Nash 1981 Etnographic Aspects of The World Capitalist System

Ethnographic Aspects of the World Capitalist System Author(s): June Nash Reviewed work(s): Source: Annual Review of Anthropology,
Vol. 10 (1981), pp. 393-423 Published by: Annual Reviews Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2155722 . Accessed: 24/02/2013 07:34
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Annual Reviews is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Annual Review of Anthropology.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded on Sun, 24 Feb 2013 07:34:33 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
1981. 10:393-423 Ann.Rev. Anthropol. ? 1981 byAnnual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved Copyright
ETHNOGRAPHIC ASPECTS OF THE WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

June Nash
+9683
Department ofAnthropology, oftheCityUniversity ofNewYork, City College NewYork,NY 10031
Eversince itsorigin, hashada worldwide anthropology the scope. Indeed, stimulus to thefield were theadvancing frontiers ofEuropean very trade andcolonies intheworld thepresent interest (77, 193).What distinguishes is theparadigm of integration of all peopleand scopeof anthropology cultures within a world Thisapproach, capitalist fostered system. byWalinthe lerstein (177-182), hasroots political economy ofdependent development andunequal exchange (2-5,45) andinanthropological studies ofthe Third World (4,7, 19,176).Thisparadigm a challenge poses toestablished ofdescribing as wellas analyzing ourfield I shallattempt material. ways toreview recent studies which assess theconceptual for categories placing in theworld as wellas theongoing ethnographic studies system self-criticismand refinement of ourtraditional in theintensive approaches case cross-cultural andethnohistorical studies, studies ofcolonialism analyses, I shall andimperialism. alsoattempt, is a much andthis more difficult task, to assessthecontributions whohavenotaddressed themanthropologists selves tothespecific ofa world havemadeas they paradigm system develfor about worldwide customs andinstitutions. Eric opeda language talking ofcreating that science ofmanthat willunderwrite thenewworld culture anditsnewpossibilities, willalso change and change anthropology itself, itself Someofthechanges arealready beyond recognition. under way.To makethem in a world is ourobligation." ofnecessity, possible, According toFredEggan (44,p. 140), during World WarII "theworldwide onanthropological demands scopeofthewarmade heavy knowledge in socialscience andanthropologists with a newposition as well emerged as withnewideas and sometimes newcareers." Withgrants available, from American students turned North Indian studies to studies ofAfrica,
0084-6570/81/1015-0393$01.00 393 Wolfprophesied thisroleforanthropology (188, p. 97): ". . . in theprocess
394
NASH
British Asia,India, andLatin America. anthropologists hadalready spelled infocus. In hispresidential outthe ofthis shift methodological implications Institute ofGreat Britain andIreland address tothe Royal Anthropological in 1940, A. R. Radcliffe-Brown (138) stated:
ina British tostudy andunderstand what is happening Letus suppose that wewish or in Africa, ordependency at thepresent French colony time. Formerly theregion was inhabited byAfricans having their ownsocial structure. Nowa newandmore complex hasbeen into existence. Thepopulation nowincludes social structure brought a certain number of Europeans-government officials, traders, missionaries and,in someinThenew structure is oneinwhich theEuropeans havea large settlers. stances, political measure ofcontrol, and they generally playan important partin theneweconomic Theoutstanding characteristic ofthis kind ofsocial structure isthat structure. Europeans customs different with different different and andAfricans constitute classes, languages, ofvalues It is an extreme ofa society modes oflife, anddifferent sets andideas. example ofheterogeneous elements. As suchithasa certain duetothe compounded instability, ofdivergent interests. In order lackofadjustment tounderstand thesocial that changes aretaking ofthis itseems tomeessential tostudy thewhole set placeina society kind, ofrelations thepersons involved. amongst
In theintervening madeconsiderable advances in decades, anthropologists inthe their colonial encounter field observations contextualizing (48,71,77, movements 117,132,161,187)and postwar independence (7, 35,47, 50, ofindustrialization 51,69,70, 111,189)andtheimpact (46, 80,90, 101, haverecorded thetransformations as 119,128,137,140).Anthropologists in NewGuinea(148) sledsto skiddoos in the stone axesgavewayto steel in theSouth Arctic American (135),longbowsto rifles jungles (89), and inSaudi camels topickup trucks Arabia have recorded the varied (31).They from tocashcrops ofpeople whohaveshifted subsistence responses crops to "green revolution" (145)andfrom intensive subsistence plotcultivation ofa theformation farming (78, 116).Worseley (194,p. 232) summarized in terms that model: Third World Coalition anticipate Wallerstein's "The newsocieties," hesaid, what "have become they areunder the quite specific ofan emergent conditions world-system and thisexternal impact shaped their internal The emergent world development." perspective ofthe1960s in the 1970s.Syntheses became a central ofaboriginal problem societies ofEleanor suchas that Burke Leacockand NancyOestrich Lurie(102a) on North American societies showtheir in an historical Indian evolution that framework includes all ofthepolitical andeconomic trends affecting their ofthe Twoofthe American populations. past presidents Anthropologinthe1970s icalAssociation tothenewparadigm intheir pointed presidenAs a result ofworld tialaddresses. Colsonwarned integration, (33, pp. matter is ourbasicsubject butoften 261-62):"Not only suspect, enough that the'primitive' wearetoldthat wearenowsuperfluous given cultures, aredisappearing is now, which someassume westudy, andeveryone or is
WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM
395
industrial soonto be, a member ofa world society dominated by giant While sheforecasts as a central andcontending bureaucracies imperialism." problem of the 1980sthe"implications of thelarge-scale organizations ofus nowspend ourlives"(33,p. 264),Bohannon within which so many (14, p. 513) asserts thatthemostimportant topicmight be the"world problematique" concerning population, pollution, and conservation ofrefor sources." Some anthropologists haveanticipated these programs the80s oftransnational the bystudying implications corporations (53,81,127,146, this ofcasestudies 190,191).Given accumulating reservoir contextualized in global awareness ofthedialectical changes, andthegrowing responses theformation of"tribes" forces that and"primitive" to theglobal shaped toconclude, as Rollwagon that the itis unfair cultures, (142,p. 370)does, inthedirection "hasbeenskewed ofconceptualizing cultural field systems incultural theisolationist tradition embecause anthropology placesmore for casestudies than for phasis on thesearch ethnographic upona search
. . ." cause or processin the largersystem " and that"The significance is destroyed in vacuo, ofmuchofthisresearch
In this contributions to a world attempt toassessethnographic systems I shallfirst theWallerstein and someof understanding, present paradigm I shall ofitthat then the criticisms studies. may helpdirect anthropological in development turn to therelated and dependency studies. approaches I shallindicate someof theethnographic and Following this, concepts intheir search for validcross-cultural catemethods developed universally ofemic andetic andthe a reassessment distinctions Thiswill include gories. incolonization a brief resume ofrecent studies cross-cultural studies. After I shallconclude a summary ofthose and development, with and projects with concern overtheloss of cultural thegrowing publications dealing thetrend. and programs to reverse diversity
THE WORLD SYSTEMS PARADIGM

"A world as Wallerstein system," (181,pp. 347-48)defines it,"is a social onethat hasboundaries, member rules oflegisystem, structures, groups, timization andcoherence. Itslife is madeup oftheconfficting forces which as eachgroup holdittogether bytension, andtearitapart seeks eternally toremold ittoitsadvantage." Thebasisofthis is an internaworld system tional oflabor division mediated trade theneed through exchanges without for a unified Thiswas,infact, ofthesystem structure. thestrength political sinceit permitted forthevarious he calls core, flexibility zones,which and semiperiphery periphery depending upontheir changing rolein the overall These zones different classstructures, economy. contain useddiffer-
396
NASH
from ofthe and profited oflaborcontrol, unequally workings entmodes system (181,p. 162). first toperceive theoperations ofa world system Wallerstein wasnotthe as Parry (134)andWilliams (186a) inthe sixteenth century. Historians such as European sketched theoutline ofthesystem powers competed for and economic inthesixteenth consolidated andseventeenth centuadvantages themost imporries. Dodgshon (40) gives credit toat leastsixprecursors, to socialscientists is Andrew Gundar Frank, whose work tantofwhom below. thedimensions of (63-65)is discussed Worseley (194,p. 14)stated thepublication a decadebefore ofWallerstein's thesystem first volume:
a transformation which created theworld as a social system. Europe hadaccomplished on conquest andmaintained founded byforce. TheNew'World' It wasa world-order At theonepole ofnations'; itwasessentially wasno egalitarian asymmetrical. 'family thedisinherited. theworld had stood attheother Paradoxically, industrialized Europe, of influence, in theprocess of itsunification, divided intospheres and beendivided rich divided into andpoor.
ofWallerstein's bookan event waspossibly the What madethepublication with thedevelopment model andthefailure ofthe growing dissatisfaction as wellas thebreakthroughs these to conform to itsproscriptions, world theground for thenewparadigm. had madein preparing precursors inmaking hassucceeded available tosocialscientists Wallerstein history in contemporary oftheworld system, justas he has interested problems to thecurrent Braudel concerns. (17), the linked historical investigation the for world toWallerstein, could according original inspiration paradigm intheflexibility that thestrength ofthesystem thegrowth trace permitted in theoverarching structure at thesame ofinnovative firms incorporated as growing the itsdemise centralization threatened time thathe foresaw viewis equallyencompassing. The first Wallerstein's basis forchange. theperiod 1640-1815 for volume followed (181)hasbeen byoneprojected from 1917on. 1815to 1917, andfinally willcover material (183),a third will havemore with Itisquite that subsedifficulty possible anthropologists into their I shall that tiemore ownanalyses. volumes present quent directly to hisfirst as critics haveresponded volume. someofthose problems at thesiteof viewthat In contrast to theMarxist classopposition occurs in Lane's (102) words, that Wallerstein's thesis maintains, production, totheworld inwhich relation aretobeunderstood "classes system bytheir "arisefrom oriented toward sincethey meeting they exist," production in thatworld in thesystem of exchanges embodied demands expressed inthecore."Thischallenge totheconcentration to andcontribute system ofproduction defined theMarxist viewofdistinct modes bytheinternal
vsMultiple ModesofProduction TheProblem of Unitary
397
of laborand ordered in linealsuccession division has causedthemost is only controversy. Wallerstein flatly states that there onemode ofproductionand that is thecapitalist world system (178,p. 390). theunitary Trimberger (171) contrasts viewof thecapitalist modeof production contained in theWallerstein modelwith theuneven development thesis putforth byMandel (113) andAmin (4, 5). Mandel considers theworld capitalist system tobe madeup ofa variety ofmodes ofproductionfound in diverse socialformations united by capitalist modes ofexThus:"Thehistorical change. ofimperialism liesinthefact specificity that, itunites theworld a single although into itdoesnotunify economy market, into a homogeneous milieu" inTrimberger world society capitalist [quoted is supported (171,p. 129)].Thisview byAmin (4, p. 147),whoshows the ofseveral ofproduction persistence modes with resistance toabsorpstrong inthe tion capitalist sector. Thisviewpoint isconsistent with that ofEnglish socialhistorians, notes thework Trimberger (171,p. 131),citing ofJohn Foster, (61) and E. P. Thompson (170), who found the mostmilitant consciousness those artisans anticapitalist among whowere notabsorbed in Gutman capitalist thefrequent production. (85) cites incidence ofworker inNewEngland's resistance skills todebasement ofcraft nascent industrial cities ofimmigrant laborto break and theintroduction thesolidarity of these craft in themilltowns workers ofNew England. to the Resistance ofthe penetration world around women's resiscapitalist system may pivot tance to thelossoftheir economic andthevalues production surrounding it. Thiscan be seenin thecontributions to theanthology on Women in Colonization with (48),particularly those theSeneca, dealing theBariof the Luo, theTrobriand theMontaignais, and the Colombia, Islanders, IvoryCoast.The Ibo women's war(94a) was a fight against a taxation that the subsistence threatened system and agriculture managed bywomen, it was interpreted as a threat on life bythem itself. The acceptance or rejection ofthethesis a single concerning dominant ofproduction the mode andplaceofethnographic may depend upon timing Mintz(118) and Janeand PeterSchneider inquiry. Sidney it (151) find with the ofclassformation inperipheral countries-the compatible analysis Caribbean islands and Sicily-particularly up to thenineteenth century. Mintz (118)shows howinterdependent forms oflabor with localinitiative inthe itpossible for forced labor toexist andlocalresponse made periphery free manufacturies laborin western alongwith European up to theninein terms to analyze localeconomic oftheir question attempts subsystems totheextent modes ofproduction, that suchanalyses or component ignore thesignificance oftheoverarching circumvent world which within system In contrast, suchsubsystems must function." "To examine thecapitalist
Mintz states(118, p. 253), ". . . calls into teenth This paradigm, century.
398
NASH
at anyone ofitssectors when means into system globally looking taking ofcapital account theaccumulation at thecore, while through wage-labor as satisfying thesystemic other sectors ofthat seeing requirements core" coexistence ofdifferent modes oflabor (118,p. 259).Thusthe slave control, andfree within thecapitalist modeofproduction, labor, is nota paradox but a stimulus tothe operation ofthe world exchange system. Similarly, this global perspective enables Jane andPeter Schneider (151)toview the Mafia in defense ofSicily as businessmen oftheir as pastoralists acting interests inthe market andwheat world rather than as politicians growers developing with theweakness ofcentral frustrated political authority. I shall the not try toresolve the differences between those whostress unity whoemphasize those thevariety ofcoexisting oftheworld system against thattheconcept modesofproduction sinceI am convinced ofmodeof production anditsapplication toparticular historical formations canonly in relation tofield I be clarified discussion byfurther data,someofwhich later on.As others theadvantage assess ofthe Waller(91,118)have noted, andthat theorists stein model, ofdependency (23, 24,41, 64,65),is that tothe inattending vs"capitalist" oneavoids the false of"feudal" opposition We can see how,forexample, theinterests framework. of overarching nascent those offoreign when a capitalizing interests join with capitalists invarious Brazilian labor coffee ofcontract and producer employing forms in a branch of a multinational laborinvests sharecropping corporation in Sao Paulo.If hisactivities were to separate operating modes consigned we wouldmissthespecial ofproduction, ofBrazilian dynamic politics. havegreater with willprobably thetreatment of Anthropologists difficulty in Frank's theperiphery as a passive [ordependent country (64) model] ofthedynamic ofthemodernizing recipient penetration capitalist system. Root(143)rejects this inChirot's SocialChange ina Peripheral assumption TheCreation thestate's Society: ofa BalkanColony (27) on thebasisthat priorities were notstrong enough to undermine socialrelations basedon until landtenure the lateseventeenth century. Henceinternal classrelations couldnotbe defined division oflabor adequately bya worldwide organized theOttoman under since socialrelations basedon landtenure empire were ineffect. still Hechter's ofCeltic resistance toBritish domina(86) analysis tionis a case in point. Sella(154)criticizes thetendency oftheWallerstein Similarly, model to theinfluence ofthe "exaggerate ofrelationships newly emerging pattern on life theinternal oftheareasinvolved." He argues that onecannot explain in coreandperiphery all forms oflaborcontrol in terms ofthecapitalist since sixteenth imperative century capitalism madeuseofpreexisting forms
TheProblem ofthePassive Periphery
399
theoveremphasis on market oflaborreview. Skocpol (156) criticizes proSinceeverything is treated oftechnological invention. cesses totheneglect as though itreinforced thesystem, thestability ofthesystem is overstated. other thaneconomic suchas historically Thistreatment ignores variables in thethreat preexisting institutional patterns thatresult ofrebellion or which other determine what classwillbe geopolitical pressures ultimately in thebestposition to takeadvantage ofavailable trade opportunities. Thesearguments countering thepriority Wallerstein gives to theglobal in Sella's(154) statement: system are most concisely stated
contention that thecombination offree To gobackto Wallerstein's andcoerced labor ofcapitalism," itwould seem andmore accurate tosaythat, wasthe"essence preferable involved theclashand theblend ofwidely insofar as thenewworld-system different ifnotitsessence from resulted itsability to adaptto itsownends cultures, itsvitality indifferent came ofthe whatever forms oflabor control itsway not because parts world, butsimply because tobe available. The they were themost economical, they happened theAmerican failure to transform Indians into oftheSpanish monarchy wageearners model illustrates this after theEuropean point.
whether it was the wellquestion Historians of Spanish America might to transform into of the American Indians policy Spanish monarchy wage since the crown often countered themeasures ofcolonists tomobiearners, lizelabor thethesis theimportance of byanymeans. However, concerning local modes oflaborcontrol feeding intotheproductive relations established is worth after colonization emphasizing. JaneSchneider a world's that (150) also criticizes systems approach ignores thedynamic ofprecapitalist empires ofAsia.Because Wallerstein inpreciosities views trade as nonsystemic, Schneider (150,p. 20) maintains, he cannot suchas Portugal explain theexpansion ofcountries which was inbasiccommodities. A similar interested only minimally criticism might be madeofSmith's (158)emphasis on thestructure imposed bytheworld system. The implicit treatment of periphery as a "passive victim" universally giving waytothe capitalist invasion is a corollary ofthe unitary perspective onmode inWallerstein, ofproduction toTrimberger according (171).This reinforces herfavoring uneven development approaches which recognize combinations ofpre-capitalist, "specific andcapitalist relasemi-capitalist tions ofproduction." Sheargues that
... this model opens the way for between inthe understanding distinct social formations world is notunidirectional. system and a dynamic which Precapitalist relations of production aresubordinated anddistorted bythe impact ofcapitalism, but they toohave their owndynamic which hasan impact oncapitalist development andmay serve as the material ofresistance baseofthegenesis to capitalism.
400
NASH
Anexample ofsucha dynamic is thevariation ineconomic position among to be a homogeneous, peasantry, often assumed subordinated group. The historic significance ofsuchvariation can bestbe envisioned by themicroanalytic anthropological perspective (144).
Another problem brought upinconnection with the first volume ofWallerstein's projected series isthespatial andchronology boundary for theworld system. Dodgshon (40) draws uponPolanyi (136)andDalton(37) inquesin thesixteenth tioning theemergence of an integrated system century. Dalton's that when the Citing isself-regulating (37)statement market "only can we talkofa capitalist he accuses system," Wallerstein ofconfusing a world-based with theworld economy which system tookitsplace.This is a movefrom transformation occurswhenthere penetration through to penetration a change distribution that bethrough production, Polanyi lievesdid not existuntil1750.Sincethere are no political institutions marking thetransition (120), it is moredifficult to set thetime. Other problems onthe timing ofthe emergence oftheworld rise when system one thesignificance considers of luxury trade(150) and long-distance trade to European (169) prior developments. Onecanalsoexpect with the allocation ofcountries disagreement accordingtocore, semiperiphery, andperiphery as specific regions aretaken into account. Thegrowing ofproduction integration processes ona world scale downall geographical Withthepresent maybreak boundaries. trend towardaccumulation by a fewtransnational whichare not corporations to redistribution there subject by any political entity, maybe no core from thesystem. Butbefore that levelofintegration population benefiting is reached, thesystem willindeed be in demise (178, 186).
Timeand Space in theEmergence oftheWorld Capitalist System
DEVELOPMENT, DEPENDENCY, AND UNEQUAL EXCHANGE

Thedifficulty for anthropologists concerned with problems ofdevelopment and underdevelopment is in theshift from statements aboutthe general to microfieldwork world of theworldsystems system (62). Proponents is forbidden; model arespecific about what the"ethnographic is present" ofstructures in polarities as is thereification subsisnegated, contrasting tence andcashcropping or folk-urban cropping (91). However, Hopkins on what should be done.Whatwillbe donemaywell (91) is lessdefinite 1. thefocus on thecurrent on exchange reladepend polemic concerning: tions as thecentral 2. thequestion orproductive relations ofthe dynamic;
401
ofthe ofproduction; and3. explanations articulation for thegrowmode(s) sectors I shallrestrict inginequality between oftheinternational economy. ofthese mysummary controversies to anthropological commentaries. In Wallerstein's projection ofthe world into discussion ofcontemposystem rary relationships, thecentral oftheworld remains dynamic system that of inthecorecountries theaccumulation ofsurplus maximizing on thebasis in exchange ofinequalities with therest oftheworld relations (177,178, 181,182).Fluctuations in thesupply in theterms ofgoodsleadto a shift of trade, in a strengthened resulting effective and worldwide demand, then expansion of the capitalist world Therelative economy. bargaining powerofeachproducer depends it on relative scarcity or glut oftheproducts in themodern on theworld market. countries exchanges Semiperipheral arethose world characterized external and weaker by 1. a larger internal 2. a better-paid property-owning bourgeoisie; sector professional andmore of proletarianized and 3. a larger sector of poorly paid sector workers; in comparison workers withcorecountries semiproletarianized (182, p. countries of LatinAmerica suchas Brazil, 468). Thesewouldinclude Mexico,Argentina, Venezuela, Chile,and Cuba; and theouterrimof suchas Portugal, and theArab Europe, Spain,Italy, Norway, Finland; States. different states different relative Although to mayoccupy positions All statescannotdevelop willcontinue. thecore,divergences simultasincethesystem ofhaving neously functions byvirtue coreand unequal peripheral regions (180,p. 23). much oftheinspiration histhesis Wallerstein attributes for about undertoFrank. Histhesis, familiar isworth tomost development anthropologists, in order to relate it to thecriticisms that stating briefly followed:
It isgenerally that ina succession held economic occurs ofcapitalist development stages andthat countries ina stage, arestill today's sometimes as an underdeveloped depicted ofhistory, thenow-developed which original stage countries through passed longago. Yet evena modest acquaintance withhistory showsthatunderdevelopment is not or traditional andthat neither thepastnorthepresent original oftheunderdeveloped countries inany resemble the ofthe important respect past now-developed countries. The were never countries now-developed underdeveloped, though they mayhavebeenun It is also widely thatthecontemporary believed of a developed. underdevelopment can be understood as theproduct country of reflection solely of itsowneconomic, andcultural characteristics orstructure. Yethistorical research political, social, demonstrates that is in large contemporary underdevelopment of partthehistorical product andother economic relations between thesatellite pastandcontinuing underdeveloped and thenow-developed countries. metropolitan these relations are an Furthermore, essential ofthe structure anddevelopment ofthecapitalist part ona world system scale A related as a whole. andalsolargely erroneous view is that thedevelopment ofthese countries them of their mostunderdeveloped domestic underdeveloped and,within
vsProductive Relations Exchange
402
NASH
values, institutions, capital, bydiffusing orstimulated begenerated andwill must areas, perspecHistorical metropoles. capitalist andnational international from the etc. tothem on theconthat, suggests pastexperience countries' tive basedon theunderdeveloped can nowoccuronly development economic countries in theunderdeveloped trary, (64,p. 5). ofdiffusion relations ofthese ofmost independently
andthe relationships thetrading (63-65)stress studies historical Frank's by as developed theory Dependency industry. to develop failure resulting of the"dynamic aspects 41, 165)stressed scholars (23-25, American Latin perspec(131,p. 22).In this countries" inunderdeveloped industrialization to theanalysis, were central relationships on dependency, productive tive shows: oftheproblem as dos Santos'(41, p. 76) statement
of one group of in which theeconomies situation ... dependence is a conditioning A relationship ofothers. andexpansion bythedevelopment areconditioned countries economies andthe economies orbetween such twoormore between ofinterdependence expand when somecountries a dependent relationship becomes system world trading as can only expand in a dependent position, being others, while self-emulsion through or mayhavepositive which countries, ofthedominant oftheexpansion a reflection is basedupon then, Dependence, immediate development.... effects on their negative totake placein industrial development which allows oflabour division an international is conditioned byandsubwhose itin others, growth while restricting somecountries oftheworld. centers to thepower jected
theexoveremphasizing from rescues themodel This"newdependency" relations basedon theinteron productive while focusing relations change model ofthe andWallerstein Critics oftheFrank oflabor. division national (26),Laclau(99,100)Dupre Bradby (16),Chilcote including world system, relaofexchange thecentrality (62), reject & Rey(42), andFoster-Carter to revitalize imbalances. Theyprefer international in explaining tionships differentiated as a "coexistent although of feudalism thesis theMarxist in comparison with in thisthesis, (62). The novelty modeofproduction" is their view stages, successive unilineal that dealtwith earlier treatments forms of socialrelationships coexistent) (though of these"precapitalist" thesubsistence needs ofa labor byproducing toreinforce capitalism acting a newset of Marxist to stages force at lowercost.Rey (139) reinvents with (a) an in theperiphery, starting ofcapitalism for theentry account and (c) root, taking ofexchange, (b) capitalism linkin thesphere initial the (9, 10)show (192) andBartra Wolpe disappearing. modes precapitalist and capitalist between precapitalist of theinteraction nature dialectical ofproin thetransformation eachother reinforce as they mutually forms ductive relationships. different modes ofproducbetween on therelationship Thisdiscussion ofthemode(s) on articulation in thesection tionwillbe picked up below ofWallerstein isthat the critics outhere I wish topoint What ofproduction.
403
be identifying thenexus in which theproductive andFrank may relations in theinternational division i.e.international involved oflabor takeplace, itself thesense trade, with exchange thus losing ofhowproductive relationin international ships become realized trade. It is easier to appreciate the in exchange in thecase of export of productive relations embeddedness thecomponents inlowwageareasareuseful since diversification produced havebeen andassembled inthe as commodities when only they exchanged corecapitalist for saleto consumers. Butthis ofprocountries integration is only intheinternationalizlevel thefinal duction at an international step ing of production begunduring colonialdays withexchange of raw materials or foodstuffs for manufactured goods. which concern ofcyclical Wallerstein's (180)distinction trends, exchange ofproduction, relations, from secular trends, which concern relations may ofexpansion occur when is less clarify this point. Cycles world production basedon theexisting socialdistribution of thanworld effective demand worldpurchasing power, and contraction occurswhenthetotalworld production exceeds theworld effective Secular demand. trends involve the physical expansion and politico-structural consolidation of thecapitalist worldeconomy and thecounter movement of consolidation. This now involves thecapitalization ofworld andthepresent agriculture elimination ofsmall-scale subsistence farmers production. Independent reduced tobeingproletariats aremore dependent on central capitalized sources ofproAt the same time,technological and are moreexploitable. ductivity ofproduction andas a result innovations reinforce thecosts thecentralizaof production. Bothcyclical tionof control overthemeans and secular from to pressures theunitary trends respond emanating capitalist system model. to Wallerstein's according ofthe Frank (64),like Wallerstein, rejects the dualmodel economic system, with ofthe"feudal" sector as a lackofarticuunderdevelopment explained ofmetropolises down tothehacienda orrural merchant whoaresatellites ofthelocalcommercial centers butwhoin their turn metropolitan have In hismodel, as their satellites peasants (64,pp. 146-47). increasing polarization thedominant and subordinate in growing between groups results local,regional, andinternational inequality. Long(107) summarizes someofthewaysin which Peruvian analysts haveattacked theproblem ofdisjunctures ofmarbetween different kinds ketsand different units of production. He criticizes thecontributors to Dominaciony Cambios en Peru (36, 115),fortheemphasis on thefragmentation of ruralsociety and dependence on outsiders formobilizing resistance tocapitalist institutions. Cotler's contribution tothis volume (36)
Articulation of theMode(s) of Production
lationwiththe metropolitan centers. He conceivesof ". . . a whole chain
404
NASH
ofpopulist about theimpact as a model for thinking hasbeenwidely cited In hisdiagram ofthe"closed"and on thepeasants. andreform agencies among to communication he showsthestimulus "open-based" triangle andtheformer powas national intervene between them agencies peasants er-holders. ofbrokers as studies theanthropological Long(107,p. 277) commends fortheanalysis ofunderdevelopment since of "central importance being in the holding strategic positions andindividuals they identify thegroups andthe wider and oflinkages between localrural economies regional system & Jarvenpa (8, 30,68,75, 84, 108,155,164).Zenner national structures" intheHudson BayCompanyofScottish brokers (195)focus their study beon thelinkage multinational corporations-directly one oftheearly withtheworld market. These tween suchethnically distinct enterprises ofmodes ofproductheanalyses ofbroker relationships supplement studies ofhorizontal occurat thelocal tionbyshowing howtypes relations that (107,p. certain of vertical relationships types levelfunction to maintain sectors of theeconomy differentially developed 273). Linkages between ofexploitachain (109,p. 300),in"the result, according toLong& Roberts satellites [retionthatlinks centers to their provincial themetropolitan tobyFrank canbe visualized, ferred relationships (64)].These exploitative in thewayin which arelinked for as manifest large city traders example, insmaller is that ortolarge land-owners. Thebasicpoint totraders towns laborer havebeen and poorest eventhemostremote agricultural village atsuccessive the a hierarchical points, into whereby, system fully integrated off economic surplus." siphoned metropolitan centers of Frank's of a Clammer metaphor (28, p. 222) calls forclarification from theworld "chainof metropolitan-satellite relationships stretching to the of capitalism to themostisolated peasant," by referring centres Thisreference of is to Terray's (168) model school's approach." "French of which he would to "thenature twoormore ofproduction apply modes in a "metropolis-satellite model."Terray's between sectors" exchanges oftheGuro, a new where hefinds is basedonMeillaissoux's study analysis work each timetheGuroexpand their cooperative modeof production oftheGuro owntreatment Godelier Meillaissoux's group. (74) criticizes ofproducofdivision oflabor with a mode for a mode confusing economy to thepoint ofmodeofproduction that tion. theconcept Thistrivializes Evenincasesofthemost onecannot dealwith itanalytically. rudimentary oforganizing force. aredifferent modes thework division oflabor, there ofproduction. within canbe encompassed thesamemode variations These in ofproduction defined modes narrowly Ifwedealwith several coexistent ororganization ofthetask ofthemeans ofproduction ofownership terms thekindof anomaly encounter we constantly Long (107,p. 271) force, indifferent modes towhere anyonefamily mayendup as classified points
405
thiswith theexample of a family of production. to a Illustrating linked mining center byonewageworker, sharecropping landowned bya neigha small andsupplying labor ofsomeof boring family, owning plotofland, toa nearby he concludes itsmembers hacienda, that "thereproduction of ofproduction relations for onemode isdependent onthe the social continuofproduction ofother socialrelations inother ity found modes." Butifwe wewould ofproduction ofmode havetoput usedthis concept consistently, in whicha womanworks as a paid or unpaid(married) every family domestic within thehousein twoseparate modesof production. As O'is to locatetraditional Laughlin suggests (130), sincethereal problem within oftheoverall communities andmarginal thestructure groups sysinthe of"dominance" and"accessory" should bekept therelationship tem, I take ofmodes forefront. mean themultiplication This, it,would rejecting ofproduction. Ifweturn ofrelating from theproblem modes ofproduction in multiple in time to theproblem at onepoint and turn ofhistoric coexistence proIn hiscritique oftheunitary other cesses, weencounter problems. mode of independency Laclau(99,100)proposes ofthe production theory, retention "feudal" modeto highlight thecontrasts between of sectors modernizing in producand enclaves thecapitalist with traditional relations economy in Muquiyauyo, tion.However, as Grondin the (80, p. 123)shows Peru, canfluctuate between very same system mercantile andindustrial strategies, incapital with communal investments that organizations bringing provide for this theinfrastructure modernization. historical Conceptualizing fluid, ofproduction would bea retreat as a dualmode into the"traditionprocess us to losesight ofthat al modern" newlabels, dichotomy under causing about that thedialogue theworld has dialectical process systems approach ofcapitalist institutions within a given socialformainitiated. Theabsence ofthat tion doesnot the as Seddon necessarily imply autonomy group, (153) ofMoroccan outin thetransformation The articulation of points society. and precapitalist modes ofproduction under thedomination of capitalist onthe thetransformation the former ofthesocialformaimplies, contrary, inquestion, tion whether ornotcapitalist is acutally established production
in it.
ofautonomy is the ofeachsociopolitical Thecrucial point degree forma-tion within the world hastobeworked Thechronology outfor each system. themany ofresistance into account to theintrusive enclave, taking points mode ofproduction. No formula willbe adequate, andeachcaseshould be onthe basis ofthearticulation determined ofcareful studies between suborsuchas those ofScott(152) and Cook(34). dinate and dominant groups, can helpconsiderably in analyzing The anthropological the perspective ofdependencies that theimposed of internal hierarchy support dependency Theseinclude notonly thecultural brosatellite andmetropolitan centers.
406
NASH
on ofworkers dependency butalsothefundamental above, kers discussed structures Evencounter or commercial cropfarming. thejob in industry thesameframewithin uponlegitimization unions depend suchas trade inpower maintain the capitalists that institutions andpolitical work oflegal of a family, level, thedependency (126). At an evenmorefundamental inwhich the a setting provides earner wage ona single constituted, however and reinforced are socialized and superordination rolesofsubordination in Huancayo factory ofa cooperative (140,p. 131)study (126). Robert's from thecenterimposed is notonlya process shows that"dependency bytheactivities sustained to,andoften is contributed butis also onethat the tostrengthen reforms madebygovernments Thevery oflocalpeople." suchas landreform (38, 141,159)can and peasants ofworkers position a newdependency. foster and of force ofthework thereproduction as thebasisfor The family, andpressures exerted thedemands andresists reinforces both itself, society tocolonization responded institutions inwhich family Theway above. from and Leacock in theEtienne in several of thecontributions is discussed theanalysis (162) opened (48) and in Block(13). Stavenhagen anthology almost twodecades classformation byexamining ofrural socialstructure differentiaofsocioeconomic thedynamic (144) explores ago. Roseberry on therelationship between studies in peasant Contemporary society. tion accept system world capitalist andthe classformation, structure, household rather than variable as a conditioning communities within peasant variation at theAmerican Case studies (18, 32, 103,122) presented an anomaly. December showing annual 7, 1980, Association meetings, Anthropological ofwork, ofcapitalist institutions to thepenetration thevaried responses from notpredictable ofstrategies a variety reveal andleisure consumption, theimposed system. factors important oneofthemost perspective, andcultural From a social ofworkers. is themigration andmetropolis ofsatellite in thearticulation andaggravation theperpetuation (45) discuss Amin (4, 5) andEmmanuel active and lossofthemost economically with this oftheunequal exchange Schneider (151) show Jane andPeter force. ofthework sector productive theloss after even theworld market into tiesSicily oflabor howtheexport to another When workers migrate ofEurope. ofitsroleas wheat supplier orclassbases thecultural exacerbate may status ofillegal problems nation, in in corecountries, particularly for discrimination (20, 129).Employers suchas on labor-intensive industries processes relying competitive highly labor force on sucha segmented often rely work andelectronics, garment of national migration boundaries, (53,79,98, 129,146,160).Evenwithin to commercial agricultural village ruralto urban(30, 68) and peasant themajor for propositions newarenas examining (87) creates plantations from approaches. ethnographic oftheworld system
407
Thefinal basisfor dependency is technological innovation. Hopkins (90, p. 620)attacks the problem from a world systems perspective, showing how innovation increased control oftheperiphery technological permits bythe whichdominates center accessto machinery. on loans to Dependency andreplacement purchase technology parts perpetuates thetiesofmetroinpolitical andsatellite, as Hopkins politan resulting, points out, centralization andstability within thesatellite. illustrates this Hopkins process as he from observes thechange locally produced toimported technology capitalinTestour. intensive technology Revolutionary governments, suchas Cuba onforeign andChile, became aware ofthe painfully dependency technology formachinery, whenreplacement and communicaparts transportation, tions cutoff States. a drastic equipment were Evenwithout bytheUnited rupture in relations theinternational in with market, thechoice to invest for has implications socialpolicy, capital-intensive machinery irrespective oftheideology officially proclaimed bythestate (12, 104). coreandperipheral The widening gapbetween andbetween rich regions, in thedecade wasbecoming andpoorclasses, ofthe increasingly apparent ofdevelopment onimport 1960s (1). A decade substitution indusfocusing trialization revolution had failed (43) andgreen agriculture (78) notonly ofThird World toimprove theposition buthadcontributed to populations in indices trade debtandimpoverishment revealed imbalances, increasing ofinfant and life Schneider mortality expectancy. (149) and C. T. Smith ofthe some casestudies (157)summarize byanthropologists (11,22,54-56, how a smallnumber of entrepreneurs from 82, 147) showing benefited Smith "Economic development programs. (157, p. 815) concludes that, with left unconstrained mechanisms toassure distridevelopment, equitable bution benefits most for at all levels, theupper levels produces effectively inthe for inplanning," hierarchy." While hewould search equality "rooted the world would discount that since see systems proponents possibility they Amin inequality as endemic tothesystem. (3) argues that thevalueofthe work inthe force ismaintained ata level ofsubsistence dependent countries in "imperialist 20 or 30 times while that centers." wages It maymultiply from In a later is precisely this that arises. abyss unequal exchange article, Amin(4) spells ofmonopolistic outtheconsequences 1. the competition: ofselling to create growth costs through advertising special needs reduces theprofitability ofproducing bearsan increasing share goods;2. thestate ofinfrastructural for roads andcommunication; costs and3. thedifference intheperiphery therewards tolabor is greater than thedifference between for in productivity thetwobecauseof thehigher rateof profit between in theperiphery. The survival and reproduction ofthelabor investments of therural and force depends upontheextreme exploitation economy,
TheProblem oftheWidening Gap
408
NASH
whoproduce crops (124,184).Burawoy particularly ofwomen subsistence ofuneven showing theimpact (21) andGudeman (83) review theliterature world. the Theuneven ofdevelonlabor character development throughout is viewed as intrinsic to the opment bymonopoly capital by dependistas that: system. Sunkel (165,p. 519) concludes
links ofcapitalism internationally Theconcept of"dependency" thepostwar evolution as weknow nature ofthelocalprocess ofdevelopment, it.Access tothediscriminatory ofdevelopment is selective; rather andbenefits than the to themeans spreading them, a self-reinforcing accumulation for as special groups process tends toensure ofprivilege wellas thecontinued existence ofa marginal class.
CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN WORLD PERSPECTIVE

1. theoutcome ofa world is twofold: seems The pitfall systems approach inthe ofcounterforces isdoomed predictable model, and2. the mobilization for that reason that the tofailure anthropological quest (171).Itis precisely should be pursued. Foster outthat for cultural (60,p. 321)points diversity information on thefull of materials "valuable range ethnographic provide ... [which] for social andcultural have human behavior implipossibilities in assessing thedesirability of certain fordevelopers interested cations thatthefield notlose attention to thelocal He urges transformations." intheory from a world butseeitenhanced derived perspective. dimension, arethespecial contributions wecan Ifwetake a world perspective, what techniques andmethods can we make as ethnographers? What descriptive drawuponas we carry outour"methodological Foster's speciality"-in with from formulations observations words, that of"reconcile[ing] general cultural consider three such diverse approaches settings" (60,p. 321).I shall casestudies, theemicandeticdistinctions as a toolfor here: theintensive valid ofdescription, atuniversally terms andcross-cultural correlaarriving or comparisons. tions madein ourunderstanding The advances ofhowcountryside is linked to andindustries thecity, urban centers related tothenation, andsometimes ofdecadesof havecomeaboutas a result to theworld directly market, intensive Weshould notlosesight ofthese norunderestimate casestudies. a world their enthusiasm for Fortes valueinthe approach. (59) set systems inhispresidential casestudy forth theobjectives oftheintensive approach in 1954. ofhiscontemporaries address Hisownwork (49, (57,58) andthat theinterconnectedness 54-56)inspired byMalinowski (112)demonstrated ofthesociety. Thosewhofollowed to the oftheinternal them operations and1960s looked inthe later 1950s the "tribal" boundaries that field beyond
Case Studies Intensive
409
inthe ofindigecolonial encounter itself tothe interaction were constructed central interest, and nousandcapitalist systems (30,46,88,119).Buttheir in field working research outthat ofthemany American anthropologists WarII, retained World that sense ofthe value sideofthe United States after for themost part, ofintensive analysis ofthelocal, particular case,ignored, in reacting If at times, ofother to thedisdain of byanalysts disciplines. in other scholars to thelocalparticularism oftheir approach, disciplines a defensive blindness tothemacrostructures that anthropologists developed hastobe evaluated interms ofthose this shaped thesocieties they studied, inethnographic work thefield times. is that experience Oneofthehazards theoverarching thattreats cultivates theemicviewof one'sinformants for Thetendency all as irrelevant. informants toexplain dominant structure from as resulting conditions contained within causeandeffect relationships is contagious and often oftheir influences the theboundaries community conclusions. ethnographic ofa world The danger systems approach, to add to whatSella (154) wemight losesight ofthese internal "logico-integrative" pointed to,is that themotivation andapprehension ofwhat is hap(69) schema that provide in theworld. In ourreappraisal ofcase studies, we should to try pening as Frankenberg showtheadvances they made, (66) doesin hisdiscussion ofGluckman's studies oftheBarotse.
TheEmicand EticDistinctions
a study oftheir ownsociety, Even-or especially-when ethnologists begin for since theparticular ofthe cannot take segment they anyterms granted, from know. The the subcultural contain variations variant they society may on discerning conprocess ofdiscovery, as Goodenough points out,relies trasts (76, p. 37):
with ourownculture hasgiven us.Wediscover that other Westart armed theconcepts that make distinctions wedon't make andthat wemake distinctions people conceptual andcompare with ourswehaveto find that make. To describe theirs them don't they a setofconcepts ofdescribing distinctions as wellas ourown. To do this, their capable more than wehavetoanalyze thephenomena wehadtobefore, discovering and finely we were outvariables ofwhich unaware. sorting previously
oflinguists when Thisprocess is analogous tothat todescribe the they try ofother Eticsprovide thebasicdatafor sounds comparispeech languages. inGoodenough's istheimportance ofour andhere, words son, (76,p. 129), eticconcepts for theworld understanding system:
As a kindoftypology, a systematic setofeticconcepts is a toolfordescribing and isjudged cultural forms. Itsadequacy todescribe satisfactorily comparing byitsability in all theworld's in relation to all theemic cultures distinctions make people actually
410
NASH
the matter subject orotherwise (whether functionally for which defined) the etic concepts ... Sucheticconcepts weredesigned fora comparative satisfy thecriteria of study cultural forms of ethnographic free or specific cultural bias ... If they in succeed all ofthedistinctive embracing features needed todescribe theelementary emic units of anyculture, constitute they theminimum ofconcepts number needed todetermine the universal attributes of culture andbyinference from them, the universal attributes ofmen as creators andusers ofculture-the nature ofthehuman species which is theprincipal scientific aimofanthropology.
If we takethisapproach, which has beenmostdeveloped in kinship andapply analysis, ittoproblems intheorganization ofwork, distribution, and economic values, we wouldadvance theold substantivist/formalist debate. Clammer us that, (28,p. 213)warns while "Anthropologists, correctly recognizing that much can be learned from other disciplines, have leaned far tooheavily undoubtedly ontheconcepts that those have subjects for themselves. developed Economic anthropology more perhaps than most other subbranches ofthe specialized must activity, develop itsownconcepts to itsownpeculiar appropriate needs."Weeks(185,p. 27) picks up this warning and applies it to neoclassical models:
... in fastening a fiction that they abstract from institutional forms and therefore alofinstitutional legedly encompass a widevariety do more possibilities, than implicitly andexplicitly justify development through capitalist exchange relationships. Implicitly they view as arising from internal poverty causes-the ofunderdeveloped relationship countries to theindustrialised countries is ignored, capitalist or viewed as potentially ifcorrect beneficial arepursued. policies
ment. These reevaluations oftheory andmethod ineconomic anthropology arefurther inClammer's explored (29) anthology. Godelier's (73) criticism oftheconcept ofrationality in theideological as thekey concept justificationfor capitalist is a fine exchange ofwhatcan be gained example from suchan analysis. As we extend ourunderstanding abouteconomic systems, questioning theapplicability ofneoclassical terms tocapitalist institutions as wellas to nonmarket wemight overcome societies, someoftheethnocentric projectionsas to whatis universal in economic behavior. The "capitalist", contrast "precapitalist" inspired by theFrench Marxist schoolobscures emiccontrasts within existing advanced capitalist economies justas it has obscured theinterface between different modes oflaborand exchange. Just as theanalysis of themany varieties of family structure enabled theassumptions to overcome anthropologists basedon a Western model (121),so might weovercome the ofeconomic spell rationality, technological orprofitability as themeasure ofprogress. determination, Appleby (6) has
Weeks'terms, a prescription forsocialrelations forcapitalist underdevelop-
The concepts of economists, derived from neoclassical precepts, are,in
411
to toobjectify human "Thecapacity relations, traced theprocess bywhich them intonatural them and turn [enabled] phenomenon demythologize their environment." Thisis an socialandmaterial men... [to]manipulate theneoclassical economists to since theterms developed ongoing process, andexchange relations havebecome an ideology justiobjectify production between "formalists" and"substantivists" fying thestatus quo.Thedebate thequestion shift from whether neoclassical terms canbe extended might exchange systems, tothequestion from "market" economies to"primitive" to capitalist economies themonopolistic whether terms given these apply practices. whoraised thequestion oftheindepenofSirFrancis Galton, The ghost tried outcross-cultural ofcultural units when analydence Tylor (172)first as to studies. The questions sis,still haunts those whomakecomparative were inherited from a protoculture or thetraits correlated whether being areeven more were devastating whether through borrowing they acquired toresolve from a world Zucher when viewed approach. (196)tried systems in these terms: theproblem
a pristine, which to recreate diffusion-free All solutions to Galton's attempt problem concern a solution to Galton's should areinherently dubious. Instead, problem world inourworld. Thedifferential-diffusibility arethe methods itself with what hashappened ofdiffusion todetermine which occurrence andusethe methods the process only accept than to carve a correlation is basedon function, rather up theworld whether attempt casessuitable for useina correlation bydiffusion. unbiased into supposedly independent
The Current StatusofStudies Cross-Cultural Comparisons:
"ifyoucan'tlick'em [diffusion] join 'em." Zucher concludes that, If"by 'em"Zucher means intensive casestudies over undertaking joining thepower intoconsideration structures we do not involved, time, taking level. example, thequestion, butraise ittoa higher Letus take, for resolve forthe thecase ofa U.S. multinational corporation setting up branches induty-free A cluster ofelectronic locations. oftraits assembly components lineproduction, payment (b) wage is 100percent predictable: (a) assembly female workers. basedonhourly These ofworkers (c) young performance, inHongKong,Singapore, intheelectronics Matraits arefound industry andNorth Korea(53, 79, 81,98, 105,129, laya,Mexico, thePhilippines, in any these traits are "functionally related" that 146,160).To conclude determined coor ecologically waybecauseof theuniversal biologically thepower structure that1. segments the occurrence wouldbe to ignore inideologically reinforced fitness categories arbitrarily assigning labor force havesmaller and are temperamentally to speciality fingers (e.g. women 2. determines thedifferential of suited to performing ability work); boring to gainminimal selected of laborin thecountries wagesand standards
412
NASH
conditions either because ofthelackofalternative working or employment therepression oftrade andfinally 3. defines unions; therelations ofdominance between nations coreindustrial enabling states toestablish branches under favorable One cannot solvetheproblems conditions. offunctional relations, noreven discover that they exist, as Narroll (123,p. 312)points butsimply thecorrelation out, that exists andthen prove goontoquestion why. In addition to theproblems that cross-cultural analysts havebeenconinquality with cerned control ofdata(97, 123), definition ofthesocialunit anddelimiting (15, 173), diffusion (163,195),wehavetheadditional problemofdefending the very concept ofcultural indistinct variability societies. Without attempting to closedebate on thistopic, which should ariseas a I would world systems framework is taken, for theperpetuation argue and even intensification ofcultural with thespread ofindustrializavariability tionand modernization. While clusters ofshared traits larger tendto be in thefrequency variation ofassociated In the atomized, traits increases. I amdoing inanindustrialized preliminary fieldwork city ofwestern MassaI amconstantly inemic variation chusetts, encountering heldby categories inthesamecommunity. I ama native individuals Although oftheculture, I find intime-the that differences generational meandinforgapbetween mants older andyounger than myself-and space-the 140miles distance from inwhich I wasbrought thetown up andtheoneI amnowstruggling tounderstand-have about variations wehavenoteven that brought begun to chart. Variability persists, a narrowing butwithin range. Instead oftrying to in theexotic, find someidentity we aretrying to find in exotic something theapparently familiar. The integration ofpeoplein theworld capitalist thedependency andhence tocontraction in system heightens vulnerability In a worldwide thecentral economies. evaluation ofsubsistence systems, Lomax& Arensberg theconcern (106,p. 679) express abouttheloss of that most share: variability anthropologists
It is agonizing tolookover theroster ofthespecies andtoreflect that itis ingoodpart a rollcallofdeadordying andthat this peoples taxonomy is an artificial game, played with ofthecultures markers. inthese grave lists havevanished in Many with all hands thetidalwaveof industrial civilization and nowoccupy fictitious on the positions others inthememories ethnographic map.Many exist only ofpowerless oldsters whose descendents without into walk, godsorancestors, thealienating environment ofurban sprawl.
The danger of cultural is, as theauthors pointout,thatthereduction limits theplasticity and adaptability that wastheprinciple variability adin evolution. vantage
413
COLONIALISM, IMPERIALISM, AND TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS

view oftheworld Theanthropological system hasbeen concerned with the impact ofglobalinstitutions in peripheral or semiperipheral zonesmore with itself. In theprocess of"reinventing" than thesystem anthropology, havetried some tostudy theglobal anthropologists institutions themselves. ourethnographic Hymes (94,p. 35) asksus "toemploy tradition ofwork, as informs oftheemergence andsuchethnological insight it,in thestudy inconcrete andinrelation In ofcultural form to a world settings society." in development in other flush ofinterest socialscientists thefirst studies, in searchof concepts and undercame to anthropologists disciplines nowwe arerequired ofexotic either to adoptsomeof standings cultures; andmethods oftheother socialsciences thefindings ortoaccept a division inthestudy inwhich weshare ofemergent forms. oflabor But,as Hymes we should notforget theunique sensibilities that suggests, ethnographers infield that have developed situations clearly presented distinct phenomenal categories. tostudy As anthropologists, wearebest trained the impact oftransnational theworld lesslikely to viewthe corporations throughout and,as a result, ofproduction anddistribution on a worldwide organization scaledirectly. manifold ofreinterpretation Byopening ourminds tothe possibilities bythe intoindustrialization, we haveshown thetransition societies undergoing inthesociocultural features that some unique integration develops (orfails inthe ofglobal transfers oftechnology, wake and todevelop) management, labor(127, 191). A farmore ofmultinational A difficult taskis thestudy corporations. in this is Alvin Wolfe as 1963discussed pioneer study (190),whoas early ofintegration theimplications ofindustry on a supranational level. While thestudy ofmultinationals-industries basedin an industrial center with inoneormore branches established countries-and foreign transnationals over of -industries whose international operations takepriority theclaim andsociolhome base-is dominated any byeconomists, political scientists, an holistic a contribution canmake ogists; anthropologists bymaintaining and evolutionary approach perspective. Wolfe (191) emphasizes theintegrative evolution as firms established tointegrate themanufacturing overseas branches andthen proceeded proinelectronics, Thishasalready manufacturcessitself. happened garment ing,and to a lesser extent, automobile production (160). However, the
Transnational Corporations
414
NASH
integration ofcorporate management through transnational organizations in thedisintegration has resulted of national states(166) and of labor intheintegrathree organizations (67,72,93,95,96). We canmark stages tive evolution. Theinitial thrust overseas wasanattempt toget behind tariff after WarI inCanadaandLatin barriers, particularly World America. The greatest surge of overseas expansion cameafter WorldWar II and the Economic establishment ofthe European when U.S. firms Community tried inthat to maintain a share market a branch firm. byestablishing Starting inthe about when tariffllaws ofcompo1964, changes permitted reshipment orlabor ofassembling nents with tariffs only onthevalueadded, parts that in final werethen at thehomebase and soldin a incorporated products a newphaseof integration tookplace.This evolving domestic market, international division of labor(72) is bringing aboutan integration of that isbeginning toerase manufacturing processes the of"core," boundaries "periphery," and"semiperiphery" as transnational firms move production towhatever reserves ofcheap, available sites areascontain labor andwhere from orlabor willexpect theleast resistance unions. The they government of theproductive is occurring witha integration system simultaneously The resulting in socialorganization. crisis breakdown (186) is exploding often before us in ourfield theentry and participant research, inhibiting observations to goodfieldwork. essential inthelocusandvolume about dramatic Changes brought bythese shifts in theemployofproduction are onlybeginning to be analyzed. Change thehousehold rates ofwomen andmenis affecting andgender relament in ways that arenowbeing assessed tions (53, 81,98, 105,110,146).The in employment in of multinational variations practices corporations branches at homeand abroadare another area ansignificant problem could follow thropologists uponanalyses byeconomists (95,129,133).The effect created on classconsciousness structure ofemploybythechanging in transnational ment has hardly beentouched. organizations Thisis an area in which traditional oralhistories ethnographic methods, including and symbolic can getus beyond analyses, theideological facadewhich masks sentiment and behavior (174, 175). can playa distinctive role in analyzing Anthropologists thechanges inthe about international ofproduction brought organization byinvestigatwhich Geertz ingthe"logico-meaningful as the integration" (69) defines of style, and value,distinct from the"causal-functional unity meaning, where integration" eachpartis an element thatkeepsthesystem going alsopursue ofthe (127).Wemight studies comparative work process within indifferent inorder branches ofthe same plant countries totest assumptions ofvariability aboutthelimits posedbya shared technology and management. Just as ourstudies ofhousehold organization ofproduction where
415
there isa merging ofeconomic baseandpolitical andideological superstrucofproduction, so might ofmode our totheunderstanding ture contributed oftransnational where economic baseseems divorced study organizations, the raised from logico-integrative structures, gobeyond questions byeconoor other socialscientists. Our holistic willenableus to mists approach investigate the impact of development and changeon populations and ofAmazonian as Davis(39) doesin hisstudy forest environment, people, It canalsoencompass within a structural historical framework. thelogicointhe with encounter as Tausmeaningful integration capitalist institutions, sig(167) attempts. inthe colonial reviews ofanthropology resulted In the1970s, critical period incallsfor decolonizing theprofession (35,92,94, 114,125).WhatI wish hereis theprogress madein theaction-oriented to putintoperspective of"investigating The importance research that grew outofthiscritique. a part ofthetradition ofThird reality inorder totransform it"(52) is more States. several research Worldscholars thanoftheUnited Nonetheless, ofinvesencounter thefocus havemade colonial andimperial institutes the WorkGroupon Indigenous These includethe International tigation. the Resource andSurvival Affairs, Cultural Survival, Anthropology Center, International. Thework ofthese notonly therichest groups provides docuoftheadvance ofthecapitalist world butrepresents a mentation system, that advance. commitment to resist Work on Indigenous Affairs The International outof Group developed inStuttgart in 1968. ofAmericanists Conthe38th International Congress ofindigenous thegenocide, andrelocation cerned with terrorism, populaIn addition to contributing tions,the groupincludes1200 members. threatened themembers offer their documents techregarding populations, incritical tointervene situations as legalspecialists. nical competence They havepublished abouttwodozenpamphlets on theindigenous peopleof in particular, on India and Canadian LatinAmerica, and withreports Indians. in 1972 Cultural wasorganized Evon Survival byDavidMaybury-Lewis, Z. Vogt, Patterson ofHarvard The organization andOrlando University. for with self-determination andthe grew outofconcern indigenous people to helpthose threatened with ethnocide to achieve the desire populations ofthe means their theinterest economic tomaintain wayoflife. Although isworldwide, onLatin group the organizers arenowconcentrating America 18 projects where arebeing carried out.The group a newsletter publishes on thesituation of the these are reports and occasional papers. Among a collection ofwork first from inBrazil the Native Americans andParaguay,
and Imperialism Colonialism
416
NASH
Howe.Plansin byJames authored andthesecond ethnologists Portuguese of the a studyof deforestation includepublishing the near future oftheactions as a result consequences anditsecological jungle Amazonian oftheCerro in Ecuador, andtheimpact andU.S. companies ofJapanese a proposal by inPanama. Thegroup hasrecently accepted mines Colorado before landclaimsof theIndians to search government theNicaraguan reform outtheagrarian program. carrying in 1975under thedirecwasorganized Center Resource Anthropology inbringing social analanthropological ofShelton Davis.Interested torship Shelton issuesto a wider publicaudience, public yseson contemporary intheBoston andCambridge area ofgraduate students Davisanda group was publication thefirst issues airedin their a newsletter. Among started They bothin North and SouthAmerica. ofNative Americans therights ofinternational to theattention and agencies their research havebrought to safeguard thehuman rights of in an attempt to bring action tribunals and on mining issues havepublished special They threatened populations. as wellas studies assessing in Braziland Australia, companies petroleum for andinternaInternational oftheU.S. Agency Development theimpact the discuss areasof theworld.Recentarticles tionalbankson remote theCrow, on Native especially Americans, oftheenergy programs impact andedited Thisresearch, summarized by andNorthern Cheyenne. Navajo, Native Americans a collaboration between resulted from Jorgenson, Joseph students. and anthropology inbringing perspecan anthropological Theimportance ofthese groups in cannot be underestimated byanthropologists issues tive tointernational Theirholistic to theproblems that fields. or applied approach academic ofcreating is central tothe"process ofthehuman species affect thedestiny anditsnew will underwrite thenewworld culture science ofmanthat that that Wolf envisioned. possiblities"
SUMMARY
socialscienchallenges system capitalist ofa world paradigm Wallerstein's in a of the worldas integrated and cultures tiststo viewall societies on analyses ofdependency and undivision oflabor. Drawing worldwide oftheinterrelatheparadigm analyses evenexchange, systemic promotes and regions, "core"industrial "semiperipheral" states, between tionships oriented toward deas a discipline worldwide Anthropology, "periphery." hasdeveloped methods ofsociety, ethnographic andcomparisons scriptions inrelation about features touniverfor anda vocabulary talking particular Therespect variation ofthe human condition. for internal salcharacteristics on other cultures which toethnocentric andresistance imposed judgments
417
has beencultivated byethnologists can overcome someofthedifficulties critics haveraised theworld with systems approach. Thetendency totake the emergence anddominance ofthecapitalist system as a foregone conclutoassume sion, passive acceptance byperipheral andsemiperipheral regions tothe ofcore imposed will nations canbecorrected bymethods andfindings ofethnographers pastandpresent. I haveconsidered oftheethnographic some concepts andmethods developedin thesearch for universally validcross-cultural categories. Thisinof intensive cludesa reassessment case study approaches, emicand etic in ethnographic distinctions and cross-cultural description, comparisons. insubsistence Noting thelossofcultural variability systems as theworld's on employment population becomes dependent and income in generated I havesummarized capitalist enterprises, someofthedangers inherent in intheworld thevulnerability tocontraction system. Finally, anthropologiinthepresent ofvanishing cal responses tothecrisis cultures of expansion Cultural SurResource in theAnthropology thecapitalist system Center, Affairs are vival,and the International WorkGroup on Indigenous contributions recorded and theimportance oftheir suggested.
Literature Cited
1. Adelman, i., Morris, C. T. 1973.EcoClases Sociales enMexico. Mexico City: Era. 182pp. nomic Growth andSocialEquity inDeR. 1975. Sobre la articulacion veloping Countries. de Stanford Univ. 10. Bartra, Press. 257pp. modss de produccion en America Lat2. Amin, S. 1972. Underdevelopment and ina:Algunos problemas teoricas, Hist. in blackAfrica: Soc. 5:5-19 Historical dependence 11. Belshaw,C. 1965. Traditional ExJ.PeaceRes. 2:105-19 origin. 3. Amin,S. 1972.Underdevelopment and Markets. change and Modern Engleinblack Africa: woodCliffs, and NJ:Prentice Hall. 149pp. dependence Origins M. A. 1972-73.Planning J Mod. forms. Stud. 12. Bienefeld, contemporary Afr. 4:503-24 Dev. Change 4:51-77 people. M. 1975. Property andthe 4. Amin, endof S. 1976.Unequal Development: 13. Block, An Essayon theSocialFormations affinity. In Marxist Analyses andSocial of Peripheral Capitalism. pp. 203-28. London: New York: Anthropology, Monthly Rev.Press. Malaby 440 pp. 5. Amin, S. 1977.Imperialism and Un- 14. Bohannon, P. 1979.Youcan'tdo nothequal Development, ing.Presidential at Essaysby Samir Address presented Amin. NewYork: Ann. Meet. Am. Anthropol. Monthly Rev.Press. Assoc., 82:508-24 Am.Anthropol. 267 pp. 78th. 6. Appleby, E., Greenbaum, L. S. J.1978. Modernization theory 15. Bourguignon, in and Homogeneity 1973. Diversity ofmodem andthe theformation social and America. World Societies. New Haven: Hum. oriesin England Contemp. Stud.Soc.Hist.20:254-85 Relat.AreaFile. 190pp. 16. Bradby, B. 1975.The destruction 7. Asad,T., ed. 1973.Anthropology and of the ColonialEncounter. natural New York: economy. Econ.Soc. 4:127-61 F. 1980.Willcapitalism Humanities. 281 pp. 17. Braudel, sur8. Barth, F. 1963. The Role of Entrevive?Wilson Q. Spring 4:102-17 inSocialChange inNorth- 18. Brock, L. L. 1980.Marriage exchange preneurship ern strategies ofproOslo:Universitetsforlaget. and classformation; Norway. 83 pp. duction and reproduction in a Tuareg R. 1974.Estructura Agraria y 9. Bartra, 1860-1976.Presented at community
418
NASH
Ann. Meet.Am. Anthropol. Assoc., 34. Cook,S. 1976. Value, price andsimple 79th, Washington DC commodity production: Zapotec stone19. Bronfenbrenner, M. 1978. Review artiworkers. J.Peasant Stud.3:395-427 cle:A world classeconomist from un- 35. Copans, J. 1975.Anthropologie et imderdeveloped Africa. Economic Develperaialisme'. Paris:Maspero. 460 pp. opment and Culture Change27:195- 36. Cotler, J. 1969. Actualespautasde 201 cambio enla sociedad rural delPeru. In J. M. Hess. 20. Buechler, H., Buechler, Dominacion y cambios enel Perui rural: 1976.Something on funny happened la microorganizacion del Valle de Canthe A comparison waytotheAgora. of cai, ed. J.MatosMaretal, pp. 60-79. Bolivian and Spanish Galician female Lima:Inst.Estudios Peruanos migrants. Anthropol. Q. 49(1):62-68 37. Dalton, G. 1974. Economic Systems and 21. Burawoy, M. 1979.The anthropology Society. Communism Capitalism, and ofindustrial work. Ann. Rev. Anthropol. theThirdWorld. Baltimore: Penguin. 8:231-66 250 pp. 22. Cancian, F. 1965. Economics andPres- 38. Dandler, J. 1976. Campesinado y theRelitigein a Maya Community; reformaagraria en Cochabamba: gious Cargo System. Stanford: Stanford dinamica de un movimiento campesino Univ.Press. 238pp. en Bolivia La Paz: Cent.Invest. pro23. Cardoso, F. H. 1972. Dependency and moc.campesino. 40 pp. in Latin America. development New 39. Davis,S. 1977.Victims ofthe Miracle; Rev.74:83-95 Left Development and the Indians ofBrazil 24. Cardoso, F. H. 1972-73. IndustrializaCambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. in Latin tion, and power dependency pp. America. J. Sociol.17:79-95 40. 205 Berkeley R. A. 1977.A spatial Dodgshon, perF. H., Faletto, 25. Cardoso, E. 1979.DePeasant Stud.6:8-19 and Development in Latin 41. spective. pendency dosSantos, T. 1973. Thecrisis ofdevelAmerica M. M. Urquidi. BerTransl. opment andtheproblem ofdetheory keley: Univ.Calif. Press. 227pp. in LatinAmerica. In Underpendency 26. Chilcote, R. H. 1974. A critical syntheand Development, ed. H. development sis of thedependency literature. Lat. Bernstein, pp. 76-77. HammondsAm.Perspect. 1:1-15 worth: Penguin 27. Chirot, D. 1976. SocialChange ina PeG.,Rey, P. P. 1973. Reflections ripheral Society: TheCreation ofa Bal- 42. Dupre, onthe ofa theory ofthe pertinence hiskan Colony. New York: Academic. tory of exchange. Econ.Soc. 2:131-63. 179pp. onLatin Commission Amer28. Clammer, J. 1975. Economican- 43. Economic ica, United Nations. 1970,1972.Ecoandthesociology ofdevelthropology nomic Survey ofLatinAmericaNew 'liberal' and its anthropology opment; York:United 351pp. Nations. French critics. SeeRef.131, pp.208-28 F. 1968.Onehundred of years 29. Clammer, J. 1978.TheNewEconomic 44. Eggan, and socialanthropology. ethnology In Anthropology. NewYork: St.Martin's. One Hundred YearsofAnthropology, 260 pp. ed.J.0. Brew, pp. 119-52. Cambridge: 30. Cohen, A. 1969.Custom andPolitics in Harvard Univ.Press Urban A Study Africa; ofHausa MiA. 1972. UnequalExinYoruba grants Towns. London: Rout- 45. Emmanuel, A Study change: oftheImperialism of & KeeganPaul;Berkeley: Univ. ledge Trade.New York/London: Monthly Calif. 252 pp. Press. Rev.453 pp. 31. Cole,D. P. 1977.Bedouins oftheoil46. Epstein, A. L. 1958.Politics in an UrIn ArabSociety in Transition, fields. A banAfrican Community. Manchester: ed. S. E. Ibrahim, N. S. HopReader, Manchester Univ.Press. 254 pp. kins,pp. 632-38. Cairo: Am. Univ. 47. Epstein, T. S. 1973. South India:YesterPress day,Today and Tomorrow; VilMysore 32. Coleman, R. G. 1980. Household struclageRevisited. New York:Macmillan ture andcapitalist on the incorporation M.,Leacock, E. 1980.Women inNorth periphery SumatraPresented 48. Etienne, in Colonization. Brooklyn: at Ann.Meet. Am.Anthropol. Bergin. Assoc., 339pp. DC 79th, Washington 33. Colson, E. 1976.Culture E. E. 1940.TheNuer. andProgress. 49. Evans-Pritchard, at Oxford: Lecturepresented Clarendon. Distinguished 277pp. Ann. Meet.Am. Anthropol. Assoc., 50. Fallers, T. 1959. Bantu A Bureaucracy; 74th. Am.Anthropol. 78:261-71 Evolution Century of Political Among

theBasoga of Uganda. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press. 283 pp. 51. Fallers,T. 1963. Equality,modernity, and democracy in thenewstate.In Old Geertz,pp. 158-219. New York: Free Press 52. Fals Borda,0. 1979.Investigating realityin orderto transform it:The Colombian experience. Dialect. Anthropol. 4: 33-56 53. Fernandez, M. P. 1980.Mexicanborder tion and migration. PhD thesis. Rutgers Univ.,New Brunswick, NJ. 350 pp. 54. Firth,R. 1929. Primitive Economics of
419
Societies andNew States. TheQuest for in Asia and Africa, Modernity ed. C.
67. Fr6bel,F., Heinrichs, J., Kreye,0. 1978. Thenewinternational division of labour. Soc.Sci. Inf: 17:123-42 68. Geertz, C. 1960.Thechanging roleof thecultural broker: the Javanese Kijaji. Comp. Stud.Soc.Hist.2:28-49 69. Geertz,C. 1973. Ritual and social A Javanese change: example. In The Interpretation ofCultures; Selected Essays of Clifford Geertz, pp. 142-69.New York:BasicBooks
70. Geertz,C. 1963. Peddlersand Princes;
industries; Female labor force participatheNewZealandMaori Wellington,
NZ: Owen. 519 pp. 55. Firth,R. 1936. We the Tikopia. London: Unwin.605 pp. 56. Firth, R. 1966. Malay Fishermen. Hamden,Conn: Archon.398 pp. 57. Fortes, M. 1945. TheDynamics ofClan-
Univ. Press. 270 pp. 58. Fortes,M. 1949. The Web of Kinship among the Talensi. London: Oxford Univ. Press. 358 pp. 59. Fortes, M. 1953. "Analyses and descripAddress,Sect. H., Br. Assoc. Advan. Sci. 38thpublication 1970.In Timeand
ship among the Talensi. Oxford: Oxford
tion insocial anthropology. Presidential
127-146. London: Athlone 60. Foster,B. L. 1978.Development, modernization and comparative parochialism; A review article.Comp.Stud. Soc. Hist. 20:319-28 61. Foster,J. 1974. Class Struggle and the withforword byE. J.Hobsbawm.London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson.346 pp. 62. Foster-Carter, A. 1978. The modes of production controversy. NewLeftRev. 107:47-78 63. Frank,A. G. 1964. Capitalism and Un-
SocialStructure and Other Essayspp.
Industrial Revolution; Industrial Early Radicalism in Three English Towns,
inIndonesia: riod Agrarian Involution. In Agricultural Involution, pp. 38-123 72. Giersch, H.,ed. 1974. The International Division of Labor;Problems and Perspectives. Tubingen: Mohr. 556pp. 73. Godelier, M. 1973.Rationality andIrrationality in Economics. Transl.B. Pearce. New York: Monthly Rev. 326pp. 74. Godelier, M. 1978.Infrastructures, soand history. ciety NewLeftRev. 112: 84-96 75. Gonzalez, N. L. 1969. Patron-client reat the international lationships level. See Ref.164,pp. 178-209 76. Goodenough, W. H. 1970.Description and Comparison in CulturalAn173pp. thropology. Chicago: Aldine. 77. Gough, K. 1969. World revolution and thescience ofman.In TheDissenting ed. T. Roszak, Academy, pp. 135-58. NewYork:Pantheon 78. Gough, K. 1978. reChanging agrarian in SouthEastern lations India. Curr. Anthropol. 19:399 79. Green, S. 1980. Silicon women Valley's A theoretical ofsexworkers; analysis in theelectronics segregation industry labormarket. Occasional Papers ofthe East West Honolulu. 39 pp. Center, and dependency: The case oftheelecof Muquiyauyo. tricity enterprise See Ref.108,pp. 99-127 81. Grossman, R. 1978. Women's placein theintegrated circuits. South EastAsia Pac. Res. RSC Issue9:5-6. Chronicle, 82. Gudeman, S. F. 1978.TheDemise ofa Rural Economy; fromSubsistence to ina Latin Capitalism American Village. London: 176pp. Paramis. 83. Gudeman, S. F. 1978. Anthropological economics: The question of distribution. In Ann. Rev.Anthropol. 7:347-77 84. Gulliver, P. H. 1973. Negotiations as a model ofdispute Towards a settlement;
80. Grondin, M. 1978.Peasantcooperation
71. Geertz, C. 1963.The Dutchcolonialpe-
SocialChange and Economic Modernizationin Two IndonesianTowns. Chicago: Univ.Chicago Press.162pp.
Chile and Brazil. New York: Monthly Rev. 298 pp. 64. Frank,A. G. 1967. Capitalism and UnYork: Monthly Rev. 344 pp. 65. Frank,A. G. 1975. On CapitalistUnNew York: Oxford derdevelopment. Univ. Press. 113 pp. 66. Frankenberg, R. 1978. Economic anor politicaleconomy?The thropology Barotsesocial formation; a case study. See Ref. 29, pp. 32-57
inHistorical derdevelopment Studies of
inLatin America. derdevelopment New
420
NASH
general model. LawSoc.Rev.7:667-69 98. Katz,N. 1980.Women electronic workH. 1976.Work 85. Gutman, ersin theSiliconValley. and Culture, Presented at in Industrializing EsAmerica: Ann. Meet. Am. Anthropol. Society Assoc., inAmerican says Working-Class andSo79th, Washington DC 343pp. cialHistory. NewYork: 99. Laclau, E. 1979. Knopf. Modosdeproduccion, 86. Hechter,M. 1975. InternalColiosistemas economicos y poblacion exTheCeltic inBritish edente: nialism: Fringe Naapproximacion a los historica tionalDevelopment casos argentina 1536-1966.Bery chileno. Rev. Latkeley: Univ.Calif. Press. 361pp. inoam. Sociol.5:344-83 87. Hill, P. 1963. The Migrant Farm- 100. Laclau, E. 1971. Cocoa Feudalism andcapitalers inRural of Southern GhanaAStudy ismin LatinAmerica. NewLeftRev. Capitalism.Cambridge: 67:19-38 Cambridge 265pp. 101.Laite,J. 1978.Processes Univ.Press. of industrial 88. Hill, P. 1977.Population, andsocial inhighland change Prosperity, Peru. See and Poverty. Cambridge: Ref.109,pp. 73-97 Cambridge in West 102.Lane,F. C. 1976. Univ.Stud.RuralCapitalism Economic in growth 172pp. A review Africa. Wallerstein's socialsystems. A. R. 1950. 89. Holmberg, Nomads article.Comp.Stud. Soc. Hist. 18: ofthe Long Bow; The Sirionoof Eastern 517-32 BoliviaWashington: GPO. 104pp. 102a.Leacock,E. B., Lurie,N. 0. 1971. N. S. 1977.The impact of 90. Hopkins, North American Indiansin Historical on political cenPerspective. New York: Random technological change ThecaseofTunesia. InArab tralization: House.498 pp. inTransition, ed.S. E. Ibrahim, 103. Lennihan, Society L. 1980. As theworld turns: N. S. Hopkins, pp. 620-31. Cairo: Capital,class,and the household in American Univ. Northern at Ann. NigeriaPresented 91. Hopkins, T. 1978. World analMeet. Am. Anthropol. systems Assoc.,79th, issues.In The DC ysis: Methodological Washington World ed. B. H. 104.Leviatan, Capitalist U. 1976.The process Economy, of inKaplan,pp. 100-217.Beverly Hills: intheIsrael dustrialization Kibbutzim. In Popular Participation Sage in Social 92. Huizer, G., Mannheim, B., eds. 1979. Change, ed. J. Nash,J. Dandler, N. from ColoThe Politics ofAnthropology: Hopkins,pp. 549-58. The Hague: Towarda Viewfrom nialism andSexism Mouton Below. TheHague:Mouton. 520pp. 105.Lim, L. Y. C. 1978. Women in workers 93. Hymer, S. 1973.The internationaliza- multinational Thecaseof corporations: In International tionof capital. Busithe electronics inMalaysia and industry ed.D. S. Henley, East ness, pp.278-98. Singapore. Mich Occas. Pap. 9. 67 pp. Mich.State Univ. Lansing: Press 106.Lomax, C. M. 1977. A A., Arensberg, 94. Hymes, AnD., ed. 1972.Reinventing worldwide of evolutionary classification New York: Pantheon. thropology. culture by subsistence Curr. systems. 476 pp. Anthropol 18:659-79 94a. Ifeka-Moller, C. 1975.Femalemili- 107. Long,N. 1975.Structural dependency andcolonial revolt: thewomen's tancy modesof production, and economic warof 1929, In PerEastern Nigeria. in rural Peru.See Ref.131, brokerage Women, ed.S. Ardner, ceiving pp. 127pp. 253-82 58. NewYork:Wiley 108.Long,N, Richardson, P. 1978.Infor95. International Labor Office. 1977. Social mal sector, petty commodity producand LabourPractices of Some US. tionand thesocialrelations ofsmallBased Multinationals in the Metal scaleenterprise. See Ref.29,pp. 176Trades. Geneva: United Nations. 209 172pp. 109.Long,N., Roberts, B. R., eds. 1978. 96. Jagor, E. R. 1975. U.S.labor andmultiPeasant Cooperation and Capitalist ExIn International nationals. Laborand in Central pansion Peru.Austin: Univ. the National inInStudies Enterprises. TexasPress. 349pp. ternational Economics and Develop- 110. Long, N.,Roberts, B. R. 1978. Peasant ed. D. Kujawa, ment, pp. 22-46.New cooperation and underdevelopment in York:Prager central Peru. SeeRef.109, pp.297-328 97. Jorgensen, J. G. 1979.Cross-cultural111. Magubane, B. 1979.The Political EconAnn.Rev.Anthropol. comparisons. 8: omy ofRace and ClassinSouth Africa 309-31 NewYork:Monthly Rev.364pp.
421
112.Malinowski, B. 1932. Argonauts ofthe sented at Ann.Meet.LatinAm.Stud. Western Assoc., Pittsburgh Pacific.London:Routledge. 527pp. 130.O'Laughlin,B. 1975. Marxistap113.Mandel, E. 1970.The lawsofuneven in anthropology. proaches Ann.Rev. Rev. 59:19-38 development. NewLeft 4:341-70 Anthropol 114.Maquet,J. 1964. Objectivity in an- 131.Oxaal,I., Barnet, T., Booth, D., eds. 5:47-55 thropology. Curr. 1975.Beyond Anthropol the Sociology ofDevelop115.Matos Mar, J.etal,eds.1969. Dominament: Economy and Society in Latin Rural.Lima: cion y Cambios enelPeru America and AfricaLondon/Boston: Inst.Estud. Peru.377pp. Routledge & Keegan Paul.295pp. 116.Mencher, J. 1970.Change agents and 132.Padgug, R. A. 1976.Problems in the villagers, their relationship androleof theory ofslavery andslave society. Scit classvalues. Econ.Polit.Wkly. 5:1-9 Soc. 40:3-27 117.Mintz, 133.Palloux, S. 1974. Caribbean C. 1973.Les Firms TransformaMultination. Chicago: Aldine tionales et le proces d'Internationalisa118. Mintz, S. 1977. Theso-called world systion. Paris:Maspero. 189pp. tem: Localinitiative andlocalresponse. 134.Parry, J. H. 1963.TheAgeofReconDialect. 2:253-70 naissance. Anthropol London: Weidenfeld & Ni119. Mitchell, J.C. 1956. The KalelaDance; cholson. 364pp. Aspects ofSocialRelationships P. J.1963. among 135. Pelto, The Snowmobile RevoUrbanAfricans in North Rhodesia. lution; Technology andSocialChange in Manchester: Manchester Univ.Press. theArctic. MenloPark,Calif:Cum52 pp. mings. 225 pp. K.,Arensberg, C.,Pearson, N., 120.Modelski, G. 1978.The longcycleof 136.Polanyi, state. Conglobal politics andthe nation eds. 1957. Tradeand Markets in the EarlyEmpires: in History Stud.Soc.Hist.20:214-35 Economics temp. 121.Murdock, G. P. 1937.Correlations of and Theory.New York: Praeger. matrilineal andpatrilineal institutions. 382pp. In Studies inthe Science ofSociety H. 1962. Coppertown: pre- 137.Powdermaker, toAlbert ed.G. sented TheHuman Galloway Changing Africa; Keller, Situation P. Murdock, on the Rhodesian New pp. 445-70.NewHaven: Copperbelt. York: Harper & Row.391pp. Yale Univ.Press 122.Mwaria, C. B. 1980.Household struc- 138.Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. 1940. On social ture ina changing Thecaseof structure. J.R. Anthropol. Inst. GBIrel. economy: Am. 7:1-12 at Ann.Meet. AkimbaPresented modeof Anthropol. Assoc.,78th, Washington 139.Rey,P. P. 1975.The lineage Crit. 3:27-70 production. DC Anthropol. B. R. 1978. 123. Naroll,R. 1973.Holocultural Thebases ofindustheory 140.Roberts, AnIn MainCurrents inCultural trial inHuancayo. tests. SeeRef. cooperation F. Naroll, 109,pp. 129-62 ed.R. Naroll, thropology, pp. B. R., Samaniego, 309-84. NJ:Prentice-Hall.141.Roberts, Englewood, C. 1978. 410 pp. The evolution ofpastoral villages and 124.Nash, J.1977. indevelopment: Women thesignificance reform of agrarian in and exploitation. Dev. thehighlands ofCentral Peru.SeeRef. dependency 109,pp. 241-63 8:161-82 Change 125.Nash,J. 1975.Nationalism and field- 142.Rollwagon, J. 1980.Newdirections in Ann. Rev.Anthropol. 4:225-45 urban work. an ethanthropology: Building 126.Nash, J.1975. Dependency andthe failnography andanethnology ofthe world ureoffeedback. Proc. 40th Int.Congr. Urban system. Life,pp. 370-82 Americanists, Rome, 1972, pp.507-27. 143.Root, H. 1978. The debateon the Rome:Tilgher ofthe'ModemWorld origins System': A review 127. Nash, J. 1979.Anthropology of the TheOttoman article. example. In New multinational DiStud.Soc.Hist.20:626-29 corporations. Contemp. in Political W. 1976.Rent, rections ed. 144.Roseberry, differentiaAnthropology, M. B. Leons,F. Rothstein, pp. 173tion andthedevelopment ofcapitalism 200.Westport, Am. Anthropol. Conn:Greenfield 78: amongpeasants. 128. Nash, J.1979.We Eatthe Mines andthe 45-58 A. 1975. La extension delcapiMines Eat Us:Dependency andExploi- 145.Rubbo, tationin BolivianTin Mine& New talismorural:sus efectos sobre Ias en la vallede Cauca, mujeres negras York:Columbia Univ. 362pp. Press. 129. Nash,J. 1979.Women, and the Colombia men, occidental. Estud.Andinas international division 5:119-38 of labor. Pre-
422
NASH
146.Safa, H. I. 1979. Multinationals andthe Mesoamerica. America Latina6 (4):63employment of women in developing 104 R. 1966. Socialaspects of areas. Presented at Ann. Meet.Lat. 162. Stavenhagen, Am.Stud. Assoc., agrarian in Mexico. Pittsburgh structure Soc.Res. M. D. 1958.SocialStratifica147.Sahlins, 33 (3-Autumn): 463-85 inPolynesia D., Orans, tion Seattle: Univ.Wash. 163. Strauss, M. 1976. Residence 301pp. Press. and descent, hyperdiffusional? Curr. R. F. 1962.From 148.Salisbury, Stoneto Anthropol., p. 754 Steel; EconomicConsequences A., Greenfield, of a 164. Strickon, S. M., eds. Technological in NewGuinea 1972.Structure Change and Process in Latin Victoria: MelbourneUniv. Press. AmericaAlbuquerque: Univ.N. Mex. 237pp. Press. 256pp. 149.Schneider, H. K. 1975.Economic 0. 1972. de- 165. Sunkel, BigBusiness and 'development andanthropology. Ann. Rev. pendencia'. Foreign 50:517-31 Aff: Anthropol. 166. Sunkel, 3:271-92 0. 1973. Transnational capital150.Schneider, J. 1977.Was there a preism and national disintegration. Soc. capitalistworld-system? J. Peasant Econ.Stud.22:132-76 167.Taussig, M. T. 1980. The Deviland Stud.6:20-28 151.Schneider, P. 1975.CulJ.,Schneider, inSouth Fetishism Commodity America. ture andPolitical in Western Economy Chapel Hill: Univ. North Carolina NewYork:Academic. 256 pp. Sicily. Press. 264 pp. 152.Scott, 168.Terray, E. 1972. C. 1976. Peasants, proletarianizaHistorical materialism tionand thearticulation of modesof andsegmentary societies. lineage-based production; Thecaseofsugar canecutIn Marxism and "Primitive" Societies. innorthern ters Peru1948-69. J.PeasTwoStudies, M. pp. 93-186.Transl. antStud.3:321-47 Klopper. NewYork:Monthly Rev. 153.Seddon, D. 1978. Economic an- 169.Terray, E. 1974.Longdistance trade or political Two andthe ofthe thropology formation state: economy? Thecase approaches to theanalysis ofpre-capiof the Abronkingdom of Gyaman. in theMaghred. talistformation See Econ.Soc. 3:314-45 170. Thompson, E. P. 1963. TheMaking of Ref.29,pp. 61-109 154. Sella, D. 1977. Theworld system andits the Class.NewYork: English Working Stud.6:29-32 dangers. J.Peasant Vintage. 848pp. 155.Silverman, S. 1965. Patronage andcom- 171.Trimberger, K. E. 1979. World systems in central munity-nation relationships Theproblem ofunequal analysis: develItaly. Ethnology 4:172-89 Soc. 8:101-6 opment. Theory 156. Skocpol, T. 1977.Wallerstein's E. B. 1889. world 172.Tylor, Ona method ofinvesA theoretical andhiscapitalist system: thedevelopment ofinstitution: tigating Am. J. Sociol. 82: toricalcritique. tolawsofmarriage applied anddescent. 1075-90 J. R. Anthropol. Inst. GB Irel. 18: 157.Smith, C. T. 1980.Community wealth 245-72 in general 173.Udy, S. H. Jr. 1973. Cross-cultural concentration: Comparisons evolution anddevelopment. Econ.Dev. analysis: methods Ann. andscope. Rev. Cult.Change 28:801-17 Anthropol. 2:253-70 andcon- 174.Wachtel, Domination 158.Smith, D. 1978. H. M. 1975. Classconscioustainment; an approach to modernizanessandstratification inthelabor protion. Soc.Hist.20:177Contemp. Stud. cess. In LaborMarket Segmentation, 213 ed. R. C. Edwards et al, pp. 95-122. 159.Smith, P. 1978. G. A.,Cano, Some facLexington: Heath torscontributing to peasant and land 175.Walker, P. 1979.Between Laborand in Peru:The example occupations of Boston: Capital. South End.334pp. Huasicancha 1963-68. SeeRef.109, I. 1966. pp. 176.Wallerstein, SocialChange: The 163-90 Colonial Situation. New York:Wiley, 160.Snow,R. T. 1980.The newinterna674pp. tionaldivision of laborand the U.S. 177.Wallerstein, I. 1974. in an Dependence workers: Thecaseoftheelectronics inworld: Thelimited interdependent posOccas. Pap. EastWestCent. dustry. sibilities of transformation within the Honolulu. 52 pp. worldeconomy. capitalist Afr.Stud. R. 1965.Classes,colo161.Stavenhagen, Rev. 17:1-26 nialismo I. 1974. y acculturacion; Therise sobre 178.Wallerstein, Ensayo andfuture unsistema de relaciones interetnicas en of theworld demise capitalist system:
423
analysis. 187.Wolf,E. 1959.Sons of theShaking Conceptsfor comparative Univ.Chicago Press. Comp. Stud.Soc.Hist.16:387-415 Eartk Chicago: in proof 179.Deleted 302pp. state 188. Wolf,E. 1964.Anthropology. I. 1975.Thepresent 180.Wallerstein, EngleIn on world inequality. of thedebate 113pp. woodCliffs, NJ:Prentice-Hall. andPerspec- 189. Wolf, World Origins Inequality: E. 1969.PeasantWarsof the tives ontheWorld System, ed.I. WailerNewYork: Harper Twentieth Century. stein, pp. 9-29. Montreal/Quebec: & Row.328pp. BlackRoseBooks 190.Wolfe, A. W. 1963.The African minWorld I. 1975. The Modern 181.Wallerstein, ofa supranaEvolution eralindustry. and the Agriculture System. Capitalist levelof integration. Soc. Probl. tional World Economy the European Origins of 10:153-64 Century. New York: 191.Wolfe, in theSixteenth A. W. 1977. Thesupranational 416pp. Academic. ofproduction: An evoluI. 1976.Semi-peripheral organization 182. Wallerstein, Curr.Anthropol. tionary perspective. world countries andthecontemporary 18:615-36 crisis. Theory Soc. 3:461-83 Capitalism andcheap H. 1972. The World 192.Wolpe, I. 1980. Modern 183.Wallerstein, inSouth segAfrica: from labour power II: Mercantilism Consolandthe System to apartheid. Econ. Soc. 1: regation World Econidation of theEuropean 425-56 370pp. omy. NewYork:Academic. Thetheory ofinternal H. 1975. W. 1958.Tribal Cohesion ina 193. Wolpe, 184.Watson, The SouthAfrican case. colonialism: ManManchester: MoneyEconomy. See Ref.131,pp. 229-52 246pp. chester Univ.Press. World. P. 1964.The Third Fundamental economic 194. Worseley, 185.Weeks, J.1978. Univ.Chicago Press. 317pp. Chicago: See Ref.29,pp.21-30 concepts. W.P.,Jarvenpa, R. 1980. Scots T. 1979.Marxist perspec- 195.Zenner, 186.Weisskopf, inthenorthern fur trade: a middleman In US. Capitalcrisis. on cyclical tives In Ethnic Groups, minority perspective. ism in Crisis. New York:Unionfor Breach 10.NewYork/London: 2:189-3 Econ. RadicalPolit. to Moresolutions H. G. 1977. E. 1944. Capitalism and 196.Zucher, 186a.Williams, Galton's problem.Curr.Anthropol. Slavery.Chapel Hill: Univ. North 18:117-91 285 pp. Carolina Press.

Nash 1981 Etnographic Aspects of The World Capitalist System

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Nash 1981 Etnographic Aspects of The World Capitalist System

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Ethnographic Aspects of the World Capitalist System Author(s): June Nash Reviewed work(s): Source: Annual Review of Anthropology,

ETHNOGRAPHIC ASPECTS OF THE WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

Department ofAnthropology, oftheCityUniversity ofNewYork, City College NewYork,NY 10031

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

THE WORLD SYSTEMS PARADIGM

vsMultiple ModesofProduction TheProblem of Unitary

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

TheProblem ofthePassive Periphery

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

Timeand Space in theEmergence oftheWorld Capitalist System

DEVELOPMENT, DEPENDENCY, AND UNEQUAL EXCHANGE

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

vsProductive Relations Exchange

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

Articulation of theMode(s) of Production

lationwiththe metropolitan centers. He conceivesof ". . . a whole chain

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

TheProblem oftheWidening Gap

CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN WORLD PERSPECTIVE

Case Studies Intensive

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

Weeks'terms, a prescription forsocialrelations forcapitalist underdevelop-

The concepts of economists, derived from neoclassical precepts, are,in

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

The Current StatusofStudies Cross-Cultural Comparisons:

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

COLONIALISM, IMPERIALISM, AND TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

and Imperialism Colonialism

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

industries; Female labor force participatheNewZealandMaori Wellington,

ship among the Talensi. Oxford: Oxford

tion insocial anthropology. Presidential

SocialStructure and Other Essayspp.

Industrial Revolution; Industrial Early Radicalism in Three English Towns,

71. Geertz, C. 1963.The Dutchcolonialpe-

SocialChange and Economic Modernizationin Two IndonesianTowns. Chicago: Univ.Chicago Press.162pp.

inHistorical derdevelopment Studies of

inLatin America. derdevelopment New

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

WORLD CAPITALIST SYSTEM

You might also like