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Frigga Haug Mothers in the Fatherland In spring 1987, a political document caused a stir in the Federal Republic of Germany:

the Mothers Manifesto produced by a section of women in the Green Party. Some passed on to the business of the day with a feeling of kindly satisfactionthere was no longer much to fear from the political strength of the Green women. Others set angrily to work to restore the unity of left women with a scathing critique, and yet others warned with righteous dismay of the threat of fascism and the impending extinction of Rainbow Culture. After all, the Nazi cult of motherhood is firmly fixed in historical memory. Even those who know hardly anything about the period are as familiar with the Mothers Cross as with the title of Hitlers Mein Kampf. No one wants to have anything to do with all that, except perhaps on Mothers Day, when the younger generation still shamefacedly tries to strike an uneasy balance between disavowal of the fascist legacy and a bad conscience over neglect of their mothers. But what is so alarming about the Mothers Manifesto of the Green Women, apart from the fact of mothers appearing as a political subject at all? The text itself reveals a movement still in its infancy; it is as uneven, contradictory and given to compromise as the grouping that drew it up. Frequently it is possible to grasp the intended meaning only from what it is articulated against. To that extent, a reduction of the Manifesto to one or two principal theses does it an injustice. Nonetheless, the essential point seems to me the demand for a renewal or overturning of society in the name of mother and childa society for the child at ones side. Public life is to be organized in such a way that it can accommodate children. Mothers should be able to find places where, by exchanging child-care time with other mothers, they can lead a life of their own with children. A partnership in which fathers participate in child-raising is no longer a demand, since evidently this is taking too long to become a reality. Postponed or discarded are the following goals of the womens movement: the necessity of womens paid employment; the dominance of questions of individual development and individual happiness; the reduction of the problems of motherhood to the socialization of child-raising, at least as a common task of the sexes; the emphasis on education and professional training; the question, above all, of equal rights. Priority is now attached to a direct demand for social structures which will provide a feminine sphere for mother and child. However, society will have to be transformed from its very foundations if the motherchild relationship is to be made the standard of all values. Such protest can be anti-capitalist. But the set of demands is such that it is possible to conceive of practical reforms here and now, while structural change remains a mere utopia. In this way, a great number of viewpoints can be brought together in the motherhood formula. The Mothers Manifesto is a provisional outcome of earlier struggles among Green Women and is intended to be the platform for the newly formed Arbeitsgemeinschaft (working group)which means money, delegates and political influence within the party. The trigger for the mothers movement in the Federal Republic was Chernobyl, an event of worldwide importance that had direct effects on everyday activity and was beyond the distinction between capitalism and socialism. The scandal made it evident that mothers could not discharge their allocated tasktaking care of the health of future

generationswithout governmental power of their own and without policies on technology, in short, without regulating the world as a whole. In a flash it became general knowledge that decisions about the food on the dinner-table are not made in the kitchen, and this realization took practical shape in the protest against nuclear energy. Since milk and vegetables were most affected at first, mothers literally did not know what to give their children to eat without poisoning them. The protests of the womens movement, which interpreted the destructive powers in the male intellect and in male technology as gender-specific, were still familiar. Drawing on this, the mothers outcry became a political force which for several months disrupted political meetings, events and speeches. Men, it was said, have no right whatsoever to participate in the discussion about Chernobyl, because they do not know what is at stake. As with the subsequent Mothers Manifesto, women with and without children belonged to the mothers fraction, just as there were many mothers among its alarmed opponents. It was a question of principle. It is politically absurd to question the right of an emerging movement to exist oras in a common response of the working-class movement to the new womens movementto condemn it as essentially divisive and middle class. On the other hand, it is just as questionable simply to observe events, for history demonstrates that popular movements are not necessarily emancipatory, or need not remain so. To that extent, it is an appropriate moment to study the question of women and mothers at a focal point of history, in fascism. Claudia Koonzs Mothers in the Fatherland is a really excellent starting point. [1] Her questions are addressed to history out of the womens movement; her doubts about the existing historiography are simultaneously doubts about the historical innocence of women. Her position allows her to see in the very denial of female guilt that same old male pen which continues the oppression of women in general. While the archives are full of the acts of male Nazis, she only rarely found women there, and then only as exceptions: as the mistress of a Nazi leader or a quite untypical heroine, as a pilot or as witch of Auschwitz. The actions of the millions of women who made up the everyday normality of fascism remained as nameless and faceless as ever. Koonzs book shows that such an absence to be made the standard demonstrates the fruitfulness of research guided by theory. If women were not present in the politically recognized sphere, then perhaps they were to be found where their social activity found acknowledgement: in church welfare organizations and community work. Her research was carried out in church archives and with survivors of the period. Race and Gender Koonzs principal thesis runs as follows: not race alone, but race and gender were the pillars upon which National Socialism was erected. This combination allowed an integration across, and in spite of, class barriers. Germanic life of the future, according to a contemporary communication, will be dominated by two absolute axioms: laws concerning race and laws regulating the polarity between the sexes (205). As the biological replaced historical struggles over the relations of production, it was relatively simple, on the basis of the existing biological difference between men and women, to legitimate the same kind of distinction in the question of race. The aim was to expel Jews from political society. This thesis is both provocative and productive. It leads on to her

central question: How was it possible to gain the consent of millions of women to a politics and an ideology which were profoundly hostile to women? Koonz is determined to discover women as actors in historyeven if on the wrong side and not as mere victims of male violence. Using the example of fascism to draw out the fundamental role of gender relations in the reproduction of domination, she thus sets out to search for witnesses from the past. As has already been mentioned, she finds nothing significant in the archives. In a womens bookshop in Berlin, however, she chances upon Frauen im Dritten Reich (Women in the Third Reich), a book by Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, Reichsfrauenfhrer (Reich Womens Leader), reprinted, without commentary, in a new edition. That it appeared to be a book written by a woman for women was enough for the bookshop to take an interest in its dissemination. This experience helped to form Koonzs approach and the nature of her questions. To what extent, she asked, is the feminist movement, through its discussions, demands and perspectives, pursuing a project of liberation which is truly resistant to the crimes of fascism? In other words, has the contemporary womens movement learned enough from history? The relationship of women to state, politics and public life becomes the strategic pivot of Koonzs work. The main body of the book opens with a quotation from Marx on the contradiction between public and private, which is the foundation of the state, and a further one from Virginia Woolf, which sees the tyrannies and the servilities of the one sphere in the other. It is prefaced by an interview with Reich Womens Leader ScholtzKlink forty years after. Here too the politically documented life of an individual can be read symptomatically. Scholtz-Klink, who was placed above millions of other women, was absent from the Nazi Whos Who until 1936 and from British documentation of senior Nazi figures (182). She seems to have altered her views as little as her book has been subject to criticism. Margaret Thatcher does not seem to her a solution to the women question, nor does the way in which the new womens movement denigrates the life of the housewife. On the contrary, what is required is to seek out women in their everyday lives and to strengthen them there, as housewives and mothers. Behind this rejection of the new womens movement (insofar as it does not itself relate to mothers) can be seen the movement of the Weimar period, against which the National Socialist articulation of the womens question was directed. Koonz first of all points to the soil on which Nazism flourished: the new beginning of Weimar and the economic crisis; first steps towards womens liberation; hope and mass unemployment, war. Weimar, according to her, was an unparalleled cultural blossoming, manifested in Nobel prizes, literature and art and above all in the feminism of the cities, in womens education and an image of the new woman which has been influential up to the present day: autonomous, successful, sexually liberated, socialist. This inventory makes the question as to how it was possible for the new woman to be replaced by the Nazi-mother all the more acute. Her answer is a little too abridged: given Germanys late industrialization these women were exotic forerunners (178). The majority of the population of the country was poor, a large part was rural. Women were conservative. They saw emancipated women as an evil contributing to Germanys decline. The promise of participation in the salvation of Germany called forth a response from female reactionaries. For more liberal women there was, in addition, disappointment over the political defeat of Weimar emancipation and the struggle over scarce jobs with men

coming home from the war. Given this set of conditions, the National Socialist revival was successful because it emphasized two essential elements: self-activity of the masses and anti-Communism. Koonz quotes a number of speeches, texts and slogans which unambiguously demonstrate that under National Socialism women were intended to do no more than live at a mans side, or rather, behind him, strengthening his combative spirit, keeping a warm home and bearing children for the nation. An exemplary collection of maxims could be put together from Hitlers speeches and writings, justifying the strength of the German male in terms of the womans natural weakness and need for protection. Koonz explains the enthusiasm of millions of women for his project as due to the practical social importance now accorded the activities which they carried out anyway. To be a mother for the Fatherland, to save Germany, to put an end to wantthe ideals interlocked, became synonymous with being a woman. Consequently, politics, military affairs and science could be left to men, because hearth and home did not simply promise women something private but made the familiar world of the private itself a public sector. The disturbing and simultaneously convincing aspect of Koonzs book is that she demonstrates how the effectiveness of the fascist project was based on a radical division of societys total productive labour into gender-specific spheres. Household, culture, childraising, psychology and social work on the side of women; politics, military matters, science on that of men. The Realm of Women Non-interference and the cultivation of difference between the sexesthese were at once a promise and a practice on the basis of which women could erect their own realm, sufficiently free and autonomous for its explicit subordination to the male sphere not to weigh so heavily. The movement gripped housewives, white-collar workers and peasant women in all parts of the country. Koonz showsthrough case-studies and from the work of four National Socialist agitatorsthat up to the point of the seizure of power itself, millions of women were carried along by the enthusiasm of doing something important together, without ever becoming members of the party. (The nsapds female membership was approximately five per cent of the total in 1932.) The author is able to establish that it was precisely the absence of a coherent womens project within the Nazi Party which gave the many agitators within the Partys area of influence the latitude and autonomy which allowed the movement to develop organically. Nevertheless, individual convictions were quite diverse, fusing atheism and Fhrer-cult or else God and Fhrer, organized Christians and women workers, traditional anti-intellectualism or a valuing of education, and so on. Common to all was the enthusiasm for a specific womens sphere, for motherhood as the feminine contribution to the national community. Women developed their own strategies (collectively buying a sewing-machine and sewing flags, or clothes for the poor); they had their own newspapers; women believed themselves to be the stable element in the masculine total renewal, they were the ones who picked up the thread of life (71). They left politics to the men, because they had more important things to do, they fed the holy flame of motherhood; at last they could call one another sisters (87). Womens special spiritual powers, rather than equality, were to be developed (142). The proposition that women are anyway more fundamental to the community, because they live the community, whereas men are involved in egoistic competition (88), is also to be found once more in our contemporary womens

movement. Koonz gives a convincing account of the creation of a vast Nazi womens organization. It combines extensive study of sourceselectoral statistics, public speeches, laws, correspondencewith close attention to tradition and culture. Guided by theory without being dogmatic, she points to the sources of individual dimensions and to the kind of soil on which they become productive. We learn in passing that a population policy which crucially honoured and rewarded mothers did not originate under National Socialism but had existed in France since 1920 as well as in Stalins Soviet Union (149)but at the same time she allows us to understand the peculiar mixture which became explosive in Nazism. A further important idea is that domination does not become potent in a simple relationship of cause and effect, but depends on the binding together, the coalescence, of already existing elements. Hitler as campaigner derived his power from his ability to mobilize people to do what they had wanted to do in the first place. His art consisted of sharpening what already existed in a way that was effective with the masses, of releasing their energy (751)what today we would call populism. Koonz also presents material to show how Hitlers ideological war-leadership depended on a constant alternation between feminine and masculine dimensions of the social, in gesture, enunciation and vocabulary: the masculine will leading a weak nation, the hands of a virgin imploring heaven for help against the Jewish vipers, etc. She calls his mode of address emotional transvestism (67). The centre of Koonzs book is not womens hysterical enthusiasm at the sight of Hitler, a perspective familiar from many studies, but the conviction they showed in carrying out ordinary daily tasks. In her view, the commitment to motherhood could remain effective as a historical programme so long as its practical fulfilment was not itself tested on a large scale: among young people, while camping, and in the sport and health programmes for girls; in the experience of female comradeship; and in the numerous public activities of womens groups. Here she discerns the first contradiction. The traditional rural family which inspired the Nazi ideal, and in whose name the mother had become a heroine, no longer existedindeed, its last remnants were simultaneously being eliminated by Nazi policies (178). Millions of women, men and young people engaged in public activity in order once more to propagate the family as a perspective. The glue which was supposed to hold the pieces together was the explosive blowing them apart. At the same time, the ideological foundation was fissured: expansion, especially in the armaments sector, required women in the factories. Blessed Motherhood turned into the usual hybrid as working mothers sacrificed themselves for Fhrer and Fatherland. In sober figures that meant that in the second half of the thirties more women were in paid employment than during the Weimar Republic, although they now almost entirely occupied subordinate positions and consistently earned only half of what men were paid for the same job (198). After Hitler was installed in power, a struggle broke out over the womens leadership. Koonz argues that only a pragmatic woman, an obedient maid-servant who did not dispute mens authority or wish to avail herself of political power, who placed herself under the protection of a man and, above all, who had no womens programme of her own, was the only possible occupant of this position in a National Socialism which foresaw no political role for women. Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, who had come late to the Nazis and had not participated in the enthusiastic womens mobilization, was perfect for this role. Whereas the other women leaders disappeared, Scholtz-Klink remained almost

unchallenged at the top, or rather on that subordinate elevation which a Reichsfrauenfhrer could attain. Religion and the Nazi Regime While the material is presented clearly and authoritatively up to this point, Koonz is less persuasive when she tackles the depressing question why the many independently active women not only committed themselves to being mothers for the Fatherland, but also supported the persecution of the Jews and helped carry forward the Nazis racial policies. [2] The active consent of many women was required for the notification of hereditary defects, as it was for the exclusion of Jews from circles of friends and acquaintances (143 passim). Koonzs tenacious search for the banality of evil in womens everyday lives is certainly correct, but her theoretical explanation that what counted now was the consolidation of a good inner world against an evil outer one, sounds flat and questionable (191). She fails to explain how in the shape of life itself, in the acceptance of the womans sphere, the contradictionshere between love and hatemaintain an unstable but viable balance. Now Koonz shifts to the different and important terrain of the attitude of the churches, and especially of religious women, to National Socialism. In fact, this is just another view of the same question, since at the beginning of National Socialism approximately 95 per cent of the population were Protestant or Catholic (227). She sketches Hitlers tense relationship with organized religion, from Concordat to the attempt to unite both confessions in a single state church, and thereby gains a yardstick for judging the resistances within the church itself as a struggle for autonomy (e.g. in the shape of the Confessing Church) and not, for example, against the persecution of the Jews (231). [3] According to the same pattern she demonstrates that the vast majority of Protestant womenespecially their leadersrecognized their own anti-emancipatory values, as well as their anti-communism, in Nazism and, given a degree of autonomy, were willing to comply with them. (Even words like spiritual rebirth and frequent reference to fate were current in Protestantism.) The potential compassion of religion had disappeared in the melting pot of a traditional scheme of values. Industrialization, modernism, womens emancipation, sexual liberation and atheism were to be brought to a halt. To the church authorities motherhood appeared to be a good and stable alternative to these threats (231). Conclusion: the Protestant Church was opportunist because it inhabited a polarity of Christian nationalism and socialist atheism (263); it never really resisted and never quite surrendered. During the course of his fight against the Protestant Church, however, Hitlers tone changed from solicitous bridegroom to killer (263). Catholic women were more resistant to Nazism than the Protestants. Koonz assumes that the cult of the Virgin Mary gave women a strong identity and that their unconditional faith and obedience prevented their institutional networks from negotiating independently or making alliances with Nazi womens groups (267ff.). These explanations are somewhat laboured, since ultimately the contrast that Koonz draws between Catholic and Protestant women goes no further than a relative autonomy of the two groups. Even the initial demand of Catholic women, not to limit womens rights to motherhood alone, but to extend them to employment as well, is left out of account. The refusal to include racial hygiene in courses for mothers appears only once (279). According to the author, Catholic women were culturally accustomed to misogyny through Biblical tradition; their

conservative values meant that their politics was not incompatible with National Socialism; but life also belonged to their values whatever suspicions there were of its genetic make-up. For all the centralism of the Church, Hitlers agreement with the Pope never led Catholic women to pursue the Nazification of their institutions. So their structure was potentially resistant to state incorporation. Women leaders whose lives had been dedicated to organization-building used every means at their disposal to preserve these networks, and they looked to the church hierarchy as their fortress against Nazi paganism (280). Nevertheless, Koonz is surprised how little either womens group had used their organizations for resistance. At the same time she suspects that women responded altogether more quickly either with resistance or at least with a sense of fear, because the reproduction policies of the Nazis directly affected womens lives. She describes the protests against a limited biological conception of motherhood and against the call from within Catholic ranks to dissolve the womens organizations. Fifty years later such passages might have been framed more convincingly if the author had more strongly emphasized the state-oriented and reactionary role of the Catholic Church in history, instead of expressing surprise that a great institution whose banners bear the word humanity has all too little to show when it is really needed. Koonz sums up finally that while each individual act of resistance was courageous, it remained relatively ineffectual and that it was precisely womens strength that was their weakness. After all, they assented to a structure which accorded them a distinct womens sphere. Resistance, when it did arise, was directed against attacks on the boundaries of this sphere, not towards society as a whole. Forms of Resistance In the chapters on resistance, Koonz recounts the fates of individual women: their work, at first in open groups, then underground, abroad, their arrest, their execution. Their names form a chainwomen who courageously did the obvious when the obvious was outrageous, and were murdered because of it. To learn about them is heartening because they bear witness that resistance was possible; their life-stories are also horrifying and crippling because they show that resistance was impossible. Koonz turns her attention to this contradiction. She reminds us that the great institutions from which the resistance fighters cameprincipally Communists, but also Socialists and Catholicsdid not call for organized resistance against Hitler. The HitlerStalin Pact and the Concordat with the Pope even tied down the enormous international power which these institutions should have had at their command. The consequence was individual heroism without strategy, creating countless martyrs. The author examines these womens acts, about which the history books have, as usual, little or nothing to say. She searches through the court files and does indeed find fewer women than men among those sentenced (a relationship of roughly 1:5). She investigates what counted as an act of resistance. Her conclusion: because of social prejudice about their position and character, women were particularly suited to the dangerous and important work of passing on information. Their coffee parties allowed them to meet without arousing suspicion; prams and shopping bags were convenient means of transport. The view that women were above all mothers, capable of expressing warmth but not provided with great intelligence, meant that it was some time before the security

organs paid any attention to them. [4] She concludes that the womens resistance network was closer and more effective than historians describe. Besides passing on information, their work consisted of looking after people on the run and aiding escape in general. What they did seemed just as self-evident to them as the fact that they said no to Nazism at all. It was only from ex-Nazis and from so-called internal exiles that she heard appeals to values, morality and an abstract ethics. Strangely, Koonz asserts that the history of the Jews under fascism has been erased from collective memory and historical work, in contrast to the persecution of Communists and Socialists. I was a pupil at a girls Gymnasium after the war, and the only thing we did learn about fascism was the persecution of the Jews, whereas the elimination of virtually the whole leadership of the working class was wrapped in silence. And that has always seemed to me symptomatic of the history of the construction of the Federal Republic. The materials presented in the chapter on Jewish womenthe lengthy hesitation, the disbelief among middle-class Jews at the racial decrees, and the delay before the persecutors turned their attention directly to Jewish womenare well known. Koonz indicates both the hesitations and the possibilities open to those who had enough money or sufficiently influential relatives to enable them to escape, and the fate of the nameless, who had to remain and die. She sketches some individual lives and explains that Jewish women had far less influence in a masculine world than any other group and that consequently their absence from the archives could hardly be compensated by other forms of research. Instead, an interview with an Auschwitz survivor takes the place of a more general reconstruction. My disappointment concerns the nature of the theoretical approach, a requirement that probably does not do justice to the work of a historian. Koonz has brought the material together and presented it in a way that makes a strategic critique possible. But she does not produce this critique. She demonstrates that the great womens organizations particularly those of the churchesfailed in the face of fascism, not least because the conception and practice of culturally distinct womens spheres, with motherhood and family at their centre, suited them. She shows that the organizations of the working class failed, not only because international opposition had been blunted by the HitlerStalin Pact, but also because they recognized far too late the threat of a politics which did not deal in terms of class and property, but whose whole propaganda effort was directed towards the sphere of reproductiontowards the reproduction of a pure, healthy race. This politics was oriented towards womens everyday lives; it elevated them by drawing their activities into the public sphere, and degraded them because at the same time they remained in subordinate and biologically determined areas. The elevation meant that they did not experience fascism only as a threat, and that organized resistance, the only kind which could have been successful, did not take place. In her final reflections Koonz concentrates on the peculiar role which the family played in Nazism: as the football of a politics grounded on race and gender, it was both a private space which protected individuals from public life and a field of state penetration. Here Koonz appears to be arguing for greater privateness. If the author had included the economic sphere, or even the role of the large companies, in her account of the development of fascism, her analysis would have pointed in another direction. Her material suggests that neglect and underestimation of the spheres occupied by women are likely to result in defeat for socialist forces if these spheres themselves

become central political factors. To conceive the relationship between the sexes itself, especially in the context of the general division of labour within society, as the basis of the reproduction of domination, throws further light on the possibility and the perpetuation of fascism. The continuation of gender-specific spheres can function as a reference-system: what is absent in one area does not have to be claimed there, but can be anticipated in others and perhaps even lived in them. In this way, hopes for the society as a whole are confined within the womens spheresa situation which protects each individual man from social transformation, just as it makes each individual woman guilty, and so can secure her obedience. Koonzs feminist approach teaches us, without itself drawing such a conclusion, that womens protest against fascism would have consisted of joining together the spheres politically; the sphere of reproduction should neither be abandoned, nor merely be given public recognition. Its tasks have to be articulated in a political context and distributed as work for the whole of society irrespective of gender, but in relationship to other tasks. Every gender-specific solution shifts the relationship of the production and administration of the means of life into a kind of natural tension so that in the end even the destruction of the environment, and toxins in food appear as male acts and not as the logical consequence of a mode of production which is indifferent to life itself. To relate this specific indifference to the racial policies of fascism reveals what is reactionary about the separation of the sexes as the basis for policies of domination. It makes it possible to study the specific capitalist underpinning of fascism, without thereby neglecting the question of gender. Conclusions What lessons can be learned from Koonzs book for the dispute about the Mothers Manifesto? It would certainly be unreasonable to take the experience of fascism and to apply it without taking the socio-economic context into consideration. It is also questionable to cry fascism whenever mothers play a socio-political role at all. They do so in every country in which population policies become important. They also do so in religion and in the hopes of nations for a better collective life. Undoubtedly, energies promoting both stability and change are explosively condensed in the mother figure. Its confinement wthin the private is reactionary under any circumstances; its entry into the political is a welcome step. Koonz also teaches us that it is not individual elements but only the conjunction of several factors that is dangerous. One such conjunction was the genderspecific division of labour, its elevation in the values associated with the mother figure and the family and the promulgation of these areas as the cultural, feminine sphere the consequence being a more or less forced renunciation of womens employment and its subordination to the male political sphere. Here, at least, the Mothers Manifesto is unambiguous. It presents demands which, starting from needs experienced in everyday life, imply changes and upheavals in society as a whole. But there is also this withdrawal into a feminine motherly sphere, in which mothers seek to cultivate a sheltered public zone. Not only the experience of fascism but the whole crisis-ridden history of capitalism teaches us that such a separation, upheld by the relationship between the sexes, allows energies which are resistant, and oriented towards a future community, to fizzle out internally. So instead of struggling to make public the traditional feminine sphere, we should formulate a politics which places the whole civilization model of contemporary

capitalism in question. It cannot be our aim to separate off the male-based centrality of production organized for profit by a withdrawal to feminine productive activities and areas of responsibility. Rather, the time has come to review again the whole social division of labour, and as its crises come to a head, to organize it differently. The pragmatic demand for the reduction of working hours might be a starting-point, one which would at least allow us to discuss the redistribution of aggregate labour among all members of society, while simultaneously incorporating lessons learned in the womens movement and the debate on motherhood as a conscious part of our strategy. A second step would be the establishment of gender quotas for all workplaces, associations and areas of political activity. This apparently harmless and reformist demand for an equal share in society by the sexes in fact undermines all the taken-for-granteds that secure domination. It is therefore a precondition for any fundamental transformation of society. And it should at last be possible to include the political, the responsibility for the social whole, in everyones normal working time. Such a movement, drawing on the initiative of every member of society, would prevent us being stuck with a voiceless do-it-yourself, a situation familiar from fascism and once more of direct concern today. [1] Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family and Nazi Politics, Jonathan Cape 1987 (hbk.), Methuen 1988 (pbk.) [2] Cf. W.F. Haugs analyses in Die Faschisierung des brgerlichen Subjekts. Die Ideologie der gesunden Normalitt und die Ausrottungspolitiken im deutschen Faschismus, Argument Sonderband, West Berlin 1986. [3] A careful analysis of the behaviour of the churches is offered by Jan Rehmann, Die Kitchen im NS-Staat, Argument Sonderband, 1986. [4] The special suitability of women for underground work, precisely because of their political exclusion, is a theme explored in literary form in Brechts The Mother. See also Ruth Werners Autobiogaphie einer Spionin. Sonjas Report, Berlin, gdr 1977. In her view, children provided the best cover.

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