Journal of Contemporary Ethnography http://jce.sagepub.

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The Subculture of Serious Artists in a Maximum Security Prison

Cynthia Baroody-Hart and Michael P. Farrell Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 1987 15: 421 DOI: 10.1177/089124168701500306 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jce.sagepub.com/content/15/3-4/421

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This article presents findings from an ethnographic study of the art world of "serious artists" in a maximum security prison. The study is based on extensive interviews with inmate-artists and guards, both alone and in groups, and direct observation of the settings in which inmates "do art." We find that "serious artists" are disproportionately older, white, long-term prisoners who adopt a strategy of withdrawal into a network of friends to escape the psychological and physical stresses of dealing with the guards and the more violent inmates. Becoming a "serious artist" involves a career that includes passage through the prison art program, sales within prison, recognition by established artists, sales to outside organizations that sponsor prison art, and, finally, sales at public art shows. Each advance in the career provides access to more resources, especially self-esteem and money, which frees the inmate from the prison economy. Recognition by the network of serious artists facilitates a career by providing access to exchange of supplies, criticism, information about markets, and socialization into skills of dealing with the guards and dangerous inmates.

THE SUBCULTURE OF SERIOUS ARTISTS IN A MAXIMUM SECURITY PRISON

CYNTHIA BAROODY-HART MICHAEL P. FARRELL
PRISONERS MUST CONTEND with at least two sources of stress-those imposed by the guards and other institutional authorities, and those imposed by other inmates. The dehumanizing and disculturating effects of the prison bureaucracy are well known (Goffman, 1961). Stresses from other inmates have intensified in recent years due to (1) rising racial tensions, (2) gang wars aimed at gaining control of the informal prison economy, and (3) overcrowding of prisons. Assault, homicide, homosexual rape,
AUTHORS NOTE: We are listed in alphabetical order to reflect our equal contributions to this article. We wish to acknowledge the helpful comments by inmate artists, anonymous reviewers, and Robert M. Emerson on earlier drafts of this article.
URBAN LIFE, Vol 15 Nos 3 and 4, January 1987 421-448 @ 1987 Sage Publications, Inc

421

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and

exploitation are relatively common occurrences in prison (Sykes, 1958; Jones, 1976; Fuller et al., 1977; Sylvester et al., 1977; Bowker, 1982; Irwin, 1980; Lerner, 1984). There are a variety of strategies of accommodation used by prisoners to adapt to these guard and inmate sources of stress. The strategies, which combine elements of Goffmans colonization, withdrawal, and rebellion, vary in the degree to which they require accommodation tothe larger population of other inmates or to the guards. Some inmates choose or are pressured into joining the racially segregated gangs that have emerged in the last decade. The gangs provide a measure of protection from attack by other prisoners and some access to desired resources. This strategy, with its demands of loyalty and exclusive association with gang
members, is
more an on

accommodation that makes the inmate dependent other inmates. Other prisoners, such as jailhouse lawyers, choose a strategy that places them in a network of colleagues who provide valued services to other inmates. This strategy provides a means to earn income and respect, and, because the services are valued, it reduces the likelihood of attack; but it requires mastery of a body of knowledge, and it requires skill at dealing in the prison economy with potentially dangerous clients (Farrell and Hart-Baroody, 1985). Other strategies involve elements of what Irwin (1980) calls withdrawal-enmeshing the self in a small network of trusted friends, exchanging resources only within that network, and minimizing contact with the larger population. Although some networks that use the withdrawal strategy achieve a balanced distance from both inmates and guards,1 others make the prisoner more dependent upon the guards for resources. As the prisoner develops commitment to a niche 2 and needs to cultivate the guards for resources, he is likely to develop strategies for

cultivating and maintaining their goodwill. To maintain that goodwill, he is likely to behave in a more orderly and conforming manner. This article describes and analyzes an

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example

of a guard-dependent, withdrawal strategy of accommodation-the subculture of &dquo;serious artists&dquo; in a maximum security prison. Since most serious artists became artists after going to prison, they are not simply transferring to the prison a subculture from the outside, as Jacobs (1977) argues is true of exploitive gangs. Furthermore, they are not simply &dquo;gleaning&dquo; skills (Irwin, 1970) that will be useful on the outside; men who are released and subsequently returned to prison report that they do not paint while outside. Thus, the niche of serious artist seems to be a situationally
as a means to

motivated strategy of accommodation that inmates adopt reduce the threats and deprivations of

imprisonment.
METHODS
The research reported here was conducted in 1981 at a maximum security state prison that holds approximately 2000 male inmates. Data were collected using semistructured interviews and direct observation on a &dquo;snowball sample&dquo; of artists. The initial objective of the study was to describe ethnographically the subculture of art in prison. Craft workers, photographers, artists, and guards were interviewed in order to get oriented to the range of prisoners artistic activities. These initial interviews revealed the division of artists into those who were known as &dquo;serious artists&dquo; (approximately 15) and other inmates who were said to be &dquo;doing art&dquo; (approximately 200). All serious artists were located by asking guards and each artist to name the serious artists. Interviews with serious artists were then tape recorded using a semistructured interview schedule that focused on the artists career, his interactions with guards, other artists, other prisoners, and people outside the prison, the structure of his days and weeks, and the style and content of his work. Whenever possible, information obtained from artists was cross-checked

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other artists. All serious artists were interviewed both alone (three hours) and in groups (three hours) as a further attempt to corroborate reports. Observations and interviews took place in a vacant classroom, the art program and photography classrooms, the sales office, and the cell blocks. Over 100 photographs of the artists work were taken, as well as several photographs of their work settings. Guards, teachers, and administrators were interviewed in offices, lunch counters, local bars, private homes, and in prison corridors, where much time was spent waiting for security clearance. Information about the prisoners records were obtained from administrators. Other data were obtained from the inmate newspaper, inmate records, and official publications of the prison. In the following pages, we will first present data illustrating the saliency of the theme of withdrawal as it emerged in the interviews with serious artists. Then we will describe in turn the typical career ladder of serious artists, and the subcultural network of inmate artists and the rewards and constraints of their art world. Finally, we will present our findings on the types of men likely to choose this adaptation to prison.

against information from interviews with guards and

SERIOUS ART AS A WITHDRAWAL STRATEGY

example of what Irwin adaptive strategy that insulates an inmate from the intrigues of the larger population as well as some of the more disturbing aspects of prison bureaucracy. Although serious artists, when engrossed in their work, manifest elements of what Goffman (1961) has called &dquo;situational withdrawal,&dquo; the withdrawal adaptation described by Irwin fits more exactly what we
an

The serious artist subculture is

(1980) has called &dquo;withdrawal,&dquo;

an

observed. It includes a social dimension in that a network of men keep their distance from the general population and

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limit exchanges to trusted friends. Virtually allof the serious artists expressed intense awareness of the dehumanization of prison routines and the threats of violence and exploitation from other inmates. These sources of stress are strong motives for beginning to paint and for continuing after

having begun. For example, when asked to tell about his experience of prison, one inmate describes his feelings about the loss of identity:
Im so sick of this place. There are gas guns all over. Im sick of the people-dope fiends, creeps. The halls are gray. Youre a number. Everybody and everything is a number. You go to the package room to mail something-by number. You arent a name, a person, youre a piece of meat. You line up to eat like so many people going to slaughter.

In addition to the deindividuation processes, the artists express their sense of mortification during the episodes in which staff act out their dominance. An inmate describes the rituals that underline his subordination:
We have to stand for the morning count.I find this really galling.I have to stand like Im paying this guy homage cause he can count. Now, a number of us have talked to the grievance [inmate grievance committee] about this. They mentioned it to the warden. So, he gets on the PA system and says: &dquo;Standing for the count is necessary. There may be a guy whos dead or deathly sick in his cell and we wouldnt be aware of it unless everybody is up.&dquo; This is the story. They arent concerned whether we are alive or dead; thats crap. Hes doing it because thats what the hacks [guards] want. Its a form of reprisal for what happened in the mess hall that time. The hacks want to keep us in our place. NowI certainly wouldnt be sitting on the edge of my bed or drinking a cup of coffee or painting and be deadright ? You see what I mean? Im sitting there writing a letter or painting and they yell &dquo;Count!&dquo; I have to drop everything and just stand there like this [he stands slump-shouldered,

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his sides] and wait just so the hack can walk by and mumble.I got to go through all this and sit back down-and that galls me. Great way to start your day, yeah?
arms at

The unpredictability is another factor that motivates to seek a niche:

Theres

a man

always tensions in prison. You always have some officer and some lousy scheming inmates. I stay my dog distance from the guards.I dont like them, you know? Im in here for a reason. &dquo;Leave me alone and Ill leave you alone,&dquo; thats my attitude.I dont want to bother with them. Theyll cross you in a minute. Theyll come in taughin and jokinthe next minute theyre all down your throat. One day youre all goody, happy and gay-the next day, theyre ready to write somebody up for something minor.

The desire to keep their distance from other inmates is apparent even in the previously cited quotes where artists are talking about guards. But most artists are more explicit about the sense of threat from other inmates and the desire to withdraw from them:
bunch of convicted felons-some older, are retarded, low IQs, you know. Its dangerous. Its like the ghetto, worse, in fact-fighting, drugs, whatever. All packed in under prison conditions. Difficult!?I cant stand it! Maybe its becauseI live here 24 hours a day.I cant,I wont deal with these people anymore. Its gettin worse and worse.
a

Put youself in with

most

younger-most

Even though their work can be used for exchange in the prison economy, the artists fear the possibility of becoming entangled in the exploitive and violent relationships there:
You dont want to sellinside. People get to owing you money and they dont want to pay; then, youre going to have to do something. Selling inside is just too many hassles. You gotta go drop your prices. Its crazy-too many hassles!

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A long-term prisoner describes his sense of alienation from even the more mundane aspects of life in the larger population:
IfI had a little corner thatI could crawl into, Id crawl into it. The yard bores the shit out of me. Im tired of hearing people talking-ego tripping-fantasy time. Im tired of the junkies. There are not very nice kinds of people in prison.I dont know how to describe it, but they bore the shit out of me. I dont play cards. Im not interested in sports or anything like that. The yard is like standing around tellinthe same old lies you told yesterday and expectin everybody to believe it. Who needs it? They talk about their life stories and blow them out of proportion. They make themselves out to be superheroes. If they shot a bag of dope, it was two pounds. Then, too, Ive been in prison since I was 17 and there are a lot of experiences Ive never had. Theres nothing for me to talk about, except prison life. So, as a result, I dont want to talk at all. So thats the trouble around here. The yard dont interest me.

Although these inmates clearly desired to withdraw from the main activities of the convict world, this adaptation is not usually an individualistic one. As Irwin observes (1980: 197-206), those who choose this strategy for dealing with the stresses of their environment are likely to be embedded in a network of like-minded friends.
STAGES OF THE SERIOUS ARTISTS CAREER

Typically, serious artists do not see themselves as highly talented amateurs before beginning to paint. Rather, their desire to &dquo;do art&dquo; emerges out of a search for some means to make &dquo;doing time&dquo; less burdensome. One artist reports that he chose to do art after he felt he had exhausted his attempts to find ways to be released by using lawyers and the law library. Once he had resigned himself to accepting that he was going to be in for a while, he began to look for

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activity that would make the stay easier to endure. Some stumble across drawing as a means of distracting themselves. One inmate states:
some

got hooked whenI was locked up in Elmira. Twenty-four hour-a-day lock-up.I had a magazine, one piece of paper, and a pencil stub and thats what started me sketching; some
woman

in the

magazine advertising

window.

Another states:

J
r

I got started whenI was on death row.... Priest kept comin in and talking. It was OK. I was a real nervous wreck. He was the one that suggested thatI start sketchin. It helped a lot. Its calming.

But simply having the desire and sketching on ones own does not get one far along the career ladder. Once a man develops the desire to &dquo;do art,&dquo; he must pass through a process of socialization to achieve legitimation of the identity of serious artist. The first step is to complete the art program class. Some of the serious artists never drew or painted before taking the class, which they chose to do simply as a way to pass time or be with friends. Very few of those who take the class go on to become serious artists.
The only way to get started in here is in the art class. Unless you transfer in with all yourequipment. Then they [the staff] know youre an artist. The beginners in the class are there to pass the time. Its an easy job assignment. When you begin youre not really serious about it. The guys there just do it to pass the time.

Looking back, those that did become serious artists see the art program as an extension of the larger prison population from which they have subsequently withdrawn:
art program] is just a dumping ground. The class is A lot of hell raising; you cant get nothing done in there. Put yourself in a class with 40 convicted felons. They

[the noisy.

It

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just throw those guys in there. They have no talent. They just dont give a damn about art. There are things to steal for trade. Thats what they want. Palette knives-thats the big one. Or theyll steal paint and trade for cigarettes, favors, whatever. They run around in there like cockroaches and play-make &dquo;pretty&dquo; pictures and send them home or trade them for a lousy carton of cigarettes.
The second step in the aspiring artists career is to display and sellhis work for smallamounts at the hobby shop sales office in the prison. In addition to paintings done in art classes, the hobby shop displays and sells leather, wood, glass paintings, and other craft products. Buyers include other inmates and a few guards. Most beginners who sell through this outlet never move beyond this stage. Serious artists view these beginners with disdain, since most are using their artistic skills primarily to better their standing within the prison economy. Many use their work as a medium of exchange, acquiring supplies and other commodities from other inmates. Selling paintings to guards, other
or through the sales shop are no longer valued after a man becomes recognized as a serious artist, but for a novice these outlets are a means to obtain income, build a reputation, and possibly move on to a better niche. Again, the withdrawal theme is apparent in the reactions of one artist to those who are at this career stage:

inmates,

There are other guys who do art here, I guess you could call it art. These are the glass painters. These guys are all over the place. A few have some talent. But they got a long way to go. But theyre too much into other things besides art. Theyre too much into prison, you know whatI mean?

An important step in consolidating the identity of serious artist is to be recognized as an artist by the guards, which an inmate can achieve by accumulating a body of work, selling to other inmates or to people outside, or, in some cases, doing a painting for a guard. Once the guards accept a man as a serious artist, he is more likely to be given access

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to

supplies and less likely to have his equipment confiscated during periodic inspections. More will be said about these privileges when we discuss constraints and
resources.

Full consolidation of the identity requires acceptance by the network of serious artists. In several cases a more advanced artist plays the part of mentor in the transformation of a beginner into a serious artist. Serious artists, with their orientation toward a withdrawal strategy, are always wary of con artists looking to exploit them; but under the right conditions an established artist will allow a beginner to attempt to achieve legitimation under his direction.
A glass painter, D., that locks in the next company, asked me to help him. He sketches. Wants to get away from all the glass painting shit. SoI said, &dquo;OK.&dquo; If it is someone who has an interest in it and is sincere, Ill take him under my wing, so to speak. You get a lot of guys who say, &dquo;Id like to learn, can you teach me?&dquo;I say, &dquo;Well ...&dquo; Theyre just talking, all the time youre getting down to business, and theyre off somewhere else. Its not for everybody. you know. This guy D., hes doing all right. Hes working at it.

The mixture of wariness and willingness to help under the right conditions is apparent in the story of how one serious artist moved beyond beginner status:
This guy tricked me into painting. He was an artist in the cell next to mine at the Tombs.I asked him to do a painting of me. He handed me a panel board and said, &dquo;Look, you know how to sketch a little bit. Do a sketch of yourself.&dquo;I did and whenI was done with it, I said, &dquo;What do you think of it?&dquo; He said, &dquo;Damn, thats pretty good. Listen, do me a favor. Im busy. Heres some brushes and paints. Just put in the rough colors. This goes here and that goes there.&dquo; He helped me along the way. Next thingI know, ! was painting.I wouldnt give his stuff back to him.I got hooked.

In

group mterview
as

one

artist discussed his criteria for

acting

mentor to a

beginner:

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431

if some fellow had a certain amount of background and knew the basics,I might look over his stuff and if they were done over a period of time-not just last night. Lets just say, for example, somebody like-[agreement f rom the group].I could see hes been working along on it and see the progress in his work.I would, most likely, help him along.

steps in the serious artists career come when he sells paintings on the outside, but even here there are

The final

gradations of success. One way to sell outside is through organizations like PACE (Prisoners Accelerated Creative Exposure), a national organization that specializes in selling the work of prison artists. Although many serious artists use
this outlet, the most valued outlets are nonprisoner art shows and dealers. Both types of outlets require making contact through the mail. To be recognized as an artist, not just a prison artist, is the final step in the career of the serious artist. One might think that those who reach this final stage would continue their careers after leaving prison. However, one of the most accomplished artists, who had been released and rearrested prior to being interviewed, reported that he never painted on the outside. Another artist who has been released since being interviewed also is not painting. It seems that at least for these men, their careers as artists begin and end in prison.

THE ART WORLD OF THE SERIOUS ARTIST

REWARDS OF THE NICHE

the

Having achieved validation by serious artists and guards, aspiring inmate artist finds himself in an art world (Becker, 1982) in which he is able to gain access to resources that facilitate his work. Once recognized by the guards as a serious artist, he may find it easier to be placed

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the honor block. To be placed on honor block requires that a man stay free of discipline &dquo;reports&dquo; for at least six months, but being known as an artist who is serious about his work does not hurt a mans case. Of the 15 serious artists, 8 resided there. The cells are 50% larger than cells in other blocks, allowing for more room for supplies. Prisoners there are allowed to move in and out of their cells during the day, and they are allowed to congregate in groups of three or four in the cells. Although artists in other blocks are still able to paint in their cells during their free time, they suffer from the lack of contact:
on

I know D. of course, J., The-, and 0., all the guys. But I dont

get a chance to see them too often. My work is at a standstill because Im not motivated. Were restricted; were separated.
Theres nobody in -block to motivate me. Now if I were inblock Id paint more often; because we could more or less share each others ideas. But lm at a standstill now.

Once accepted as a serious artist, a man gains access to a network of exchange within the group that enhances the value of his niche. In addition, he becomes a part of the ongoing process of creating and maintaining the groups culture and values. Eventually, he gains a place in the groups status order. The existence of the network is apparent in the density of exchanges and in the mutual recognition of each other. One artist reports:
As artists were more aware of each other. We know each other. We have something to talk about, even if we dont know each other. Like when D. came back into prison. Of course,I knew about him.I heard he was here.I waved to him. He probably said, &dquo;Who the hell is that and what does he want?&dquo; to the guy next to him. &dquo;Thats M., hes an artist.&dquo; Immediately his face went from &dquo;Who the hell are you?&dquo; to &dquo;Oh yeah, how ya doin?&dquo;

Within the network members exchange supplies, books, and criticism. Restrictions on supplies would hamper the

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efforts of the artist who is not part of the network. For example, artists are allowed only a small quantity of turpentine. When one of the group is in the middle of a painting and runs out of turpentine, he may trade brushes, paints, or canvas. Books are another media of exchange:

things off, you have to spend money. Like reading-onceI read them two or three times, somebody will come along with something I want. Ill just trade them off. Nice way of doing things. No strings. We all run our own little lending libraries. Like right now I gotta get a good color theory book. Its the only thing Im missing
If you cant trade these books Im in my whole wide world.

exchange processes are more informal and flow easily on the honor block. The honor block also allows mutual criticism, leading to the development of
more

These

emergent

norms

and values. As

one man

states:

If Im having trouble Ill ask L., J., or ... D. most of the time. T., if I see him, or L.I dont go to L. much, even though hes just on the other side. You ask other people and theyll say that looks great-because they dont know; it just looks &dquo;pretty&dquo; to them. You cant get no advice. SoI talk to the guys [the serious artists]. We help each other out.

Another artist

reports:

lll look at other peoples work-explain things.I often criticize J.s work. Its constructive criticism and hell make changes, then laterwhenI see his work theres improvement. Ill get after him; he realizes what Im doing and says, &dquo;Yeah, Ill try to work at it.&dquo; Hes making progress.... EvenI take criticism!I dont mind criticism whenI think it is from someone who knows what theyre talking about. Im my own worst critic. Ill often take things to J. and say, &dquo;Look at this; it was a good idea in my head but its not going down.&dquo; So hell say, &dquo;Well, look at this part,&dquo; or &dquo;What can you do here?&dquo; Whatever, and you talk. So whenI cant put it off any more,I do something, Ill experiment-got nothin to lose and it

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goes down nice. Ill say to him, &dquo;Come up and take a look at it,&dquo; and hell say, &dquo;Wow, it worked.&dquo; Thats really great.

A mans status in the group of serious artists is dependent upon commitment to the values of the group. If a man is seen as &dquo;not serious&dquo; because he does not spend the time on art that others do, does not show progress as defined by art theory books, engages in main-line convict activities, or is not seen as talented, he may be placed in a marginal position by the group. In discussing such a person on honor block, one artist claims:

paint away. Hed always use black instead of learning how to mix in order to use the proper shadow or use complementaries. Now after maybe a year or so hassling with him I said, &dquo;Fine, do it the way you want to.&dquo; L. still paints the way he did 10 years ago. What a rut! Hes making very little progress. I dont like telling him that. Hes highly temperamental about it.
I used to take his black

Those who come to be viewed as &dquo;temperamental&dquo; and not serious may also be categorized as &dquo;dangerous&dquo;-one who may react violently or involve others in exchanges with the more threatening subcultures in the system. Serious artists are likely to minimize contact with such people, even though they may be recognized as serious artists by guards
or

market

agents.

The highest status goes to those who sell outside or receive awards from sources other than either the prison or agencies like PACE that specialize in prison art. Though allI artists report that non-prison-related avenues provide more money for ones work, they also seem to be valued as means to enhancing ones self-esteem and ones claim on the identity of artist.
I know Im considered the best in here. But thats nothing. Its like Im the only guy thats locked in this cell, and you come along and say, &dquo;D., youre the nicest guy in that cell.&dquo; You know what I mean? Who are you in competition with?

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435

&dquo;Youre the best guy in the cell; youre the most talented.&dquo; Whatever.I want to really know how goodI am to the outside world-thats the real world.

Another artist expresses his

aspirations:

Im in here for a reason, yeah. But thats not all I am. They think thats [crime is] all we know. We arent animals, freaks! We have talent. We are artists. Wed like to be treated like artists. I dont want somebody to hang my painting up and say, &dquo;This was done by an artist in [prison].&dquo; I want them to say &dquo;This was done by an artist named J. B.&dquo;

Although prison artists gain many rewards, the most frequently reported reason for &dquo;doing art&dquo; is money. The money allows the artist to live comfortably and safely in the prison, providing an alternative to entering the prison economy to meet personal needs:
You gotta have money here. If you have money, you dont have to rely on anybody-youre the boss. You do what you want to do. Whereas if you dont have the money, then you have to rely on someone else. You dont want to be in that position. You might get beat or cut. You might get hurt.

In addition, money

can

be

a means

meaningful relationship

with

of maintaining people outside:

a more

Selling helps me get the thingsI want. My needs arent great in here, butI can buy things just to have them. I need money for my lawyers and things of that nature. Thats expensive! I always send money to my girl and my mother. Now thats a real nice feeling!

monetary gain, the role of artist offers psybenefits. The absorption in painting enables the artist to deal with the strains of boredom, and it provides an outlet for expressing inner tensions:
Besides

chological

It kills the time-it kills most of the time. When you like to paint, its the only thing you have to kill the time. Its the only

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436

strengthI have to maintain my sanity. Ive been able to do my time with it. Ive been in the joint for seven years. Theres a lot of pressure, not just from in here, but out there, family problems. All the timeI have to do is enough to make me crazy. I feel its my strength. Ive been able to &dquo;maintain.&dquo; When Im depressed,I go to my painting. Im in anothertype of world whenI work.I block out everything around me.

Finally, the role of serious artist brings recognition and

self-esteem, and it insulates the inmate from the threats of the prison environment. Rather than being defeated by the degradations of the total institution or stressed by the threats of the violent inmate culture, he is buoyed up by the self-enhancing interchanges. As one artist states:
I do have a reputation as an artist. Three months agoI was in the prison newspaper. Almost everybody here knows of me,I guess. People know me by my painting, as an artist, not a tough guy.I dont do tough guy stuff,I paint.
even

Another states:
You get some respect as an artist. People respect you for your talents. A lot of people know you because of it. Some guys play on you so they can get something. They give you a lot of conversation, but you dont know if theyre sincere. Its better to stick to yourself or with other artists. I tell them, &dquo;Dont let my talent get in the way.&dquo;

Thus, the career of artist enables the inmate to carve out a niche that includes psychological, social, and monetary gains, as well as distance from the more threatening aspects of prison life.
CONSTRAINTS ON THE NICHE

Although the role of serious artist provides access to a rewarding niche in prison, that niche is still bound by
constraints that set limits
on

the artist. Most of the

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437

constraints emanate from the guards. The guards responsibility for security makes them wary about supplies like palette knives and turpentine. They forbid some materials that are seen as security risks; clay, for example, is prohibited because it may be used to jam locks. Metal sculpture is forbidden because metal can be fashioned into weapons. Security is maintained through periodic searches, which can disrupt work for several days and lead to
humiliation:
The hacks will come into your cell. Theyll break things, threaten you, say, &dquo;Get over there! Keep your mouth shut!&dquo; When a shakedown comes up, they dont care who you are. They do what they want-take everything. Theyre childish and vindictive.

However, an inmate who is recognized as a serious artist may receive special treatment during these episodes. Guards may look the other way if he cannot produce a permit. They may speak in his favor when he is questioned for having contraband items. Or they may allow him to keep equipment that is against regulations:
They had a shake-down. Now, they know artists have palette knives. WellI had a few of them; had no permit for them. So one of them took them. They said it was a weapon. WhenI went to the board [disciplinary board] to see about it, there was this particular officer who knew me-knew my work.I was worthy of doing something for him, so he more or less
backed me and told the lieutenant the purpose of those knives. My explaining wasnt good enough, but his word carried weight. So, they cut me loose.

Another artist tells

similar story:

I had stretches and things-lots of wood back in my cell-allI against regs!I had everything stacked up nice and neat. A shake-down came along. The guards came in.I had done some work for one guy once. He knew me as an artist. They

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gave me a break. He said, &dquo;Well have to send them out, but well keep them for you.&dquo; Normally they just take it.I got the stuff back.

Serious artists are particularly dependent upon the use of the mail service. When they do not have access to visitors who can bring them supplies, they must rely on mail orders. They must also use the mail to send their paintings to art shows, dealers, and buyers. On the other hand, guards are concerned about maintaining security and stopping the flow of forbidden items in and out of the prison. Their inspection of packages can delay or block the flow of contact with the outside world. It can also lead to the loss of valuable paintings:
One timeI sent five paintings out.) sold three paintings and the other two never came back.I was waiting for them and thenI was told that they dont know where they were. They were lost. I got a letter that they were lost. I was trying for about six months to get them-prove that I did send them. Almost a year laterI was still signing forms and forms and forms. Finally I just said, &dquo;Forget it!&dquo;

The serious artist develops a strong investment in this niche and has much to lose if it is jeopardized. The investment leads to caution in dealing with guards and to efforts to cultivate their goodwill:
inmate is going to get away with whatever the hell he get away with. Hell evaluate the risks, the consequences, and the chances of success. Hes goin to do it, so he needs this much chance if he thinks hell succeed. Others, particularly guys in art, theyre more cautious. They figure, &dquo;I worked hard.I dont want them to take away my supplies.I want to keep painting.&dquo; We have more to lose. The artists are a lot smarter.

Every

can

Another artist states:

You

more

might have to ask them [guards] to lean your way a little and youd hope theyd do it. You want to give them

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good cause to. &dquo;Well&dquo;, theyll say, &dquo;Hes been here since 19-. He keeps to himself. Hes talented. He hasnt had a pinch [report].&dquo; So,I would more or less hopefully expect a little more consideration than some guy who hasnt done anything constructive in the joint.I think thats the way it should be.
This caution and concern with staying out of trouble works to the advantage of the authorities. Nevertheless, guards orientation toward serious artists remains ambivalent, colored by the usual staff-inmate paranoia, as well as, in some cases, envy at the recognition and income of successful inmate artists. The precarious equilibrium in this relationship can be disrupted by the slightest wrong move on the artists part. For example, as a package room guard

reports:
We have a lot of packages going through here every day. They all have to be checked for contraband. Some guy comes in and wants things sent out right away. I cant just drop everything and do his stuff before everybody elses. A lot of those guys [the artists] will come in wanting to send things right away. Now, you gotta be suspicious of that right off. Theyre a lot of trouble. A lot of times, packages will be the wrong size to go out, or theyll get stuff in thats against

Theres

regulations: flammables, things they can use as weapons. enough hassles here. A guy hassles me about getting something out-I say, &dquo;Let it sit.&dquo; Now, if somebody comes in-the guys nice-Ill get it out for him, maybe a little quicker than somebody who isnt so nice.

Serious artists develop skill at navigating in this unstable administrative environment. They have to develop the correct balance between boasting and groveling-making the guard aware of their abilities without appearing arrogant or threatening. One inmate reports:
WhenI go to the package room,I always give the guard a little courteous rap. NowI do this whetherI like it or not. Because, you see, hell remember me. Each timeI bring up some paintings to go out,I say, &dquo;Would you care to see my

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paintings?&dquo; Hes going to look at them anyway. But at leastI showed him some consideration. Now, as it goes, hes gotten to know me. You see? I walk up and start to take out my ID card and he says, &dquo;No. Thats OK.&dquo; You see?
While cultivating the goodwill of the guards, the artist must also be careful not to violate the norm against being overly friendly with guards:
I dont like to paint on the inside [for guards or inmates].I have and still do, every once in a while. G. [a block guard] came to me one day with a picture of his kid with all these religious robes on. He asked me if Id do it. What can you say?I dont like screws.I dont want people runnin around sayinpaint for screws all the time. But hes on my block. So I did it.

CONSTRAINTS ON ARTISTIC CONTENT AND STYLE The constraints of prison places limits on the serious artists choice of media, style, and subject matter. The constraints on clay, metal, and other material lead to concentration on oils and watercolors. Serious artists complain of the weakening of their perceptual abilities. Most of the respondents talk of the problems they have with color, tone, detail, form, and scale. One artist complains: &dquo;I cant paint a tree.I havent seen one in 14 years. You cant do it right from a picture.&dquo; Much of the artists work is done in dark and muted colors. One respondent attributes the tone of this work to the environment:

Being in the joint has an effect on what comes out on canvas.

It shows in my work. Dark, my work is dark.I want to get away from them colors and brighten things up around here.I try, but it doesnt come out on canvas. Maybe whenI get on the street. Things are brighter on the street.

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Another reports:
You lose colors in prison. You actually lose colors! Its drab in here. The brightest thing I see is a building, looking through dirty glass. Theres no light... colors and shadow are off. Its a bitch-real drab.

Some artists react by using especially bright colors, although this may lead to peer criticism: &dquo;J. is always after me to tone down my colors. butI love to see them!&dquo; There are no formal restrictions on the content of art in prison. However, artists rarely do what they call &dquo;jailhouse art&dquo;-graphic portrayals of the hardships and indignities of prison life. The artists fear that bleak portrayals of life in prison may alienate the staff:

painting.I called it &dquo;The Shake-down.&dquo;I was really gettin into it. One dayI stood back and really looked at it.I said to myself, &dquo;No way. Im really gonna catch myself shit for this.&dquo; So,I gessoed it over. Its too bad. Even if the
hacks
on

I started this

the block didnt see it, it

never

would have made it

to the outside.

But artists also avoid jail-house art because of a desire to escape prison life through their paintings. Most of the paintings are reaiistic portrayals of pastoral scenes (such as landscapes), portraits of family members, and nudes. These themes serve to connect the artist with images and memories of the outside world.

SERIOUS ARTISTS AND OTHER INMATES: A COMPARISON

(1980) has suggested that the general withdrawal strategy of adaptation to prison is more likely for older, white prisoners who desire to escape the general population and public areas that are dominated by younger black and

Irwin

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Hispanic gangs. Comparing serious artists to the general inmate population, we find support for Irwins observation. Demographically, serious artists are atypical members of the prison population. Their average age is 14 years older than that of inmates in the general prison population. And although they differ little in education from other prisoners, artists are twice as likely to be white and twice as likely to be serving long sentences for serious offenses. These characteristics may well make prisoners more susceptible to the stresses of the prison environment and hence provide a stronger motivational push to enter the niche of serious artist. Long-term prisoners may be more strongly motivated to find a stable niche that enables them to endure the time. Like our respondent who joined the art class only after exhausting legal channels of release, they may begin an art career as part of a search to find ways to make a long stay in prison more tolerable. White prisoners are particularly subject to threats of inmate-inmate exploitation. In prisons characterized by racial tensions, blacks and Hispanics tend to be more cohesive than whites. Because the vast majority of guards are white, blacks draw on the ideology of racial discrimination to rationalize their violent and exploitive orientation to whites. Both Toch (1977) and Jones (1976) report that, in general, white prisoners report a greater fear of physical danger than black prisoners. Whites also score lower on measures of self-esteem, show more signs of psychological distress, and are more likely to consider and actually commit suicide (Carroll, 1982). Because of their position as a vulnerable minority, older prisoners are likely to find the prison environment more stressful than younger prisoners. Older inmates often complain of being surrounded by noisy, aggressive young men who boast about their adventures. Younger prisoners
have fewer investments and commitments and are often less secure about themselves, hence more prone to seek confrontations and to badger older inmates (Jensen, 1977;

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TABLE 1

Serious Artists

Compared

to

General Population of Inmates

--

-----

---~-

a.

New York State Department of Corrections Annual Report, 1980.

is over

b. Total

100% because

one man serves

time for two crimes.

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Johnson, 1966). Older predominantly younger

men

in

men are

less

system consisting of likely to find friends

who share theirconcerns and perspectives (Johnson, 1982). However, it also may be that the overrepresentation of older whites among the serious artists is due to prejudice and discrimination on the part of the guards. Acquiring and maintaining the niche requires the cooperation of the guards to obtain supplies, store materials, and sell art work. The staff is predominantly white and may be more inclined to cooperate with white prisoners. In contrast, black prisoners may find it difficult to use successfully the strategies necessary for cultivating a relationship with the

guards.3
CONCLUSION

great extent an inmates passage from the general population to the niche of serious artist is regulated by the structures provided by the prison and the emergent
To
a

subculture network of serious artists. The art program provides a beginner with access to material resources and basic training. Successful completion of the program confers a modest degree of legitimacy to the aspiring artists claim to the identity of artist. But the fullbenefits of the niche accrue to those who persist to the point of receiving acceptance by a mentor into the subculture of serious artists. Once in this network, he gains access to more advanced socialization, and to a network of exchange of supplies, books, ideas, and emotional support. Though sanctions from the network may constrain the choice of style and subject matter, participation in the network provides guidance in developing skills, helps sustain artistic commitment, and allows entry into the wider art world. Many men take the art classes, but only a few persist to become serious artists. Movement up the career ladder involves a combination of self-discovery and supportive response from guards and established serious artists.

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Those who make it into the network are likely to be persons motivated to withdraw from the threats and intrigues of the general population-older, white, long-term prisoners. The niche they carve out together is a variant on the withdrawal accommodation described by Irwin (1980). Once in the network, serious artists are distanced from the general inmate population, but also become dependent upon the goodwill of the guards to maintain the supplies and contacts needed to continue working. This dependency probably makes them more orderly and conforming. The serious artist must walk a fine line between the hostile camps of the guards and the more violent prisonerscultivating the favor of the guards without arousing the resentment or suspicion of other inmates. The serious artist subculture is a situationally motivated accommodation to prison life. It provides distance from some of the dangerous aspects of prison life, and it provides some relief from the more distressing aspects of institutional controls. However, if the reports of the few prisoners we

interviewed who were released are generalizable, the artists

do not carry their accommodation beyond the prison walls. Farrell (1982) argues that, in the world outside of prison, participation in a friendship circle facilitates the development of young artists and other professionals. Usually forming while the members are in their twenties, these circles validate identity aspirations before they are fully validated by the professional world, consolidate the instrumental socialization of the young professional, assist in working through emotional blocks to productivity and creativity, and help sustain commitment through exchange of emotional, instrumental, and intellectual resources. While in prison, the subculture of serious artists seems to play a similar part in the career of the artist. But for the serious prison artist, release and freedom disrupt this network. The loss of the reference group, coupled with the removal of the stresses that generated the accommodation, may be factors leading many such artists to set aside artistic pursuits on the outside.

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The serious artist subculture is only one type of accommodation to prison. There are many others, including the religious subcultures, those that form around prison industries, the weight-lifters, the jail-house lawyers, and the ethnically polarized gangs. These subcultural networks vary in their degree of openness, withdrawal, and dependence upon interacting with the guards or the general population of inmates. Irwin has suggested that these subcultural networks are crystallizing into a new social order in prisons, an order that has taken shape in the wake of the riots and reform movements that characterized prisons during the early 1970s. It would seem useful to examine the internal structure and interrelations of these various networks. A better understanding of this emergent order and the effects of participating in it may help make prisons more effective in bringing about constructive changes as well as making them more humane places to &dquo;do time.&dquo;

NOTES
1. See Irwin (1980: 197-201) for a description of a balanced form of withdrawal. 2. Hagel-Seymour (1982) argues that the stresses of prison can be reduced by a vulnerable prisoner to the extent that he can find a "niche" where his environmental preferences match an ecological subsetting. Drawing on in-depth interviews, Toch (1977) has extracted seven dimensions of desirable environmental settings that prisoners recognize and use: freedom from restrictions, physical safety, privacy, structure or predictability, support or programs and services that facilitate self-improvement, emotional feedback (love, appreciation, caring), and activity (distraction, filling up time). Not surprisingly, Hagel-Seymour finds that the most commonly expressed environmental preference is for freedom—a setting that reduces the presence of formal control and allows for more egalitarian staff-inmate communication. However, both authors present an individualistic perspective on prisoners styles of adaptations, downplaying the degree to which adaptations tend to be socially constructed solutions to the problems of adjustment to prison. 3. This research cannot sort out the extent to which the overrepresentation of older whites is dependent upon the motivational push of escaping stress or upon

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these sorts of blocks experienced comparison of institutions.

by blacks. To do so would require a systematic

REFERENCES
BECKER, H. S. (1982) Art Worlds. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press. BOWKER, L. (1982) "Victimizers and victims in American correctional institutions,"
pp. 63-76 in R. Johnson and H. Toch (eds.) The Pains of Imprisonment. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. CARROLL, L. (1982) "Race, ethnicity, and the social order of the prison," pp. 181-203 in R. Johnson and H. Toch (eds.) The Pains of Imprisonment. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. FARRELL, M. P. (1982) "Artist circles and the development of artists." Small Group Behavior 13: 475-495. FARRELL, M. P. and C. HART-BAROODY (1985) "Serious artists and jailhouse lawyers: subcultural adaptations to prison." Presented atthethirty-fifth annual meeting of the Society for the Study of Social Problems, Washington, DC. FULLER, D., T. ORSAGH, and D. RABER (1977) "Violence and victimization within the North Carolina prison system." Presented at the annual meeting of the Academy of Criminal Justice Society. GOFFMAN, E. (1961) Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. New York: Doubleday. HAGEL-SEYMOUR, J. (1982) "Environmental sanctuaries for susceptible prisoners," pp. 267-284 in R. Johnson and H. Toch (eds.) The Pains of Imprisonment. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. IRWIN, J. (1980) Prisons in Turmoil. Boston: Little, Brown. IRWIN, J. (1970) The Felon. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. JACOBS, J. B. (1977) Stateville: The Penitentiary in Mass Society. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. JENSEN, G. (1977) "Age and rule-breaking in prison. a test of sociocultural interpretations." Criminology 14: 555-568. JOHNSON, E. (1966) "Pilot study: age, race and recidivism as factors in prison infractions." Canadian J. of Corrections 8: 268-263. JOHNSON, E. (1982) "Life under sentence of death, pp. 129-145 in R. Johnson and H. Toch (eds.) The Pains of Imprisonment. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. JONES, D. A. (1976) The Health Risks of Imprisonment. Lexington, MA. D. C. Heath. LERNER, S. (1984) "The rule of the cruel." New Republic (October): 17-21. SYKES, G. M. (1958) The Society of Captives: A Study of a Maximum Security Prison. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press. SYLVESTER, S. F., J. H. REED, and D. O. NELSON (1977) Prison Homicide. New York: Spectrum. TOCH, H. (1977) Living in Prison: The Ecology of Survival. New York Free Press.

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CYNTHIA BAROODY-HART is completing her Ph.D. in Sociology at the State University of New York at Buffalo. She has worked as an Instructor at the State University of New York College at Fredonia. In her current research she is comparing serious artists with jailhouse lawyers, testing hypotheses derived from network and social support theones. MICHAEL P. FARRELL received his Ph.D. in Sociology from Yale University and is currently Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies at the State University of New York at Buffalo. His published work includes articles on healthcare teams, friendship groups, artist circles, and male development.

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