:1Iion:l.1 line Atildemy of Sciences and th e Royal Socie ty of LUIl dillt (1992: I ) issued a re port that hegan: ~ l f ('Urre nl pl~l ictio ll " of populaLion b'Towth prove accurate ,"d pattem s of human activity on the planet ft.... .. main unchanged . scie nce and tec hnolob'Y may not bt able lO prevent either irre\ersible degradation ,l thc ellvironment or continlled poverty for muc h !lIthe world.~ Th e re port represelllcd a remarkable admission by two of lh e world's IC<ld ing scienli lic budic:s that science and technology C no longer lIlI rusure a bell er future unless population growth is thttked and the wurld economy is I'cstnlctured It.. I1rO\\11, 1993:3), "~thin the United SL'ltes, concern ahOllt e nvironmcnt.d issues has grown steadily 5ince Rachcl I,.uwn publi ~ht!d Si/I'll/ S/Jriug in 1962 :m d the fi rst Earth Day \\~IS hc..:ld in 1970. A diH:rsificd social

    move me nt h;tS arisell to add ress e nvi ronme nt:,,] issues. It is cstinm ted that 14 millio n ]Xople in the Uni ted States belo ng to o n c of the 150 naLionwide c nvironment:11 organi"l'ations or to o nc of the 12,000 grass-roots groups, The best known of the national organi "l'atio ns include dl C Sierra C lub (established in 1892) , the Na tural Resuu rces Dcfense Coun ci l (round ed in 1970 ), and lJ1(: controversial activist group Crccnpeacc, By 1990, a national surrey revealed that 76 percent of adul ts in the United Slates view themselves as environme ntalist.;, \Vhen De mocratic presidential nominee Bill Clin ton c hose Senator Al berl Gore ofTe nnessc..'C as his running mate in 1992, an imponant reason was Gore's rec.ord as a n .outspoken environllletHalis\ (Sale, 1993; J. Sc hwarL 1990; see also C:"lblt; :1I1d Be nson, Z, 1993). Like any sorial movement, the e nvir'o nmenlal move melll has aroused opposition. OpponcnL, a rgue that we must ba la nce o ur need for clean air, unspoiled offshore waters. and pristine wildemess areas with our need fo r jobs, e ne tl,'Y, and tourist sites, AI the same Lime, some obsenoers wh o Slipport e nviron mentalist goals are troubled by the fact lhat the most powerful nationwide e nvironme ntal organizations <Ire predom inantly Wh ite and affiu-

    555
    UIAI'IHI 1'1 ' I'f)/'I..II .\ 'rlU..Y .1.."11 "rIII,_"_""/IUJ.\ I/t~W'

    c nt. Viewed fro m a conflic t pers pective, il is signific.lIlt that these organi7..,uions accept funding from oil companies, chemical giants, and other powelful corporations. Perhaps as a result, the environmenlalist movement has often e mphasized limiled reforllls rather than profound struClllntl c hang'esfor example, requi ting cars 10 be morc ellcrgyefficient rathe r than drast ically reducing the number ofautolllobiles ( Burkc, 1993; S.,lc, 1993)_ What is ahead in confronting thc \I'orld's CII\~l'Onl1lental problems? Environmelltalist Leslcr Brown ( 1993:21), president of the Worldwi:ltc h iusti lllle-a nunprorit organi7..ation concerned with worldwide social and physical envirOIlTllental issues -concludes:
    Wc knowwlmt wc 11:I1 to do. And we know how 10 do 'e

    i1. Ir wc rail 10 conl'en aliI' self-destructing econom)'


    into one that is environmelllally SlIst:tinahlc, fururc gc ncnltioTls will be O\'c l1vhelmccl b)' e nviro n lllcntal degradation and social disintegration. Simply st"tcd, if our gcuemtioll does not turn things a round, our children may not h;1I'1.' the option of doing su,

    Environmental Problems: An Overview


    With cach passi ng }'ear, wc arc leaming more about thc environment.l! damage ca used by prese nt population Icvels and production and consumption

    pallCI'llS. The supe rficial signs are \~sibre J.ic evclywherc, QUI' ail' and ....'ater are being J)"'Uuc ..... hether .....e livc in SI. Louis, Mexico Cit), or~ Nige ria . As we will ex plore more full) in thl' ". policy section, dispos;\1 o f both toxic :md nunll wastes is a nationwide and worldwide ptnblral (McNamara, 1 9~)2), In recent decades, the world has WilUl"'~ O llS environmelllill disasters. For exampll', lA. Canal , near Niagar.t Falls in Ne ..... Vork Slale, lootSdrdared a disaster area in 1978 because of rht'llllal co ntamination . In the 1940s and 1930s, lllI' ~itr-had hee n lIscd by a chemical company LO di~I)o')\(' waste products, but latcr a housing dl'II'I(,pmrnI and a school ,,'cre bui lt there, The Illtlal dna which held thc che mical wastes e\CllIlL"lh rtfittt o ut and toxic che micals with noxious odol'\. seeping into the residents' yards and ba'l('nM"fta S\lbsequent invcstigat ions revealed that the chtrat cal compa ny knew a.~ earl y as 1958 th;1I toxcr (hro ica ls were sce ping into homes and a 'i{htQ pla),ground. After I'epeatcd prOleslS in tht lair 1970s, 239 fami lies living in Love Canal h....II' relocated. In 1986, a sC I;es of explosions set 011 ~ .IIIstrophic nuclear reactor accident al Chemuho.l parI or the Ukraine (in what was lhen the Sulll1 Union). As a result or this accident, at lC;t~l !,(lIhod perhaps as many as 10,000 pcoplt died..\it

    AI Im$1 }()() and fJt'tM/'I

    W....,

    IO,()()(} ~ dud (lJ 11 "",1/ fljtJ" m/allrof,lric 1986 nudtlll ",... /Dr IJ(nlinlf (1/ Clrtmqbjl, " part '" lit Vlem;", (i'l '''''(1t IIN'II Ihn' /41 \,. Umon).

    556
    /'III/'/I'/I'E' UIASf,/Sr. . )( ;lf"1"l' W

    300,000 rcsirict11s h:ld to be evacu:ned , and the :lrea became uninhabik'lble for 19 mi les in a ny direction. Conullu ing levels of high radia tion .....ere found as far as 30 miles fro m the reactor si te. "rhile radioactivity levels were well above normal as far away as Swede ., .md Japan. According to 0 11(' estimate, U1C Chernobyl acciden t and ule resulting nllclear fallout may ultimately result in 5000 t.o 150,000 cxce~ cases of ca ncer worldwide ( Bhara d\\'~j , 1992; Bogert, 1990). While Love Ca nal, Chernobyl, and other envirOllmc ntal dis'lSlers underst".mdably grab headlines, it is the sile nt, day-to-day dctedoration o f lhe e nvironme nt lhal ultimately poses a devastating threal to humanity. 11 is i mpo~ ibl e to examine all o ur C Il\1ronme ntal problems in de tail , but three broad areas of concern stand out: air pollution , \V;lter pollu tion, a nd cOllk'lmin ation of land .

    dumping and is exacerbated by fuel leakage from shipping and occasional oil spills. In a d l-amatic ac cidellt , the o il tanker E:XXffll Vakla rail aground in Prince \Vi\liam Sound , Alaska_ in 1989. The ta nker's cargo o f 11 million gallons of crude oi l was lost in th e sound o r washed o nto the shore, thel'cby contaminating 1285 miles of shordine. About 11 ,000 people had 10 join in a cleanup eOon which ullim:uely cost MCI' $2 hillion. Rece nt dat.'l fro m Russia, lht' hlr~esl COLllllry in Europe, underscore the prohl e ms caused by water pollution. With half the nation's drill king: wate r and one-lcn Ul or its food supply contamina ted, 55 pcrcent o f school-age children experience heahh proble nl'!, :md RlIssia''! life expecta ncy is now decli ning (Freciand, 1992; sce also L. Brown . 1993:9-10). Contamination of Land As "'as c\1del1t in Lo . . e Cam!l, land can be seriollsly conta 111 inaICd by industriH I dUlnping' of hazardo us wastes a nd chemica ls. In another Il00eworulY case of contam ination , ullpavcd roads in Ti mes Beach, Missouri , were spr'aycd to cOlltrol dust in 1971 with .. n oil UmICOIltained diox in . This highly toxic chemical is produced as a hy-product of lhe mall ufac tUl'c of herbicides alld other chemicals. Afte r the health dangers of d ioxi n became evide n t, the e nure comIll lmily of 2800 people \\~dS relOCiltcd (at a cost of $3!i million) and the town of Times Reach was fully shut down in 1985. Wh at a rc the basic causes of o llr growing t'IlViJ"Ollmental problems? Neo-Malthusians sllch as Paul Ehrlich ( 1968: Ehrlich and Ehrlic h, 1990) sce world popula tio n growth as the cc nu-al faclo r in e nvironmental deterioration and argue that population conlro l is essential in prevcnting widespread starvation and e nvironmental dec.iy. Barry Commoner ( 197 1), it biologiSI, cOlmters that the primary cause of cll\1rotllllcm al ills is the iIlCl"ea.~ing use of technological innovations that are destructive to t.h e en\1rollmcnt-among them , plastics, detergen ts, synthetic libcrs, pesticidcs, he rbi cides, and chemical fertilizers. Sociologist Nlan Sc hnaiberg ( 1980) is critica l o f bot h these a pproaches. He argues that those who own and cOlllIol the mea ns o f productioll in advanced c.ipitalisl societies have ul!imate ' responsibility 101 our e nvironme ntal problems becallse of the ir need to conslan tly ge nel"3le greater

    Air PoUutiou According La a study hy tli e United Nations Enviro nment Progr.lIlHlIe a nd the World Hea lth Organization ( 1988), more Iha n I billion pt."Ople 011 the planet are exposed to potentially heahh-damaging levels of ail- pollution. Indt::cd, in ci ties around the world , residents have come to accept smog and polluted air as ~ IlO l1na l. " Air pollution in urban areas is caused primarily by emission s fro m automobiles and secondarily by emissions from electri c pov.er plants and heavy industries. Urb.1n smog IIOt only limits visibili ty; it can lead la health proble ms as uncomforta bl c as eye irr'itation and as deadly as lung cance r. It is es timated Iha1 air pollution may COSI the United Slates as lIluc h as $40 billion PCI- rear in healLh care ex pe nses and losl productivity. Studies in Bulg".!ria hav(, documented that, compared with othe r residents, people living lIear heavy industrial complexes have asthma mtes nine times as high, l-ales of skin disease se\'en times as high, and rates of liver disease fOllr lim es as high (L BrowlI. 1993; Cannon. 1985; J . Friedman, 1990).
    WaleI' Pollution Th roughout I,he United Stales, lreams, rivers, :-lI1d lakes have bee n polluted through dumping of "';\Ste mat.erials by both industries rmd local gove rnme n ts. Consequently. many bodies of wate r have becomc ullsafe for drinking, fishing, and swimming. Around the world , the pollution o f th e oceans has \x'come a growi ng COIIrern. Such pollut ion results regularly from was te

    557

    This tension betwecn the three esscntial functions of the e nvironme nt brings us back to the human ccolobrlSIS' view Ula t ~c"eryuling is connectcd to e\'ctylhi ng else.~ In facing the cnvironmcntal challenges of thc lwelllr-first ccntury, gove rnment policymake rs and c ll vironm e nt"lli st~ must determine how th ey can fulfill human societies' pressin g needs (for cxample, for food , clothing. and shelter) while at the s'-lIne Lime preservi ng the c nvironmcnt as a sou rce of resou rces, as a waste repository, a nd as Ollr home.

    tenure . SlOn ich fOllnd tJat the policies of multinaLional CorpOl-ations and inte rnational aid orga niz.ations e ncourdgc an export-oriented agriculture that relies 011 intensive land usc. In her view, slIch policies arc likely to lead to destnlClion of the remaining rai n forests in Centra l America, while increasing inequality, mahllllrition , and con nicts within and bctween nations. These socioeconomic patte rns, wit h harmful ellvironme ntal conSC<juc nccs, are evide nt not only in Latin Amedca but also in many regio ns of Africa and Asia, Nevcrth c1es.~, while well-awdl'C of the Cll-

    Conflict View of Environmental Issues


    As was d iscussed earlict, somc theorists view ovcrpopulation as the central cause of CllvirOlllllcntal problcms. wh ile OU1CI'S e mphasi1..e the role of hannfu l technological innovdliolls. From a connict perspectivc, however, neither of these a pprOilches is satisfactory. Like Allan Schnai bcrg, man}' sociologislS unlw on the conflict pcrspecLive and blal11 C the dominant social panldigm of advanced capiudi.'lt s0cieties for threatening our cnviro nme nt (B1mradwdj, 1992). In Chapter 9, wc drew o n world syste m the01Y to show how a growing share of the human and natural rcsourccs of the developing co untries is being rcdisuibulcd to the t.:ore industrialized nations. This process only intensilit:S the destruction of natural resources in poorer regions oftJie world. From a conflict perspcclhc. Ies... aAluelll nations arc being fo rced 10 cxploiltheir mineral d eposiL~. fo rcsts. and fisheries in order 10 meet their debt obligations. The poor turn to t.he on ly means of sUlvival available to th em: they plow mountain slopes, burn plots in tropical forests, and o\'crgraze grasslands (Durning, 1990:26; Waling, 1988). Th is intcrplay betwecn economic troublcs a nd cnviron men t.-ll destruction has been qui tc evident in Brazil. where each year thou5;111ds ofsquan:: miles of the Amazon l-ain forest a re cleared for crops and livestock through buming. (As wa.~ discussed in CJlapler 9, the elimin ation of the rdin forest affects II-'O rldwide weather patterns and heightcns thc gradual ,vdnning of tlw e ilrth in a process known as the grtnIhou.se qJect,) Similarly, Susan Stonich (1989) suggests that e nvironmental dcstnlction in soulhe rn Honduras is in tricately connected to problems of poverty, un em ployme nt, and land
    FIG URE 19-3
    Global Con cern for th e Environmfmt

    Mo<o

    indusirialimd
    100 90 80 70
    nation$

    industrialized
    notions

    ....

    6()

    50 '0
    3()

    20
    10

    O ~~~~~~~~~

    fflll ~ 1/. 8)11' ~I if r;l~./ ..


    Great deal fair amount

    "" ' OU': Mbp!nI (... un [)""br et at..

    1991 1;11,

    A 1992 , m.ory (Ondlu1td Uy TIu: n Coldlll/J IlItf'mational butitl4tt in 24 /llltimu $JuJ11)ef1 thal IJe.O/Jlt IlTmmrl the lI!orM worried 1l00ul tlu tllvirollllln!t. A higll" fJmtHJr1ilm of fH:oPk ill tM f'llIli/1mus. Nigma, Mniro, mul

    Brazil $Qid that they had a -grltlt dtar of pns(Jt1ll1 rollum alxnd t/llImmmmtat frrob/t:nu than did fJt(Jpk
    in lhe Unilllt S/att.J, Gretll IJrilmn.

    ,1l1fmn, mul C.rnlllmy.

    559
    CIIIlY11-.'U 19 - f'OI'UI.Al'1ON AND lilt: t1';\'/HO,.,'MM''''

    vironmenlal implications of land use po licies in the Third World, confliCll.heorists contend that such a foclls on the developing countries can contain an cleme nt of ethnocentrism. \ho, they ask, is more to blame for environmemal deterioration : the poverty-stricken and ~food-hungry" populations of the world or the "e nel"bry-hungry" industrialized nations (C. Miller, 1972: 117)? Conventional wisdom holds tllat concern far environmental quality is limite d to the world's wealthy industrialized nations. Ho\\'ever. the results of the 1992 HealtJ, of the Planet survey conducted in 24 countries by TI1C Gallup Illlernational Institute show that there is uridl'.Jjm!f1d environmcntal concern around the planet. Indeed , as is shown in Figure 19-3, a higher proportion of people in the Philippines. Nigeria, Mexico, and BraLil said that they had a ~great d eal~ of personal concern aooul environmental problems than did people in the United States, Great Britain, Japan, and Ccnmmy (Dun lap et a\., 1993:8). In challenging lhe e thnocentrism inherent in hlaming environmental ills all poor and develop-ing na tions, connic! theorists point o ul tha t weste rn industrialit..cd nations account for onl)' 25 percell! of the world's population but arc responsible for 85 percent of worldwide consuTIlption. Looking at th c United States alolle, a mere 6 percent of the

    world's people consume more than half the- ,"1fki'J non renewable resou rces and more than onN" of all the raw materials produced. With SIKh ... in mind, conOi ct theorists charge that th~ IJICI; seriolls threat to the em~ronment comC') fPJI "affiucnl mcgaconsu lllcrs and mcgapoUuttti (Bharad\'.'aj, 1992:853: C. Miller, 1972:12~) . Ajl;m Schnaiberg ( 1980) further refhw'l ~ analysis by criticizing the focus on amu~nt (Fm as the cause of environmental troubles. In hI, .... a capitalist system has a ~tread mill of prodll(,1iW' beciluse of its inherent need to build e"("r-(')(~ ing profits. This treadmill necessitlltl'S NMI"" .. increasing demand for products, obtaining n~lwll resources at minimal cost, and mallllfactllrilll products as quickl), and cheaply as possible-DD mauer \\'hat the long-range environmt"llu.I CC)8quences of this tread mill. In Schnajbcrg'~ \'ft, drawing on the work of Kad Marx, it h th~ , . own and conu'ol the means ofproduCllIJll who III ultimately responsible for the effects of this tl'QS. mill of production and the e"er-expandmR ... sumption that resulls (sce also K. ZIIIUnl'mwl al., 1986). r\.<; we will see in the social pohn ~IIOI that follows, this insatiable production lmd (QIIo sumption contribute directly to the drm ... nd t. morc and more landlills.

    OPPosmON TO lANDFJli.S How can community opposit.ion to a landfill or another public project be viewed frOIll a conniCl perspecti\'e? According to sociological researc h, how is a community's exposure to hazardous wast.e sites and pollution affeCled b)' the race, ethnicity, and s0cial class standing of its members? Wh y are CIl\~ronmcntalisl.'i somewhat divided on the iSSlle of lalldlills and waste dispos.'li? stration, much less a violent one. But. in Aplil t!'-l) protestars charged local police, and ~9 !'t'\irltnt we re .arrested. The issue a t stake was nOI cilil rip unemployment, workers' wages, or other ,raj. tional political a nd economic flashpoinLS. Iluhtr it was an issue posed by a major govcrnmemalllOlh which raised long-range questions ofpl1hli(' poliq. th e disposal of waste. According to a surW'I, I'll ~ ce nt of Canadea residents were opposed 10 pmposed landfill in their com munity. Public f)~ tio n W'dS SO intense lhat the local pl'O"\ltor . . unable to indic t the rioters even though thr . . ICllce had been witnessed by many b)'St.wrir,," captured on vidcotapc (Inhaber, 1992<1, IWJh) Many of us have heard the commOIlSCIl'il' INJtion

    The small town of Canadea, New York, seemed an unlike ly setting for a riot. Nestled in the hills near the Pennsylvania horder, this town of 2300 people had never been the site of a rmtior demon-

    560

    A mall IS J/wllftl heillg flrr~)ltd 11ft" commilling rivil di$oh'.,liel.rt (IS pmt of a 1990 " rote.II ago;rl.Sl O/MpoSrd /(lIIl1fill hi ClHwderl, Nf'w Yo'*,

    that the United SUlles i.~ I'unni ng Olll of sare placcs to locatc landl1Us. While it is [nlC that the re is a shortage of such sites in the l10nhcaslCrn Slales, there are many acceptable locations ,lCroSS the cOllnu)'. Nevertheless, poliC)'makcrs face signilicant financial stl'a ins in funding e"pcnsivc landfills, Even more im l>Ol'laOl , as we saw in the Canadea example, landfills amuse strong opposition from local residell ts ( Rathjc and Murph)', 1992:118- 120), The controversies over landfills in man)' states and communities have led social scientists to apply the labels of kNIMB\'- and MN IMTOO.M Community activists often respond to proposed landfi lls by declaring "not in my bac k yard" (N Il\'lBY). Legislators then respond 10 the political dim.ue by su pportin g studies and cnvironmcnL."l.1 impac t statements as a delaying tactic and a \\'ay of implicitly saying knot in my te rm of olnce (N IMTOO). Propo ne nts or ~IMBY and NIMTOO do not Ill'ccssafi ly c hal le nge the nccd for a proposed landfill ; they simply insiSt "not hcrc" and ~ II Ol II OW," T hcse crics ,u'c hcard as well whcll people prOlest proposals for prisons, nud ear power faciliti es, sewage treatmcllt plants, drug rehabilil:llion clin ics, hospices ror NOS patie ulS, and group homes ror people wiLh developm e ntaJ dis.1.biliti es (scc Chapter 20). Urban plannc r ~'f ichacl Dca .. ( 1992) ha.~ idellli fied the sL.1.ges of a NIMIlV battle agai nst a landfill
    H

    or another targeted racility. First , news of the proposal sp reads, le:lding 10 slrong and blullI comnllUlity opposition, Rcside nts seem unwilling to compromisc. Second. baul c lin es arc dra ....'Jl as tllC deb:Hc moves from private complaints 10 public forums. ConsequentJy, despite hcaled moments. the d e bate gradually becomes more ratio nal and ob.. jeclhe. In the third (and generally tlle longcst) stage. political and leg.11 de b.1.tes continue, and concessions are made on both sides. ViclOll' frequently goes LO tlu)Sc with the political and economic resources, as well as the persiste nce and stamina, to continue the fi ght. Thc NIMBYphellomenon has been "ic\\'(!d both positi\'cJ)' and c ritically in sociological literalllre, Thc morc posi [,h'c as!>Cssmcnts emphasize tJmt citizc ns ha\'e a fairly good grasp of local issues and a reasonable concern for genuine risks to a com munity's health and welfarc. Blit ai ties coumer t.hat it is becoming impossible to find locations for esse ntial public prujecL~ . From 11 conflict perspectivc, NIMIlY politics call be a rellection of direcl prc:judices (co mmunities not wanting mell tally disabled people 01' crilic;dly ill AIDS patie nts in their midst) 01" of less direc t fornlS or bhLS (pe rhaps th e controversial facilit)'ca n be I'cloc'lled 10 a poor o r IllinOlity >oliticall>OM:r to comlUlmity that I\,illnot have tJ1C 1 veto it ). Certainly those areas " 'ilh th e gn:atest

    (,JIAI~/,1-I11 9

    l'OI'IJL1

    561 no. ..i ....l) 'till:. ".Xl </liOS. \IJ'~VI

    wealth . prestige. and powe r will have the most !mccess in declaring ~ not in my back )'<I I'd - (Krafl and Clal)" 1991 ) . Sociologist Robcrt Bullard (1990) has shown that low-incom e communities a nd areas with sign ificant minolilY populations arc more likely to be :t(ljacelll 10 waste sites than arc affiuenl While com munities. In a pioneering 1979 study of I-Io uslon. Bullard showed that since the 19205. a ll the c it)'-Qwned landlills a nd six of the e ig ht brarbage incinc ..II.ors had been located in Black ncighoorhoods (Suro, 1993). Simi larly, sociolobrist Timothy Mahe r ( 199 1) examined the locations of all hazardous waste sites identified by lh e Indiana Department of Environmcnt:11 Manage mc nt. I-Ie fo und that these sites a rc espcci:llly likely 10 be found near communilics with many working-class re<1.idcnts or with 1>ubstantial African American populations. A landmark study published in 1987 by the Unitcd Church of Christ's Comm ission for Racial Justice ( 1987) found that a largc milloril), population-eve n morc than povcrty-w,LS thc distinguishing c haractclistic of comm unities exposed to toxic wastes. According to this study. thrce o r C\'cl)' live Blacks and Hi ... pan ics in the nation live in areas w;lh uncontrolled toxic waste sites. Moreover, a rcpon issued in mi<l-1992 by th e EnvirOll lllen lal Pl'oteaio n Agency suggested that f"'..ac ial and cthnic minorities suffer disproportionate exposure to dust. SOOI, carbon monoxide, ozone, sulfur, sulfur dioxide, and lead , a lo ng with disproportionate emissions rrom hazardous W'dste dumps. In line with a con fli cl penpcclivc, aC lh'i$l~ in African American, Hispanic. Asiau American, and Nativc Ame rican commun ities dl':m' Oil suc h data to c hallenge wha t they caU ~en\'iron m c 1llal racism.~ In thc view of these aClivislS, because their neighborhoods are pool' and powerless. they have become i ndu ~lJia l dumping grounds- .....ith t11e resull'i evident in displ"Oportionatc rates of birth defects, Icad I>oisoning. and can cer (Bryant and Mohai . 1992: P. Davis. 1992; E1son , 1990; SIII'O, 1993; st'.e also Kirby, 1982). Wi th o pposi tion to la lldfi lls intcllsilying in both nOll-While and Whil e communities. loo'aSte dispos..lI a nd waste tnmsport comp."lnies a re turning to COIlgress in search of a rederal solutjoll 10 the waste problem. Garbage is increasingly being shipped <lCI'Os.~ state lines. leading to tensions bcl\\'cen those

    states th;lt export "rari>."lge (plimal'ily New York. and New J ersey) a nd tho~ lhat have been inundated with o llt-o(:state l1"l1Sh (including Alabama, Ne\', MexicQ, Ohio, Pcn ns)"lwnia, Michig-dll . a nd We~ Viq,rinia). Th e laller states have bee n la rgely fmS' t"!led in the ir cITons to b<lll Qut-of-s ta te waste be callsc of a Suprc m e Cou rt dccision Ihal the Con stitution protects inle r.$tate shipping of garbage. NC\'erthcless" some staleS have auempted to di. courage illlpon..~ by imposing lllof"'dtOJiulllS un nel! landfills, by !.."l.xing I\'aSlC dispos."lI . 01' by allowing counties to p ro hibit outside garbag'c from heing dumped witbin their jurisdictions. Environmelllalists ap pear somewhat divided 011 thc issue of landfil1s and waslC dispos.1.1. For example, the Citizens Clearingho use fo r I-l:il.ardolllW'LSt.es, which is alTi li.ue d with some 6300 community groups. stro llgly opposes new landlil1s and g<.tI"bage inc in('l"ators. The ir str.llegy 11> 10 prC\'Cnt waste faci litics from be ing establis hed, thereb), (I hey hope ) rord ng clltbacks in lhe a mOunt of loo'aSte that is gcncr;lIed and dumped . But a repre sentativc or the Sicl"I":'1 Club insists that vrdSte will con tin ue lo be dumped mltlt'Wht!r"l!-c\CII if nCl'. and safcr fa cilities are nOI comU'lICled (Pyue.

    ' 99o, ' 74).


    FOl' m <llly enviro ll ll1 c \lt."lli!i I.~. recycling is a n esse ll tial clelllc nt ili a tong-range solution 10 I.he waste,> disposal problem. Whereas in 1989, there were 600 curbside coll ection programs in the Un irecl Sta(e~. by 19'-)2 there wcre 4000 (van Voorst. 1992). In rlecd, German y, Japan, and othe r nmions h:1\(' achieved recyclin g Icvels rar ahead of thosc in thi:l counll)'. A study o f n:cycling in the C1.nadian province of Albcrta by sociologists U nda Derksen and John Gartrcll ( 1993) suggests that the critical lactor in the SucceSS o f recycling progmms is cas)' accessibility. ralher than indi\idual atutudes to\\,ard recycling. Even OIl beSl. recycling scents on ly IHllt of the s<>IU lion lO th e I<lndfill crisis. ~Thc re arc somc utopians OUl Ihere "'ho think wc ca n hand le all \''aSte thro ug h sou rce reduc lion and I"cqcl illg," notes .Jo hn Arlington , scnior cOllnsel to a I-Io u'' of Ri;P' re-.clltalh'cs SUbCollllllillce Oil Haza rdo lls Materi a ls. ~StatC an d local officials who ha\'c to deal \\ith the real pro ble ms think that's pie in thcsk( (Pyuc. 1990: 174 ).

    562
    I'Hn'HI',", '
    CJIA.N(./\/; '.Oc/YIl

    SUMMARY
    nU~5b.c, composition. and disuibution Of lh(' I>opul;uion or tht: United States ha\'c an import;!'" innucnce 0 11 m:..ny of the policy issllt!!l that we have studie d in this book. Thi~ c1mptcr examines \~driOUJi dementi of pOpl!-

    btion, the ClUTenl problem of o\'c'l>oputatioll. tht' 1 >05J'bilily or 1.ero population growth, and the environmental prob1<:ms f;lcing OU I- planet.
    Demogr,lphcl'!! study gcogmphical lfanaUOlls lInd
    lIi~ torical

    birthr,UCli ;Ire C\'cn lower dlan in stage III of lhe demogr.lphic tr.tll5ition I1lodd. Does this pattern su~est Ihat t.he re i5 now a fourt.h stage in the demographic t.r.ll1silion? E\'clI morc important, whal arc the il11plic;uioll$ of negative population growth for an illdllst ri~lized nation appro..1ching Ihe twenty..lint century? 3 Imagine that you have been asked to stud) tJle is..~ue of air pollution in t.he largest cit), in )'OlIfst:ttC. How might ),011 d m,,' o n SlIn'C)"lI, obsely,uion rc.""SC""<II"ch, experime nts . lIlId existi ng sources 10 help yOll stud)' this issut:?

    11011

    trends which are useful in developing Jlop ula. forecasts.

    ! Thomas Roberl Malt. us suggested that the world 's h population was grol'.ing more mpidly than the available rood supply ;lI1d that this gap would i ncre~ O\'er time.
    1I00.C\'cr, Karl ~1;tn: was critical of M althus :111<1501\'0' ca j>"

    tl1lism rather thall rising world population as the caUS<' 01 social ills. STIle plimary mechanism for oheaiuing populatiou iu(oml;uioll ill Ih e Uni ted SL.-lIes and most other (OUIlis lh~ ce","$. " Rou ghly two-thirds of the world's n:llions ha\'e ),ct to I~wftllly through the second stage of deMagraphic traillitialt, and tlHl~ they continue to experi~nce significant population gro,,t.h. 5 The United Na tions projeclS that world populatioll (uuld risc as high as 6.<1 billion by the rear 2000. 6 By2QIO, whco most people born in the United SliIlcS \nll be enteri ng re tirement age, the nation will be appl"O<lching lIlro populatiDlI g rowth (lPG} . 7 11110' most importan t r:ICIOrs in migration tend 10 1)(; n:ttnornir- fhm llcial fail ure in the ~old COUI1 I1Y- and a poerttption of greater economic opportunities elsewhe re . 8 In 1992 . a1\ ~Ea l"lh Summit- took place in Rio de J~neiro with some 106 heads of goverl1llll'llI in allen-

    Birthrate The numbe r of live births per 1000 populatioll in a gh'en )"t'ar . Also known as Iht' mll~ birthmli'. (page 544) Ce n,u, An cll ulUer.lIion or counting of a I>opulation.
    (543)

    mes

    Death rate The number of deaths per 1000 I>oplllation in "gi\'e ll yea r. Abo kno,,'n as the cr/Ult dtotl. ro tt". (544) Demographic transitioll A te rm uS(."<.i 10 desclibe the change from hig h birthmtes and de .. I-ales to rerativ~ly low birthrates and death mtC!. (545) Demography The scientific stud)' of l>opuliltiOIl. (54 1) Ferlility The amount of reproduction among women of childtxaring age. (54 J) Growth rate The d iffer~ nce between births and deaths, plm the differcnce bclwecu inlllligr.llllS and emigranlS, per 1000 I>op ulalion . (544) I/umall l:cology An :Ire:! of study cOllceflled with the interrdation!ihips amollg people in their ~r<lli al ~ Itillg and ph)'Sical cnvi ro nllle lll.. (558) bllant mortality ra te T he number o f dc,l tJ\~ of illfanl$ under I yearQfagc per 1000 th'e births ill a given year.

    "1

    (544)

    d.aJlC~.

    9 TIlree broad areas o f envi ronmen ta l concern are air pollution, watcr pollution, a nd contamination of 1 :lIId. 1 Community residenlS often respond 10 prol>OS.11s for 0 b.ndfill~ bl' d(,'Clari1\~ NIMBY: -Not in ~Iy B:u"k Yard.-

    Li/e upeda llCY The avcrage numlX'r of )'eal"S a person can be expecte d to Ii\'(' under currCllt 1lI0nality cond itio ns . (544) Mig ratio" Relatively pemlalleUl mO\'emel\t of pc. 'Ople " with the pU'llOSe of changing their place of i"l$idence.
    (55~)

    I Select one of the sociall>olicy is.~IIt's exami ne d in this te-xtbouk ;ll1d ;1I1a1y/C in demil ho\\' th~ size, c(JmposiliulI, ~od distribution of the population of the United SL.1te1l half" an iml>orclnt influencr.- on lhat iS511e. ! Some European nations a re IIOW eS I><:riellcing popub.oon declint:s . 11,eir de;llh mte1 arc lo\\' and their

    Populatio" pyramid A spc::cial t.ype of h;\r chan Iha! .~hows the d istdlmtio n of popul:u;rm by gender and :lge. (5<19) Tota l fertility rate (TFR) -n le alt'l"llgc I1Il11lhel" of c hildren born a1i\'(' to a woman, assuming ,h;lt she conforllls to cun'cm fenility r ... tcs. (5-1'1) Vital $IatiJtics Records of births. dealh~, marriages. and divorces braulered th rough :1 regi~lI~lljon S)'Siem lIlaintaim:d by go\ertlmcntalun;ts. (543)

    563
    (:J/M~/l:1/

    19

    1'OI't..".ATlO.~

    A.\'D TilE I'. '11trQ,\ .11F.J.-r

    Zero population growth (Z PG) The suite of a populatio n \,~th a KTOWth nlle oL"t'ro, whi ch is achien:d when ule number of binh5 plus inunigl-dlllS i.~ equ:u 10 the 11IIrnber of dc:uhs plus t!llligrants. (55 1)

    ADDITIONAL READINGS
    Brown. l..eliler R. (cd.). SllIk of ,''' World. 1lJ9). Ne,", York: NOI"II)II, 1993. UrOlm olTers all :mn ual asso.'i.Slllcnl of the environTU e nt and pcople'~ illll);"ICI (both positiH' and neg;.lIi\'t~) on it. Br)"dnt, Uunyan . :md !'aul Mohai (cds.). IWff olld the 1,,ridtmu of EII1I"Otlllll'1lllll llaum6: A "/Im,. for DUClJIlfY.. Boulder, C(llo.: We.stvicw. 1992. A critical I1CW of cllvironmentll hd1.ar(\s ami how Ihey h:l\"c disproportiona te Ilcgalive illlPlICI on r~iI:; ial minorities. Eh rl ich, 1 >;1\11 R.. and AII IIC 11 . EhT"lich. Tlte Popula/io>! Ex 1'(0);(111. ;:.0;(.", YOlk Simon and Schustl' r, 19tJO. Two h iologisL~ adv'lIIce the !lco- ~1althusian thesis that unless intcrventionist policies arc ;Idopted to deal with the population bo mb, the wodd wi ll lx, subjected to nat ural forccs (pe r h:'!l$ rnll ....~iIe itH:l"ea.~cs in death rales) that \'o'i11 bring wodd l)()pul;nioT1 back imo balancc. Jone!, L.'ln(\oll Y. Crtal Exllfflfltitms: Ammw mullhf &/Iy Boom Vltfflllio>!. ~e\'o' York: B;llb uti nc, I !J80. 111i~ bvok prolides a readable account of the Klcial consequences of ule b;lb), boom COhOI1 ( I!H6 10 19(4) and the baby bust cohort \'o hich fo llowed. Mcnard. Scon W., and Elizabelh W. Mocn (eds.). Prr~
    s/JfllJl!S 01"1 i'o/milltioll : An
    Stli$.

    Mcnk.(" ,Jane (cd.). Wm{d l'Oplllflliml find U.S./)oUry. "no York: ","Orlon, I ~)86. A collcctioll ofartick'5 dealing ..,d, the impacl uf American 1)()licics on o ther counuiM C'f.. forts to deal wiLh lhe problem of population gt\J\fith. Rubin , Charles T. TJU! CrtVI C"uudt: A HiJlQf"j 111'Mb! J,irotlfflt'Il/nl MM. ;:.o;ew Llrunsl'oick.. NJ .: Transaclioo, 199<1. A political scientist lr.lce~ the emergence of tht cn\'ironrm:nt :t~ :1 soci;,] i\Suc in the United S(;ltt~. Russc:ll. CltC!)!' I 'he Ilusint-ss or Ocmographi(5. \' .... ington. D.C.: ])opulatiun Rclcrellcc BUI~.IU , 1984. Rur ~dl. a c\ellmgl~lphir researcher. dCi'lCribcs the appli ..... lions or Ihe smell! or populaliulI in the marketpl.t..t 1)lIh1i~lwd as thcJul1e 1!}8~ i5.'illc of l 'oJIlIUI/lIm H'jUm Weeks.John R. l>ojmllllirm: All /nlm(/Iulim/Io ecnltplHlM /ssut'$ (IIlxlat.cd 51h e d. ). Ikhnont . C.alif.: W;"ub"....,rth. 199<1 . t\ sociolt~ic:l1 trc:tllllcnt of demograph} ..ith consideration or such saci;!! i.\Stll'S ;I~ aging, urlwliolion . economic del'clopmenL :uld food ~lIppl)'.

    Inl~/utlion

    to CAtutp/J ami

    15-

    New Yurk.: Oxford Uni\'cnit)' I'rC$5, \987. A collection of classic and cOnlem l)()r.u), CSS;l)"S cO\cring tile scientific stud)' of population .

    Tile rOll ulation Itcfi:rCllce I.\lIre;\l1 (777 14th SL. NW, Suite SOD, W;I.~hin~lOlI, D.e. 200(5) publishes 1'oj1u1A lirm BIII/IoIm (quarrerlr), 1'''1111((11;,,1/ Today ( 11 tilllt":'l.lll ,,"ally), 1"lnTh(mg~ (qll;tl"lerir), :H1d occasio""lh "(la"" illg Modll ln. These public tl io llS pl"Ovidc up-to..d.nt infonllaUOII on population trelld~. TIlt"" Bureau ..t t!tot Census iMlleS Curml/ POPu(i/llOn 1t..por15 which art' Itrlp rul 1 r('SC;uchcr~. Other jOltrna1.~ focusing Oil ~ 0 graph ic issues inchlde A mmal/! Ihogmphlf:s (founded in 1979), lktllogmphJ ( IY&I) , and /1I1~nl/o1I{l1,\tp tiot! 1t.nJ;1'U' ( I %4) .

    564

    .....................

    ~:tf:::1Ic:t"':::::::::I..... ..... .......... .


    '-'

    COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR AND .............................................................................. SOCIAL CHANGE

    565

    ....................c:=:::==?I~t=jI;===:I """
    ~

    I"')n

    COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR AND SOCIAL CHANGE

    THEORIES OF COlLECTIVE BEHAVIOR Emergent-Nonn Pc~pccth~


    Value-Added PCI"S I)cclivc

    THEORIES OF SOC IAL C IIANC E


    \'oluuolUlI) ' TheOl)'

    Functionalist Theory Connict lllcol) '


    RESISTANCE TO SOC IAL CHANGE

    Assembling Perspeclive
    FORMS OF COu.ECfIVE BEHAVIOR Crowds Disa..~ler 8elmvior Fads and Fashions
    Pan ics an d Cr.l7.t."S RUlnors

    SOCIAL POLICY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: DJSABILITY RIGIITS


    BOXES

    Publics and Public Opinion


    Social Move mC II LS

    Rclati \'c De privation RC50urce Mobili7..ation

    Around the World: Exit Polling ill the Fornler S<)\'iCl Union 20-2 Everyday Ik h ;l\~ o"; The Social Movement for Prostitutes' Rights

    ~I

    567

    O ur civilization is doomed

    if lhe unheard-oJ actions DJ our )'Qlmger generations art allowed to continue.


    Anrilm' wfkl !ma:n.on-M in Ur

    LOOKING AHEAD
    I-I ow do CO nlem p or.lI)' socio logic):ll thCQI';SlS
    I' jell' collective bcha\'ior? What functions do rumors pcrfonn for a

    ~oc j cty?

    What impact have social movement" had on the cou rse of history and the cvolmion of social
    ~Inlcturc ?

    I-Iow have theorists analYLcd the prace'\S of socia l change? Why arc efforts to pmmotc social change likely to ~ met with resistance? H ow has the di,~abjljly rights movement cOnlribuled tu socielal changes in trcaUlIclll of people wi th dis,abililies?

    ye"f 1989 brough t tumultuous change ill East \-.("nllany. ThaI summer, both Hungary and Clecho:.1U\'{lkia bcgan allowing "isiling East Germans 10 continue 01\ to the west. T('ns of thousands began to use this escape route; hy aUlllmn, as many :IS I million E."1St Gennans had applied to e migrate, There \,'cre week.I)' demonstrations agair1s1 Communist party rule; one demand o f protestors was th(l\ all restrictions on travel be e liminated , On October 18. E...'St Germany's ruling Politburo r'esponded lO growing pressures ror rdo rm by removing Erich Honeck.er as h ead of SlalC and rcplacing him with Egon Krellz. But protesls against the Com m u nist regime continlled to in tclIsify. Finail)" on November 9. (l govcrnment oOicial announced a new tlOlve l decree, undcr which people

    Lw

    who wished to u...wc1 10 the west could do so if Iha . obtained visas from their local police stHtiOns. As word o r the new poli<..)' spread tha t even ing \;:r !"oIdio ,md television. lIl01ls;.mds of East Gcnnan~ most or who m had no \~s."'l.s-sllrgcd excilt,.dh to th e borders by car and by fooL. With the ~lppl"(l\otl of Krenz, the gales which had long separated tht two Gennan},s, among them the hated Berlin WaD, were opened. Waves or East Germans were allo.rd to cross inlo the west, and West Gennam were allowed 10 c ross 10 lhe cast (Moseley, 1990), The norms, values. and social structure of (;(orman)' were rorever ;t h e red tha t November as EaR :md West Gel1l1ans crossed the borders to w friends and relatives (and , in the case of many F.~ Gennam, to begin new lives). Indeed, the entirt world wa:o deepl}' affected by pholographs and teitvision coverage or the celebrations at t.he Bertin Wall . Less than a yc,\!' later, the world 's superpowe rs cOllsc lHcd 10 I.he reunilication of Cennam. The dnun:uic evenLS of Nm"cmbcr 9 and IO-thr n nllOrs lha t lIle borders were open. lhe gathcrin~ of huge crowds, the capitulation of th e Communist leadership to social forces lhey could no longtr control -represent an exam ple of both collcctM beha\~or and social change. the two focal poinhnf Ihis chapl e r. l}ractically all group acLivity can be thought of Ai collective bchavior, bm sociologists have gin~n ru.. tinc l mean ing to lhe lem1. Nei l SmeJscr ( 1981:-131), a sociologist who specializes in this field of ~tudy. has definer! collective behavior as the "rc1ati\T!Y spo n t:"UlCOtlS and unstructure d bcha\'iorofa grnup of people who arc J'ellcting 10 a com mon influence in a n a m biguous sit uatio n ." The crowd lxh;wlOl"

    568
    I'\//)"n\.,. ClIAXC,J \{; <;(}C/K1l"

    eviden t in the joyous celebrations allhc Berlin Wall is but onc example of collecti\c behavior. Social cha"ge has becn defined by sociologist Wilbcn Moore ( 1967:3) as significa nt a lter.nion O\el" time ill bc havior paue m s and cuhure, including no rms a nd values. But what constitutes a "signific<lnr ~ a lteration? Ce nainly the dr.mmtic rise in formal education documellled in Chapter 16 re presents a change that has had profo und soc ial CO Ilsequences. Olhcrsodal changes thal have had longterm and important consequenccs incl ude the emerge !)cc o f slave ry as a system of stratification (see Chapter 8), the industria! revol utjon (Chapters 8 and 15), the g rea tly inc rea.sc..d panicipation of \\'ol11cn in thc paid labor fo rce of the (;niled SlateS ;!lld Europe (Chapter 11 ), and the worldwide population explosion (Cha pte r 19). This c hapter begins wilh an examinatio n of a number of theories used by sodologisLS to be n e!" undcrstand cul1cctivc bchavior. including th e clllcrgenHlO rm . value-added, and assembling pcrspectivcs, Pani cular a l1 c lllion is give n to cCI'tain t)'PCS of collective bc havior, among tllcm crowd he havior, disalil,e r be havior, fads and fashio ns, panics and crazes, rumors, public opinion , a nd soci:.\! movemenL<;. Contemponuy sodoloe.Y acknmo'Iedges Lhe ' crucial role that soc ial movements can pia), in mobilizing discontented members or a society and in itiating social c hange, Effo rts to cx plain long-crm social changes have led to the dcvclopmcnt oftheo['ies of change, which are examin ed in th e secon d half of th e chaptcr. All theories of sodal change recognize th at lhere will be resist::lIl ce to \-.}riaOons in social interactions, 1I0nns. and v"lues. This c hapter reviews the manner in which vested inte rests can block changes tha t they percehc as th reatc ning. Finally, in the social policy section. we foclls on changing socictai trea tmelU or people with disabilities and o n the growing dis..""\bilit)' righL<; movcment.

    III late 1989, lhe Ikr/ill 1\'(11/ MjJaralillg W'..II Gmn(my from fml rAnwmy was oJwlltr/ (lffldjllg 10 Ihe If!1mificatioll of Gmn/IIIY '" 1990). jubilant GmllallS (l'M/,m/ell (110/1 Ihl'
    Wali alld 50 1/1' (ll/l'tl/pled It) dr,'ro)' this

    Iw/erl strucwr,.

    ations. Nevertheless, socio logists have developed vario ns Iheoretical perspectives which can help l IS to study-and deal with in a constr UClhe ma nner -c rowds, riots, fads, and other types o f collec live behavio!".

    .............9..........................................................

    Emerrrent-Norm Perspective

    THEORIES OF leQJ,g:C:;I!YJl~E:I:!AYJ9g . . . . m m
    As Neil Slllclse r 's definition sllggests, collective heha\ior is usually uns u .... ctlired and spontaneous. This nuidity makes il mo re difficlllt for soc io loglSL<; 1 generali1c aboul pcoples bc havio r ill suc h si tu 0

    The early writings on coll ective bchaviol' imply that crowds arc bas ically ungove rna ble. Ho\\'cve r, this is n ot alW<IYS the c.."l.SC. In many situations, crowds arc e lTectivcly govcm e d by no rms and procedures and may even e ng-<ige in such practices a!'> queuing, or W"<iiling in line. Wc ro utinely e nCOllnte r queues when wc await sClvice, as in a rasl-rood restaurant

    569
    OIAI"1'1:.112f1 COIJ.JXT/I'E nHlAl'IOII "NIl .'iOC.lAI (;fIANGt:.

    Shuum is the JlainveU of a g)'mnlHium at NI:W York CiI)"S Cit)' OJIIRgt. Niru )'l)Ung IIl#n mid women died and 29
    wrre injured in /nle 1991 whm a

    CTOwd .rurged Ihnmgh this slairwtil /(J gain mllrance to a fharily haslutbalJ ga7lU!. MfWy of the victimJ k>m crushtfJ against welted 7lU!tlli doors UT rOt/ClTU
    walls.

    or bank; or when we wish LO enter or exi t, as in a movie Lheater or football stadium. Normally, physical barriers, such as guardrails and checkout counters, help to regulate queuing. When massive crowds are involved, ushers or security personnel may also be present to assist in the orderly rnovemelll of the crowd. On December 28,1991, people began gathering outside a building at City College in New York Ci~ LO sce Cl heavily promoted cbarity hasketball game involving rap stars and othe r celebrities. By late afternoon, more than 5000 people had gathered for th e 6:00 P..'1. game, even Ihough the gym could accommoda te on ly 2730 spectators. Although the crowd was divided into separate lines for ticket holders and those wishing to huy tickeL~ at the door, restlessness and discontent swept through both lines and sporadic tights broke oul. The arrival of celebrities o nly added to the commotion and the crowd's tension. Doors to the gymnasi um were finally ope ned onc hour before game time, but on ly 50 people were admiued to tlle lobby at a tim e. Once their tic keL~ had been taken. spectators proceeded down two flights of stairs, th rough a single unlocked entrance, and into the gym. Those further bac.k in the crowd experienced the disconcerting feeling of moving forward, then stopping for a period of time, then

    repeating this process again and again. \Vell past the publicized starting lime, huge cl'Owds were still outside, pressing to gain entrance to the buildillg. Finally, With the arena more than full. the rlOOI"\ 10 the gym were closed. As mmors spread Quu;idt the building that the game was beginn ing, mort tl1a1l 1000 frustrated fans, many ....>ith valid tickctli. surged through the glass doors into lhe building and headed for the stairs. Soon tlle stairv-:ell bec3mr a horril}>ing mass of people surging against locked metal doors to the gym and cmshed against con crete walls. T he resuh was a tragedy: nine }"oun~ men and women eventuall y died. and 29 were in-jured through the ~hee r pressure of bodies pr('S,Y ing against onc another and against v.-alls and dwt'l (Mollen, 1992). This was not the first time th at violent crO\\"{lill~ had led to tragedy. In 1979, I1 rock fans died of suffocation aner a crowd olltside Cincinnati's River frontStadium pushed to gain entrance 10 a conrm by T ht: Who. In 1989, whe n thousands ofSO<"rrf fans forced their way in LO a stad ium LO $Cc the semifinals of the English Cup, more than 90 people were trampled to death or smothercd. In 1991. three >,oung people died of suffocation inside an arena in Salt Lake City as a crowd surged forward to get the best vantage point to hear the heavy metal group AC/ DC (J. Gross, 199 1a; D. L. Miller, 19S5:46-1il.

    570
    I'ART f"l1'E. CHANGING W)C!t.TY

    Sociologists Ralph Turner and Le wis KHlian (1987) havc otTered a "iew of collective be h<lviol" which is helpful in assessin g these tragic events. 111 cir c mergent-norm perspccti\'e begins with the assumption that a 1;II"ge cro\\'(I . such ;lS a gro up of rock or soccer fans. is gove rl1(~d by expcctations of prope r behavio r just ;L~ lIluc h as to ur people playing doubles tenn.is. 111e emergent-IIorm perspective states that a collecti\c d efi nition o f appropriate and inappropria te bchavior e me rges during episodes of colleclive behavior. Like other social nonns, the e mergelll norm re nects shared cOI1\'jc lions held by members oflhe group an d is e nforcecl lhrough sanctio n.. (sce Chaple r 3). These new IIOn1l.s of propt: r bchavior may alise in wha t see m at fust as ambiguo us situations. The re is latitude fol' a wide range o f acts, ret within a general fr, lIncI\'ork Clltablished b>' t.he c merge nt nonllS (for a critique of this persp<."Cti\"e. sce Mc Phail . 1991:71-103). Using the emergent-nOml pe rspecti\e. we ctl n sce thOlt fans o ll tside th e charity ba.~ ketball ga me at Ci ty College found themselves in an ambiguo us situalion. Normal procedures of crowd conlrol , such as orderly queues, we re rapidly di s.~o l v in g. A new norm was simulta neously emerging: it i~ acceptable to push forward, eve n if people in front protest. Some members of the c rowd- especially those with ""lid tickeLS- may have fe h tJlat [his push fo rw:iI"d was justified itS a ....~J.y of e llsllr'ing that they \\'ollld gel 10 scc the game. Others pushed for-ward simply to relieve the physical presslIre of those pushing behind t.he m. Even individu,lIs who reject.ed the emergent norm llIay ha\'e feh afmid 10 oppo...c it , fraring ridicule or injury. Thus. conforming beha\~or. whic h wc lIs ually associa te WitJl highly Stru ctUfed situations (sec Ch apter 7). was evident in this miller chaotic crowd, as it had been earlier "I the concert~ by Th e Who and AC / DC and at th e soccer game in England . It would be misleading to asmme tha t these fans acted si mply as a united , colIt'ctive ullit in creatin g a dangero us sit llaliol1.

    !"~~.~~~~.~.~. !.~~.p.~~~~~......................................, . ......


    Neil Smelser ( 1963) continued lhe sociological er. fon to .maly'l.c colkcti\'c bc havior wi th his Y..tlueadded theo!)'. He uses the va/lleadded /nodel to explain how broad social conditio ns arc lr:mslonned in a defin ite patte rn into some form of col-

    lective bchavior. TIlis model oullines six imponalll dl!termin<l ll lS of collcctin: behavlor. Ini tially. in Smclser's view, certain elements rI1ust be present for a n incident of collective behavior 10 lake place. He lISes the tcnll l"lnulllrnl C01ll1Ilrn""~$ lO indicate that the o rga ni zati on or society ca n facililate lite emergence of conflicting interests. Stnlcltlral conduciveness makes collective beha\,.. ior possible. thollgh not inr..'Viwble. The second determinant of collective beha\'ior, ltnulllrol urni", occurs when the cOlld uci\'encs'i of lite social StnJClurC to polclllial conniCl gives way to" perception that conflic ting inte l"cs t.~ do, in fact , ex ist. This type of st.rain ....~d.S evide n t in EaSt Germany in 1989: the illtense desire of many E.ast Ccrmans lO 1r'l\\'c1 to or e migra te to the west placed gr('at strain on the social cotHral e xe rcised by thc nl ling Communisl par}'. Such su"Ucnu-a1 strain cont.ributes lO what Sme\ser calls a gm('f'(liiud ~litf-a shared view of reality that redefines social action and se lves to guide bchavior. The overthrow of C.orn mun isl mle in East Germany and o tJle r 5o\'ielbloc nations occurred in part ,L~ a result of a gene ralized belief that the Communisl regimes we re opprcssh'e and tha t popular resisl:lllce ((mid lead 10 social c hange. Smclser s u ggesL~ that a specific e ve nt Or incident., known as a prr.ripiltlling/(lctor, triggers colleClil'e behavio r. The evem may grow o ut of the social str ucI11re, but ""hateH:r its origins. it contributes to thc strains and beliefs sha red by a group or comu1l1l1ity. For example, studies of race riots ha\'e found that interracial fig hLS or alTelitS and searches of minorit)' individuals by police omcers often precede dis\l1rbances. Th e 1992 riolS in South Ce ntral Los Angeles. during which 58 peoplc were killed .....crc spa rk.ed by the aC(lu;ual of four White police o meel'S charged aftc r tilt' vid eot::lped beating of Rod ney King. a Black consu1.lCtion workcl". .According (0 Smciser, the presence of the four detenninants ide ntified above is necessary 1'01' collecl1\'e behavior 10 occur. Nevcnhc1c.ss. the group must be mobiliud for (lctiOI/. An cx t.e ndcd thunde rshower o r severe snowstorm may precl ude slIch a mobi lization. People are mo rc likcl)' to come togelhe r on wee kends than o n weekdays, ;n the evening rmher than during the daY lime. The manner in which wdnl (QII /IVI/$ rxnrisedbot h formally and informally-call be sign ifican t

    571
    ( .1/ ~I'U.R ZfI
    rOl .I.I"(""'fI'~

    Jff.IIA , '/OR A,\'O

    '},(.J(;J

    11. r:J1A.W:J

    Sotllh Un/raj Lal 58 ~ IIIm 11/1"'1, 11'1"1"' 5!}(J'*:nI Uy th, a(quitlai fJ/ fillll" Whj/t- !HJJict officm chargtd ojItr thl' Vllil'(l/IJ!lI'ff iJf!llIillg of RndlUfJ ".:mt,
    TIlt

    J992 riots

    III

    AIlf,f'Jd. during lVhirh

    (I

    lJuuk

    (Olo/Iu(riOlI l~.

    in detcmlining whether the preceding factors will end in collective bchavior. SUHed simply, social COIl[ral may prevell t, delay, or internlpt a collective outburst. In somc instances, forces of social contral may be guilty of misjudgments that intensify the severity of an outbreak. In th e view of Illany obsen 'ers, th e Los Angeles police did not respond fast enough as the initial rioting began in 1992, thereby creating a \<lCllum that allo\\'ed the Icvel of violence 10 escalate. Sociologists have questioned the validity of both the emergent-norm and value-added perspectives because of their imprecise definitions and the difficulry oflesljng them cmpirically. For example. they have criticilcd th e emcrgelH-nonn perspective for being tOO vague in defining what constitutes a norm and have challenged lhe value-added model for its lack ofspeci licity in dclining generaliZt:d bcJiefand sU'uc lllral strain. Of these two theories. the e mergent-norm pe rspec tive appears lO alTer a more useful explanation of societywide episodes of collective behavior. such as crazcs alld fashions, than the value-added approach (M. Hrawn and Goldin, 1973; Quarantclli and I-Iundl e)" 1975: K. Tit:mey, 1980). Nevertheless. Smelser's value-added lTlodel has been pcrsuasive for mall}' ~ociologists involvcd ill lhe study of collectivc be havior. His perspective represenL~ an advance overt'<lrlicr th eories th at treated

    gatherings as dominated by irrational, extreme im pulscs. The \" .lluc-added approach firmly rclalM episodes of collective behavior to the overall social structure of a society (fOl' a critique, see McPhail. 1994 ).

    Assemblinlr...........................................................~...~-~-Perspective ...........................!?
    As we havc secn, onc of the ke)' dctennin3..lli.5 of collective behavior is mohilization for action. Somt sociologists have paid panicular a llemion to Ihe question of ho", people come together to underlake collec tive action . Clark Mc Pha il. perhaps tilt most prolil1c researcher of collective behal10r in the last 20 years, secs such beha\;or as inl'OlIing people and organizations consciously responding to Olle another's actions. Drawing upon the inter actiolliSl approach to sociology. ~1cPhail (1994) ha, observed that ol'gani7.ed interactions occur dllling sllch diverse events as celebratio ns and rcvollllions. People: lIlay c hant , sing, or geslUre with rcspen to a common (Jl~jcct. In Iht: midst of w'lit.ing ill !illt' ollL"icie a rock Concen, <IS wc 11;I\'C alrcadyseen.lhn may accept an cmergcnt lIorm and begin 10 pu~h forward lOward the doors. Hlrilding on the interactioniSI approach. MtPhoiil and Miller (1973) introduced Lile concept of Ib~ assembling process. Earlier theorists of coJlcciilt beha\ior had been conten t to explain el'enLS such

    572
    I'AI{I FIll; (,1/,1. ,\,(;{\'( ; SOut. 11

    as riOL~ without concerning the mse lves with how gathcl;ngs of people actually came together. However. the assembling p erspective sought fOl' th e first lime to examine ho w and why people move from different po ints in space to a common location . For example. sociologists David Snow. I.ouis Zurcher, and Robert Pctcrs ( 1981 ) studie d a series of football victory cclebratiollS al the Uni\'ersity of Texas that spilled o\'er into thc main streets of Austiu . Some participants actively tried to rcc ruit passersby for the celcbration~ by thrusting out open p"hm H get five~ o r by ye lling at dl'ive rs to to honk their horns. In lact. cncolll<lging still furl he r assemhling bccame a preoccupation of the celebrators. \Vhcnevcr spectators were abse nt , those celebrating wc re relatively quiet. A ba.~ic distinction has bee n made between t\I'O types of ::L~scmblics. Periodic assemblies include recurring. relatively routine ga therings of people such as work groups, coll ege classcs, and season tickct holders of an athletic series. These assembli es "rc charaClCI;.lcd by admllce sche duling and rec urring allendance of the m ;~ol'it)' of particip..'lIlIS. T1lUS. most me mbers of an introdllCtOI) ' socio lob,), class may g..... he r togethe r fo r lec tures C\'cry MOlI(lay. Wednesday, and Friday morning at a regular mceting timc. By contrast. lIollperiodic assemblies include de monstrations, parades, and gatherings at the scene of fires. accidcllts. and at'['C51 Such as.ii. semblies. for example. thc 1989 celebrations at the Berlin Wall aftcr Lhe opening ofCcrmany's bordcrs. often result from word-of-Illouth info rma tion and art: gcnerally less fonnal than periodic a.ssc mblic ~. These thrce approaches to collcctive be havior give us dee per insight into relatively spOlllaneous and onstructured situations. Although episodes of collective bc ha\'ior may seem irra tional to o utsiders, norms e merge ;:lInong th e participanL" .md organized CffOTtS are made to assemble at a certain dm e and place.

    Among these a rc c rowds. disaster beha\'ior. fads and fashions. panics a nd CT'::n,cs. rtlmors, public opinion. and social moveme nts.

    .~!'Q~~ .............. ........................ ................................................... Crowds are temporary groupings of people in close proximity who share a common focus or in,
    terest. Speclators at a base ball game. particip;lIlts at a pe p 1~ lli y. a nd riolCI'S are a ll examples or crowds. Sociologists have been interested in what c harncteri... tics arc common to c rowds. Of course, it can be difTic ulllo generalize. si nce the nature or (I'owds \" ...tries dramatically. F'or example , in lerms of the e motions shared by c rowds. hostages 011 a h[jac kcd aiq>lanc expericnce in tense fear, whereas ,>4lrticipants ill a religious rcvival feel a deep sense ofj oy. Likc o ther fonns of collective behav;o r , crowds arc 11 0 t tow[)y lackill~ in stru Cture, Eve n ciurin g rioLS. P:1rlicipanLS (lr{;' governed by identifiable social norms and exhibit dclinite patlcl1ls of be havior. Sociologists Ric hard Ikrk a nd !-Ioward Aldl;ch ( 1972) examined pancrns or \';tndalism in 15 cities in the Uni led StatCS during Ihe riots of the 1960s. The)' fo und that stOI'C~ of me rcha nts perceivccl as exp10itivc were likely 10 he attacked. while prh'ale hom es and public agencies with positive re putations werc more likely 10 be spared. Apparelltly, loote rs had reac hcd a collcuive agree me nt as to what constituted a " propc r~ o r M impropcrH target ror dcstruction. If wc appl), the e m c rgc llI-oorm pcrspecti\'e to urb ;1I1 rio ting. wc can suggesl thal a new sod al norm is accepled (al least tcm porarily) which basically co ndon cs looting. Thc norms of respcct fol' pl'ivlItc prope ny- as well as norms involving obedience to th ~ law-a rc I'cplaccd by a concept of all goods as cOllllnun il), property. All desirable ilems. including those behind locked doors. ca n be llsed for the "ge nel~ll wclfare.~ In effect. ul e cmergCllt no rm allows loo/c l'S to Like wh." t.h ey rega rd as pro pc rly theirs (Qmu;mte lli and Dynes , 1970; sce aho Mc Plmil, 199 1).

    Drawi ng upon thc c mergent-no ml , valuc-added . and assem bling pcrspec ti"es-:md upon o the r asJlCcts of sociologica l examination -sociologists have examined many fnrm s nf coliectiv{' bc havi oT'.

    Disaster Behavior
    Ncwspa p('rs, telcvision reports, and eVCll rumors bring LIS word of man)' riisasters around th(' \\'odd. Thc term disaster refers 10 <I suddcn or disruptive

    573
    r:JlAVI'FH 211 (:0/

    /.1':(;"\"'; HUM 1'1011

    1.\'/1 .~()I.IM U/ANGJo_

    lIIinms milk/,ts art' s/wfl.m jn "Ugwl '993 dttrillg 1/",-/s /a combat IM j1(}t)(lillg of tht IItissiuippi River. Rnlwrtably, ill Ihll maU of milll!

    natural and luhmJiogiml dl~


    Iherf'is 11lI'rtfl$(!d .11"letU,"' (1111/

    org(miUl liQII mllie-I" Ihall C/Ul()S.

    CVCnt o r sel of evel1l~ that overtaxes .. community's resources so that outside aid is necessary. Traditionally, disasters bave been catastroph es related to nature, such as earthquakes. noods, and fires. Yet , in a n iudustrial age . natural dis.asters have now been joined by such "techn ological disasters" as airplane c l"rL~hes , industrial explosions, nuclear meltdowns, and mass!\'C chemical poisonings (Amnoff and C un ter. 1992; .J. Thomp.'Ion and J lawkes. 1962:268). Sociologists have made enormous strides in disaster research despite th e proble ms in heren t ill this Iype o f investigation. The work o f the Di'i-ilste r Research Gen Lcr at t.he University of Delaware has becn especially illlpona nt. The cent.cr ha.s te:l tlls of trained resea rc hers prepared to It:ave for the sit.e of a ny disasler 011 fou r hours' notice. Their field kits include material iden tifyin g the m as center staff members. recording equipment, and general interview guidelines for use in vario us types of disasters. En mUle to the scene, t.hese researc hers attcmpt lO obtain news information in o rder to learn about the conditions they may encounter. Upon arrival , the team establishes a co mmunication post to coordinate fieldwork and maintai n contact with the cellle r's headquarters. Since its founding , the Disaster Research Cen-

    ter has conducted more than 520 field stlld i ('"~ 01 natural a nd technological di s; l ~ters in the United States. as well as 24 in other nations. Its rcsearrh has been lIsed to develop eJl'ccti\'e planning and progr.unm ing ror de;llin g wi th disasters in such al" ca.~ as dcli\'ery of e1l1 crgency h ealth care, establish1l1 e nt and operation or 1"u1I10r-control centce\, coordi nation of melllal heal th se rvices after di~ lers, a nd imple me nta tio n o f di sas t ('r-prc pa rcd ll('>.~ a nd emergency-response programs. In 'Iddirion. the cente r has provided extcnsive trai ning and field research for o\'e r 100 gmduate swdenll. These studenlS main1<lin a professional commitment 10 di saster resea rch a nd oncn go on 10 work for such rli ~aster 05cn'ice org:lniz,n.ions as the Itt'd Cross and civil dcfcnse agen cies (D. L, Miller. 1988:55-56; Qual-<IIHelli , 1992; see also Cisin ami Clark, 19(2). Rem arkably, in th e wake of Illany natural ilnd tcchnological disaslcr~, there is increased struC l!Uf and organ i7 ,<llion mther tha n chaos. In the Uniled StaleS. disaste rs are ofte n followed by the creation of an emergen cy Moperations grollp~ which coordi natcs puhli c sen'iccs and even certain scNice~ 1Iu/ mally carried out by th e private sec tor (such as food distribu tio n). Decis.ion making becomes more ret)-tralizcd th an in normal limes (Dynes, 1978).

    574
    "AHT F/I'l-: OIA,.,'CING

    soew"

    ShoWI! is

    (lallCt club wlll!1't (ruch as ~rlll~~ clubs) ali(I jashiOlIS art 5uddnl mtJVro~rll.f involl/ing (I /J(lr/irll/ar liffIl)'k or lasle hi dollling, IIWSIC, or
    ftnW~ InNl.

    (I "m1J<" ~

    Fads

    UlTfatjOlI.

    Fads and Fashions


    An almost endless list of objens and behavior patterns seems temporarily to catch thc fancy of adults and children. Examples include silly pUtly, D;wy Crockett coons kin caps, hula hoops, Stilr \V1l1;f toys, the Rubik cube, break dancing, Cabbage Patch Kids, The S;mpsQfIj T shirlS, and Nimendo games. Fads and fashions are sudden movements toward the accepLallcc of some lifestylc or particular t'lSI.C in clothing, music, or rc.:crealion (A).,'1.lirre et al., 19R8; R. J ohnson, 1985). Fad$ arc temporal), p:1UCITIS of bt-havior involving large numbers of people; they spring up independent ly of preceding: trends and do 1101 give rise \0 successors. By conumt,!a$hious arc pl ea~lIr.1.b1c mass involvements thal feature a ccnain amount. of acceptance by society and have a li ne of historical contilllliry (Lolland, 1981 :442; 1985). Thus, pllnk haircuts would be considered a fashion , part of the ooll5talltly c hanbring standards of hair lellgth and ~t)'le, whereas adult roller skating would be co nsid~red a fad of the early 19805. Typically, when people think of jas}u'ons, they Ihink of clothing, parlicularly ,,,omen 's clothing. In reality, fads and fashions enter every aspect of life where choices arc not diculted by sheer necc~ity-

    vehides, S ~)rlS, music. drama , beverages, an, and even selection of pets. Any area of our lives thal is subj ect to continuing change is open to fads and fashiuns. There is a dear com mercial motive behind these forms of colleclivc behavior. For example, in abou t se\'c n months of 19:;5, over $100 million of Dotvy Crockeu items was so ld (worth about $500 million in 1993 dolla~ ). including COOllskin ca ps, lOy rillcs, knives, camping gear, cameras, and jibrs.'lW puzzles Uavna, 1986: 16; K1app, 1972:309). Fads and fashions allOl" people to identify with somctJling dilTcl'cnt from the dominant instillltions :md ~'mbol<; of a culture. Members of a suhculture may break with traditioll while remaining ~in" with (accepted by) a significant refere nce group of peers. Fads are gener,llIy short-lived alld tend to he viewed wilh a musement or lack of interest by mo:.1 nonpanicipanl.'l. Fashions, by contnlst, often have wider implications because they call rencct (or fa lsely gi,'c UIC impression of) wealth and status.

    Panics and Crazes


    Panics and crazes both rcpresent responses to some ge ner.llized be lief. A craze is ,HI exciting mass in\'olvement which lasts for a relatively long period of timc (Lofland , 198 1:441 ; 1985) . For example, in

    575
    /JIM'11'fi 20 ool.1.1o.'{ :111 'f.: 1lf.I/il \'1011 ANI) .';()(;/ill Cl/A ."/0. .

    late 1973, II press rel e ll~ frOIll a Wisconsin congressman describe d how the fede ral bureaucnlCY had failed to comract for enough lOilet paper fo r government buildings. Then , o n Dece mbe r 19, as part uf his nightJy mon ologue Oil the Ton ight Show. JObllllY Carson suggestcd that it would not be stmnge if the e ntire nauon ex perie nced a shon.'lgc of toilet paper. Millio ns of people lOok his hUll)o r o us comme nt seriollsly and immediat e l)' beg-.Ul stockpiling this ilem out of fear that it would soon be unavailable. Shortly lhercalkr, as a cunseque nce (If this Cr.lze, a shnrtage of toilet pape r aClUtllly res ulted. Its dlect~ were feh into 1974 (Ma1cull11 , 1974: MOll"" 1987). By co nU'aSI, a pallic is a fearful arousal o r cullect i\'e fli g ht based on a genera lized belief whidl mayor may not be tl CC lll<ltC . In tl panic, people commonly perceive lha t there is insufficieIH time or in adequate means to avoid iI~lIry. 1';lIl ics ofte n occllr on Ix~tt.ldje lds, in overcrowdcd b!!rning buildings. o r during stock marke t crashes. The key distinctio n between panics and cmzcs is that p"nics are nights from someliling whereas crazes are mOI'c mell LS tu something. One of th e m os t famous cases at' pan ic in t.he Un ited St:lles was touc he d off by a media ('VC nt: the IY3S Hall oween e\'e radio dl ~lInali la tion of H . G. Wells's sc ience fi ction novel TIll' IVflr of the World.,}. This ens b roadC:LSt realistically laId of an ill\~.l.s ion fro m Mars, with interp lanetary visitors landing in Ilonhcl'll New Jersey and taking over New York City 15 minutes later. The a nnOLlil cer ill d ica lcd at lhe begi nn ing of the broadcast tha t the ~1(:COUtl l was liel.io ll<ll, bu t "bo ut 80 perccllt or th e liSL ll e l'S tuncd e
    4
    4

    Brown, 19:,4:87 1; Canll;!, 1940:102- 107; Housenum, 1972). 11 is often beli eved thal peo ple engaged in panics o r cmzes arc unaware o f tJlcir a.ct ions, bu t th i.~ is ccrtainly nOI th e case. As the e m e rgenHlOrm pcrspecu\'e suggests, people lake ( ues from o ne anolhel' lis to how to act durin g suc h fo rms of collective bchavior_ Even in the midst of an escape from a Ii.fe-threate ning situation , such as a fire ill a crowded theater. people do no t lend to run in ;\ headlong stampede. Rat he r, they :!(Uust their Ix.. havior on th e b,ISis o f th e perceived cirClllnslaJlfl~ and the co nduct of o th e rs who are assembling in " givell location. To o lllSide o bse rvers studying the e\'e nL~. people 's decisions may seem foolish (pus)). illg ahrni nsl a locked door) o r suic idal (jumpinIC frolll a b;l1cony). Ye t. for that individual at lhatlll(}. ment. the action may genuinely seem a ppropriate- or th e o nly despcl"ilte c hoice available (Quar:l1llelli. 1957).

    RWl10rs
    ~ Paul McCartncy is dead." Accordin g to a populilr nllllor ill 1969, at the height of the Beatles' populari ty. the sin ge r died thal year at the age 01'27. (01, according to another version of the fllillor, he had died in 1966 in <I ll automobile accide nt after leaving a recording studio tired, sad, and depressed.) The evidence supporting Ih is rlllllor seemed clear - at least tu some. There W,18 the funeral pro-cession shown o n th e front of the Be at.1e; ' "Abbey Road" a lbulIl, with McCanney (or perhaps a lookalike?) walking barefoot like a co rpse. According 10 some liSteners. if o nc pays care ful allcntion al the' e nd of th e song ~S lrawbe rry Fields Forcver," onc can heu J o hn Lcnnon say. " I buried Pa ul! " ~101(' over, if"Rcvolu tion :--Jo. 9" is playe d backwards, onc can supposedly hear th e terrifying sounds ofa traffie accide nt. As radio stat io ns carried Ihere and o th er Lidbi ts, Palll McCartney was illle rvic\.\'cd b~ Lije magazine, lIlcreby establishing that he \l"dS indeed ali\'('. 13tH skc ptics countered tha t when a McCanney look-alike contest had bee n 11t:ld a f('w 1lI0mhs earlie r in Britain . a win ne r had ne\'c r been annou nced. Perhaps L~'{/" had unwillingly intt'1" viewed an imposter standing in for die deceased McC.artney? ()(;jpfe rcr. 1992:54; !\lea l)" 1969; RosnOI\', 1991:486).

    ill I:Ut.

    Clearly. a sig nificant 11l1mbe r of listeners heeilllll; frightcned b)' what they assllllled to he :1 ncws report. Howcl'c r, some accounts ha\'(~ exagge rated the extent of people 's reactio lls to The W(I /, of 111f~ Worlds. On e repOrt concluded that "people all over the U I1 ited Stales \\'erc prayin g. cl)'i ng, tleei ilg" frallticall), to escape death frolll the Martians." III conti'<lSl, a CBS Ilitlional survey o f listene rs fo und that ullly 20 r ~rcCl1 t were gelluin e ly scared by tllC brO:ldcast. AllIlOugh perha ps a m ill iu n pe<.lple rf!tlrlnl to this program , lll:Jn y reacted by switchin g to other stations to sec if the ~IICWS" wa'i being carrier! cls('where. This ~ in vasjon from outer space" set off a limited pan ic, rather lhan Ill,L~S h y.~ u~ li a (R. W.

    576

    UUlllor.J about
    ({HI

    mWlltti fimlJ~wlli(h

    )Q1l11fi",a IN
    (J1II)'

    5/J11'"d 1/01
    mll flUO

    riamagillg-nrt 6)' tJ~ KnU'ral public

    b)' 1!n.IJS/lalltTl', 1adio, and

    trlroisioll.

    Not all rumors we hear are so astonishing, but none of us is immunc from hearing or st.'lI'tin g rumors. A rumor is a picce of infonnation gathered infon nally which is used to interpret a n ambiguous situation (R. Berk , 1974:78), Vi ewed fro m a functionalist perspectivc , r umors servc a social functio n by providi ng a group with a shared belie f. As a group strh'es for conse nsus. mem bers eliminate those r llmors that a re least useful o r crcdible. A1lhough some people may start rumors with a specific inte nt to spread a falsehood, J ean-Noel Kapfere r ( 1992:53). a professor of com mu nication in France. suggestS that rumo J'S arc typically "spo ntaneous social p roductS. devoid of ulte rior moth'CS and underlying str' lIegies. ~ K..lpfe re r argues that the existence and spreading of nUllors rcncct natural processes wi thin groups. In his view. it is misleading to project thc respo nsibility for a rumor o u tSide the g ro up which hears lhe rumor, linds it m eaningful , a nd mobilizes La pass it u n, K..lpfcrer ( 1992: 54) concludes that "in lhe case of ru mors, . , , the public is the main a{:tor." Rumors aboul celebrities-wh ether politicians. movie stars, or m e mbers of royal families-have long been a popula r pastill1e around th e world. Natural disasteN, as well , tend 10 be a cOlll mon subject for mmors. For example, afler C..difornia was ~h a ke ll (Iitel11lly and fig u mti\'c1y) in mid I992 by a

    seri es of powerful eanhquakcs and aftershocks, ruInon; abounded litat the lo ng-d readed Mbig one" was immin e nt. Accordin g to olle unfounded account, the Californi:. Institute of T echnology in Pasad c na - the site of the lOp seismology laboratory in the area- had o rdered a ll itS e mployees to leave town (Nl:w r ork '/'imI'S, I 992d:A8; Rosnow, 199 1). Like celebrities, busin<..'SS linns find that mmors can be d a maging, Onc type of n llnor tha t is par ticularly worrisome for manll/actmers involves iJIfounde d charges of' cOlHa minalio n , In the lale 1970s, it was rumo rcd 111a t General Foo ds' Pop Rocks and Cosm ic G.ll1dy would ex plode in c hildren 's mouths wit h lr.lb';c results, yet no such explosions took place. Another popu lar theme of ru mars in the marketplace focuses o n the charge that a company is lIsing it.. profits for e\~1 purposes. For exam ple, throug hout the 1980s, PrOCler and Gamble had 10 co unter pers isl.en t and unfounded ruma rs that the company was e ngaged in saL'mic activities and that its distinc tive corporate tradema rk """IS a symbol of Sat:lIlism. Businesses can also be hurt by rumors about aJlcged po litical activism on controversial issues. In 1992. Snapple Be\'erage Corporation , the fastest-growing be\'elOlge company in the United States, had 10 COUlllcr harmful and unsubstantiated rumo rs that it was helping to fi-

    577
    rJl,II'/J<. H
    2() .

    COlll'Cr",,/:: 1JE1Vt1'/OH A.\1)

    SOt.''' '

    r.IfA\'{J:

    !l ance Op~"'tiol1 Rescue, the militant 'IIltiabortion group Ihal illlernpts to shut down abortion clinics (Koenig. 1985; B. 'oblc, 1993: 01. 0 7).

    .~~.~.~~.,~.~...~.~.~~.~.. 9.p..~~.?.~......................................
    The least organized and most individualized form of cullecti\'e 1>chavior is reprcscnled by publics. The tellll pflblic rt'fers to a d ispersed group of peoph::. not m:cessarHy in cOtIl:tcl with onc a nother. who shalc interest in ;1Il i"-~lle. As the term is used ill the slll(ly of colleclhe behavlor, the puhlic does nOt illdude CVC I) 'one. Rathe r, it is <I collcct i\'e o f people who focus on some issue, engage in discussion, agn:c or disagr(-'c. and sometimes dissolve wllen tile isslle has bee n decided ( Blu lll(:r. 1955: 189- 19 1. 1969: 195-208; R. TurtleI' and Killian , 1 ~187: 158-185). The term pllb l ic 0Pill;oll refers 10 c>:pressions o f auilUdes o n mauc rs I"lfpu blic policy W llich are COIlllIlullicolICd to decision makers. The last part of this definition is particula rly important. From the point ofvicw or theorists or collecLi''e bchavior. there can be 110 public opi nion ullless Ulcre i~ bOlh a public and a decision illaker. We al'e 1101 concerned herc with the forlll ation of an individual's attitudes on social a nd political issues; this <Iuest ion was explorcd in Chaptcr 15. Instead. in studying public o pinion, .....c focus 011 the I\".lys in which a public's attil uci<.'S are cOllllllun ica ted to decision Ill;tkers and on lhe ultimate olltcome or the public's allemplS to inlluence IXllicymaking ( R. Turner 0111(1 Killian . 19M7), Po lls ali(I SIll'\'e)"5 play a majo r role in the assessment of public o pinio n. Using the sa me techniques Ulal arc esselllial in developing a'liable qucstionnaire and illlcrview sc he dules (sce Chapter 2). survey specialists conduc t stud ies of public opin ion ror husiness finns (marke t analyses). the governme lU . the mass m ediil ( ratings of programs). and, of course, politicians. Survey data havc becollle c>:tl'emci)' innlll'll tial not only in prcsclecting the products we buy but in determining' 1\'lIic lt IXllitjCOIl candidates arc likely to win election and evcn which possible Supreme COtln nominees shou ld be seleclCd (BI'ower, 1988). The earliest political polls lac ked the scie ntific 'igor thal cOlllemporal), social sdellli ~ts reqllire . In a fa m OIlS example of ullscicntific :md misleading

    polling. the mag;ni ne LitermJ mgrst sem 18 million postcard ballots across the United $t:ltt's to aSSt.'S5 \'OlCl'S' opinions o n the 1936 presidential c leClion. The 2 million rcplics indi(att:d that Republican candida te Alf Lando ll would defeat Delllocratic iI\ c lllllbenl Franklin D. Rooscvelt. Litt:J"fII)' Oigp_ pre,/ dict.ed a Landon victory. y('t Roosevch "'~\S rcclcctl-'(I in a landslide. Today. Ihis mcthod of polling would be reg-.trded as complcte ly unreliahle. The lllabTilLine look ilS origina l salllple from automobile registration lists and tele phonc books. Yet. in 1936, in the midst (If the Depression, those people with c nough mOIlC\' to own a car or a private lclcphollt! \\'ere hardly a reprcscntath'c cross section of the nation's ''OICI). Instead. those polled tende d to be prospc roU5 citi zens who might be likely to suppo rt f{epllblic:ln ca ndidatl,,'S (Squ ire. 1988). Current poli tic:!l po lls are more precise and (tp' resentative s.llllpling lechniCJlIcs. As a resu lt . their ' projections uf presidential elections often fall within a few percentage puints of the actual \'OU!. llH! C"lhlp po ll C" III C within 3.7 percent of Rom lid Reag:;.IIl's \'ote in 1980, within 0.2 pcrcelll of Reagall 's "ote in 1984, and within 0.4 percent ofCcol);l' Bush 's vott: in 1988. In 1992. the three-way mec fuf president and the high nmnbel' of undecided ,"C)(, erli presented a challenge t.O pollsters. Although {ite Gallup poll predicted that nill ClinLun would lIin 49 percent of the \'o t<=, he \\'o n on ly 43 percent, dS many undecided "otcrs even tually supported independent c;lIIdid .. tc Ross Pl'rot (Gallup a nd Saad. 1992). In Box 20- 1, ",'e exami lle the use of e>:it poll~ to S<lInplc public o pill ioll in the former $o\iet Union. While polilical polling h:h imprO\'cd dr.unaticaJly si nce the litef(l'" DigrS S 1936 fia.~co. misleading surI "cys arc slill I.,.i\h us. Rcgrctwbly, tdepholle com pan it's have marketed call-i n MpollsM us ing 1-900 a rl'a code nUlllbc~. Televisiun viewcrli or ncwlip;t per readcl'S Me asked to call o nc Ilumber to rep te r ,\11 opinion 0 11 an iS~lIe, or a second number t() regi~tcr an alternative opinion. There arc mant problems inherent in this type of Mpol1ing.~ Thl' sample thal emergcs is h;U'dly re presentative (set Chaptcr2) in that it includes only those pc.:'Qplel'tho happe ned 10 sce the ('0111111l'l'(ial or advertise.nwm fo r tile poll alld who fccl stroltgly e no llgh abOUtlhc isslle to spend Ihe typica l ch:lI"Kc of $ 1.

    578

    BOX 20 1 ARO UN D T HE WORLD

    EXIT POLLING IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION

    E ri t 1>oIls ha\'c been a tact o f politicM life in the Uni t.ed SI:lle$ and o ther weste rn d e mocracies for more than a decade. In rl"Cent }(''3rs, such polling has been successlidly conducu:d in certa in dt"\'Cloping countries, no tably Mexico. Bu t, in 1993, pollsters ad d res.scd Ihe 1 1111}.. 0 (L'lblc logistics :\nd methodological challcngt."S of s'm'Cying a country a, mst and politicall yc hao lic as Ru ~ia. As television vit'WCI'1I in the Ullitcd States have learned, exit po lls a llow the networks to project the outcome of an e1ec tioll 10llg befure aJl the ballots have been counted. Usingsophistic:ned sampling Ict:hniques, ill' Icr\'ic,","ers l1ucSlion vO ll'rs a~ Ihey leave polli ng places (hence l11e le rm txil polls). By studyin g voting pat te rns in selected di.~tricLS, analysLS can projl'Cl The results for ;111 c ll1 ire city or state. Exit ]>olling ",,\5 in troduced in Russia in 1993 whe n ;1 I'd crendum \\'3.$ held to detenn inl: the k\eI of support for Preside nt Roris Ve hs in and hissodal and 1 >oIilical reforms. Voter Reseill'ch a nd Sun.C)'S (VRS). a polling fi rm haserl in the t;ni ted States, drew o n data rrom Russia's 1991 presidential eleCtio ns 10 tit.... \'C'lop a rt'prcsen lauvc sample of \'O ten- taking into aCCOll11l such f.l.ctors as ad rninistr.llil'c regio n, type of city or setllement , and 1 Ii tica l >o

    oriellla lion . VRS foun d Ihal Russiall votcrs were qui te "'1lIi ng 10 speak wi th in te n.ie,,ers, d espite the racl that both democr.l.CY a nd polling a rc ra ther lIew to tha t coun' try. Indeed. accord ing to Warre n Mitofsky, the head ofVRS. Russian voters' rme or cooper.llion with 1 >oIlsIers was much highe r thall the rate in the Un ited States. As in the Un ited Slates, the exit pulling in Russia proved to be fairly accur.l.te. Early o n the day or the refcre ndUlI1 . based 011 ini tial analysis of 511n.'CY daw. exit polls began repo rtin g a strong showing of support for Iklris Yelu;in. VRS reported that 65 percent or voters had cx p re~sed confide nce in the president , whilc a competing polling fiOlI reported a 63 perce nt appro\'al rating. Till: fin al rclUrns of the f!.'fe rc lldufII showed a 59 perce llt \'o te of confi d e nce for Vclu;i n. A second refe re nd tuII questio n asked vote rs: -Do )'ou appmv!.' of me gO\'eOlment 's social a nd econo mic policies COI\ du ctC(1 by the Presiden t a nd Ihe Go\'ernme nt since 1992r In the exi t polls, 56 to 58 percelll ofthosc sur.eyed \'oiced their approml. as did 53 percent or looters in tJle refe rendulll . All in other co umries. exi l polls in J.l.lIssia provided in formation abolll tht' preferences ofparticutar

    types of \'oters Ulat Cdnnot be o bla ined rl'Otn o fficial l'Ole tallies. For example. exil polls showed thal support for Soris Vd u;in was stro nge r amo ng )'Ounger looters a nd those wim more years of fonn :.1schooling than amo ng o lder l'oleB and those \\; 1.11 less education. Ve t, e\'Cn a t ix.'1lI . exit polls re necl lhe altitudes of wlm, who are not necessarily a rep l'esentatiVi: !l.1mpte o f ,Ill memUcI'S o f a society. T he -10 percent of Russian ;,dultll who did nOl panic}.. piU. in Ule 199.'5 rt'fercndlllll arc C likel y 10 be mOre critical of UlI: gOI'ernment rtnd iL!l pOlicies than Ihe 60 pt.'rce nT who did vote. On all co unts, Ih l' inilial exit polling In Russia wasjud ged a suc CC!!. The lo t.l1 COST was $40,000, ' aboU! half tJl e ('xpe nse o f a similrtr e rro rl in th e Unite d States. Coop" eration rrom I'oters ",~..s h ig h, whill' inlt:rft'rc nce from police. local 1 >oIiticians, a nd the tr.ldi tional com munist bureau cracy Wd.'i minima l. The mOSt serious diflicu!! y raced by VRS "''as tha t Russia has a da ted teleco mmunicatio ns sySTem. Nele r t hell'SS, it is expected that such sur I'eys will become more common in Ru.\Sia and other paris of the for me r Soviet Union.
    "'.II!J.n:a: Cornong.
    1993.
    I'J<J~:

    M Ori " . I!l!/~b; Rah.,

    .~.~.E!~ Mov~~~.I:!.~...............................................................
    Social m ovem c nt.s arc the most al1-en compassing type of c oll ecti\'e bcha vio r, because Lhey may in clude aspec l.~ of other types suc h as crowds, rumors, publ ics, a nd public opi nio n . Althoug h su c h factors as ph)'SicaJ e n viro nme nt , po pulation, technology,

    and so c ial ine quality serve as sou rces of c h a n ge, il is t he mitRelillf effort of individuals organized in sodal m ovements that ultimately leads to change. Socio logi sL~ use the tenn socia l moveme"ts to refer to org-.l.nilcd c ollective activities to promote o r resis t change in an exis tin g group or socie ty ( Benlo rd , 1992: 1880) . H c r bclt Blumer ( 1955:1 19), a

    579
    CI/AVHIl 211 t:()/J.I':t;I'I\'/( IIJ:HIII '/oH liS/) SOUAI (, /fANG/:

    &Kiallll(JIlemmls lry to bring about fllmimllnl/ol dumgtl in 5ocitty. s..\owII mf. (I J 992 Ollimo/ nghls mU] in Wasilingtoll, D.e.; a demonstration in 199J againstlhe C01U/''!J.(lio" nlldfYIr power pl(ml in IM Curh Rt'jmblic; and a proles/mar(h by FrfflNt ~Ivironmnl/(II;"/s flgainsllhe dU"'fJlng of grlrbagt and toxic 10001Ie 11/ a nt'l'T fhm IS hOllle to (I /KlIm{t!flOn of SII/_

    ora

    theorist of collective bc havior, recogni zed th e spedal importance of social move ments when he defined them as "collective e nterprises 10 establish a ne ..... order of life. Social mOVelllenL\ can be contrasted with the forms of collective bchavior described ea rlier in the chapte r. Like publics, social movemen ts te nd 10 focns on issues of public policy. Like crowds and fads.
    H

    they involve social change- although social mow" me n ts aim at much more fundam e ntal and longlasting changes. Social mO\'emen ts persist mer longer periods o f time than other fonns of colll'( tive behavior. In part , this is because social mortments a rc more struc tured ; their leadership is lrf.'qucntJy well organized and ongoing. l ronical1v.,~ Robert Mi chels ( 19 15) noted (sce Chapter 6), I

    580

    litical 1Il0vemenlS figllling for social change eventually take on bureancnHic forms of org:<inizatiun. Leadel~ dominate the decisiun-m.lking: I>roccss wi lllOut dircclly consuh.ing their fo llowl::l'8. In Illany natiuns, induding Ihc United SIaICS, social mOve lll clIl.~ have had a drama tic impact 011 lhe course of history and lh e e\'oILllioll of soci;tl Sll'llCture. 11 would be nai\'e to ignon: til t! a CIJOllS of abolitionists, suflragists, civi l tights workcrs. and activists opposed 1.0 Ihe \""1' in Vietnam. Members ot each social mOVCtllettt stepped ollt~ide Iratiit itl tlal channds 101' bringing about social ch;mge ami yet had a noticeable influence on public pilI icy (J. Witson, 1973:5). Although the importance uf change a nd coullict is implicit in lhe existence of social mmemems. their activitk-s <;all abo be analyn'd from a fun ctionalist pt:rspectivt', Evell when 1I11 ~ \lc'Cessfll l , sod,t! tllO\'ellletIlS cuntri bule 10 tIll' tOt m:tlion uf puh, lil opin iu n. Init ially, the ideas ul Margarel S;ulger .md other ea lly advoGlle~ uf binh conlrol were \;ewcd a~ ~ r:tdical." ~'ct cOIIu-aceptivl's are now lIidely :l.\~li1able in the L'nited !:it'Hl'S. ~to['cuvtr, i,otiaIIllO\eI'llCnl.~ art' viewed br lun ctiunalists as pro\lOtUS a It.Ullillg glOulld Ivr !cadc t'\; 01 tllt' pulitical ~Iabhshmc lu. Such he.ads 0 1 "latl;! ,IS Cuba 's Fidel Ca~U"o and Iran 's A)"atollah Khullleini ( alllt' 10 powcr afler se rvi ng as Ic'ldcrs 01 )'t'vulutiuuat) mO\'CIl1ClltS. i\'!ure Iceeml}', Potand'~ Led. Walesa , Russia 's Buri~ YcJ1.Sin, and C/edl playwright Vacht\' H:l\d led prutesl movements ag-aillsl Ct)tlHtHlIlisl ltlle and suh~equenlly became l eadel'~ ul' th e il rUUlltril's' govcnllllents (Heberlc, IY6H ). How ami why do social Olm'CIllCIll.'J t'tm:rge? Ol>lioml}'. peuple at't: often diS<.untented with the way things are. But whm C llISCS them lu urgani/.e a! a p~rticlllar mUlne nt II I a Lol1cctive dlorl tu work 1 01' Ihange? Sodult)gisL~ rel y on two t:xplanatiolls 101' IIh1 people 1lI11bilile: lhe rd;ltiv(.'-{lepri\'<ttioll and (drOU rce-1I1uhi 1ila t iOIl approaches. Relative Deprivation Those members uf il ~(ICiely "'ho fecllllOSI frustratld and di~gl'LlIltlcd by the son,tt and economic conditiuns ul' their lives are not nC:~lril y ~wors t 011 ~ in an objective .~l nsc. ~oc iill 'l.t~lllislS have lu ng recogn izeri that wlt.1I is mUSl ~ ig mli(<lm is how people /J"C";llt' their ~ituatiun. K.lrl \tar..; poilllcd Oll t that ahhough 1I11; misery of lhe "urkers \q~ 1111~l'Iallt itl rdlcctittg lhe il'opprcSSl.-d

    sL,tc, sO was their position relalive la Ihe capitalisl I'uli ng c1;l~S (Marx and Engels, 1951'):9'1, vrigillal editiun 11'H7). The teml relativ~ d~pri vatiQ/t is define d a~ the consci()u,<; feeling of a Ilcg-dti\'e discn:p'llwy he t\\ec n legilimale expeclalions and presel!1 a( tUlIlitjes (J. Wilson , 1973:69). It may be dlat'atu:li/cd b) scarcit) ralher than lac k 01 Il cCesS ilie ~ (rc!L- r back 10 til(' distinction between absolute and relative poverty ill Ch.-ptcl' 8). A relalively deprivcd pt'fson is diss;lIisfied because he or she feels downtrodden relath'e 10 so me appropriate I'elt-rell":t: group. Thus. hlul"-t:ollal' workers who Ii\e ill two-Iamil> huuse:!, wilh little lawn ~pa..:e-though hard I) at till:: bunulU ulthe ccullumic ladder-nu) neVCl'lhell'SS fcd deprh c rl in I.umparison with corporate mallagcl's and profe",sionals who li\'e in Ja\ish ,md exdusi\(;, suhurbs. In .ldditioll tu the !celillg 01 rdati\'e dl'prh~tllurl, two other elements JIlllSt bt: prc~elll bclol'L' di,,COlllcn l ,,,ill hL' dJallncled into a ~odal 11l1l\'t;lIlclll. People lllust IL't::I that tllc), ha\'e a l;ghl tu dlt~il gu.lls, th;lllhe), dc~e1'\e bcttt:r thall \\ 1t.ll Ihe), Il.I\C . Fm ex,ullple. the ~truggJe agaill~1 I:.ulupt.:all tolonialislll in Alric.a (..ee Chaplt.l VJ Illlell:.l fled "'hen gru\\ing Ulllnbers 01 Africans cleClded !ll.11 11 \'o'a.~ legitimate IUI them to have I'olili(.ll and t.lOIlUlIlIt. independeul.e. Althe s.tme lime, the dislld\.lIIl<lgcd group lItust pt.:rcci\'t.: thal it cannOl attain 11 ~ ~oab through cull\'ellliollill means. Thi ~ belie! 111.1)' III lllay llul b~' t.urn:.:l. Yet, \vltidlevcl is 1I1l' C<1"C, tilt' group will Ill)! lltubilize ill tu a ~ot'iallllO\L'Ulltlt, lUl1c~s there IS a sharl'd perceplion lhal its rcl.ttivt dt.priVali{)ll call be eJldt:d only throug h collcctivl: actiun ( l\Iurri~tm . 1971 ). C l itit.s 0 1 tile rc lative-d.epri\';:llion <ll>pl'o.l(h Ild\t. nOled Ihal .111 illU'eaS(' in fedings uf depri\atiulI is nul all.,,;!),s n ecessa ry before peuple <lfl' III1 )\'erl tt) act. lu .Idd itioll , this approach fail .. 10 explain why cer{;tiu ft.:elin gs 01 dcprimtion are tramfonnt'd i,.to social tnUVcmCl l t~ , wl1ereas in ot hl'r ~ jltldliUll S t he1'l.~ is ItO collective effort 10 reshape ~ocieIY. Cu me(Iucmly. ill recent years sociologisr...~ have g i\t:ll illcrl'a~ing .lItelHion to lhe forces needed 10 bring aoom lhe t:llIcrgence of social tlluvemcl1(j, (Alaitl . I ~U~:): Finkd ;md Rule . IYS7: Orum, IY78) . Resoun:e Mobilj;wt.ion SociologJst /\l lt llOll) Obelschall (1973: 199) Ila!> argued Ih.t( UI llrdct 10 ~ u ~

    581
    I 11 11'1 ~/{ 2tJ . f fll ,fF.( 1/1 'E I/tJ fA 1/0// "SIJ '>tKl \I (1/-1 \{ J

    lain social p!'Olesl or resistance, there must be an base and con tin uilYof leadership. ~ The tenn rl!$OIlTCI! mobi /i :atioll is U M!d 10 refer to the wa),s in which a social mOVClllelll utilizcs such resources ;lS money. political influencc, access to the media, a nd personnel. The success of:t movement for change will depend in good pan Oil how elTecti\'c1y it mobilizes itS resources (sce alsoJ, Gamson. 1989; Staggenborg. 1989a. 1989b), A!; people become pan of ;\ social muvement, norms d evelop la guide their behavior. M(..'mbcrs o f the move me nt may be ex pected to aucnd regular meetings vf organ izations, pay dues. recruit ne\" ~tdh erellt.s, and bo)'cou ~enem( products or speakers. The e mergence of ne ..... social mo\'emcllI can I)e evident from the rise of special language o r new words for fami liar tCmlS, In rccent rears , social movements have been responsible lor such new term ~ of self-reference as Blarks and Ajn'mn Amen mm (used to replace NeJ.,'1wJ) .WI/ior ritiu'IH (used 10 replace oM jolks). gay:. (used to re place JWII/o,n'xIIn") , and /H'lI/!le with disabifi(il'J (used to re place lite
    ~oJ'ga[} i7;ltional

    1960s a nd earl> 1970s was to convince women that ' they were being deprived of tlleil' righlS and.sociall} valued resources. Unlike the reJat ive-<ieprivation a pproach. the rtsourcc-mobiliz.'ltion perspecli\'c focuses on Straitgic difficultie5 confronted b)' social mo\'eme nU (Stt Box 2~2). Any movcment for fundament-al chang~ will almost certainly arouse oppositioll ; eiTcctht.' llIobili7.3tion will depend in pan on how the mm'emelll clcals wilh resist.ance to its activities. The reasons people have for resisting social c hange, and the tactics tJley e mploy in resisting, will be discussed later in thc c hapter. In the following section, wr will examine a lItunbel' of expi;llI<\tions for social challge.

    "mulimp/Mi/) .

    Leadership is a centr..ll fa(tor in the mobilization of Ihe discontented into social 1ll0\'e lUellts. Often a movement wi ll be led b)' a clm l'ismalic figure, such a!> Or. Martin Luther King, J r. As Ma", Weber described it in 190'1, charismli is that quality uf a n individual which sets him or her apart fro m o rdin al), pt!oplc (sc:e Chapt e r 15), Of course, charisma can f;ldc abruptl)'; Lhis accou nts for the fragi lity of certain social mmcmcnts. Why do certain individ u;tls join a social may/.. ... nll:1H whereas others do 1101. when all share the same si lll:'lIion of relative deprivation and arc subject 10 the 5.'lme oppormnitics fo r resource mobili/;1tion ? K.'lrl !\-lanc recognized the illlpol't;mce of rcrruitmenr whe n he called o n workers 10 become :m':lre of their oppressed Status and develop a class ('onsc iousness (sce Ch apter 8), Like the contclTIporary resoure<:.. mobilization approach . Mar", held that a social movement (speci fi cally, Ihe revolt o f the proletariat) would require leaders 10 shaq)cn tJlC 'I\\':lTeneSS of the oppressed. Thc)' IlHt!>l help workers to overcome feeling<! uf fah'e co ,/Sc;ous'U~Sf, or altitudes that do Tlo t rellcCI workers' objective position. in order to organil.c a revolmio n .. ary movement. Similari)" onc or the cha llenges faced b)' women's liberati on acti"isL~ of the late

    It is clearly :t c halle nge to explain soci,ll change in the divc rse :me! complex world of the 1990s. Tht." orists from sew:ra l disciplines havc sought to ana. Iyzc social ch,mgc. In some instances, they have examined historical e\'enr.s in order to arri"e at a bettcr understanding of contemporary changes. \\'t will revie ..... tJITL theoretical approaches to change: 'C evolutionary theory, functional tJleol)" and connict theory.

    .~~.?~.~~.??~r...~~?.~r... ..............................................._. __
    Ninetcemh<cIllUl)' theories of social change (('> fleel the influc nce of Chal'lc!' Darwi n's (l8O!I1882) pioneering work in bio logical e\olulion. Ac card ing to his approach, there ha.\ been a contin uing progressio n o r successive life forms. For ex ample. since human bcinbl'S c.'1me at a later stage m cvolution th a n reptiles, wc re present a ~ highcr rOt'm of life. Social theorists sough I an anaiot,} 1/1 ' Ihi~ hiologic;!l model or development and ong~ !latcd I!vo trlli lmary theory, which vie ....'S society ~ moving in a defi nitc directioll . Eal'ly evolutional')' theorisls gcncmlly agreed that society was inC\,llabh progressing to <I higher state. As might be cXp<'(ted. they conclud<.'(1 ill an ethnocentric fus hia!) thoU their OWII bclta\ior and culture were mort ad ....dllced lh'lII those of earlie r civili1.3 tion$, Auguste Comtc. described in Chapter I 0lS a founder of sociology. ....'as an evol utionary theorist

    582
    I ..... U'I' fl\1j ('JIANr:f.\'(:.f;f)CJJ.,TY

    THE SOCIAL MOVE:\1ENT FOR PROSTITUTES' RJGHTS

    tht! view or its SuPPOl'to!J'S, prostitu tion is a service indu5try, a nd prostitutes are proressio nal se" workers. Howt-...cr. prostitution is iI legal in most o r the Un ite d St;UC5 and arollnd the wo rld . PI'OStilutcs arc often ;IITcliled, though their clie nL~ genemlly art' nOl. Ch'en the common stigm:l :l ..:.c hed to prosti. tlltion, it i~ no easy task to work ror the rights of prostitutes. COYOTE (an ac ronym for "elll OITYourOld Tired Ethics") was the first alld rcmains the hest known of the prustituks' rigllts tlrg..lll1 lations in the United States. Established in 1973, COYOTE has growlI il11 0 ;1 natio nal organi:r";ltioll based in San Francisco, with brallchc~ alld aniti ates ill at lcast 12 rn ;~or cities in thc United StateS ;md lics to similar or ganil;uiollS o\"crsea..~. COYOTE and its allies adn>c<II(, lilt' I'epeal of a ll e"isting 1 ;1\\'5 ;Ig-dinst PI"OSlillllio ll, the reconstitlll.io n o f prostitutio n as a cre d ible service occupation. a nd the le gal protcc:tio n of proSOIlIlC5 as legitimate sen 'ict' w"rkel~ . Activists in COYOTE "il!W pro!llimoo n M <l vicUllllcss c rime (refer back 10 C haplt'r 7) and the refore favor full dccriminali7":'llion of such consensual !lexual aClhity. Tlu..')' !lady oppose lcg-.!Iil.;!tion of pl"Ostilution. whcvlc r in the fUl"ln of n ..-gistration and licensillg-, spcciall""es, compulsory lu~alth c",lIuinat;Olls, o r "red light disl.ricts." COYOTE bc lieves that. any such reg ulations will

    III

    ine\i labl)' perpetuate th e s ti~,'l1la at t:"lChed to pros titution while unfairly regu lating what women do ,,';th vleir bodies. Sociologist ValerieJen lwss ( 1991 . 1992, 1993) suggests Iliat COYOTE has had man y successes. Among these ;lI"C ( I ) holdin g confe re nces and leading dClllonsu<u.ions to raise public a\\<l.re n('$.\ concernillg the riglils of prostitutes. (2) JX'fSuading public defe nders to assist women charged with prostitution , (3) pressuring government agt' ncies La l':Stablisl l frce health clinics for prostitu tes, (4) building coalitiollS in support of prostitllles' rights with cerll.lin fem in ist organizations a nd ouu: r groups, a nd (!) sem ng as a crudal liuk belween sex worke rs ;lIId public hcalth agencies a., Illt' AIDS crisis has intensifie d. By contrast. sociologist Ronald \Vei tze r ( 1991) poiulS to thc fail ures of the prosti tutes' rights moveme nt . In his ' l ew, COYOTE-: ;lIld other activi ~ t g roups have 1 ;li!cd to shift public opinion (whic h remains hoslile lo prostilllle.'l' ri glils), the re Iia\'e been few sig nificant leg islath'e concessions. and lIlovemen t Ic;\(lel1> arc rarely (;On511 d by pol 11(.' icymakcfS. Weitzer co nt e lHb lhat lhe movement's resource-mouiliz,ltion efforts have been largely un successful: the limi ted resources of ;IClivist organilations h;lVc not been supp le mented h)' meaningful ;JJ. li;ulI:t-""S ,,~th other social mOI'enlent~

    ur more '-'1> t;,hlishL"tl inten.-sl groups. Nt.'\'erthek ss. Weitzer admowledgt.""S that lhe prostilUl('s' ';ght.~ move me nt has e nhanced Ihe self-images o r acthists. while assisting individual proslitutCllO. illlracling rm:dia allel1lion, ;\IId winning ccrl.... in legal Ixutlcs. It is no t easy 10 assess Ille success 01 f"ilu fc of iI social 1ll00'Clllel1l: in ' deed, sociologists do not agree ;IIJOut the criteria that should be uti lizcd . In o nc srudy, !iOCiologi~ 1 WiIliam GamSOIl (1990) traced the ;lctivi lies 01 1I representative sample of 53 social mo\'ements that e mcrged in lhe United S ta tc!; bt.'twecll 1800 ;\lld 1945. Gamson me a sured the rcl;J ti\'c success or failure of these moveme nts by c"am ining whether or Ilo t lhey ( I) gai llcd new .... i\d\'antages a nd (2) ., ilicd accep-t:.II1CC from their a ntago nists. He fo und that 31 of the soci;11 mo"cllI e nL~ stud ied (5!i I>c.' rcent) gai ned e ithe r new adva ntages or acce rGlIICC. while a nother 20 movc me n ts (38 percent ) g-dincd bolll_ Jl1dg<."<I :1g<linsl Ca mson 's c riteria , the pros-ti tll tes' righ t) movement would thus fa r a ppcar to bt~ ;1 1Il01'cnwnt (like 4 pert.:(~ llt of those studied ) which has 1101 gClllline ly go.!ined e ither llew ad\~ull:J ges or ;)ccept:l1lce. Nev-cnhclcM, dC5pite formal nOl"llts agains t prostillltioll and negativc public opinioll. rh... prostitutes' fi ghts move me llt has no t disap... pea l'cd alld contilllles to work fur what il sees as social justice.

    583
    rJ IAI"/"HI20 COIJ.H:rJUi m:II!1t'lOlI !1Nl) '>O('JIII.
    CJI~.\'('.t

    of change . H e saw human societies aoS moving 101'ward in their thinking from lUythology to the scie nufic method. Similaf'l y, [ mile Ourkhei m (1933, origi na l ediuo n 1893) maintained that society prog ressed from simple to mo re complex forms of soda l organb:alion. The writings o f Com IC and Dur khc im arc eXlllllpies of uni li near t:lIo1u titmary tht:ory. Th is approach conte nds rna t all societies pass through the same successive stages of cvolution and inevitably reach the same end. English sociologist He rbcn Spencer. also discussed in Chapte r t, lIsed a similar approach: Spe ncer like ned socie ty to a living body with inte rrelated parts that were 1I10ving tow-Md a common destiny. However, CO il te mporary evolu tionary theorists such as Gerhard Lcnski. Jr.. arc more likely to picture social cha nge as mullilinear than to rely on tJ1C mo re limited unilincar penlpective. Mu ltilint:ar f!volu ticmary th eory holds ,J1:1 1 chan ge can occur in several ways and that it , does not inevitably lead in the s.ame direc tion (Haines. I 988: J. Turner. 1985). Mululinear theorislS recognize that human culture has evolved a lo ng a number of lines. For example, the the0'1' of demographic lra nsidon gmphically demonstrates rna l populatio n c hange in develo ping nations has not necessarily followed the model evidelll in industrialized lI atio llS (sec Chapter 19). Medical and public health technology was introduced gradua lly in the developed natio ns. which gave them time to adjust to fa ll ing death ratcs a nd resulting r ises in population . i"lO\\'C\'c r, such technology was imported much mOfe !'apidly by developing nations, leading l O dr:.unatic po pulation growtJl and severe pressure on soci:_ selviccs 1 and na tural resources, including food production ( R. Appclbauffi , 1970: 15-64).

    .................................................... l .....................................................

    Functionalist T heorv

    As has been so-essed tJ1roughollt this textbook,

    fun ctionalist socio l ogis L~ arc concerned with th e ro le of cultural el ements in prese rving the socia l order as a who le. T hey focus on what maintains a system. not on what changes il. T his mig ht seem LO suggesl that fun ctionalists can offer liule of value to the study of .social c ha nge. Yet, as the work of s0ciologist Talcott Pa rsons demonstrates, functional-

    isu h:,VC made a distinctivc con tribl ltion lO lhi~ ar('a l of sociological in\'cslib"alion. Pall>OnS, :1 leading proponent offunclio nalist the0 1 ' (re!"er b...ck to Cltaptcr I ), \'iewed socicty as 11.&1 ) urdlly being ill a state of e quilibrium . By ~equjli~ riu111," he mca rH thal socie ty lends toward a stair.' of stabi li ty 01" balance. Pal'SOlls wou ld vie....' c\'cn prolonged labur sl likcs o r c ivilian nots as temporary disruptions in the sta tus quo rather lhan as signifi cam alt~rdtions in ;l society's social Stntctllrt. The refore, according to his eqllilibrium moot' , a,o, changes occur in o ne part of socit!ty, there must beOl(lj ustlllCll tS in othe r parlS. 11" this does not ta~c place, IJ1 C society's ('quilibrium wi ll be Ihre,ltCIICd ;md slra ins ....ill occur. Re fl ecting an evolutionary approach , Pa!lOl)~ ( 1966:2 1-24) maintained thatlo Ul' proccs.ses of $0cia l c hange arc incvilahle. The first. diffnnlllOfl()ll. refers to the inc reasing complexity of social org.r ni/.atio n. A cha nge from ~ medicin e rnan ~ 1 ph\'Si0 cia n , IIU rse , and phannacist is a n illuslI'a tjol\ ofdilfeJ'e ntiation in the field of health . This process is accomp<lIl ied by (uln/J/iw. upgrading, whereby !IOCial institutio ns become more spec iali/cd in their pur poses. Thc division of labor among physicians iuto obsletricians. internists, surgeons, and so fo rth isan cxa mplc of adapti\'c upgmding. The third pI'OCl'SS iden tified by Pa rsons is the illrittJioll of groups into socicty which were pn~\i ously C'xc\ ud(:'d by \'irluc of suc h facto rs as gender. r:tcc. alld social da.."!i background. Medical .schoob have prac ticed inclusion by opening their doors lu inc rcasing numbers of women and minorities. Ft' nally. 1);\I"5O l1 s contends that socie ties cxpt:l'i(,l1ct 1/(/lul' gnlYl"Illiuztioll, the d evelopment of new V:ll u~.\ that tolerate anti legit ima te a greater r::rnge of :te Ij v;ti c~. The acceptance o f prcvenuve medicinl' is an example of value gcneralil.auon; o ur sociel)' h~ broadened ilS vie\l! of desintble health care. All four processes idcm ified by P'lr.;:ons stress consensustha t is. societrtl agreement on the nature of SQ(l<l1 o l'g;lIIization and v'lllle~ (U. .Ioilnson, 1975; It Wal lace a nd Wolf. 1980:50-5 1). I'arsons' approach explicitly inco.,>Or.ttcs Ihe e\'olutjona ry notion o f cominuing pl'()gres.s. I-Iv...c\'er, ;15 with other functionalist models, the d()minail( theme in Parsons' model is b.."llancc and ~ta bility. Society may c hal1 ge, but it remains stable

    584

    through new forms of imcgl'.lli on . In place of lhe kinship lies Ihal provided social cohesion in the past, m e,c will be laws, judicial proccsses, and new values and belief syste ms. As noted by critics, the fun ctio nal ist approach virmany disrebra rds the lIse of coe rcion by the powerful to mainmin th e iIIu'Iioll o f .. st;:lblc, well-il1tegnned society. Func tionalists assume that social insutlltio lls will not pe rsist unless they continue to contribute to the o\'e mll society. This leads fun ctionalists to conclude that alte ring institutions \\;11 threate n social equilibrium (Co uldner, 1960) .

    .~.4!.~~.~.~.:?.~X ......................................................... .
    The fun c tionalist perspec tive minimizes cha nge. It emphasizes the persistc nce of social life a nd views gradual cha nge as ncccssary in orde r to maintain the equilibrium (or bala nce) of a soci e ty. Br contrast, conflict theo rists conte nd that social institutions and practi ces continue because powe rful ' groups have th e abilitr to maintain lhe st.uus quo . Change has crucial significance, sin ce it is need ed to correct social injustices and inequalities. Kad Marx accept.ed th e evolutio nary argume nt that societies d e\'clo p alo ng a particular path. However, unlike Comt c and Spe ncer, he did not view ('ach successivc stage as a n inevit.able improveme nt over th e pre vio us o ne. Hist.ory, according to Marx. proceeds through a series o f St..'l ges, cach of which has an explo ited class of people. Allciell1 socie ty explaited slaves; the estate S)'StCIlI of fe udalism exploited sen s; mode rn capi talist socie tr ex ploits the working cla.'IS. Ull.imlltcly, through a socialist rc\'olucion led by the proletaria t, human society will mO to"'~lrd the final slage of develo pmen t.: a classl'e less commun ist society. o r Mcollllll unity of free ind ivi dual s~ as Ma rx described it in Das &1);/(11 ( 1955, original editio n 1867; Bo tlomo re and Rubcl, 1956: 250). As was noted ea rli e r in t.his book, Karl Marx had an important inllllence o n th c developme nt of sociology, His thinkin g- olTe red in sigbls into suc h institutions as the eco no my, th e fmnil y. reli gion , and governme nt. The ~1arxist vicw of social chan ge is appealing because it does 1I 0t restrict people to II passivc rol e in n~spo ndjn g to ine\; table cycl es o r changes in mate rial c ulture, Rathe r, Marxist theory

    AI!
    (u

    ~;O:lImpll' of Ihl' procos of mdusum. dl'.Jmbl'tl I'} -ri/froll PI/nons, is Iht

    1/(IIII;ssilill

    of 1I'01111'1l, Aji1call ,\",mmIlS, fIIulJtltIS ;/110 e:cdusltN' dum (Wdlld"lg golf dubs) I"al ItIt"ff

    Jlrn'IOI/S/y fI'.!/nttnl.

    olTer.. a tool fo r those who wish to se ize co ntrol of the histo rical process a nd ga in the ir freedo m from ifulIstice, In co ntrast 10 functio nalists' em ph asis on sta bility, Ma rx a rgues that conflict is a IlOtm al and des irable a ~ pcc t of social cha nge. Ind eed , c hange must be ell col.l ra}!;ed as a mean s of elim inating s0cial inequality (LllIe r. 1982). On c conflict socio lo).l"ist, Ratf Dahrc ndo rf ( 1959), has nOled that the contrast hc lI\'cen th e functionalist e mphasis on stability a nd the confl ict perspective's focus o n c han ge refl ecls Ille contradictory nature of socie ty. Human socie ties are swble a nd long-hmi ng, yC t thcr also experie ncc seriOllS con-

    585
    ClIM'It.H 2U . COl t.tXT/11: N:JIII 1'10/1 "NI} .lOOM CII.'\M",f:

    nict. Indeed, Parsons spoke of ncw fu nctio ns that result from socia l change, a nd Marx recognized the need for change so tha t socic ties could func tio n more C(luitably. In Oa hre ndotf s view, the fu nctionalisl a nd conflict a pproaches a rc uhimatclycompaliblc despite the i,' Illany areas of dis:lbl'J'celllCIl L

    ru has been stressed throug h this c haple r, e lfo r LS to promo te social change arc likely to be met with resist::m ce. In the midst of rapid scientific a nd technological in novatio ns, many peo ple a rc e m o lio llally frighte ned by the de ma nds of a n c\'cr-c hangin g society. Howe"cr, certain individuals ,U1d grou ps have a slllke in mainta ining the existing sta le o f a ffa irs. Social econo mist Thorstein Ve ble n ( 1857- 1929) coined the tcnn ves ted interests to refer to those pcuple o r g roups who will suffe r in th e evc lll of s0cial chan ge. Fo r ex;:lInple, the Am e rica n Med ical AslIocia tion (AMA) has l<lke n st rong stands ag-.1.i nst national health insurancc a nd the p rofessiona lization of midwife ry (refer back to Cha pl,e r 17). Nat io na l health insurance could lead to IimiLS o n the incom e o f physicians, a nd a l'ise in th e status of m id wifes could th rl!ale n the p rccmine lll positio n ofd oclors as (he nation 's ddi\'e rc l's of babies. In ge ne ral, those with a d isp roportio nate share of socie ty'S wealth, status, and po\,er. such as mernbc l'll of the Amc ';can Medica l rusocialio n. have a vested inte rest in preservi ng Ihe status quo (Starr. 1982: Veble n .
    19 19).

    Econo mic factors pl ay a n im porta nt role in resistance to socia l c hange. Fo r e xample , it ca n be expe nsive lo r manufac turers to mt."Ct Ihe highest possi ble standa rds for the safeI)' of producLS and of industrial wo rkel'll" ConfliCl theorists a rg ue th a t. in a e<tpitalist econo mic syste m , m a ny I"nns are no t i willing to pay the price o f meeting strict safc ly slandards. T hey may resist social change by c lltting corners within lhe ir pla uLS o r by prcssUli llK the go ve n unenl to ease regula liolls. ru W".tS discussed in Chapter 19, a n economic refrai n involvi ng Mprotecling prope rty \'alues is oft e n he ard in cOlllmunities that claim to be de fe nd ing the ir veSled inte rdlt.s as they I"esist social c hange. T he abbreviatio n "N IMB' stands for no t in m y bac kya rd ,~ a Cl)' o ft e n he ard whe n people protest
    M W

    landfills, prisons, nuclea r po wer faci li ties, and even g ro up homes for Lhosc wilh de\'C~lo pm e ntal disabilities. The need fo r the faci lity is no t necessari ly c hll~ h:nged , bUI lhe t. lrgelcd communi ty may sim ply in" sist that it be Ioc-.ttcd elsewhe re. The ~ Il ot in m~ b,u:kY drd" phc nome no n has become so common tha t it is almost impossible fo r po liCYlllakers to fin d acceptabl e locatio ns fo r such facilities as d ump sites fo r hazardo us \\~.lS l es (Dea r, 1992; Pille r , 199 1). Like economic faClors, cultural fac lOrs Frt.-quellll) shape resistance to change. As no te d in Chapter 3, Willia m F. O gbum ( 1922) distil1b '1lished between mate rial a nd lio n ma terial aspec ts of culture. J'Hn/f" tiaf cufwYf' incl udes im"entio ns, ill'tifaCLS, and techno logy; IImllnalmal cuf/lIrt! e ncom passes ide;!.s, nOI'IllS, com municatio n , and social o rganization. O gburn po in ted o u t tha t o ne can not devise methods fo r controlling a nd tttilbdng ne \\' techn ology ~ fo re the introductio n o f a techn ique. T hus, nonmate rial c ultllre typically must rt!spond to changes in ma te rial cultu re. O gbum introduced the tcrm cu/lun ! lagto re fe r to th e period o f ma l,ldj usullCnt during wh ich t.he non mate rial cu lt ure is still adapting to new ma te ria l conditio ns" In certa in cases. c1mnges in m aterial c ulture can add strai n to th e re lationsh ips between social instituti o ns. Fo r e x.ample, ncw lCc hniques of birth conIro l havc heen develo ped in rece n t decades. largt' fa mili es arc no lo nger econo mically necessary, uor arc Ihey com monly l'ndorscd by social norms. But cert:lin re ligio us faiths, among the m Romao Catho licism a nd Mo rmo n ism . continue 1 extol 0 large fam ilies and 10 view m e lhods of limiting fa m ily size such as contracep tion an d abortio n as unde sirable. T his represents a lag be twee n aspect!> ()f mate rial culture (techno logy) and no nmatcrial C:I~' ture ( re ligious beli efs). ConfljcLS lIlay emerge be-tWCCIl religion and o ther socia l inSlitutio ns, such ~ govemme lll a nd the educatio nal system , O\'t.r lhr disseminatio n o f birth control a nd la mi ly pla.nllin~ in formatio n (Laller, 1982: 152). Today. social mo\'c me n t.s ofle n secm to queninn the trad itio na l basis fo r a cultu re. T he femin ist and gay libemtion mo\'e lllc n LS ha\'e challenged cultun l beliefs lo ng accepted as " n atural ~- Ih a t lht' malt' is the do m ina lll me m ber or the species, thal hete rosexualit), is the o nly healthy fo rm of sexual onc lll:!tjo n, and so forth . Not surprisingly. resist.tnct lO such mOV Clllen t.s is ofte n \'et)' strong. 111e It-

    586
    1'.1.I{/' H I'F '
    CIIA.NGf,W; !iQ(,JCf1'

    S/U)IJ1I1 ar,. d,,,,o/UfI'al0T5

    opf>oJtd 10

    Ill" pllunlll'1lf of fI nI'W /II a l/n'a /or 11/ a romlllllllity ill I-ImtJtlfd. Con"u tmd. Tlu phmolllnum of ~NJMBI' " ("no/m IIIJ /.KU/r)'flrd ) hUJ bt!rolllf so (0",111011 flUlf 11 iJ (I/moll jl/l/lOsslbkjor pofiljlllrJkm" /o ft'ld (U'('I!f){(/b{,.lomtioll.1 jtlf ;IINII,.,.a/Ilr'S, /(wdfills. and dUIII/! \If~i for IlfItllrriml' W(I5I,., .

    source-rnobili z;Hion approach has fOCllsed nOI only on how socia llllovcll1cnlS mobilizc bUl also on how resisGmcc to cha nge is expressed (R. Roberts and Klos,<;, 1974: 153-157; laJd and McCarthy, 1979). Forms of resistance tasocial mo\'ements illclude the following:
    Ridirol,. The women 's moveme nt was tagged with the de ri"i\'e label "women's lib by its deLractors. At the same Lime, rem inist~ wcre stereotyped as ~br.l bUlllCI'S. Cooplnlioll. One way [0 pa~ iry members of a social movemen t i ~ t.o appear la incorpomle. or coopt, its goals or leade l'S imo the po litical slnlClllre. In 1991, while lacing s1.l'Ong criticism fro m Blac k civil righl~ groups, Presi delll Gcorge Bush nominated Judge Clarence Thumas to fill a v.leancy on the Supreme Court. fimrwl SVcill / rOl1lrol. Duri ng the 1950s, sOllthern COlllmllnities passed legislation banning civi l righ ts marc hes. More rece ntly. cenain colleges have deni ed officia l recogn ition of lesbian and gay male student organi za1iulIs.
    M M

    VioU>lIrf'. If all other

    rn eas ure~ used to stop a social moveme nt arc unsllccessfu l, its oppon e nts may resort to violence. When Natio nal Guard u'oops shot and ki lled lo ur Kent State college studc nu during a 1970 demo nSlr.ltion o pposillg tJle United State.'!' invasion of Cam bo dia , a gencmtio n of young protesto rs learned that participa tion in a -"ocial moveme nt ca n be ex tre mely risky.

    Social movements face a difficult d mlle nge in the ir slntgglc fo r social c ha nge. Almost inevitably powerful individu als and groups in sociery have a vesled imeresl in opposing change. While me mbers ofa socialmovelllc n[ auemp[ to mo bilia! their resources, the powerful do the S<lme-and the powerful often have mo!"!' mOlley, mo re political in Ouence, and greater access to the media. Nevertheless, hum;m history is a histo!), of change; resiswnce by those in power has often been ove rcome. In the socia l poli cy section which foll ows, we will sce that disability rights acLivists have overcom e resistance to forc e important chan ges in society's lreaunenl of people \I'ilh disabilities.

    587
    ell If'flo.H 2fJ CO/lF.rlll ',," MUA \ 10R !tAt) V lCJA/. rJIA ,VI ;/>

    DISABILITY RIGHTS
    How does the medical model of disabi lity compare wilh the civil rights model ? In what waY1l do peopl e wi lh dis;lbilities expericnce pr~jlldic e , discnmina1.ioll. and o th e r form s of social inequality? Wh,H diffic ulties does thc disability righu; movement face in mobili zing as a political bloc? dis.abilities face widespread prej udice, discriminatiun , and segregation . For exam ple, most \'oling places are architenurally inacccssible tu wheelchair users and fail to offer ballots that can be used by people lllmble to read print. Man y states continue to de ny blind a nd deaf citizens the rig hl to ~rH' on jurics. City and statc government hearings. school board meetings, and other important public cve nts are typically held in inaccessible locations and without sign la ng uage inte rpreters. Viewed fro m a COnnic l perspectivc, such public policies renCC! uncqual trea tment that helps to keep people with disabilitics in a subservie lll position (A. Asch, 1986:2 19; H. Halm , 1987:194). L.'1bc ling theorists. drawing 0 11 Ihe earlier work of Elvi ng ColTnmn ( 1963a), have suggested that $0cielY aUac hes a stigma to many foml S of disabilit) and th,ll this sti ~,'111a leads to prejudicial tJ'eatmenL Indeed , people \....itl1 disabilities frequentl y obse"" that L1le nondisabled sec them on ly as blind, deaf, wheelchair use rs, a nd so forth , rather than ascomplcx human beings with individual stre ngths and weaknesses whose blindn ess o r deafm!5S is merely onc aspect o f their li\'cs. In this regard , a rC\;ewof studies of women with disabilities disclosed that mosl acadcmic re.'icarch o n the disabled does nOI dilTerellli;-tte by gende r- thcreby perpctuating lht view th;-tl when a disability is prcsent, 11 0 other personal characteristi c can mallcr. Conscquent.ly, a!J noted in Chapter 5, disability serves as II master SL1illS (M. Fine and Asch , 1988: Cove, 1980:237). The la be l and maste r st. lus ofMd isa bl ed ~ is com ... mo nly vie\\'ed as a barrier 10 any type of accom plishmel1t, as is evide nt in a story invo lving John Hockenbcrry of National Publ ic R.'1dio:
    II-I orkcnbeny] had been lhe nelwork 's prolific Wesl Co,lst con cspondcnt. Bul Ilockenhcny's btwcs and coll eagues had neve r mel hill1ulltil onc day, a few)'t'aJ'S
    aftl'r he had begun filing his reports. he showed up at NPR's Washi ngton head(luarters. Hi ... appear-met W3$ jolting. Hockc"hc ny is a 1 >3I-aplegic. Only a few ill the l1eWSl'Oom kne ..... Ihis. Ho ..... , his fell ow corrcspondenl> wo ndered. had a man in a whec1ch:lir managed to cO\'er political races or lhe explod ing Mount Saint

    L UOllghOlll histo ry. people with d isabilities have often been subjeClcd to Cnl cl and in human treatme nt. For example, in the early Iweluieth celltury lh e d isabled we re frequ e ntly vicwed as su bhuma n creatures who were a menace 10 society. As onc result, marty state legislawrcs paflsed compulsory steri liza tio n laws aimed at handicapped people. Dr<lwing 011 similar prcjud ices ;Igainst the disablcd, Ado lf Hitler's Nazi regime persecuted and put to death perhaps as many as I million people with disabilities. In a c hilling reminder' o f L11is legacy. neoNazi grOllps in Germa ny launched morc tllan 40 attacks o n physica ll)' and mentally disabled people during the first two months of 1993 (H . Hahn, 1987:200; M. Rebcll , 1986; W;lldl'op. 1993). Today, sLLch blatantly hostile treatment of dis;-tbled people has ge nerally been replaced by a medicaillloliel wh ich focuses on th e flln c tional impairmen ts of the perso n. Those with disabilities are therefore viewed as c h ronic patients. In an adaptation of Talcot! Parsons' sick role (refer back 10 Chapt.e r 17 ), ....'c can say tllat society assign s the disabled a "handicappe d role .~ They arc viewed as helpless, c hildlike people who arc expected to asSlime a ch eerful and continuing dependence on family m em be rs . frie nds. and health c.. re professionals. I ncrcasingly. howeve r, people conce rll ed willl tlle rights of the disabled have criticized this medical mod e l. In the view of these activists. il is the unnecessary a nd d isc rimina tory barriers present in the e nvironmt!nt- both physical and :Ittitudinal that stand in the \V-dY of people wit h disabilities. more tha n their biological limit::ltions do. Applyi ng a civil rigllls model, ac tivists e mphasize that those wi th

    588
    I'AKI' HI 'E ' Cl IA.'VGI.W; SQCWI1

    Duability righls (/diui51s havt procklimttl Jul), 2.S Il$ Disability Jmupernuna Day IQ u/ebra/i! IM signj'lg of 1lU! Aml.'lic(lIi.j wilh DisaUilitit.t Act (I\DA). Th,. su.mid al/nual cdWraI.ion ojDisahi/it)' /mupernlnla {)(zy was marlftd in 1993 with marc/Its mId rallic across the ,WliOI/ .

    Helens volcano? Then tlK1' real ized, in a disturbing


    "'a\'C of .self-recogn ition. that had they known of his di.s-

    ability, I-Iockent>erl)' almost certainly nC\'t'"r would h;we been given such challenging assignmems. It would
    have been a5.\ ulIled tha t he was no t able to CO\'CI" th em (Slmpiro, 1993: 19).

    The mass media have contributed to stereotyping of peopl e with disabilities by treating th e m with a mixture of p ity a nd fear. Nationwide charity telcthons promote ncgativc images of the handicapped by showing them as c hildlike, incompetc lll, and non produc ti\'e. By contmst, in litem tun: and film , ~evil u char.:tcters with disabilities (from Captain 'Iook to Freddy Krueger) reinfo rce the view that disability is ,I punishme lll for evi l and that the handicapped, oulofa desire for re \c nge. wou ld destroy lhe nondisabled iflhcy could. Even oste nsibly more fa\'orable treatments of disabled c har.lcters tend to focus on ullusually courageous an d inspirational individuaJ..; who achieve striking personal succes.~s against great odds- rather than o n Lhe impact of prejud ice and discrimina tion on -ordinal)'" disabled people (Longmore, 1985; Shapiro, 1993:3 1-32; Zola, 1987) . By 1970, a slrong social movement fo r disabilit), rights-drawing on the experiences of the Black civil Iigh lS moveme n t, the ....'ome n 's liber.llion

    movemen t, and va rious self-help movemen ts-had e merged across Lhe United Stales. This movement no ..... includes org-,mi7.ations of people with a single disability (such ;L~ the Natioll al Federation of the Blind), organiza tions of people with dUferelll di.sabilities (such as New York City's Disabled in Ac lioll ), a legal ad\'ocacy organization (the Disability RighL\ Education and Defe nse Fund ), and a n activist publication (th e Disability Rllg). Ironically, the war in Vi e mam served as a major factor in adv.mc ing th e disability lights movement. Because of warrelated il"Uuries, a large number of disabled Vielnam \'eterans joined with olhe r people with disabilities in d emanding full civil rights. Wo me n and men involved in the disability righlS movcmclll arc working to c hallenge negative views o f dis. bled peo ple; to gain a greater voice for the . disabled in all agency and public policy decisions that afTect them; and to reshape laws, insliutl.ions, and e nvironments so that people with disabilities can be fu lly integrated into mainslream society. Disa bility rights act ivists a rgue that the re is an impor !:ant distinction bClWeen organ i7.ations for disabled people and o rgani7... "ltions of disabled people. The fonn e r include !K!lvice providers, charimble associatio ns, and pare ntal groups. Some activists mainlain that sincc these o rganizations are no t contro lled by people with disabil ities, they do not give

    589
    r:llAjY/"HH
    2f)

    (:()I./J","(.'/VI-: IJi"."l/A WON iV,'1J .,()(;l;tt CJlA.N("J-.

    priority 1.0 the goals of indepe ndence and self-help emphasized by the di ~:tbi li ty lights movement (Scotch , 1984:33-37, 1989). Without question , people witll di~bilitics occupy a subordina te po...ition in Ihe United States. According 10 Milchell La I)lantc, director of the Disability Statistics Progralll a t lhe Uni,'e l1iity of Califom ia at San Fmncisco, 2:1 pel"c~ nt o f d isabk-d adlllt.~ in th e Uni ted States arc poor-almost three times th e ra le 101 the rest o f the populatio n. Ma ny ' of these low-income people with dis."lbili ties survive la rgely o n Social SccUI'ity payments, Medicaid, and food slamps. Evcn among the disabled, racial differences are evident. A 1992 study by lhe federal governmenl's Genel~l! Accounting O lTice found that African Americans havc more difficulty lhan others in obtaining benefits from the two largest feder' l! programs for people with scvere disabilities: Disabi lity !rlsurance and Supp!ementalY Seculity Income (Ki lborn, 1992:24; L.1.baton , 1992). ArchitectLl ,.. 1 barrie rs and LI-allsportation difficulti es on en acid to tlw problems of disabled people who seek o r obtain e mployment. Simply gettin g arollnd cit y strCCL~ ('<In he quite diflicult: many SU'eCL~ arc not pro perly equipped with curb cu ts fo r wheelcha ir lIS(' I"S. A genuinely baITiel'- frec building needs more 1 hall a 1~,.IInp; it shuuld also include automatic doors, ra ised le uers and bmillc on signs, a nd toilets that arc accessible to the disabled. nU t even if a disabled pcrson rinds a j o b. and evcn if the j ob is in a barrierfret. building. he or she still faces the proble m of getting: to work in a society whe re 11I0St railroad slat ions and buses remain inaccessible to wheelchair users and others with disabi lities. With such i"SlIt."S in mind . the di'i.'lbil ity rights movement WOII an imponallt victol1' ill 1990 when President Ccurgc Bush sib ed the AmC licans with 'll Disabiliti es Act (A DA ). This civil righ L~ law was passed o nly a.flcr a long legislative struggle, behindthe-scenes lobbying t,O wcrtkcn Lhe bill by business groups, arid de monstratio ns <llt he Capit ol Rotunda by disability rights a ctivis ts. The ADA alrects some 43 million people with a disability (defin cd as a co ndition that ~s\lbsl.<lntia ll y limit~~ a ~1Il:~i or life acti\,ity,~ such as walking or sight ). This law, the most sweeping antidiscrimination law to be appro\'ed since the 1964 Civil Rights Act , bcgan to go into elTect in 1992. It prohibiu bias in

    employment, lr.tIlsponalion, public accommodations, and telecommunications against people with disabilities. U\L~incsses with more than 25 emplo\ ces can no longer refuse to hire a disabled applicant: these com panies lvill be expected to make a -rcasomlble accommodatio n- to pem}it such a worker to do the job. Commercial estilhlishmenl$ sllch as office bui ldings, hOlels, thealers, super markets, and dr}' cleaIH!I'S have been b.'lrred from denying sc lvice to people wit)} di ~ bili ti es. However, as of mid-1993-a yeilr after the ADA had gone illlo clTecl.- the Justice Dep.'ll"ullent had al ready received 11 ,550 complaillt!! of discrimination. About, half represe nted clai ms from people that they had been unfairly discharged from their j()br. because of their disabilides (Kilbonl , 1992; Mullim,
    1993),

    Opponents of various mcas ures mandating al.cessibility oftell insist that these measures will be prohibitively cx pensive. However, disability rigllt.' aClivist~ arglle I.hat these pr~jcc t ed costs are often overstated ; backers or lhe ADA add that the la\\' will bellcfil society hy assisting tJle d isahled lO find em ploymellt and Ica\'e thl' welfarc rolls. The federal govcrnlllcllI sl)clllls abot l! SGO hill ion each year on people ....'ith disabi liti es, hUI on ly S~ billion goes for education , training, and re habilitation, with Ult' resl fo r be nefi t... Accordin g to onc estimate. if C\'en JO,O()O dis,"lbled people join the .....o rk forc~ ealh year, the governmcllI will !i.:IVe SiO million ann ually in cash bendits a nd will , ill addi lion, recei\'t' IiUIlions in taxes from these lIew workers (~ll'l 1989b: Ro th, 1989) . With passage of the ADA, tilt! disability nghb movement. h"s bf>gun to ('mphasizc the issue of at tendant services. Lack of " ffo nbblc and reliablr home care leaves thousands of scverely disabled p(!ople po .....erless 10 bellefi t from the ADA-and forces Olhers unnecessari ly illt o nllrsing home!!. Yl't state support for' home ca re services \'< Iries clramat ically. Disability rights activists view attendant services as a civil right5 issue. In their "it.'w, adv-,ua:a in emplo)'mel1 t or accessible transportation art mean ingless if a disabled person cannotget needed assistan ce to gel up, get ready for work, and gel OUt of the house (Slmpiro, 1993:250-257). In order t,O will future victories, the disabilitv rights movement will necd la become stronger a political bloc. Yet the social move ment for d~

    590

    ability rights mu.st overcollle certain difficulties related LO resource mo bili za tjon . Those with disabililies arc geogmphi cally, socially. and economically dispersed ; the re is dangeroffT<tgmcTltation bt:cause of lhe divcrsity evidcnt in the diITe rcllt types and le\'els of disaoility. Moreover. many of th ese individuals-especially th OSt! who are successfully e mployed-may not iden tify the mselves consciously

    with the moveme nt. Still , activists re main encouraged after passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act. Mary j o hnson ( 1989:446), former editor of the Disability Hag, has wdu c n: "Discrim ination against people with dis'loilities has now been offi cially acknowledged. We've got a foot-o r a wheel or a ca ne - in Ihe door" W. Hr-tld ley, 1990; Scotc h , 1988).

    .$.~~Y.............

    Collec/ivtl behavior is t,lle rt~l;t ti \'cly SPOl ltallCOUS a nd unstruct ure d he h,wior o f a gro up t haT is reacling T ~n a rllO biguOlrS ~i tuati on. Social change is ~igni lic'lIlt 'Ilicralioll o\'er lime in be ha viOl' p:tllcrns and cullurc, in clirfling no rms and l'alues. This ch ap ler exa min es 8odological theories used to lllltie rst;lI1rl cnllec til'c bc hal'io r, (OOlIS of c;ollcctll'e bchavior, Iheorit's of social changc, and resisTance 1.0 change.
    TUnler .U1d Killian's tl rn ergfmt -IIQnn perspr.cfivc that new nonnll o f proper beh'l\;or may ari$C in ambiguo us sin mlion:.. 2 Smelser's value-added model .of collcctil'c bchavior QUtlines six important d c tcnninanlS .of such behavior: 5troclu ral conduciven ess, slntnural slmin, ge nemlized belief, precipitatin g r.'lctor, m o b ililati o n of p.lnici p.lllts for anion, and opemu.on ufsocial cOlH ro l. :I The nnernbting p tlrsp ecti ve introduced by McI'hail and Miller roug ht for the li rst time to examine h ow a nd II'hYJXoople mol'c from difle reut poin ls in space tu it c.oll1mon 1 0(;lIion. 4 Unlike ccrtain silUalions ill\lOlvill)o: coll.'uilc beh;wior, crowds rcquirc pt!.oplc to be in rclatil'cly close contact and in teraction. S The key distinctio ll hetwccll ;1 pallic all(1 a cra:e is tha l a pa ni c is" f1i g lll j1om somethin g whereas a craze is a movcmenT to somethillg. 6 A nll1wr sen'es it soda l functiOIl br providing a group wilh a s h a red belief. 7 Social movetllCII/s arc m ore 5lrUC\11l'ed t.han othcr forms o f collecti ve hehavior and persisl uvcr longe r P'-" nods o f time. S Early adVOCilt('S of evo {utio"ary th eory of social change belie\'ed lhat socie lYW'.t.'\ in el; Ia bly progressing to a higher st;ue.
    suggen~

    9 T alcott Pal'sons, a leading advocate of func lionalin the ol)'. I'iewed soci<.'ly as mHUI~\lly being in a Slate of equilibrium 01' b;11allcc. 10 Colltlit:t theonsts sce c h:'ingc a~ lIa\ing crucial significan ce, since it i ~ needed to coneet .!IOCial ir!.iustice5 and inc(]ualitil-s. 11 i n gene ral. Ihosc wilh ,\ disproportion ate share .of society'S we alth , st:HUS. and puwer have a vested interest in preserving Ihc s ta\ll ~ quo. 12 By Lhe 1970s, a .sUOng 1ll000ClllCl11 ii.Jl' disa bility righ ts llati emerg<.'d across lhe Unitt-d States.

    Are th e e m e rgcUI-n onll , l"aluc-addecl , and asse mbling pCl1i pectil('S a ligned \\'ilh or reminiscent o f funclionalism , cunflict theol)'. o r I ntC"'dC tiolll~ lI1 ? What aspects of each of thcse theories of collectiv{' bt'll<Ilior (if any) seem lin ked 10 the b roade, theoretical pc rs pe.:lil'cs of sociolug)'? 2 Without using :m y of the e)(;llllples pn.SCnlcti in lhe ' textbook , lisl at Icast 11<.'0 cxamplc~ of e;\ch of the following t}']>Cs or collcClil'c behavior: c rowds, dis.lsters. fa ds, fashions, panics. C I'll~CS, rurnolll. pllblics. and ~oci a l movcmellts. E-:xplain why each example belongs iu il5 a~signcd calegOly. Distiu g uish I>clwt'cn c:lch Iype of colleclil'e ochavior based on tire Iypl: and degrec of social stru cture ill1d interacti o n lh:n arc presen1. 3 Select onc social mOI'cmcllt Ihat is c llrl'c rnl y workin g for change in Ihe United States. Ana] )"l.c Ihal I1IOI'CII1C11I, dr:' wing UI1 UIC corlccpt.s of rcia tivc d cpril'l.ljo n, resource mobili ~.atio n , .md f,, 1 se consciOllSIlCSS. Discuss whc ther the e quilibrium mode l llnd the couflic l llROOI)' of sQCill] ch ange art' uscflll in anal)"l.ing tlw social movemcnt you have c hoscn.

    591
    CJlIlrn-:.JI 2()
    COI.u-~crll~ hEIIAI'/oH.IL\TJ

    Sl)('JA(. (;J/ANGf.

    KEY TERMS
    An~mbli"g p ~,.spectj ve

    A theory o f collcnh'c bchavio r introd uced by Mc Pha;1 a nd :\1i11c r which seek! to examine hO.... 3nd why people mo\'c rrom diffcrt.1I1 poi ll lS in space 10 a commo n location. (p:' gc 573) Co/{~ctil'e behatlior In the view of sociologist Neil Smclser. the rela tively spontalleolls ;md unSllllClUrcd bc h;\\'ior Uf ;1 group o f peo ple who :m: reacting to a commo n innuellce i n an ambi!{\lous ~i t wuion. (568) Cro:t An exciting mass in volvem e nt which last.s for a relatively long period of lime. (575) Crowds Tempor.lIy gatherings ofpeoplc ill dose proximity who share a common fOC115 or interl'S l. (573) Culture lag Ogbum'$ te rm for a period of maladjustmen t during which the nonmau: ';al ('" ultllrt! is still adapting 10 new material cond itio ns. (586) Distllter A sudde n o r d isruptive c\'e nt or M'l of evcn ts that overtaXes " comllHlllity's rC!IO urccs so Ihal oH tsidc ;1id is necessary. (573) Emergtmt," orm perspective A theory of collective be h a\;or proposed by Turner and Ki llian whic h holds that a col1ecti\'e d efi ni tion of appro pria te a nd inappro priate beh ;wior c JIlerges du ri ng e pisod Cli of collective behavior. (57 1) Equilibrillm model T akOlt P-.IBOIlS functionalis t \iew of SOCiety as tending toward a st.:lte of Mability 0 1 bal ' ance. (5&1) Evolutionary Ih eory A theory of social c hllnge which h o ld~ th;1\ SOCiety i~ moving ill a d efi n ite d irecti o n .
    (58')

    1Il0\'elllcn t..~ to\\';.lrd th e acceptance Qf some part icular taste or lifestyle tha t in\"ol\;(' largc num bers of people and arc indcpt' lldel1t of preccdi ng ln~nds. (5 75) Fab e consciousness A te rnl used b)' Karl Ma l1\: 10 d escribe a n at tilllde held by membe rs ofa class that d ~ not accurn tcly reflect its ohj(.Ctivc positio n . (582) ' Fashion s Pleasurable mass ilwo!\'cmc ll ts in somc pa r ticula r taste o r lifestylc thal havc a line o f historical cO nlinuity. (575) Mllllifin enr evolulirmary Iheory A lheory of social

    Fads T e m po ra ry

    ch:lllge which ho lds that c ha nge can occur in 5e\'C:11!I wars and does n o l il1(."\;t1\hly lead in th e saJlle du cttio n . (584) Nonperiod ic a!llemblies No nrecu r rin g gatherings 01 people \<o'hich often resu lt from \\nrdof)fmOUlh inftll' mation . (573) "nni c A fearful arousal o r collconh'i.' flight based on ~ ge ncra lizcd belief which mayor !Hay not be ac(:urate (576) Peri udic nuemblies Rccurl"in g, rclati\'(,ly routine gath(';ngs or Jll'op1e. suc h as college r.la.~st'..s. (573) Public A dispersed g roup o f people. 1I0t IlCCess.1 rit) in COntl"t wi th one another, who sh are an in tercst ln Ill! issue . (578) Pllblic opinion J:::xprcs.~iom of altitudes o n mallel"5,1f pu blic policy which a rc cOllllllunicated to dec:isloo makcls. (578) Relative deprivation The consciou.'> feeling oLa tit'? ti\'e discrep..1llcy betwee n ICb ,ilimalC cKpcctat ions and prcsent ac tuali ti cs. (581) Res()urce mobili:alion Th e "'~l)'S in \<o'hich ~ ,'<Xi;l] 11l0\'CIll!:1l1 lIlitizcs such re!lOUrC as 111011(,),, politiGl] e5 , in li tlcnce. a ccess to th e media. and personn el. (58!!) Rllmor A p i(.'Ce info n n:llion gathered infonnalh wh ich is ,Ised to in te rpret an a mbi gllous ~iluation . (577) Social change Sig nifiClIll a1temtiOIl U\'cr time in bcha\ ior p;lIlt'ms and cultu re, including no ml! and \';l/1.lIe\. (569) Social movemellls Organitcd collccti\c :1cti'ities to promote or re~ i~ 1 change in a n cxisring group or .!OCit'!\'. (579) Vllilit/ear evullltiQllllry ,heory A theo ry of ~ial chllllge whic h ho lds tha t all sodeti es pa....~ Ih rou~h th( S;lme stl cccssi\'c stages of evolution and ine\itllblrR"~I("h the !lamc cnd. (.')84 ) Valu eadded model A theury of col1th"e bt-ha\1(Jf Pro l>oscd by Neil SmcJser 10 explain how broad <.(Iti;Il C(lllC\ ili ol\~ 11 1"1' tmnsfomlcd in a de fi n ite patlCnl IUHl ~ U\e fo rm ofcol1ecth"c OChavior. (57 1) Pu led inltlresls Veblcn'~ fel"ln for those P"Mplt Of grou ps ""ho " 'ill suffer in the C\'(~ llI of social ChiUlgt :lIld who ha\'l' a slakc in maintaining the StalllS qtl(l (586)

    or

    592
    PANT I'/t1. CHANGlNC .'iOClt,'11'

    Bnlllv.lnd.J:m J-b rold. The &by Train (/lid Oth" l.UJty l/Than 1-'IJfflds. New York; NorlOn. 1993. The author. an English professor. has collected another series o f rurnol'll which have become such an accep ted pa rt of Ollr cuilure that they can perh aps be considered legends or folklore . Davi~, Fred. FashiOlIS, Culture, mulld~lItily. Chicago: UniI'crsity of Chi Gigo Pn:ss, 1992. A sociologist considers how f<'lshion rdlects uur sellse of idcntity <lm\ i~ influ cnaxl by consumer M:lcction. Fine, Michellc, a nd Ad rie nne Asch (ed 5.). WOlllm with Disabiiilin: f4say$ in ITjcholbg)', Culturt!, ami Politics. Philadelphia: Temple Universi ty Press. 1988. An anthology exploring scho la rly a nd activist concems on issues ranging from prejudice to employment policy. from friendship la social justice. Jasper.James M., and Dorolhy Nelkin. "'h~ Allimal Rigllls Cnl5l1dr: Th~ Growth of a Moral PrQt~st. New York: Free l'reS!!, 1992. Two socio logisls prol/ide a histOry and an analysis of a soci:ll nlOI'cment whose members range from associations of kindly pet 10vel"8 concerned with -animal welfare- to passionate groups of activists fighting for Ma nilllal righlS.~ Kapferer, J ean-Noel. Rumors: Usn, IntnprtUlti(Jru, ulId Im(Jgrs. New IkullSwick, NJ.: Transaction , 1990. A com prehensive examination of rumOl'll', gossip, and urban legends drawing upon examples from both Europe and the United Slates. Miller, David L. flllrrxiurtioll to ColkctitN. IJtlwmor. Prospe(;t HeighL~, ill.: Wal/eland, 1988. The author, assoc iated with the as~mbling perspective, covers all the m:tior

    Iheoretical llpproaches 10 the field . He cxaminc..-s rnmOI"5, riOts, social movcments, immigr.nion. :Uld other forms of collective bchavior. Shapiro, Joseph P. No l'ilJ: /'aJjJk with VI5lJbi/Jlin forging fl Ntll! Cnllt /lights A'ovtmmt. New York: 11111(.'5 Books. 1993. The author, ajournalist who writes for U.S. Nr0J5 fllld World IlqHJrt, dr"llwS on hundreru of inf.erviews with dis.'lbility rights activists 10 offer a porlr"llit of an emerging social movement. Turner. Patricia A. I Hem"(llt tlmmg" Ill" GmfJevilll!: Rumor in Afritfl)I--A"I'-ricuII CUlttl T(!. Berkelcy; University OfC'~ll ifornia I'n:ss, 1993. A scholarly examination of folk talcs and legends shared alllong Aflican Americans. Wallon,J o hn . n'tsltrn Times and Waltr Wars: Stalt, Cl/iJr",', alul RtbtUlO 1I in Cofifflnlia. Ikrkeley; University of California P\"t.'SS. 1992. A sociological anlllysis of environmental protests and social mo\'cments tha t dc..,\'e1oped in the Owens Valley of Californill. Zald, ~'l:Jyer N., and John D. McCarthy (eds.). Social MOtIf'"1nl Is i'l 1111 (ftgtlllizaliollal Sociel)'. Rut gers. NJ. : Transaction. 1 986. A detailed analysis of the processes involved when individuals and groups arc mobilizcd for collective action.

    J..~~.~~~........................................................................................
    Among those journals which focus on issues of col1ecth'e beha\;or arc the IlIw,."a/iQlull JormUlI of MflSS e~l cir..! amJ imllsltrs (founded in 1983), the Jormwl of Popul(Jr Cullllrr. ( 1967), and Public opillion Quarlel/y (1937). T!u 1-'IIIIIrist (founded in 1967) is II mOllthly mag;nine dedicated to exploring possible socia l lllld teclHlological chllnges and their likely impact 011 society.

    593
    aM.YIJ.:;H 1f) {"'()IJ.f.cm't H1I111 '101( IINI)SIJrJAI. ClM.,."r.t.

    EPILOGUE

    SOCIOLOGY, TECHNOLOGY, ................ ................................................................ AND THE FUTURE ................................................ ................................


    In 1992, sociology in the Uni t,e d States reached a significant milestone, In that year, for tllC first time, a deparunentof sociology (that ofthe Un i\'ersity of Chicago) marked ilS centennial anniversary. Clearly. there have been monumental changes since 1892 both in the discipline of sociology and in the society known as the United States. But what is ahead in our discipline, in our country, in our world, as we approach the twentyfirst cenlUry and beyond? As noted earlier in th is book, uchllOwgy is the application of knowledge to the making of tools and th e utilization of natural resources. In this conclusion to our introd uction 10 sociology, we will consider what the socio logical im agination tells us about the techno logy of the present and the decades to comc. Tec hnological advancesamong the m, the airplane, the automobile. the television, the atomic bomb, and more recently, the computer, the FAX machine. and the ccllu-

    ................... ......... ....................................................

    lar phone- have brought dramatic changes in our cultures, our paltcms of social i1.ation . our social institutions, and OUl' day-Io-day social interactions. Indced. tcchno logical innova tions are emerging and being accepted wi th remarka ble speed. It took o nly eight years for television to make ilS way into 50 percent of homes in the Uni ted St..'ll.es and only 13 years for the VCR to do the So.'lme (Maney. 1993). The technological knowledgc we work with 10day represenlS only a tiny portion of the knowledge that wi ll be ava ilable in the year 2050. We arc witnessi ng an information explosion as well : the number of volumes in major libraries in the United Slates doubles every 14 ycars. Consequently, when viewed from a sociological perspective. individuals. institutions, and societies will face unprecedented adaptive challenges in adjusting to the technological advances soon to come (Cetron and Davies, 1991 ; WUl'man, 1989).

    595

    In the rollo.....ing sections, I\'C will cKaminc various aspccts or o ur tcchnologic.1 rmure and the strains 1 that will arisc owing to tcchnological adv:mces.

    Sex Selection lY78 marked the year that the lirst baby was born as the resul t or conceptio n outside the \'I'o mb. Sincc then , advances in reproductive and screening technology have brought 115 closer to effective tcchniques fo r sex selection. In the United Stales, the prenatal test or amniocentcsis h as been used for 20 ),ears lO ascertain the prc~crtcc or certain defects tha t require medical procedures prior to birth . However, ~ u c.h tests inevitably ide ntiry the gender of I.lle feUl:O\. In many societies, young couples planlling to have only olle c hild will W....!lll to ensure that this c hild is a boy because thesc cultu res plaC( a pre-mium on a male heir.. Indeed , it has been cstimated that if sex seleCtion becomes commonly .wailable in the Unitcd States. the nation will experiencc a 9 . 5 percenl excess of boys O\'cr b>irls. From a fimctionalisl pe rs pec tive, sex selection ca n be viewed as a n adaptation o f the basic fam ily fUllct io n of regulating re production. Howcver, conflict t.h eorists e mphasize that sex .'!election may intensily the male dominan ce of our society and IIlldennine the adv.lnccs wom e n have made in c tlle ring careers formerl), r(.'SlriClcd to me n (Comish , 1992; Hawkcs, 1993; t'\ullil ll a nd Watt, 1993; SI.."lcey, I992:37) . Biotechnolob"Y Even more grandiose than sex selection-but not necessa rily improbable-is l.tltering human bc havior through biotechnology. Fish ;md plant ge nes ha\'t~ already been mixed to create frost-resistant POI:ltO and tobacco crOI)s: more re-cemly, human genes have been implanted in pigs 10 provide humanlike kidneys for orga n transpla nts. Crimit loiogin Gene Stcphens ( 1992:42) has \\,,'ille n a futuristic sce nario o r a gene tically ellha nced police o ffice r sc.lling a skyscra per to surprise a huma n ~orga n rus tl c r ~ under investig;:.tion by thc g:ovem me nt 's Bi olech Crime Division. In 19~)3. ne wspa pe rs erroneously reported that a fe rtility "esearc he r had cloned a hu ma n e mbryo and . in lhe process, pote ntially created multiples or th e same genetic material that could be implanted il1(o a woman (or sever..!l wornelt) who \\'o llld give birth to geneticall )' identi c:! l babies . Actua lly. the resea rc her's advances wcrc .ntlc h more d e mcnta ry

    and could not lead to such multiple lInd ide ntical babies. Ne\'ertheless, the e nsuing debate spurred by th ese reports showed how unpre pared .....e arc 10 deal with such lechnology . JOllrnalisL~ speculated that ir such all e mbryo grew 7 fee t 1.""111 and signed :l professional basketball COnlraCl ror $ 140 million, how much might the still rroze n -(win e mbryos~ be .....orth ? In response to those who called for go\'e rnment intcTVention afte r initial reports about this supposed adva nce in gene tic e ngi neering. Art ltu r Caplan, direc tor of tiLe Gente r fo r Uioelhics a t the Universit), o f Minncso':t, respo nded c.i ticall)'. Mlrl)lIr politicia ns can 't make up a cohe rellt poliq fOI' Haiti .. "~ as ked Capla n , ~ how are wc supposed to design our descendants?" (J. Adlc." 199~; 62 ; Kolata , 1993). In examining Ihe issue ofbio tcchnology. we must return to onc of Ihe earliest discussio ns in this textbook: nature T!t'rSIIS 11 11/1,,,1': (or heredity vcrsus emirOllmcnt) . Tod ay, it is fashionable to proclaim the powe r of genc ti cs. In Fe bruary 1993, for exam ple. Phil Oonahue aired a show o n "How to Tell If Your Child 's a $cd,,1 Killed- th rough genetic 3I1al),sis. Yet man)' he ralded research findings are already in disptlle. The predisposition 1.0 Cli me (or at least \10lence) For mal es with an CX I. ... l Y chromosomcwidely re ported in t.hc 1960s- has since been found to be mistake n. A 1990 report suggcsting that alcoholism may be inhe rited is currently in dispute. And there arc continuing and intense d eb"t clI con. ceming the inh eritability of intelligence. These cOl1lro\'ersies SCJVC as a caution in evaluOlting the more o ptimistic projections concerning biotechnology ( Horgan , 1993) . The prospccts o f sex selection and other aspects of biotechnology recall obse rvations made in the early 19205 by sociologist Wiltiam F, Ogburn (1922) in response to the n Presidc nt He rben Hoover's call fo r a look al the future. OgbufIl and his colleagues bclit."Vcd that our Ilo nmalc rial culture Ofll 0 ..II1S, vallies, and phil osophies \\,,\S nOlchanging fasLenough t.o keep pace with (much less manage) o llr material clIllUre of technology. Do we have the valut: syste m in place 10 confront the inventions of today, IIIl1ch less bio tcchnology a nd other innovations or tOnlOlTOw? Tclecommuting As the industrial rcvoimio n proceeded, the factory and the office re placed the fam-

    596
    i-:J'ILOGFF.

    \f)(:}{!IOOt'.

    TfTJI....UUK.), A..\lJ Till-.

    H.'n '/IJ\

    In exami"inK Ihnological advall(ts and hom IIury will afftet individuals, institutions, and soritlia, sociologists art inttTtslM in suth innOlJ(Jlions a.J
    hum~m gl11etit

    nlgi'ltmng.

    tdommuling. and virtual rtality.

    597
    f:J'I/.oc.UI: !;Oc/OLOCI', 1ECJlNOI.OCY, ANI) TIlE ~'lfT1JHE

    ily fa nn as the typical workplacc. However , in 1992. the re were about 6.6 million ~te l eco mmuters" in the United Stales, or abollt 20 percent mo re than in 1991. Tell'rommufers arc em ployees of business firm!) or government agencies who work full ti me o r part time at home Idthcr than in an outside office. They are lin ked to their supervisors a nd colleagues thro ug h computer tenninals. p hone lines, and FAX machines. Te1ecomm uti ng ca n even CI"OSS natio nal bo undari es, oceans, lInd continents. For example. noted science-fi ction a uthor Anhur C. Cla rke. who livcs in Sri L"ln ka (Ceylon ) , is deeply involved in tht" publishing world o f the United States through electronic networking (Cale m . 1993). Th e re arc pl"Ojectio lls of vast in creases in tel ecommuting in the nex t decade or two. According lQ estimates o lTe re d by authorities 011 t(c!lllology, by the rea r 2009 as man)' as ha lf of all workers in the United Stales ""'ill perform their j obs partially Oil home throllgh use of computer syste lll ~ (I-Ialal, 1992). How will bo th work a nd family life be reshape d if more and more e mployees are working out of their homes? In wha t ways will telecommul ing expand job possibilities for people \\'ith disabilities? Willlh e emergence ofa home-based econom y make it impossible for labor union s lO o rgani ze workers and engage in co ll ~c ti \'e barg-.1in ing? Computers and Privacy \oVhile computers o Oer unquestioned tech nological adv,lIlces, they arc capable of irmtding peoplc 's priV".lCY. Messages, pUl"cha.'>Cs, fina nc ialtransactiollS, a nd rele phonc connections can now be monitored in a \ V"dY tha t was not prc.,Viollsly ' possible. With suc h cOllcems ill mind, the Pd\'acy ACI of 1974 sp(. cifies that thc exi.,tence ofl"ecording systcms Illust be puhlidy <lcknowledged, individuals mlrst have access 10 their own fil es, they must be able to correct inaccurate or ll1i ~ l eading entries. and they IIllLSt be a ble 10 proLest improper use of Ulc ir files. However. all these provisio ns have restrictio ns and (luatifications. and tllCYdo not (:vel1 apply to all fed e ral govel11l11l'11I files, much less Ihose mainla ined by private agencies (Rule. 1993). Given the a bse nce of strong protcc liv(: legislaIjOIl . employees in the United States arc subject to inc reasing and pe rv.lsive su pervision by com p uters. It has become easy for even sm all business firms to g:nher infonlla liu n on workers' habi ts, such as casual pauses in cllI.e ring tedious data or tlLC le ng th

    of lime required to we ig h and price a bag of a pplell a t a supe rma rkct c heckout station . With ~ Big Brother~ wa tching in morc and more places, cam pUler alld video technol ogy have fucilit.'HCd super vis io n, control, and even dom ination by employcn or govern ment. How ....i ll such supervision alT s0ect cial inteldctio ns in what we h:,,'e long called a "free society"? Will fears about such intntsions illlo our lives limit tll C acceptance of olherwise beneficial technologica l inrloVlIt.ions? Vinual Reali(y Imagi ne pUlling on a helmet and stcpping into a suit complel c with glo\"es and shQeS. You are cui 01T from th c reil I envi ro nment around you; u1J"ough technology. se nsatio ns art' lransmitled tu your ixJdy so that YOll feel as if you arc swi mming in Austra lia 's Great Barrier Reef o r initiating a cOIwersation wi th Moham mt"tl o r J esus. Virlual reality is an illle ......ctive technolob'Y that creat.e~ an illusion of being immersed in an anificial world o r being prese nt in a re mOle location in the phpiCOI l world ( Ruc ker et aI. , 1992:25). Currently. virtual reali ty is utilized primarily as:l fo rm of emel"lain me nL However , a 1992 Illurder trial used compute r simulatio ns to Ms how ~ ulejul"\' how th e defe ndant alleg(:dly C Olllm illed Lire mur der. Some o bse rve rs expect that e mplo)'crs will someday use virtual realily 10 screen job applicanuo Counselol's, police officers. and teachers, among others, could be placed in vi rtual reality to test how well they perform in simulated work si l.lla.tion~ (Bacard, 1993). We are o nly lit tll(: beginning of ule possibilitie~ a nd et hical dile mmas posed by virtual rcalilY. Thil. techno logical advance could be used to a1l0w a person to indulge norm-defying or even criminal fan tasies. Indeed, b)' the 1990s, co mputer software \\"l$ a\r..tilable that a llowed userll to engage in activities tha t ridicule o r trh~ali ze women and mimrntv groups. Tecllllolobrlca1 Accidents O ur in crea..~ ing rt.'liann: o n Icchnol ogy has led to a growi ng separation be:tween people and the outcomes of their actions. A carpenter who singlehandedly ma kes a ladder has cluite a different invesunent in the quality of lhe product than does a tec hnician who develops a sma ll pan for a space shuttle. Sociologis t Charles Pc n ow ( 1984 ) introduced

    598
    ~J'If.(JGI'"

    .'KK:lm.()(:!', "-"."(;11,.,-01 rJ(;I'. Io..\'/J ) /If, fUI"VRE

    the tenn Iwmwl flccidmts to refe r to failures lhal a re ineo.'itable given the manne r in which human and technn/ogical systems a re organized. Whe the r in a hospital or an aerospace program. Cltlli>tmphes are ofte n caused not by massive e rrors bUl rathe r by what appear to b e (whe n co nside red in isolatio n) alm ost incide ntal huma n mis judgmen ts and minor technical naws. In studying no rmal accide nts, engineers locus o n the liyste m dt."Sign, the physical e nvironme nt, a nd the possibility of mechanic,,1 failure; social scientists a re hired to evaluale possible ope rator (or huma n) e rror. Genc!',tlly, 60 to 80 perce nt of normal ;!ccide n LS are auributed to huma n factors. As onc example, sociologist Cora Ma rre tt and he r colleagues o n the Presidc tl! 's Commission o n the Accident at Th ree Mile Island suuiied the: 1979 accide n t at the !luclear power plant near Harrisburg, Pe nnsylva nia. In a controversial findin g, the interaction o f several o pel,Hors and supe rvisors communi cating with each other across a shift c ha nge was designated as Lhe primary ca use o f the accide nt. Sy.ne m accidents a re uncommo n, even I-:UC. But, like the death of a ny individual. which occurs Qnly once. this infreque ncy is no t all that reassur ing. Gh'cn the possibl e consequences o f a systems fa i'ure, \,>,e can anticipate that sodal scientists \.."ill work eve n mo rc closely with e ngin eers la e xplore h ow bener equipme nt , training. a nd organization can reduce the like lihood of nonnal accide nts (Perrow. 1984; sce also L Clarke, 1988). Technology and lne'lualily An im portant continuing tl1 Clllt: in sociolob'Y is stra tification am ong people. Thus far. ll1ere is little evide nce la suggest tha t techno logy will reduce inequality; indeed , it may only intensify inequali ty. T echnology is costly lInd it is gene rnlly impossible la introduce advances to eo.eryone simultaneously, So who geLS this access Ii]"'j t? Conflic t theo rists conte nd that as we tfllvel fu rther and furth e r al ong the electroni c fro nti e r th rough adval1 ccs suc h as tclecommuting and vi rtual reality, tll c dise nfra nc hised poor may be isolall::d from mai nstream socie ty in a n "info rmation ghe uo ,ft just as racial and ethnic minOI'ities have traditionally bee n subjectcd to reside ntial segregation (Ouelle ue. 1993). In this regard, in 1993 telephon e and cable television companies unveilt:.d pla ns for interactive ca-

    ble television. Hom e viewers will conceivably be a ble to access businesses. libraries, a nd governme nt age ncies, as well as sourccs of e me rlai nm c nt. Will these developme nts be available to all? Not necessaril),. according to the Federa l Communications Commissio n (f ee). Fee commissione r AJldrcw Barret! has sta ted : Just ;'I S we have poor people looay, just as wc have homeless people loday. wc wilt have the info rmationd ch and the inronnatioll'poor.. . O ur job is to provide access, bu t I don', W"tI\H to provide access all the b;lSis of companies h Ol\; lIg 10 subsidize a lt or Amerial (Crady, 1993: 1).

    Th e lechnological advances of t.he present and future may not be equally benefi cial tu men an d womc n. f e minist sociologists hm'e brough t t.he isslle o f wo me n and techno logy to the fo refront b)' pointing out that techno logy is not necessarily gelld e r-ne um.!. f o r example, many studies have shown that there is diffe re ntial use of compute!'!! by boys and gids. Computer galll t:s, wh ich serve as all im-

    599
    f:i'IUJGUf.' .'IQ('JOI.t}(;)'. T/oOIlWII.()(;t'. AM) Tilt f'UI"UHE

    porlanl mcan s of earl)' socializalion tu compUlers. t)l'ica lly ;O\'ol\,c sports or skills associated W Lhe itll traditional male gende r role. As a result , computer camps and I'idco arcades hal'c become predomina ntly male settings. Danish scho la r Jani ne Morgall . ( 1993) contends that a fe minist O1pplO'.I(:h 10 (Ce hnulogy is essential 10 e nsure thal womell's needs a re served as technolob'ical advances re~ hape our <;()cict)' and 0 111' social inSl iuuio ns. The issue of technol ogy nnd in equality is especially sc l1sitj\'e when viel.,rcd in a cross<ullural pcrsl>cc tivc. Altho ugh industrialization has dramatically hnpro\'ed the sta ndard of living of many I\orke~. it has allowed clilcs to amass untold wcalth . MOtcO\'er. as we have seen in this textbook, thc :'Ictivities ofmultinaLio naJ (:O'1>OI' ll ions havc incre~d the inequality berwecn industrial core nalions (such as the Un ited St<ltes. Ccrmany, ::lOd J apan) and the pe riphery of d evcloping count lies. A comparison of Great Britain and the African Ila ti(lil of Sie rra Leone is illus lr.tti\'e. Sie rra Leone brained its independen ce from 1~I;tain in 1961. Although il~ 4 million rcsiden ts ,II'C nOt the world's l)()OrC!ii1 people, their life c ha nces arc dra maLicaJly diffe re nt from tJlOSC of the Illi tish po puJatio n . According lO the United Nations De\'c1opmclH Probrmmmc ( 1993). lire cxpecl;\ncy a t birth in Britajn is almost 76 years, while in Sie rra Lcone it is o nly '12 ),e'lrs. In Sicrra Leone, onc 0111 of five adults is litcrate. a nd the por>ula tion has had <In average of only th ree months offonna l schoolin g. By comrast, morc than 99 percent of adul ts in Britain a rc lile rate, and the popula tion averages 11.5 years of schooliug. Like monc)', food. and other resourcC.-'i, technology is IIl1e\'enl)' distributcd within socie ties and thl'Oughollt the world . C.onJlict theorists point out thaT the world's mo rc del-eloped cOllntries have 10 times as Illany scie ntists and e nginee rs per capita as do the dc\'clo ping nations. In add itio n , the tech nology gap is widening rathe t' than narrowing. AJ IhOltgh tLations ;Ire e)(changi lLg tedlnical data more freely than before. c rili ca ll cc hno lo~:)' transre r is oftt'n withheld_ The tcchn ology exportcd to develo ping counlt;es may be poorly suitcd 10 the conditions of their economies :md workplaccs (Cetron a nd Davies, 199 1). These arc bUI a fcw "igncues of changes viewed

    from the \~.ullage point of the mid- l990s that raise questions about t.he fmure. Sociologists a rc not fo rtune-tellers: th e focus of the disciplinc is to examine the society around us. rather than 10 project decadcs a head . But sociologists have no proble m in as..'>Crling that social c hange (and technological c hange) is a gil-cn in our world. And so, they remind us, is resistance to change. Onc researc he r underscorcd people's mixed fee lings about possible changes in a survey of continuing education students in New Zealand. The slude nts wcre given a list o f marc tha n 30 dc\cJ. opmel1L~ thalma), happen during the next IOOyean and were asked to rank eac h fro m ~\'e ry d esirable" 10 ~\'c ry undesirn ble .~ The develo pme nt ranked mOSI desirable was "Genetic engineering is applied (0 impl'o\'e plants and livestock. Not ~ Ulllrisingty, a mo ng thc least desirable del'ciopmcllts werc "Go\~ crnancc is by intelligent sllpcn:oTT1pll lC r~ and "R obots with supe rior strength and i !llell igcnce replace living beings, the n proceed to populate the uni\'erse" (Malllner. 1992:43). We ca nnot know wha t is a head . nut the soci~ logical imagina tion -with its pro bing and theori1.ing, with iL~ careful e mpirical stud ies-can assiStlU in undefSlanding the pasl and prescllt and antidpaling a nd adjusting to the future. As we ha\'~ learned , socialization is a process that continues throughout our life times as we ex pcri c n c~ personal and socicta l c ha nges. Anticil>:lto ry socializ:ltion and resOc1alil,;ltion arc certai nly I'e]eva nt in de;tIingwiTh the tec hnological and social developme nts that 1I"e wi ll face in tllC twe nty-first centu ry_ In his acclaimed book Sociology for ~Vhom', Alfred McClung Lee (1986:246), a former president of bOlh the Ame';can Sociologic'll Association and Ihe Sociely for the Stud), or Social Proble ms. poignantly obscl...cs that social phe no me na arc seldom what they seem in itially_ The e ndless CO lltl'aSI!i between what \\'C s.:.1)' :tnd wha t we do. be tween the protniSt~ of social ol'golllizati ons and lh eir day-Io-day performance. remind liS o f !lIe ever-p resen t need to que ... lion a nd examine. Widl this in mind, those or lit commilled to the discipline of sociology, to t.he' beau ty and l'allle of the sociological imOlgination. can o llly hope tha t (his intellectual en tcI}Jrise II;U help lIS to f:tcc the demands and challenges of a l,echnological world rhr ix:)'om\ thc dreams 01 Emile Durkheim, Max Weoc r. and Karl Marx.
    M

    600
    fo.I1U JCl'l: - SIJCJOI.Qr.Y. n ;cn\'(II,or.I . 'SI) TIll:. 1'1 71 'HE

    .....................

    ----

    .....................

    GLOSSARY

    NOle: Numbers following the definitions indkate pages where the tcnns we re idemificd.

    Consult the index fo r further page references.


    Ab$oll.lt~

    PQII#!r'y A sL:lndard of po,"erty b.'lSOO 0 11 a minimum Ie\'cl of subsistence below which families should not be expected 10 ex-

    is!. (226) Achieved $/aIIlS A social position attained by a person large ly through

    his or her own effort. (124. 2 12) Activity theory An irllcrnctiollisl theory of ;Iglng which argues that elderly people who remain :lct.i\'c will be bcSI+ ;t(ljUSlcd. (339) AdvpliulI In a legal sense, a process that allows for the tr.ulsfer of the legal rights. responsibilities. ;Uld pri \11t:gC5 o f JXlrcllthood from legal
    parcnLS 10 lIew leg-II parclHS. (371)

    Affirmative action Posiu,'c efforts 10 recruit minority group members or women for jobs. promotions. and e ducational o pponunitics. (442) Afrocentricity The use of African cultures, rather than solely the European experience, to better understand human behaviofli past and present. (86) Age grades Cultural categories Ihat identify the stages of biological maturation. (337) Ageism A term coined by Robert Butler to refer to prejudice and discrimination against the elderl y,
    (344)

    Agrarian lociety TIle most techno logicall}' ad\W,lIlccd form of preindustria l SOCiety. Me mbers are primaril}' e ngaged in the production offood but increase the ir crop yield through such innovations as the plow, (422) Alienation The situatioll of being estranged or dis.lSsociated from the surrounding socicty. (440) Amalgamation TIle process by which a rmtiority group and a minority group combine through intennarriage to fonn a new group.
    (283)

    Anomie Durkheim 's tcnn for the loss of direction fell in a society

    601

    whcn Mlcial control of individual bchavior has become indfecth'e. ( 12. 182) Anomie theory of devialU:e A theory developed by Roben Menon whidl explains dcvi:mce as an adaptation eilher of socially prescri bed goals or of the: norms gm'crning their a Uainlllcllt. (182) Anticipalory sociali:a lioll Processes of soci:llil.alion ill which a person ~ rehearscs~ for future positions, occu p:uions, ami social relationships. (104) Anti-Semi/ism Anti:Je\vish prejudi ce. (294) Apartheid The policy of the South African ~uvernmclH designed 10 ll1aill1.ain Ihe SCpai<llion of !\lacks. CoIOllreds, and Asians from the dominant White~. (285) Appfied sociology The use of the discipline ofsociulogy with thc specific iment or~idcling pr<lc tica l a l>plicatiolls for human bch;niOland org'".tnizarions. (25) Argot Speci:Jli7.ed language uscd by members of:1 KTollP or ! lIbculture. (78) Ascribed staW s A social position ~iIS$igncd~ to a person by society WilhQUI reg<lrd for the person's unique tilh.-nu; or chardcterislics. (124,212) Assembling perspeclive A theory of collective beh;lI'io l intn)(l uced by Mc Phail and Miller \\'h ich seeks to examine how :!IId why people mo\"e from diffcrcnt poinu; in ~pact. to a common location. (.,73) AuimifaliOIl TIle process by which a per50n forsakes his or her own cuilural tradition to become part of a differenl culture. (281) Authority Power Ihal has been institlllionalizcd ,lIId is recognilcd b)' the people o\'er whom it is exerched. (426) Balic sociology Sociologiml inquiry conducted with the ol~ecti\"t' of !,oaining 0\ more profound knowl-

    edge orlhe fundamental aspecu; of social phenomena. Also known as prm sociologJ. (25) Bilateral desce,d A kinship system in which both sides of a person's family arc regarded as equally importanL (364) Bilingualism The use of two or IIlore languages in workplaccs 0 1 " in e ducational facili ties and lhe rreauncm o f each lauguagc as equally legitim;Jlc. (69) Birthrate nle numberoflh"c bin.h s per 1000 population in a given rear. Also knO\\11 as t.he mtde Ilirthmtt. (544) Black power A political philosophy promoted b)' mall)' younger Blacks in [hI: 19605 which ~upponed the crea tion of Black-comrollcd political and economic institutions. (286) BOllrgeoisit Ka rl Mat"X's term for thc capitalisI class, comprising the owners of the means o f production. (214) Bureaucracy A component of rormat organization ill which rules and h ierarchica l ranking are used 10 achie,e efficiency. ( 152) Bureaucrat;:ation TIle process by which a g roup, organil.ation. o r s0cial mO\emenl becomes increasingly bureaucratic. ( 157) Capitalism An economic system ill which the means of produc tion a re largely in priV:tLC hands, and th .. m:lin incentive for economic activity is Ult accumulation of profits. (214.423) Castes HereditaJ), systems of nmk, usually rcli giou51y d ic!.1lCd. that te l1d to be relatively fixed and immobile. (2 10) Causal logic TIle re lati onship between a condition or variable and a particular consequence. with one e\'enl leadi ng lo the o ther. (36) Cenlus An enuHleration or counting of a population. (543) Charismatic authority I\lax We-

    ber's terlll ro. power made mate by a leader'! exceptinn:ll sena! or emotional appeal If) hit her followen. (428) Class A lenn used by Ma.1. Wtt.rt( refer to people who h:n~ ........ 1e,cl or wealth and inCOlnt. (21. Clan conseiouJnen In Kart vicw, a sutriecti\'c a",.. n~n~ W:: 1.' members of a class rr~ thc ir common ,est! inttr<:Jllla.l;: need for collti\'e poliunl .... to bring ~Ihout 50Cial changt 12J Clani ca l th e",., An apprOMh . . lile stud y of formal orgamutXaJ which \iews worker5 as bein___ u\,:lIed almon emirelv l1i re nomic rewards. ( 159) Class system AKlcial ranklllR _ _ primarilr on economic poqlionllt which achieved charactrri.cbCll'" influence mobilitr. (2 12 ) Clinical soeioiogy The ~ t1 die disci pi [ne of ~ociotogy with thr .... dllc inLCIH of altering 5Qda) .... tionship5 and facilitaling (h..m!ItL (25) Closed "ste m A social ~~t!. which Ihere is liltl~ or no ~ jlY of indl\;dual mobility. (2~1I Coa lition A lemrorary \11 ~ nelll a lliance IOward .t r~ gO:II. (150) Code of ethics Thestantb.rrhllhV cc:pI;,.ble bc:ha\;or dC\rlopt'd IIr and for members 01 J p" ll.....,. (<6) Cognitill' Ih r:ory of dnltl.,.., J ean Piagel's tllOOf) rxpJainlal how childrcn 's thought progrte through four stage!i. (102) Cohabitation The pr<lctict of ... ing together as a male-fel/lalr ((lIlo plc \\'itholll mar1)ing. (!1I10) Collective bthavior In the 'o'ittrl at sociologist Ncil Smc1ser. I'" not. lively spontaneous and IlmtIWtured bchavior ofa group ofJll'O' plc who are reacting 10 a mm_ influence in an ambiguoll~ tion . (568)

    w.u..

    602
    GI.OS.SAHI'

    COIO /lialis m The m:li ntt' nance o f


    politic-.lI, ~oci3 1 , f'ConOlll1c, a nd culmral d o min:lIlcc OVCI' a pt.Oplc by ' :I fo reig n power fu r ~m eXle nd(-d IlCriod o f lime. (243) Commu ni, m A.o. an ideal type. a n rcuno mic system IInder ....'h ich a ll prOI>cny is communall y owned and nu socia l d istinctions are m;lde olllhe b<lsis of pool>!e'S a bility to Pl'OdllfC. (425) Ca mnllwit, t\ spa rbl o r' t.e rritorial uni t ofsoci:l l Orhr:l n ila lion in which people haw a ~nse ofidemil), ,trld a fccling of hC'longing. (510) ConCflll lriC-lfme theory A theory of urban 81'O....lh clc\.;scd by Enu:s t l~urgCM which sees growth in lemu of a scricli of rings mdiating from the (crHml hllsiucss dislricl. (5 13) Co nflict perspectivl' ,\ SOCio logical appmar h whi ch ass umes llial soci<ll bc:h,wior is best IIndcrSloon in tenllS 01 conflict or tension between competing grOllllS. ( 19) Conformity Going along ....;Ih 01lC5 PCCrll. individ u" ls of a persons 0"'"1 Staurs ..... ho hmc no spc.:cial righl to dirCCI lh<ll per50n'~ be ha\~or. ( 176) Con tact h,pothu i, An intcnlCtioni.~t perllpcfthc which SI:ltcs Iha! imcrra ci[11 con U of p("o ple with ICI cq uill $I:IluS in nonco m pcli livc circumSlances will red ucc pre judire.

    Ct)rrespolldelu:e prill ciple A term used by lkowlcs a nd GiIHis I() rele r


    LO thc te ndency o f school5 lO promOlC the val ues CXJX.'Cled o f individuals ill each social class ;md 10 prcpare slUde n lS for Ihe t)pt:s of j o bs t)"piGlIl} hc ld by mcmbef"!'i "f rheil cla~~. (458) COl lll oiog, A ge ne ra l th c.."iII"y o f the universe adva nced by a rdi gion. (402) Corm terrullllre A ~ lIhC llhllrt lhat
    r"tjef"t ~ ~nc:ie Lal norm~

    and II:lIUe5

    :md
    (78)

    scek.~

    all alternative lifcstyle.

    Cra ze I\n exciting mass 111\"01\c.... .


    wh ich lasts for a rela th'clv i Imlg periud of Lme. (575) Crea ti oni,,. People who sUfJporl a lilemi iIHerprclalioll of lhe book nfGel1csis regarding! he Origi llS of lht.: unilcrst and argue tlmt c\"olulioll shollld 1101 be presclIlcd ;\.\ t:slablblH:d ~dcntific rolC!. (402 ) Cr~d l!lltialillll All inCfCa.'IC in th t: lo\-o'cst !(:IcI of education rc(plirc.."<1 to eHlcr a field. (456) Crime A I;olalion of criminal law fo, which forma l pcn;lltic~ .11"1' applied h)' somc govcnllllc ll t.1.1 authol"il)'. ( 190) CrfJtstnbrl/ulioll A lahlt' Ihal sho""5 lhc rd;nio llsltip he lwc("1l IWO (.If m o r c I'".-I riablcs. (54) Crowds Tem pol'dry g-,nheri ng1 of Ix:o plc in clOlIC proxi ulIl) who sh:lre a common focm o r illtt' rl'S!. (573) C'III A ge lle l~ llI y small, secrcliIc rel igio us group Ihal .. c preSC IlL~ ci lher a new relig ion o r a m;yol" i r ll1O\~tlion o f all exi~li ng f"ith .
    llIe lH

    cli mino logy whic h argucs Iha r c riminal be havio r is learned thro ugh social ill tc" F.lc lio n~. ( 184) Cultural Ulliver,ab Genernl proc liecs found in every culture . (&I. 393) Cu lture The lOla lil), of leamed. s0cially lransrnillcd behal~or. (62) Clliture -bolllld " ndrrllne A dil;C'lse or illness lha t callnOI be undcrstood apart Imm lIS specific social context. (478) Culture lag Ogbll rn '~ te rm for a period o r rnala(lj usrmelll during which the nonrnatenal cuhurc is still adapling lO new material COIldilions. (586) Cu lture .hodt '1,1.'. feeli ng of SUfprise a nd disoric nlalion Ihat i~ ex lK:ricnccc\ whell people wit nCM cultural praclices diFfcrent Irol11 their OWI1. (1:10) Death rale The number of deaths pcr 1000 pUjlnl"tio n ;n a gil'cn y~ar. Also known as the m ldt fI~llh

    mte. (544) De/elided n ~ighb o rh ood Suuit.'S-s


    fonnulation Ihal arca re~i<lcnts idcntify their ncighborhood lhroug h dclincd ('omllllrnilY horders and through :I pelTcption Ihat ac\j:lct'm areas arc gcogmphical lr _c pa ralc alld sociall y diner
    Clll. (523)

    Degradatioll reremollY An 3SIJC(:l


    of Ihe sociaJi7.,uion process \-oiUlin lm,d i nSlilllti on~. in wh ich ~ ple :Ire subjecte d to humi lialing ri lllals. (105) Demographic transition A !Crm used 10 dCl'Cfi l>c Ihe chan ge from 0 h igh binhr.-llCS a nd dcalh r.-ILCS 1 re l:lli\'e ly low birthrates a nd dea th ratcs, (545) D ~m ograPh y Thc l'Cie lll ifi c ~ lIId y 0 1" population. (541) D ~ nominatiOlr A large. organi zed rc ligion no t officially linked ....; I.h the ~lat.c o r go\crnmcllI. (404) Dependftflt variable The 1~lriablc in a causal relationsh ip "" hic h is

    12SO) ConUm t (lll(1ly,il T he 5~"5 lelll atic coding a nd ohjcrliw reco rd ing of
    data . guided hy 5OI1IC Talionak. (45) Co nl,-ol grrlllp Sllbjl'C~ IS ill an ('xpen men t who a rt' no t in lrod uced to I.hc inde pe ndent \~lIiil bl{' by Ihc '1) rcsea rc:her. ('1 Co/llrol variable A !:Iclor held con art Slant lO lr~t th e rclalivc ill1l> of all ind e pe nde nt v:aria ble. (38) CorrdatiOIl t\ relations h ip OClwecn LWO \,lI"iablcs whereby a change in one coi ncideI'; with a change in ..he othc:-r. (36)

    ('1 05)

    C" ft" ral ;,rlegrntioll The h .. i ll)(i n~


    lnJ.;cther nl" cOlll1kti ng c ult ur;11 d elrlen l.'.. rc.\Ulling in a harlllouious ami cohesivc whole. (76) Cultural relativism The viewi ng o f people 's Ix: halior froln llw per~ r)C'(" tivt: flf Iheir own cultu re. (82) Cll/ltlral tran6lniSl;OIr A ~hoo l of

    60J

    suhject to t.he influence OfOlIlOlher v-.1riable. (35) Deviance Behal;or that violatc.s the st:lndards of conducl or cxpccta tions of,l group or society. ( 179) Dialectical proceu ,\ selicl of dashes bclwcen conf1kling ideas and forces. ( 14) Differential allociation A Iheory of dl:'iancc proposed by t::dwin Sut1lerland which holds thal \'iolalion of rn le5 resnil:!l from exposure to attilUdes fa,'Orable 10 criminal a CI!l. ( 184) Diff,,,ion The procC55 b)' which .. cuiluml item is .spread from group to group or society to society. (66) Disaster A suddcn or disruptive evcnt or set of evcnts U1<\1. ovcr~xes a cOl1lmunity.~ resources so that outside aid i~ necessary. (573) Discllvery Thc pron:s.~ of making known or sharing the c)!istclIce of an aspc!'t of reality. (64) Discrimillation '!lIe pl'OCe~5 of denying opptm.uniues and cqual righl!l 10 individual.~ and groups because of prej udice or for o ther arbitrary rea'>QlIs. (282) Disengagelllent th eory A functionalisltheory of aging inlroouccd by Cumming a nd Henry which contcnds that society and the aging individual nlUlU,lily sever man)' of their relations h i~. (339) DOlllestic par",enhip Two tlllreial(.-d adults who ha\'c c hosen to sh,lre onc another's lives in a relationship of lIlulual c:lring, who reside together. and agree lO 1Je joinuy l'esl)()nsible for Lhch' depcudellls. b,L~ic living expcnses. and other common neccssilic~.
    (381 )

    Dominant ideo /rlgy A set of cultuml bclit'fs and pl~\C1iccs that help lO maint'lin powerful social. economic. and I)()\ilical interests.
    (83,2 18)

    Dramaturgical approach A \'iew o f social imerncliun, I>opulal'il.cd by

    En'ing Goffman, under whic h people are exalllined as if thc)' WCf(' theatrical perfonners. (23, 100) Dyad A t....o-member group. ( 150) Dysfun ction An element or a process of socicty t11:n may disrupt ;\ social $}'l;L cm or lead 10 a decrease in stability. (19, 153) Ecciesia A religious org;lI1il.alioll tha t claims to indude most 01' o r all the member.; of a sodety ;\l ld is recognized as uJ(~ national "I' om, cial religion. (403) Economic system The social instimuon Ihrough which goods ami se"~ces arc produc(.-tl. diStributed. and consumed. (420) Education A fOOlla] process of learning in whkh ~I11C I>coplc consciously teach while Others adopl the social role of le'lrner. (450) Egalitarian family All authority p.1ttern in which the adult menlbcrs of the ramily afe regarded as equals. (365) Elite model A view 01' society as ruled b)' a small group of individ uals who share a common set of political a nd economic interests. (436) Emergellt-norm perspective A theory of collecti\c behavior proposed by Turner and Killian ..... hich holds that .. collecth"e definition of a ppropri;11C and inappropliatc bcha\;or emerges dul'ing episodl."5 of collective hcha\'ior. (57 1) Elldogamy The restriction or mate selection to people wilhinlhc 5,1I11C group. (367) Equilibn'um model Taicoll PafSnus' rllnctionalist view of socicty :IS tt'ruling LOward a stale of stability or balance. (581) Establi~'hed sect J. Milton Yiuger's term fur a rc\ib';ollS group that is the outgrowth of a sect. ye t remains isohued from society. (405) Esta/e system A systcm of stl':uification under wh ic h peasants were

    required to work land Ir:a'l'Ai la them by llobles in cxchanll" 1ft mititary pwtcction allt! o~t Mfvices. Also knO\\11 as ""~ (212) Esteem The reputation thJI ~ tw'" ticular indi\irlual has within an .... cuparion. (219) Elh"ir: "rroup A group "llIch 11 let apart from othen; b;:Iu&C " na tional origin or distinCll1't' (Illtut';!l p;IUCfIlS. (27') Eth/roctmlri,m The tenden","'. sume that onc's culntre and ~ III lite are superior to all othen. (.
    281)

    Erlthanasia 'nIl" ac~ of ""RA about the death of a hoprltMIY iJ and sufiel'ing penlOn in a rt:ulMhr quick and painless w:ly for ft"_ /'If mercy. (350) t;lmngeiical faiths Chri~u;uI flitbl which pl;'!ce grcal emph~is "0 I penollal relationship bet'll r'el1 tbt indi\'idual and Cod ~nd IxIiM that each adherent mu~t t.pra4 the f\.it h and bear pen;onal ",1ft", by openly declaring tht reh~. lIonbdie\'ers. (409) Evolutionary theory A Ihl;'{lT\' ri social change ..... hich holds Ih.tt .. dety is mO\ing in a ddillilt' diJn'. lion. (582) E1foga my 11u: requirement tlaI peopic select mates outstOC I m.M groups. (367) Experiment Au artificiallv ~ silualioll which a110M 11", ,.. s.c;trdlCI to mallipulat!! \~1l'i;aNB :lnd imfoduc!! contrOl I'ilNI*i.
    ('14)

    F:lo:perimrmlal group Slthj1~ in la experiment who are e.xpo~lt/ .. independent variable 1tlln.Juml by .. resea rcher. (~4) E1fplQitatioll Iheory A Manbol ~ or)' which views flIcial ,ubntd. lion in thc UnitcdStalC!aiI~n.. ifeslatinn of Ul!! das.o. ""'"' inhcre m in capitalism. \'ilM E1fpressillelleu A term u:ol'd 111 I'll'

    604
    r.1.OSMm

    .sons :111(\ Bales 10 refer to concc m for ma inte nance of ha r mony and the imernal emotional a mli rs of the family, (3 11 ) EXhmded family A family ill which relatives in addilioll to parentS and children -such as gra ndpare nlll, aun ts, or uncles-lil'e in the same home, (36 1) Face -Wllrk A lenll u~ed by Enillg Gomn;11I to refer 10 peoplc '~ cfforlS 10 maintain Lht, proper image ,LIId :tvoid e mbarmssTI1 t'nl ill public. ( lOO) Fads TClll por.lI), movc l1le llL~ tow,lrd Ihe acce pta nce of loOme l)artic ula r tas te or lifestyle tha t 111\011'1' large numbers of peoplc a nd are independent of preceding tre nds,
    (57r))

    which invulve suicl r ul(,5 for punishmen t of \;Ola1Ol1I. (72) Formalorganization t\ special-pur. po-;e group designed and StrutlUr'('d in tile intercsLS of maxi mum dlkicllCY. ( 151 ) formal socia l con/rol Sucial contro l carried out by ;lulhori7.ed agents, sllch as police officers. judges, school adminiSlr.uonl, and e mployers. ( 178) f'um;tiollalist perspective A MlCioIdgic-dl a pproach which c ~ lnJlhasi7.cs lhl: way tha t parLS ora SOCiClY arc structured to maintain its st:lbili ty.
    ( 18)

    False CO n.fciOUSFleu A H' nn used by K:.arl Mal'x to descrioc :m aliitILde held by memlx'rs o f a class thal does not accurately refie!;t its o bjcctil'e positio n. (2 15,582) Fat"i /inn Pride ill the clucnded fam il)' expressed th ro ugh the mailllenance of dose tics and strong obligations to kinfdlk. ( 107 ) Family A set of people related h}' blood, marriage (or SOIllC other a~..recdupon relatio nshi p), o r ad dp tioTl who share the rcsponsibility for repnxlucing and caling for members ofsoeiely. (36 1) Fa shi,,,,, Pleasu ra ble mass involvcmen!}. in somc parlicul;u' t'L~l e dr lifestyle th;1t ha\c a line of hisLOIical cOllti nuit)'. (575) Fertility The amoun t o f rc prod uclion a mong wo men of c hildbear;ng age. (54 1) Fo llr ways Norms g(1vcrn il1R evcryday social behal'ior w h o~c viol;nion mises compar.llivcly li(tI(' concern,
    (72)

    Flllldamellta lism Ad he rence to ea ..licr-:lcccptcd religious doctrines, oJ: tell accompanied by iI lite ral appliC:ltlon of historical be1icf~ and scriptures to wday'~ wmld. (40!1) Geml!inschaft AleI'm u...et\ b}' Ferd inand T un nies tu dc\CJibc close:kllil communi lies, o rte n fou nd In runtl a rcas. in which strong perS(mal bouds unite me mbc t'5, (135) Gender identity The self-concept of a n individual liS bdl1lo\" male o r fe male. (307) Gelldllr r(}les Expen.1.rions reg-.uding the proper I:tc ha\~o r, Hu.i L udes. and activi tiesol malesal ld fema les.
    ( 106. 307)

    Gem:rali:ed oth ers A ternl uS('"{1 by Geor'ge Ikrbt'rt Mead to refer tu dI e child 's awa rcncss of the attiwdes. 11ewpoinrs. ami eXpect;lt.ions uf society as a whole. (99) Gflnocide 1111' deliberate, s}'lile matic killing of an entire pCQplc o r natio n . (283) Gen ' rific(}/ioll The rescttleme nt of Idw-i ncolll e city ncighborhOOf\s b}' prosperous faJ11 i1i e~ and t.lll~incss firtHS, (534) Gercm to(Tl1 C)' Ru lc by the elderl}'.
    (336)

    Gt!sellschaft A tem} used by F'nllinand Tonn iCll to de.5('libe comm unities, ofte n urb;.lII, that are large and impersonal, with li ttle comlIl iUnelJl. 10 Ihe group or fonSCIlsus on \~IIIlCS. ( 135) Gool displacement Ovcf""l.ealolls confonn it)' to omcial regulalions wi th in a burea uc racy. ( 156) Goal multiplication Thf' proc.e....~ through whic h a n organi2:lIio n expands its pll1"))OSt.~. (164) Gool SllCctuion Tht' process Lh roug h which all organi~:t[ion idcndfic~ en tirely new dhjectivc because its lrddilio nal goals have been e ither realized o r dellic.-d. ( 165) Group Ally numocr of people wilh 5imilal' norms, \.tlue~, ,uHI cxpeclatiom who regularl y ltnd COllsciously interact. ( 127. 14!J) Growllt rate The dilTerencc betwee n hi r ths and dea ths. plus lhe difference between imllligrautS and emigrants, per !OOO popula tion. (544) lIawthorlle effect The unintended influence th:lt obscf\'crs or expe..imcut~ can have Otl their su~jects. (45) lIeulth A.~ define d by the Wo rld He;alth Org.mizatio n , state of complete physical. me HLa!. :md s0cial well-being. and nOllllerely the ;l h~cnce of d isease and infi r mity.

    ,Ill

    ,I

    (480)

    Force The actual o r u U'eatellcd use ofcoerd o n tu im pose O IlC'S will on


    othcl1I. (426)

    Formal lIanns Norms which have ge l1el-.l11y bee n writtell down and

    GflrQ,,'ology Thescielltilic 5tud } of ' Ihe !IOCiological and psyc h o logiC:11 asp~'Cts of aging and the pmb1cms of lhe aged. (338)

    Hiddt!I' C llrriculum SIOI nclards of bell,,\ ior litat a re dt'emed proper by society and are I'dughl subtly in schools. (455) Holistic medici"e A II1c;m~ of he;, llh maintenanc.e I>'hich vicy,'S lhe person as an ill tt:gr.tliOl t of body, mind. a nd spirit, r.llher than a~ a collection of interrd:llcd o rga n sySLcms. (495) Ho,nophobia Fearof ;lud prejudice :1g:tinsl homosexualiLY. ( 139) Hori %ontal mobili ty The [1101'1'mcnt of an individual from 0111' .~o-

    605
    Gi.Os''ill.R)

    cial positio n 10 l!. nOlh c r of Ilu: r.lIl k. (23 1) lIorlicullural socieli~s Prei nd us-lI;al sod e lics in wh ic h I>cople pia,, ! seeds a nd crops l";lthc r th:l.Il suhs ist m ere ly 011 ;lV"J.ilablc fOods. (426) IIII/MIII ecology All area of stu dy coueem cd with th e im c rrd atiollsh il)S am o ng people in I1le ir spa tial sclling a nd p hysical e m;rollment. (5 13,558) Human relatians approach An a p'p roach 10 the stud y of ti-)nnat 01 g-dn il..1.tioIlJi wh ic h e m p hasizes tlic ro le of peop le, comm unicatio n, :md panicipatioll \\ it hi n a b u re au cr.lcy an d te nds 10 focus o n th e informal struct u re o f Ihc o rg-.m iza. tjoll . (159) Human rights Univc rsal mo ral rights belo ngill l( 10 all people bec.. u~c th ey are h u man, (2&4) JI,m/itlg-fJ"d'gath rri"8 sodrty A p rcind usuia l socic t) in which pk rt'l y on wh:u cvcr foods a nd li bel' are re adil y,waila ble in orde r ItJ live, (4 21 )
    ~Im e

    c\'c n th uS(' wi th ~\'e re disa b ilities -arc ta llgh t in reg ula r public school classrooms, (468) Incomr Sala ries a nd \\,lge5, (209) Illdeprndell/ variable 111e variable in \I c\lllsal rehlli uns hip wh ic h , whe n a ltered, call.se~ or inl1u t'nces :1 ch:Ulgc in .. second \~ui a blc . (35) Ind u An ind ic;l\o l' of altitudes, beh avior, o r c ha l, lctc rislics o f people o r o rga n i:l:atioll~. (:\7) bldrx crimes The eigh t types of crime re pu n ed :ll1l ll\ally hy th e FB[ in the Uniform Cl"imf U"p(/rtJ, These arc m urder, ral>C, robbery, assault, b urg la ry, t.h e ft. m OlOI' \'chick th e ft . a nd arson. ( 190) IlldUlflrial city A cilYcharac t eri~ed by rcklti\,cly large si7.e, o pe n com pe titio n , open class sY!l!elll , and ci abo r;ltc specializalil'lll in lhe n!;lI1ufacluring of gond s. (5 12)

    \\' h ic h peo ple fed Ihf1


    ( 147)

    lIul;tufional dilcri",;" ioa


    < nial of oppo rlllllilje~ dnd. Ie ri gh t.\ tu indhidua b nr wh ich resul ts from "'"' ,"on"",,er:llions o f society, (281,3 Ifi' flu/rumelltality A tcn n Il'td IIi l'iH~o n s and Bait'" III rtfl" p ll a... is on tll.sks, fOCll' 011 "m...... la lll goals, and a COI1(cm for eXlCfIlal ' I f.uml y 1 'I
    (51 1)

    ,Ill

    I,,'erac,iol,i,t pers/J,illt! ,, - .

    Indllstrial rev olll/ifJlI

    A sc iclltifi ~

    reo-

    A specul ative sta le-mc n! about Ihe I'(']atjonshi p be tw(:en two o r 1II0 re va ri ables, (35) Id~al type A construc t o r model Iha l .serves as a measu ri ng rod agai nM wh ic h act ua l (a.'-ts ean be I:mltlale d , ( 12) impreuioll managemell/ A te rm ll.~d b)' Emng Gonin;ul to re fer to th~ fl h ~ rin g of ti ll" prescntation of the self ill o rder to CH.'ate d isti nc ti\c " p pear.Ulc('ll and $atisfy particu la r au dienc('ll, (100) IIII::u/ taboo The prohi bitio n o f ~ex u :l 1 re lationshi ps belween ce rtai n Clll lUr.-l ll y sperilie d rel atives,

    lIypoIIH~ si$

    (367)
    blt;idellc~

    T he 1ll1ll1ber ofncwcascs o f a specific d iso rder occu r ri ng wi lhin a given po pulation du ri ng .. stated I>c ti od of time. (486) Inclusion An educational e xpe rime nt unde r wh ic h all c ll iltl ren -

    rCH)I Ulio n, largely occu r rin g in Eng land betwee n 17tiO and 1830, wh ic h foc uscrt on IIIl" .Ipplicatio n lIf nOlla nima! st)\Irce~ of power to l <l bOl' I ;L~ks , (42\!, 5 12) Industrial .society A ~, cic ty wh ic h re li cs chie n y o n IlIcchani l.ation fo r the prod uction o f il~ I.."Conomic ~uods and sclvicl..'S, (4\!3) /"[01.1 /IIor/alily rolr T he '\IImocr o f d e ths u f infa n ts u nd c r I yea r o f age pe r WOO live births in a g ivclI ye;] r, (250, 482. 544) IlIfluelll:e The t'xe rcisc of power L ugh a p rocess o f persuasion , hro (426) Iliformal econolll1 T r.lI)sfe rs 01 money, goods, o r 'rem ccs I.hat a rc no t re porte d to thc I(0venllncnt. (25 1) III[onnol lIorm$ Norms whic h arc gc n e mll y \u lder..U.HKl h ilI which a rc IIU I pn:cisdy record ed , (72) III[unlfal social CUlf/rot Social COllun l calTie d o nl by 1 ple casua ll y )I..'(I Lh roug h such means as la ug hter, ,~ rl1ilcs, and ri d icule, ( [78) h"grou/' Any gr o up or catego ry 10

    lu gical app roach which abo ut fUI}d allle ntal m~li)nn.~ of social inll.'I"3Ction 1211 Intere,' group A m lllnt"!) ~ li u n \I f citilens who aH('mp1lll . flu e nce p ublic l>otiey. (4 ~) Irr/er8enn-tlti(Jllal mobili" in the suci;d [lnsition !If , rdati ve to thei r p;lrt' nL" (2" 1 Interview A fhceto--facr I" phone questi oning 01
    ( kilt

    "::::4

    in order to obtain """~ ''"'

    fnnll .. tiol1. (40)

    IIItl'agl!llera ,iollal ill :11 his or her adult

    dc mocr.ltic organi1.allUn, wlD co m e b ureallcraciCli ntloo by. ", illdividuals, (I r)8) Isu i The early J ap~ m~ _ gr.l nt.~ 1.0 th e Uniled Stat~ (_ KinShip The state lu uthers. (364) I.abeling /heory An IlflfllU d evian ce pop ula rized IJ\ S, Rccke r which attclIlpli It)

    606

    plam whyce n :lin people arc rnnJJM as devia nts wh ile Olhe!"!! ell).,raging In the s;.!me he h:1\'ior an.~ 1I 0t. (187) Lajll~:1aire A lo nn o r C,."a pita lism under which people compe te rreely, wi th mit1ima l gon: ll1me nt Imcr'VcnLion ill the economy, (42:1) Languag~ An abs t.r'dc t system 01 word me;min g~ a nd sylllbol ~ ro r all aspects or cult ure, It also includes ges tlll"l'S :md other non\'crba l communication, (68) l.Dtt "t fllnctions Uncollscio u! o r uninte nded fi.m ctiorls; hifll lt' ll purposes, (18) La w In a po lilical sen.se, the body or m lo mad.: by governmc n t lor ~ie ty, in te rp rcted by lh e couns, and bOlckc d by the p owt~ r o r the 5tatt', (72. 179) lAga/.rational allth ority Max WelJ.. (':r'~ term rOl' powe r made legitim:u e hy law. (427) Liberotion th ~lJ logy Use u f a church, p ri m ilri ly Ro man C:u h o lici~m , in a politiCll dTon 10 e limi na tC'! PO\'t:'fly, discrimi na tio n , a nd otht1' romls ur i l~j l lstic e evidenl in seWI;Lf SOciel) , (399) Lift cham:ts Ma x \Veht'r'~ lenu ro r !H=ople's oppol'lllllilics 10 pl'O\i d e th c msc1ve~ W it.ll mal e ria l good s, I~ iti \'e li vi ng condi l io rl ~ . a nd faI'omble lire (:x pe r ie nces. (228) Ult ~"p ecta ncy The avcmge nllmber o r rt'a l's :I IWrstm can lx' t'Xpecled to live u nder cu rren t mo r ta li l~ condi l i O Ll ~. (544) l.inta r-d~vtloprn ent modtl A \'iew of community attachment which points 10 popu lat io n si7.(, ,1.'\ Lhe ptim;u y ractor izllluc llci n g p,ttterns o f bch:lVio r in a ( .)m m un ily. (r, 19 ) l-uolc ;IIgglau Ielf A ph fil.~c uk"d by Ch,nks "I Orlon Cooley to C!l1phas ilt~ th ~H the ~dri ~ th l' prud \lct of o ur soci:lI int!':l'aCliolls "'ith o lhen . (98) MIJ ( hisrno A se lls(" of I~ri ' ity. per-

    sonaJ \IIOllh , :\IId pli d c ill Oll C'S malenl'SS, ( 107) Ma cros ociology Sodl11()gical ilH'l.s lig;.ltion wh ich conccnl n lles OIL la rgt!a lc p he no me na u r e nti re ci\1Iizatious. ( 16) MaitlS tTealllillg T hc pnH:lk e. man dated by Public Law 94- 142, of inwgra ting ha nd icapped c h ild re n imo ~ rcgula r~ da.'iSrooms when ever pos.ibl e by placing e ach c hilrl in lhe "lca~ t r!':s tric tin.: cnviron me n t." (4fiB) MIJ/lifn t f lmctilJns Ope n, st;Lt t.'d, :md con"Cious ru nctio ns, ( 18) Ma rital p!Jwer A 1t l'I11 used by IUood and Wolfe to lieK-li be tlte mannef in wh ich deci5ioll making is d istributed withi n ram ilies. (366, 426 ) MlI ster stal'lt A ~t'l tlI ~ lha t d Ollll' nates others a nd Iht' re b), de te r mines a pe rso n's ge lle ml position with in so ciety. ( 125) Mat erial (" I/tu r/' The ph ysical u,' it'chnotogica l as pects " I' our (bi ly Ih'e,. (67) Ma triarchy A !.Otic lY in wh irh wumen d o millale ;n nUlli ty d eci.sio n ma kill g. (.%5) Matrililleal descen, A kiush ip syste m wh ich fll\'o rs the ..,' Ia tive:.,
    I h (" 1110I hl' f . (~&1)

    sclr-('\'alu.lIio n, o fte n occu rrin g J.x... twccn the ages o f 35 and 50, in .lIat II(' 01' which a pe rson re alizes 1 she has LlOI aC hie\'ed certai n per sonill goals ami as pira ti o ns a nd that lime is runni n g OLlI. ( 103) Migration Relativc'ly pe ml;trle n l 111O\'C 1111'111 of peo ple ....' Ih the pur pose o r changing th!':ir placc or resid e nce. (553) M;1Iimllm .competency It, ts ( M Cl's) Tesllo ..... h ich m t:'d..~ ure a ch ild's knowlcdge o r b.'lsic ~k iI1 5, such , IS rcad i n~ , wri ti ng, a nd m:u hl'matics. (467 ) Mi1l ority gr oup A su bordirtatl' gro up whose nH!rnncfl'i have sign ilicalllly less cOlllrol or p O Wf' I' o\'er !hei r 0"11 live,; Ih;1II the me mbers or ;1 ,Io mimtn t o r m:tj o rity group havc over theirs. (:.!74 ) Mod er'l,i:atiol' The ra r-r~ac hin8 proce'l.~ by ..... h ic h a society 111(1\'(:5 rro m tr.uliliona l or less devel(II)t'd in stit utio ns 10 thosc c haracteristic ' orm.lre d c\-cloped societies, (245) M lJn ogamJ A lo rm or ma rri;lge III whic h OIlC W tlllla ll ;tnd onc ma ll arc married onl), to each othc r.

    (362)
    Mfmopo ly Control o f a m;trket hy a sing le bus in c~ ri m . ( 4 2~) Morbidity rain T he incidence o f d i se a ~e ~ in ~ giVCII pOPUI;lIiull.
    (486)
    !\.forts
    N orn l~ d CI'lIll'(l hig h ly L1CC essal} to lite " el r;!.\'(: o f iI society. (72) Mortalit)' rate The lIu:id(,llce (11' dea th in a giv!':1I IX1 pula lion . (486) Mu lti ell /tllra lil m The e lTo f t to rt""isc schvol a nd l ollcgc cu rricu la In ~i w' g rc,L r empJ1iI ~i. 10 t ll(' CUIltt' u'itlLLli <1l1S a nd c: p'erience!l of African Americans, o ther mcial a nd e thnic minorities. WOIl\ ~ n , a nd 1l 0 IlWl!~ l e rn peoplCll. ( ~5 ) Muf/ifill eor II IJ1J lutiorra ry th eory A the n ry o r social chan ge whic h holds t ha t c ha nge C occu r in .sev:tll e ml .....ays :tnd d.\(.,~ ItOl in("\'it. bly ....

    "r

    /l. Iatrilocol A paucnl of residence i n wh ich :t mal1icd COi l plc lives with the wi fc's pare llt.5. (~fi4 ) Mllcharrical solidarity A te rnl uscd hy l-: mi!e Dllrkhcim to d .'~rri bc a ,ociety ill wh ich pe o plt, gellcrally a ll pt: lfO I'l Il the ""1111<: \.a.sks :md in w h ich rd atio nsh ips M e close and inti ma te. ( 134 ) MlIgalopoli s A densely pupulated area contaiHing tWQ or lIlurt:' citie~ a nd their ~ urrollnd i n g s u bu r~. (5 18) fI1 icrosocilJlogy Sociological im'('So tig;L1ion which stresscs study ur small groups a nd o fte n u~s laboratory ex pe rimen tal s lUd; c~. ( 16 ) Midlife cris is A slrc..-ssful period o r

    607

    lead in the same dircctjon. (584) AJullillatiollal corporatiallS Commercial organi1.. 1lions whic h, wh ile hcadCJuartcred in onc coumr)" own o r contro l othe]" corporations and subsid iaries lhro ug- hout Lhe world. (247) Multiple-l/Uclei theory A theory of urban growth developed by Hanis and Lillman, which views growth as emerging from many celllers of development, each of wh ie h mar reflect ;I particular urban need or activity. (5 15) Natural science The ~\Udy of the phrsica l features of nature and the w;tys in which they intcr:lct and change. (7) Negotiat ed order A soci;ti structure that derives its existence from the social in teractions th roug h which people ddine a nd rcdclinc l ts ( h.[meter. ( 123) Negotiation The attempt to reach .tgreemt!nL with other":!; conccmi ng some objective. ( 122) Neocoloniafili/ll Continuing dependence o f former colon ies Oil foreign CO lltHriCS. (245) Neolocal A pattern of residencc in which a married con pie establi5hes a separate res idence. (364) Niliei J apanese born in ule Uniled State.. who were descendants of the Isse i. (29~) NOTHnaterial culture Cul tural adjuStlllCnl5 10 maletial conditions, such as customs, beliefs. patlern~ of corllIl1unic.uion , ;Hld ways of using material objects. (57) Nrmperiodic assemblies Nonl"ccurring ga th e tirt ~>"S of people which oftcn remll frolll word-of-molllh infomlation. (573) Nonverbal cornmu/licatioll The sending of messages th rough Lho: use of posture, facial expressions. aud gestures. (23) Norms Established standilrds of behaviol" maintained by a ~ociety.
    (71)

    Nuclear family A married cnuplc and their unman ied c hi ldren living logetht!r. (36 1) ObediellCe Compliance wi th higher authmilies in a hierarchical SlnlCLure. ( 176) Objective method A techn ique for m{!asuring social class thal assigns individuals to classes 011 the basis of criteria such as occupation, edIIc<1tiou, income, and place of residence. (2 19) Observation A research technique in which ,Ill il1vcstigatorcollects infonnation through direct imolvcment with and observation of a group, tfiUe, o r comrnunity. (41 ) Oligopoly A market wit h relative.lr few sellers. (424) O/Je11 syslem A socia l syslenl in which ule position of each indi\idtlill is influenced by his or her achieved stams. (23 1) OperalioJlal deJillitio'l An e:-;planatio n of an abM!";!ct concept I.hat is specific e nough to allow a researcher to mea.,we the concept.

    (34)
    Orfanic solidarity A t(,rm used br Em ile Dmkhcim 10 desClibe a society in which members are mutuall)' dependent and in which a complex division of laOOr (':-; i SL~. (134) Organized crime Tlte work of a group that regul,Hl'li rel;Hiolls between vario us c,-imin,11 elHt't-priscs illvo lved in smugglin g ,lIld saIl' of drugs, prostitution. gambling, and other activities. ( 191) OUI-group A grou p or categol)' to wh ich people Icc!they do not belong. (147) Panic A fearful arous..l1 o r collective t1ight based Oil a gellt' l~tl ize d oclief which mayor mar lIot Ire accuratC. (576) Patriarchy A society in which men are expened to dominate famil)' decision making. (365) Patrililleal descent A kinshi p sys-

    tet11 which liwors Ihe rclan\n III Ihe f:lther. (364) PolrifocQ/ A p(lttr;:1l1 \)f r~ in which a married coupl!.' II'!f with the husbands parcnts. (36t1 Pen/reollal /ai Ih s ReJigium gmllJil' similar in man y rcspt'~ts (0) f'WIIo gel ical fa iths, which in atldiltoll. lie\'t! ill Ill(; infus ion or tllt IIoIJ Spirit into se rvice~ aod in rdigioa e:-;pcriences 5uch as raith bc:dlllC and "speaking in lonS"lJt'~." (409) Periodic assemblies RccurrirlK ~ , alively routine gath erin~ uf pto' plc, such as college c1a~M. (~nJ Personality In c\cl)"d:w spenil.. pC:fS()II'S typical pattents of:alliludes, nee ds, characttri~lio . .lIItI bdt:wior. (93) Pe/er principle A principle t'f (10 g-.uri1.. uional life, n ngiu alf:,j " Lau rence J. Peter, acm rtii"l " which each indil'iduall'<ilhin aliierarch y tends to rise to hi~ nrber level of incompetl' llc(". (157) Plurulism Mu tual res~1 ~ the various groups in a ~ocitt\ fat onc anOlher's cuhuft:., whith aIlows rnillo rities 10 1.""1Ipn:\O Ihnr own cullu res withoul ~'1>pell(1ICUIfI pn;judice. (285) Plllralist //Iodel A \'iewuf~O<:ltn''' whic h nmny conflicting gnl\J~ wiUlin a comrnunity have a,ctti tu govcrn me n ta l official 3r](1 Ullt pete witlt one another in AI\ It tempt to influence polJn dtdsiom. (437) Political action commitltt /I"M:J A political commitll"e emblisfd by an intert'st group-:I n:.&bnM bauk, corporallon, t.raM ~ IiOIl, or coopcrMi\'1' or niellliln> ship assoc iation -IQ <l~ct'ltl \'I~1m tary con tri butions fOI" C"",lIIdidlle or political parties. (435) Political socializatirnt The IQ' cess by which indil'idl1.1J~ ;uljlllll political attitudes and th;\('lop 1'1" terns of politic<ll bc.havioi (4:1} Political system The social inolilD>

    608
    CI.OSS..vW

    tion whicll relics 011 a I't"Cogll in'd set of procedu res fo r im ple lll e nting alld ;,ch ieving the gOil!S o f a gro up. (420) Politiu In Harold D. L:lS.'iwl.' lI's words, "who gets II' hal. whc lI . how." (426) Polyandry A lo nll of polf!fU'U)' ill which a wumall ca n h:wl.' !iC.,\cr l d husbands :u the S;\lII C ti me. (364) PolYKo my A furm o f marriage ill which an indi \'ic1 \1i11 C,II I h a\'C Se\'ernl hlL~b:mds or y,i\'(:5 si mu ltan eously. (362) Polygy ny A form o f polyg;t m y ill wh ich a husband call have S(:\e .... 1 . \lives at the IIOlI IlC ,ime. (36B) Population pyramid A spl'(:ial t),pc of bar cha rt that ~ h \Jws t.he distribution or lhc I>o pulatioll by gender and Hge. (549) PO I/i"dU l rrial socidy A ~ocie t)' ...'hose cl,:un o mi c s)'stc m is cng<tged In the processi nl<l a nd control onnfon na tio n. (425) POlrmoder" 60 ciety A teehno lo l',';call)' ~phisticalcd SOCie ty tha t is preoccupied 1'I1th COll5ulUer goods and me d ia images. (426) Po wer The a bility to exercise u IlC'/i ....i ll O\'er OUU'I'S. (2 15, 426) Power elite A tc nn IIKrl by C. Wrig h t Mills rOl' a swall g ro up milita l)" ill d u.~tri;l l . ,Uld gO\" emme n t Icadel'5 who COl llro l the fute or tile Un ited Sta tc.~. (437) PredflS ti natioll A C;tlvin i~t d octrine wh ich ho lds tha t pt'Ople either will be among t.he ekn, who are rewarded in he,we ll , 0 1 ",ill bc oondc ntne d to hell ami that their lillll res arc no. (h' pcndc nt I) n 1)(,ing ri ghteo us u r sin ful wld lc u n eanh . (40 1) Prt indust naf city A city ...'11 h o nl y a few UlO usand pcuple living wilhin its bordcllI a nd c haracte riwd b)' a relatively closed class systc m and limited mo hility. (5 12) Prejudice A lIe)fJ tivc aui wd l" towar d an e ntire catcgOl), nf people,

    SlIch as mdal or e thnic minori ty.

    (,"0)
    Preuure grO IIP! A u: nn
    u~d Sum e l illl('~

    10 refe r

    to

    inte rest grou ps.

    (435)

    Pres tige T he res pcr:t and ad mir-olt,iOIl wi th wh ich an OCCLlI)"ll ion i~ regarded 1' ~odety. (2 19) Prevn le" ce The total nlllll bt'r o r Ca,,<it:5 o f a SllCCific disord e r that cxiSI a l ;1 g ive n time. (486) Primary group A small g ro up characte rized by intimate, racc-t~rrl cc associa tio t, a nd cooperation. ( 146) Profol, e The o rd inal)' ,lIld commo nplace e1em e nt~ 01 lire. as d istin guished fro m the sa lTed . (395) Profeu ion An occu pation requiring cXle nsivc kn o wledgc ,lnd gOIlerned by a code of eth ic~ . (434,1 ) Profr;ssiO/wl criminuf A pen>oll who pu rsues crime as a d ay- to.da y occupa tion . d evelo pin g skilled tedllliq ues a nd e l]joyin g a certai n d egree o f stalus amo ng other erimi n a t~ .

    ( 190)

    Proletariat Karl M:,rx's (e nn lor


    ule ....'orki llg- class in a ca.pilillisl wdely. (2 14) Proteslm lt ~ Ih it: Max Weber's tenll fo r the d iscipline d work eth ic, this\I"orld ly concerns. a nd r.llional orie nt.uio n to life c mphasized hy J o h n Calvill and his followers.
    (400 )

    or

    Pu bli c A dispersed group o f pcopk. not necessaril y in con ta ct ....'ltlt


    ,\1 1 inle rest in a n issue. (578) Pll bfir op in ion xpreit'liom of ;m itud es o n matte rs uf p ub lic 1>oIicr wh ich arc communicaled 10 <leciginll llI 01 kc n>. (578) Questionl/aire t\ pri nled resea rch instn une nt emplo yed tu u bta in (Iesirerl information frolll a respoude nt. (40) Racial grou p A grOllp whic h i .~ !!Cl ap;.lI't from o thers because o r ohvious p hysical d ilTerenct'S. (273) R acism T he belid th o one mee is u

    o nc anOlhcr, WllO sharc

    su p reme an d a ll otllcl1l are inII,He ly infe ri o r. (28i) Rnlldom samplr A sample for ....'h ich t,,\t'I')' membe r of lhe e ntire popul:uioll has the same c hance or being selected . (lWi) Rl'ferellt'e group A lenn used when speaking of all)' group litat indi\"i(l I.IO,I" U~ a~ a sta nda rd in c\<llumi ng \he mseh'es and the ir uwn beh:l\'io l'. ( 147) Refn tive depnoo tio" TIlc conKious feeli n g of a nega tive d iscrepancy betwl~e!l legitimate t:xpel'la lio ns and p rcscnt ac tua lities. (58 1) Relalive poverty A fl o at ing stall' d,ml of de pri \~dtio n by which pe~ plc at the bottom ofa society, whatcvt'" their lifestyles. a ,'c j ud ged to be disad \l:l ntaged in compar iso n l'I; th lhc Ila tiun :ls a whole. (226) Reliab ility The CX lt" nt to whi d l a measu re prollides consiste nt resu lt'. (37) ReligiOll Acco t'din g 10 EOIile Ollrkh ei lll. :, unifi ed s),ste m of beliefs a nd pmc tict'S relati \'e 10 s.. 1.cred thi nb'S' (395) Religioul belief s S\;lteme n ts to which I'u e m ben o f a pa rticula r religion adh e re. (40 I) Religious experience The feeling o r perceptio n or being in d irect COlI l:lCt wi th th e ultimate reality, such .I~ ,I d ivinc bd ng, o r of being o\'t'rcome wi th I'cligious e mo tio n. (403) Refigio ll s ritua f, Pl'a ctices req uired o r cx pt"C led of membel'5 of a raith . (402) Reljgio us valuel Shared conccplio ns or wha t is good, d e~i rabl c, and pro pe l' that arise out of relij.\io us 1: ilh. (402) 1 Reprt1Sflllto tivtJ sa mple A selectio n fro m a large r po p ul:uio ll that is statistica ll ), fo und 1 be typical o f that 0 po pulatio n . (36) Research design A d e t...1.iled plan or me thod ror o btain ing dam s.c::ielltilic:IUy. (39 )

    609
    r.U>S.RI

    Rfrsocialhation T he Pl'occssofdiscard ing fonner bcha\ior p..,lIern$ a nd ;lCcepling n ew o nes lIS p.. rt o f , a 11"all5ilion in onc',s li fe. (104)

    Rrlu)urCI! lRobilito tioll Th e " 'mys in


    whic h a social lIlo\'e me ut uti lizcs such l'l'SOUfCCS as money, political il1l1 uellcc, access to lh e media. a nd pel'llOnnd . (582) RrlJrs ,ocialhation Thl" process whe re by people n o nnall)' lx:itlg socialized a rc a l lhe So"II11C lime socialil.i ng the ir soci :lli ~.ers. (108) Ritel 0 p ouagt! RilU:lls marking / the symbolic lran~ ilio n fro m o nc social pO$ition 10 anothe r. (102) Rolt! conflict Difficuh.i('5lhat occur
    wh c lI inco mpati hle expecl:tl.ions

    Iha t la nguage i~ cuh lll-.t liy de ler0 mit)('d and ~ "'C$ 1 iniluCllC(' OUI' mode o f lhough l. (68) Scoll! An ind inuor of :, " illldes, beh""il)1". o r dlarackrislics of people o r o rg;.lIliza lions. (!-I7) Science T he body of kl1o"'1cd~e o b.. t"ined by mell lO s b;I....d ul}Q11 sysd IClllatic o bsc,,",ui n n. (7) Srie,"ijic monogemfml approach Auol ht:l' na me ror Ihe dltJ..flcal thtor] o f fo ml;1l o rg:Ul imtio lls. ( 159) Scil!Illijir: method A ~>~l e m:Hic. o r g:IlIi n .d series of sle ps lh;u (' II ~ ' l n:s ' maxi mu m o bjectivit), l llld con ~i.s It'lIt:')' in rc~a re hi ng a problem .

    tiCm al :>uPl>ort a nd p r;l.Cli(';l1 . lallCt' . ( 163)

    Sl!nilicide TI1C ki lling


    (33!'1)

    or Ill<- "I:nl

    Sr:rial mOllOgo my A f(lnn lit . . riaKl' ill which a pt'r50n (""11 I....,
    in her (Ir h l1 liltlime, bUl 1:11,11 ha\'r onl) 011(',.... a l ;1 lime. (362) Su is II/ The ideology thal onc'1ft I~ sUI>l'rior to thc Other, (Sltil
    ~C\t t~ .1 " I>OUSCS

    SI!J.'ual horOllm fm ' An )' lulWllllrll


    a lld un welco me $Cxu;Il adl';lJlCO Ihal inlc rfef(' wit h a l>C.rsons,Iw. ity to perform a job and r u,,", thr Ix' ndilS o r ajo b. ( 167) Si ck role Socictal exprt~ aho U! the auitudC$ and bch.. :I 1 >l'l'lIOn ,iew<-d as being in. ~_ Sigllijir.anl others A term 1"C'Ii " Geol'J.;e Hcrbcrt Mead 1 rdt'l' . 0 Ihosc indi,iduills who arc mUM . . porla lH ill ule de\'e l ll pllll~ 1I1 ViI tItc self, such as parents. (tic-nO"' ... IrOlchef". ( 100) Single-poren, /a",ilil!l f;umiln _ ",hk h Ihe re b o n ly Clne pm.I prese nt to care fo r childrl'l1. (WI Slu lJl!r)' J\ system enrOlc~ 'C'nitilde in " 'hich pcopi(';U't'UI'<llt'd br "I hel"l and in which enslavtdo III~ i, tl'llnsferrcd rrom partnm. childre n. (2 10)

    Seconda ry anolysis A ....Arid)' of


    rek"rc h tec h niq ll"~ that ma ke use of publicly ,Iccessi hlc iufonmnion ,,"d <la!;,. (45) Secondary group A lo rmal, im pcrsoll al gro up in "hich Iher(' i~ lil uc Kld ...1 intimaC)' 0 1- lIl u ... al lI 11dc rstanding. ( 146) See t A re latively small rdib,;oU$ gr o up Ihm has brokc ll all'a) 11'0111 som e o lher rdig-io us org;lllit.alio n 1 r enl."" wh ,1I il ~i ews as Ihe o ri g0 inal "isio ll o f I.hc I"ilh . (404 ) SU ll lar;;otioll ' 1l1C process Ihroug h " h ich religion 's inf1u('ncc o n OUler
    !lQCilll instilutions d iminishl..'lI. (393)

    <"'1

    VIdf"

    arise from t"'O or more !IOCial po-si lions held by the same peMII .
    ( 12rl )

    Roll! u it 111e pl'OCCSS of d iseng-Ageme lH fro m a roh: Ihal is ccnm ll to o nc's self.ide n ti ty. a nd recstablish me n l of a n idenlity in :1 II(''W role. ( 126) Roll! taking The p rocess o f mCIlI;Ill y assu ming l\ l(' perspccth'(: of ano the r. lhe re by e na bling o nc 10 re~ po"d fro m tha l illl:lgincd viewpoint. (99)

    or

    RUII/ or A piece of info rma tion


    g-.Hhe r(.-d info nnally " h ich is used 1 in terpre l an <lmbigllom situa0 I.io n. (577) Sacred Those l'lclllcnlll heyo nd every'day li fe wh ich inspirc al,e. respecI. alld even fea r. (395) SallctiOll s Pe nalties and rewards for conduct concern ing 01 social norm. (73, 176)

    St'grego/ioll The :tCt of ph)'sically


    scpa r.tl ing IWO gro ups; oftcn imposed 011 a millorily g l'Ollp Il}' ;. domill:1ll1 group. (28'1) SdI Accordi ng 10 Gcol'gc l-I erbcn ~k"d . the sum 1 0",1 o f l)('Ople'~ CO nsciouS pe r ccptioll orl hcil' id cnlityas d isti nCl fro m othcn;. (98) Sl!l/ful/illillg prophl!C:J Thl..' le lld en t:')' of people to re~po n d to and :ICt o n the b;Is i.~ o f slt'rl.'Q t)11es. a p redispositloll whic h Can lead to l'alid;lI ion of false rtetinitions.

    S",n ll grOllp AgroupsmaltfflUltk


    1 .. 11 melllbt-rs to intcr.lo "'_ 01 I.. nl..'O" sly. tha t is, 10 1<111.. \!I ilh ... ;lI1olhl" o r a l IcasI he "ulu.;unletl. ( 149) Soda I ch allgt! SignifiC3nt a lt~ O\{'r l illle in bc:lul\'ior piltlr Tllll'" culture. incl uding nomu .md . . ues. (569) Socia l cOli/ reil T he tec hniqun _ smllcgies fm' rt~gll t:lling human ... h:I\'o.. in a ny society. ( l i il) Social t'pidl!miololfl "!lIe MIIIh' rI Ihl' distribution ofdi$("'"I". I....... menl, and g(' ner-.tl h(""hh _ ill 1'055 ;I pop ulalio n. (4M61 Social illeqllalily A condltitlll .. wh ich membe rs o f;t aocit"n bat

    SOllC/tl Ory movement

    A 1ll0 ..'C lTlc nt

    of loosely con nccled OllrJ n i~a li ollS llml o lTe rs asylulll , o ncn in ch u rchcs. 10 th ose wh o seek refugee SIlIlUS bUI are regilnlcd by the hn migr.llion a nd Nalllr.tl iz3tiOIl Sc"ice as illegal a liens. (399) Sapir-Wh orf hypothsis A h ~'poth esis conceming the role of I" nguage in shaping eu lturcs. II holds

    (2;6) SI!I/-hdP

    group A mulua l a id KrOl lp in wh ich JX'(l plc who face a comm ull concern uf con(\ilio n co nic toge the r \'o lullla ri ly fu r e mo-

    different a mounlS of wC;lhh. preslige. o r 1 )O,,er. (20B) ~cio( institutions Organi1.1..'d pat It.n l'l of beliefs and belm"inr centered Oil hasic social nccd!l. ( 1.30,
    357)

    Sonal interattion The ways in lI'hich people respond lO on~ allomer. (120) Sodarism An economicsystcllI under which tlle m eans of produc. tion and d istribution arc collccti''Cly momed. (424) Soda/hatioll TIle process whe reby people leam the au.itudcs. Y.tlucs, and aClio ns a ppro priate 10 indil;du;.ls a~ members of:. p:lrticular cul tu re. (92) Social mobili ty :\10\'cmc!1l of indiliduals and gro ups from one posilion of a society'S stl'atificat.ioll srs, tell! to another. (23 1) Sucia l movements Orga ni zcd colIt'Ctil'c aClivi tit~s 10 promote or n.... sist Change in a n cxi.ting gl'oup o r socicl),. (579) Sociallletwork A serit!li of social relationships that link a person directly 10 olhers and then:fo re indirectl y tn still more pl'ople. ( 127) Sodal promotion llle practice of passing child re n from o ne g rade to the next o n the ba~is of age rathcr than actual educa tion achievement. (467) SQda/ role A sct of CXpc!;t:ttiolls of peoplc who occ upy :t given social position or $latllS. (125) Sodal lci /m ct The scud)' of\~\ ri olls ilSJJe<:!S of human society. (7) Socia l structure Thc wily in which a .'IOCiety is Org.llli7_cd int u predictable rC'lationship~ . ( 120) SQcial surplllS The produClion by a gro up of people o f enough goods 1 cover their own nl!eds. whi k ;11 0 the sallle lime slIslaining people loI' ho are 1I0t engaged in aKlicultllrnl t..\sk,. (422. 51 1) Socida/-reactioll approach Anothcl' n;une for Illlit:/illg 11111)'1' ( 187)

    SocidJ A fai rly large nlUlli.>er of people loI'ho li\'e in lhe S<lIllC lel'ri to ry, a n: relativel), independe nt of people outside it, and pan icip;ue in a commun cu llUrc. (6g) Sociobio(ogy Th e syste mali c study of the biolob-ical bases of social beh <l\101. (97) SDcio logical imaginatiorl An aware ness of the rd;lliollship beIweC II an illdi\1dual and the wide r
    ~iely.

    (fi)

    SQcioloGY T he systematic slUdy nf roeial ht;haviorand hutl\;\Il groups.


    (5)

    Squatter uttlements Areas occu pied by the \'cry poor O il the flin gcs of cities, ill which hOll~i ng is onell cOlIstn lcted by the sculcrs I ht' m selvcs fro m discarded ma terial. (518) Status A Il'nTl uscd by S<K"io logislli (0 refer 1 a ny 01 the fu ll ra nge of 0 sociall y defined positio ns ";thill a large group ur sodel)'. (124) Sto/us group ,\ tc nll used by Max Weber to refer to pt!ople who hal'c Ulc same prestige or lifestyle. independc lIl of their class positions. (215) Stereotype$ Unre liabk- generali1..'Itio ns a ho U! alllllt:mbe rs o fa group th at do 1101 reco gn ize indi \'idual difrerencc~ "iUlin thc group. (276) Slrotificolion A strUf(ured r.l1IkillM' of' e rr tire gro ups of people that perpctu:He~ unequa l ecollumic rc wlIl'dsand power ill a sociCl),. (209) Stratum mobility AnOLhl' r na me 1'0 1' 5tnutrmil mobility. (23 1) Structural mobility Tht. Icrtieal lTlo\'cment of a specific grou p. clliSS. Or' OCclll>ation rda tive:: to Olhc rll in the nmlific:nion system. (23 1) Subcultrlre A scgmem of socicty whic h sharc.\ a d isti nctilC patte rn o r mo res, fol kways. ;uul \~oIlues which di ffe rs from the p:I\tCI1I of Ihe larger "oe;cIY. (77) SubsiltetlcfII le chn%lfj The tools, proccs.~cs. and knowled gc that a

    wciety requires 1 mcet ilS 1 0 >:lsic needs fo r suro.;vaL (5 1 I ) Suburb According to the Census Bureau. any I.c rTilory within a lIIetfopolit.11l area (hat is IlOt included ill th e cen tral cif)'. (526) SurvfIIJ A Iudy. gellemlly in the fo nn of imen1t'WS or questionnaires. which pro\;dcs 5OCiologiSlS and other researchers W info riLh mation concenling huw people think ami act. (39) Symbols The gestures. objecl.~. :lnd language which f01'111 the basis or human communication. (98) Systemic 1II0del A mo del of CO II\muni!)' ,utachmcnt proposed by Thonw.s. P;L II lld Burgess which rk, clllphasizl.'S geographical mobili ty. ratht'r thall population si1e, as a t'lllcial HICtOf in influencing pal(crns of bt::havior. (52 1) Tea " h er~:o:pe r:lorlCJ effect The impacl tha t f. teachc r's eXpt!ctations abo ut a sHtdelll 's I>c rfonnance rna)' havc o n thc studc nl 's actual achie\'emenl5. (46 1) Techniqu fIIs of lIeutra{i~alirm Justifi ca tions fot' deliant beh'lVil) t'.
    ( 186)

    T echrlOlogy The a pplication of knowk-dgt: 10 lhe making of tools a nd the uli1i7.ation of natural reSOIlfCes, (42 1) Th eory In !;()Cio logy. a set of ~Iale me nts lh;ll seeks to ex plaill proble rrl5. at.:tions. or bchavior. (9) Totol fertility rote (TFR ) TIlt' a\e.mgt' number of c hild re u born a lh'e \0 a WOI1l ;II1 , assuming Ihal she conforms 10 CUITc nt Jertility rates. (544) Total ilrsfitutiolls A tenn coillt'd by Erving GoITm3 n to rdel' III institutio ns which regulate all a .... peets of a pcrl'K1Il '5 life undel' a ~in g lc alll horil Y. suc h as pri!Ol\S. Ihe military. me ntal hospitals. a nd co nvents. ( 101) Tracking T he pmct.ice of pl;tcing studcn ts ill ~ peci fi c curricnlum

    groups on the basis of lest scores and other criteria. (458) Tradilional a uthori", Legitimate power conferred by custom and acce pted prdctice. (427) Traint d incapacity The tendency of workers in a bureaucracy to become MJ specialized that they develop blind spots and cannot notice obviolt'l proble ms. ( 153) Triad A th ret.... meml>er group. ( 150) Undt rclan Long-term poor people who lack traini ng a nd ski11.~.
    (2'15)

    interpreution of da~ . (50) Va lutl Collective conceptions of what i~ considered ~ood, desirable, a nd proper-or bad. undesi mble, a nd improper-i n a culLUrt-, ( 7<1 ) Variabft A mC"dsurablc trail or chal'aclCristic that is subject to change underdiffen:nt conditions.
    (35)

    Unilinear lIVolutionary th eory A theory of !IOCial change which holds that all socit:tie~ pass through the same successh'e st.\ges ' of t:'o'Olution and inc\ilably reach the same end. (584) Urban ecology An area of u udy which focus.es O il lhe inLe rrela tion~hips betwcen people a nd their em;ronmenl as they emerge ill urball area!. (5 IS) Urbanism A term u$(':d by Winh to describe distinctive patterns of.Odat beh;wior e\ident among city reside nts. (520) Validity The degree IO "-'hich a scale or meas ure truty re nects lhe phe no me no n under stud y, (37) Va llle-addtd modt' A theory of colIcctive behavior proposed by Ncil Smciser 10 explain how brO;ld s0cial conditions are lransfonned in a definite pattem in to some fonn of collectivc behavior. (571) Valut nt ulrali", Max Weber's tenn fo r o bjectiviry of .sociologisls in the

    Verstflhn l T he Gcnn:m word for 'underslanding" 0 1' "inSight"; used b)' Malt Webe r la strcss the need for sociologists to take into account peoplc's emotiolls, thoughts. beliefs. and alti tudcs, ( 12) Vertical mobility The lIlo\'cmelll of a person from o ne social posi. tion to another of a different ran k.
    (23 1)

    Vested ;IIltrests Vcble n 's term for those people or grou ps who will '~'Iffcr ill the cven t of soc ial change and who have 3 sta ke in mai nta ining the Slatus quo. (586) Ve lo gro ups David Riesman's term for imcrest groups that h3\'(:: the capacity LO prevcnllhc cxercise (If I)()we r by othcrs. (437) Victimization su rveys Questio n. naires o r inter...ie ...'lI used to de termine ""hethe r people have been victims of crime. ( 197) Vi ctim/ell crilrl ts A term used by SOCiologists to describe the willi ng exchange among ,.dlllts of widely desired. but illegal. goods and ser vices. (193) Vital statistics Records of birth s. deaths, marriagcs. and d ivorces gathe re d throug h a registralion

    5}'5tenl maintained by gD\'tmJMGo tal units. (543) Volull tary oSlocia lions OrgJ/llll' tions csmblished o n the It.6u 01 COl1l mOIl interest wh~ m l"mbns \'OIU Il It."eI' (II' C\'CI1 pay to put.. pate. ( 16 1) Wealth An illclusi\'~ tern. ('~ passing all of a pcnon's nulrNl assets. including land and flI.hrr types or property. (200) White-collar crimes CrimM u.mint.-d by affl ue nt indhidlWk ar corporations in the COUfM' 01 their daily business activi ties. ( l9'l) World ,fy slem.J th eory lmruanun WallersLcin's vie .... of the il:1obtd onomic system a5 di\idnl fr. tW~CI1 cerlain indunrialiltd .. lions ...ho control \\'ealth ;md do\-doping countries "h(1 _ co ntrollt.-d and exploited (24.~) Xt nocenlrism The belid Ih~ lit prodUCb. styles. Of idea:. of oort society are inferior to tllO$t _ originate e1se.... here. (82) Zero poplllation growth (UGJ T he state or a popUlation \11th growth rate of zero. '4-hKb achil...t.-d when the numbn ~ births plus immigranu IS l"qI-lllID thc IIlllube r of deaths piu, .... gr.lnt.'J. (55 1) Zo ning la ws Leir.ll prO\i~im., IIlP' ulating land use and arrhi~ design of housing and ohtfl ,.. plo)'cd as a meansont't]l,nR nGIII minorities ;Ind lo .....-income proplr o ut of suburban are-..a s. (!.2H)

    612
    VIo:)S.1.HI

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