Besisling CuIluvaI Slandavdizalion ConIaIlas CeoIliv iveann and lIe BevilaIizalion oJ
TvadilionaI Music in IveIand
AulIov|s) BacIeI C. FIening Souvce JouvnaI oJ FoIIIove BeseavcI, VoI. 41, No. 2/3, SpeciaI BouIIe Issue Advocac Issues in FoIIIove |Ma - Bec., 2004), pp. 227-257 FuIIisIed I Indiana University Press SlaIIe UBL http://www.jstor.org/stable/3814592 . Accessed 10/06/2013 1540 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Indiana University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Folklore Research. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Rachel C Fleming Resisting Cultural Standardization: Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann and the Revitalization of Traditional Music in Ireland Introduction In the context of global musical exchange, an increasingly urban so? cial environment, and tensions between local and national musical styles, the question of authenticity is central for both scholars and practitioners of folk music. How can we balance efforts to preserve traditional music1 with the challenge of defining music that, as an oral tradition, is inherently dynamic, unbounded, and diverse? Like language, communication through traditional music depends upon understood conventions, yet these rules suggest possibilities rather than dictate action. Here we encounter the paradox of most cultural forms, including traditional music: they must constrain, or base them? selves upon a set of rules, in order to allow for communication and creativity. In the case of Irish traditional music, the tensions between different groups struggling with this paradox appear to have aided the survival and vitality of the music itself. Traditional music has been characterized by its development over time as a form of social communication in relatively isolated locali? ties. Today, however, this type of music also serves as a symbol of na? tional or ethnic identity for many people. National governments and leaders of ethnic movements are increasingly interested in promot? ing unique cultural traditions, while traditional musicians are self- Journal of Folklore Research, Vol. 41, No. 2/3, 2004 Copyright ? 2004 Department of Folklore and Ethnomusicology, Indiana University 227 This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 228 Rachel C. Fleming conscious of their roles in preserving and passing on their music in ways they feel are authentic. The nationalization process includes some definition and homogenization of culture in order for individuals, movement organizers, and/or governments to claim a distinctive national identity and establish a nation (see Anderson 1983; Gellner 1983; Smith 1989). While groups with differing views about what is authentic may argue substantively about how traditional music is played and performed, these struggles are as much about who has the power to define or authenticate a particular cultural form as they are about music itself. State sponsorship of a folk music revitalization effort, often moti? vated by nationalism, has the potential both to authenticate a parti? cular style of music over other styles and to "reinvent"?and so alter ?traditional music (Hobsbawm 1983). Either possibility can be deeply threatening for musicians. In reality, the line between the state and locally based groups in a music revitalization movement is often blurred, and sub-groups and dissension within groups are common? place. Yet struggles over what folk music should be, as seen in debates and public discourse during revitalization movements, can provide a useful focus for analyzing questions about authenticity and gauging the value of state sponsorship. In Ireland, the national government has taken an active role in the preservation of Irish traditional music, leading to tensions between a state-sponsored organization and musicians. My essay focuses on the Irish-based cultural organization Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann (pro? nounced roughly "kol-to kel-tor\ air-tm"), Irish-Gaelic for "Association of Musicians of Ireland" and commonly referred to as CCE or Comhaltas. Founded in 1951, the organization has been largely spon? sored by the Irish government and, through a combination of nation? alist politics, music competitions, centralized bureaucracy, and grassroots activism, has played an important role in preserving and revitalizing traditional music in Ireland. Today, Comhaltas reports over four hundred branches and a membership of more than thirty-five thou? sand.2 Comhaltas provides a formalized social network for practitioners of Irish traditional music and is responsible for introducing thousands of children and adult beginners to the music through music education, music-related events, tourism, recordings, and publications. My analysis of Comhaltas's role in the shaping of contemporary Irish traditional music is based on fieldwork conducted in Ireland This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 229 during the summer of 1999. As a novice fiddle player I fell easily into the role of a music student, participating in formal music classes and the informal "sessions" in pubs and homes where Irish music is most often played. During fieldwork at music competitions, music schools, and sessions, I found that Comhaltas was the subject of intense de? bate among musicians.3 Because Irish traditional music is based on variation within certain musical forms and has distinctive regional styles, musicians felt threatened by the implication of standardiza? tion in Comhaltas's music competitions. Debates about Comhaltas generally revolved around fears about music standardization, loss of musical diversity, and a lack of control over how Irish traditional music is publicly portrayed. However, the implications of these fears were, for the most part, not supported by my observations. In this essay, I review the historical context in which Comhaltas arose, then explore contemporary critiques of the organization and assess whether these critiques are justifiable. Finally, I evaluate Comhaltas's current role in light of these data and, by extension, the value of state sponsorship in encouraging diversity in traditional music. In his 1989 article on Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann, Edward O. Henry addresses the tensions between convention and change as seen in traditional music and concludes: These two forces, the old and the new, are the dramatis personae in the continuing evolution of folk music. The role of sponsorship should be to provide the stage for the drama to be played out, to continue to in? volve people with music that speaks of their collective experience, mu? sic that they can perform with the old/new balance they prefer. By these criteria [Comhaltas] has been quite successful. (Henry 1989:94) In this article, I build on Henry's argument by suggesting that Com? haltas not only provides a stage for these debates, but is also itself an active?though perhaps unintentional?agent in stimulating debate about the old and the new in Irish traditional music. Irish Nationalism, Cultural Revival, and the Rescue of Traditional Music Ireland's history as a colonized nation has set a precedent for locally based resistance to centralized rule and at the same time helped to establish the importance of a distinctive, uniform Irish identity op? posed to that of an English "other." These conflicting ideologies may This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 230 Rachel C. Fleming help explain why Irish cultural symbols, like traditional music, have often been caught up in tensions between local and national defini? tions of Irish culture. Beginning in the twelfth century, Anglo-Norman colonists at? tempted to rule a fragmented Irish population whom they treated, for the most part, as a homogenous ethnic group. The Statutes of Kilkenny, established by the Anglo-Normans in 1366, forbade Irish laws, customs, and language, and outlawed intermarriage between Irish and Anglo-Normans (Hutchinson 1987:51). Failed rebellions against British overlords in the seventeenth century resulted in bru? tal military repression led by Oliver Cromwell (Clarke 1995). This campaign accelerated the transfer of land and wealth to a Protestant upper class that had begun in the late sixteenth century under Eliza? beth I and continued through the late seventeenth century. The Penal Laws of this time also barred Catholics from holding govern? mental, legal, or military office, and greatly restricted their property holding. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Catholic majority was further marginalized by successive waves of potato crop failures and epidemics (Wall 1995). Meanwhile, urban Protestant in? tellectuals felt alienated by English rule and organized the first major political independence movements in the late eighteenth century (Hutchinson 1987:54-55). John Hutchinson describes three major cultural revivals in Ire? land?involving both Protestants and Catholics?that began in the late 1700s and culminated in Irish independence in 1921. The lead? ers of these revivals looked to a mythic time before Irish-English con? flict, to the Gaelic roots of Irish civilization, including the Irish language and traditional music, and Ireland's early involvement with Chris? tianity as inspiration for a renewed Irish culture (55-60). Hutchinson argues that these movements were largely driven by cultural nationalism, which he describes as an impulse originating in diverse, locally based movements and aiming to regenerate the dis? tinctive moral character of the nation, mainly through literature and art (16). Cultural nationalism, Hutchinson argues, is to be distin? guished from political nationalism, or the modernist drive to estab? lish a civic polity of equal citizens with a representative state (12-13). Tensions between political and cultural nationalism in Ireland's na? tion-building process echo those between national claims to a rela- This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 231 tively homogenous Irish identity and more local, conflicting ideas about what is authentically Irish. While motivated in large part by cultural nationalism, the cultural revival that occurred from 1890 to 1921 also succeeded in Irish politi? cal independence and in establishing national cultural organizations that would shape Ireland in the next century. Two organizations in particular, the Gaelic League and the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA), revived and standardized aspects of Irish culture by promot? ing them on a national scale. The Gaelic League, founded in 1893, promoted the Irish language and introduced Irish into the national school curriculum (Hutchinson 1987:185), a process that resulted in its relative standardization (O Baoill 1988) .4 The GAA, founded in 1884, revived and in many senses reinvented the sports of Gaelic foot? ball and hurling, which they promoted nationally by creating stan? dard rules, a system of county teams, and national tournaments (Cronin 1999). Gaelic sports remain the most popular sporting events in Ireland today. During these early cultural revivals, several nationalistic organiza? tions focused on Irish traditional music, but none succeeded in a national music revival. The Belfast Harp Festival in 1792 celebrated traditional music and nationalism with the support of the United Irishmen, a militant nationalist group, but the festival did not be? come a larger or ongoing event (Vallely 1999:182). Over a century later, in 1897, the Dublin Piper's Club, in conjunction with the Gaelic League, held their first feis cheoil, or music festival, which included music competitions and performances using the uilleann pipes and the harp, which is the oldest and perhaps most symbolically Irish of instruments (121).5 Although the organization and its feis endured, this attempted music revival was not as successful as that of the Irish language and sports, probably due to the lack of a nationwide institu? tional structure and the limited appeal for musicians who did not play the pipes or the harp. The 1930s?the early years of the Irish Republic?were heavily influenced by the vision of Eamon de Valera, who led Ireland for most of the period from 1932 to 1973. De Valera famously idealized rural Ireland as a "land whose countryside would be bright with cosy homesteads, whose fields and villages would be joyous with sounds of industry, the romping of sturdy children, the contests of athletic This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 232 Rachel C. Fleming youths, the laughter of comely maidens" (de Valera 1943:1). The harp was adopted as the national emblem and printed on currency, while Irish Gaelic was made a compulsory subject in schools (Brown 1985:113). The Catholic Church had great power and was allied closely with the new Irish state. Influential political parties supported orga? nizations promoting Gaelic games and traditional music and dance (113). Folklore and music were collected, and new efforts to trace Irish history began (114). By the 1940s and 1950s, Ireland was well established as an inde? pendent state. Nonetheless, in a climate of poverty, emigration, and violence in Northern Ireland, Irish citizens were hearing conflicting messages about their culture. On the one hand, nationalist politics maintained that cultural symbols were important in distinguishing Irish identity from that of its historic oppressor. On the other hand, Ireland was under pressure to modernize in order to join the Euro? pean community economically and socially. Many Irish citizens?par? ticularly young people?associated traditional music, like the Irish language, with a rural, backward way of life. Dermot, a traditional singer,6 relates the rejection of traditional music in the 1940s to a crisis in national identity: The music became associated with the Irish-speaking population. And the language being redundant. . . [the music] was regarded as not be? ing of any use or backward. ... I think it was kind of the idea that [Ire? land] was a new nation state. Having a new identity . . . but you would have people that would be raving nationalists and they would look down on the Irish music and the Irish language. Which seems almost a con? tradiction in terms! Additionally, the Public Dance Halls Act of 1935, sponsored by the Catholic Church and the Irish government, effectively outlawed the "house dance," a blend of music, dancing, and storytelling held at a private home, which was a main social outlet in rural Ireland at that time. The church claimed that unsupervised dances allowed new dance styles from abroad that were seen as promoting licentious be? havior; additionally, financial profit from licensing dances went to both the church and the government (Austin 1993). Although there is some controversy as to how effectively this ban was enforced (McCann 2002:82), it did affect public perceptions of traditional music. The Dance Halls Act, together with negative stigma and an This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 233 influx of American dance music in the 1940s and 1950s facilitated by new music technology, resulted in traditional music losing social rel? evance.7 Tom, a flute player, remembered being a young musician during this time: "When I went to Dublin in the early fifties there wasn't much interest at all [in music].... I expected to maybe play a lot ofmusic and meet a lot of musicians, but it wasn't like that. ... [I]t was called 'peasant music.'" Signaling the beginning of a dramatic turnaround for Irish tradi? tional music, a group of nationalists and musicians from the Dublin Piper's Club founded Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann in 1951.8 The founders began the Fleadh Cheoil na hEireann (pronounced "flah kae- ole na air-un"), or "music festival of Ireland," an annual event featur? ing music competitions. They also established a central office and local branches for music education throughout Ireland. Fin tan Vallely, musician and music historian, writes, "The atmosphere of [Com? haltas's] early years was urgent; 'revival' was seen as a mission to pass on valued traditions and ensure their survival and enhancement for posterity" (1999:79). Building on previous Gaelic cultural revivals, Comhaltas used a national infrastructure and advocated nationalist sentiments. Comhaltas's website lists the official "Aims and Objectives" of the or? ganization, which remain unchanged since its founding (Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann 2002a): To promote Irish Traditional Music in all its forms To restore the playing of the harp and Uilleann Pipes in the National life of Ireland To promote Irish Traditional Dancing To foster and promote the Irish Language at all times To create a closer bond among all lovers of Irish music To cooperate with all bodies working for the restoration of Irish Culture To establish branches throughout the country and abroad to achieve the foregoing aims and objectives As Henry notes, these aims reflect de Valera's cultural nationalism and idealization of rural Irish life (1989:69). In addition to securing state sponsorship, Comhaltas also proved successful on the local level through their branch activities and par? ticularly through music competitions. Soon after it was established, the Fleadh Cheoil na hEireann (known also as the "All-Ireland This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 234 Rachel C. Fleming Fleadh," or simply "the Fleadh" or "the All-Ireland") became the cul? mination of several county and regional fleadhs, each with rounds of competitions. Jerry, a button accordion player, explained the impact these early fleadhs had on his uncle in the 1950s: "County fleadhs were great social occasions for people like [my uncle] who were isolated. . . . Musicians used to go and they'd meet each other and they'd just be so happy to meet each other that the competition didn't really matter a lot." Another older musician noted that the early com? petitions capitalized on a competitive spirit among Irish counties al? ready established through Gaelic sports: "In our time [the Fleadh] was nearly like the holding of the big [Gaelic football match], for [county] Tipperary would be supporting the Tipperary entry and [county] Galway people would be supporting the Galway musicians and that kind of thing. And it was good fun, it was." Competitions contributed to the success of the Fleadhs in part because they encouraged musicians to gather at the festivals, where they could compete, see others compete, socialize, and share music by playing in sessions. Competitions also created a carnival atmosphere that attracted non-musicians and especially children; they lent na? tional prestige to traditional music by establishing a concrete valua? tion system and they raised the technical standards of music. The Fleadh Cheoil na hEireann has been consistently well attended since its founding and is still popular. The New York Times reported that the 2002 Fleadh was attended by an estimated 220,000 people (Lavery 2002:B2). Since the 1950s, Comhaltas's efforts?in combination with many other factors?have contributed to the growing popularity of Irish traditional music in Ireland and abroad. Several musicians reported that even in the 1970s they were ridiculed by teachers and peers for playing traditional music. Today, however, Irish traditional music is part of many school curricula and various types of music schools are flourishing. The international popularity of bands that play traditional Irish music?such as Donegal-based Altan?has increased dramati? cally in the past twenty years, and pop bands such as The Corrs now integrate elements of traditional music into their songs. I observed teenagers in Ireland playing in pubs for crowds of admiring tourists and peers; I saw trendy young "trad bands" playing in night clubs; and scores of Irish musicians were making a living from their music This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 235 Fig. 1. Session in full swing during an Irish traditional music summer school. alone. Slowly, over the past thirty years, Irish traditional music has become not only a source of pride for Irish nationals, but it has also become "cool." This shift can be traced to many factors, including a growing num? ber of children learning traditional music and an improved Irish economy, which allows for more time and money to be spent on music production and education. In 1999, the Irish economy was thriving, driven by a strong technology sector (Norton 1999). Additionally, the international ballad boom of the 1960s and 1970s, initiated by bands like The Clancy Brothers, and a continued interest in Irish culture by Ireland's vast diaspora have popularized Irish music com? mercially. Through the success of Irish recording artists and Irish- inspired musicals like Riverdance and Lord of the Dance, Irish music and dance have been internationally celebrated. Clearly, multiple variables have contributed to the revitalization of Irish traditional music in the past half century, including Comhaltas's emphasizing Irish nationalism, teaching young children, and gathering musicians together. Success, however, has brought new questions about authenticity and standards, and new debates about the role of an organization like Comhaltas. This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 236 Rachel C. Fleming Separating Local and National: The Institutional Structure of Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann Comhaltas laid much of the groundwork for a successful music revi? talization movement in a crisis situation, and the organization con? tinues to play a large role in Ireland's traditional music scene. Yet during my fieldwork, critiques of Comhaltas permeated discussions about the future of Irish traditional music. An analysis of Comhaltas's institutional structure and ideological ties shows how its central lead? ership has alienated local branch members and musicians. This rift has led to tensions between the local and national entities of the or? ganization and between the organization and unaffiliated musicians. Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann has a hierarchical organization, cen? tered in their headquarters just outside of Dublin. It oversees local branches scattered throughout the country and abroad. As stated above, Comhaltas today reports around four hundred branches world? wide and a membership of roughly thirty-five thousand. According to promotional materials, approximately 70 percent of the branches are located in the thirty-two counties of Ireland, with another 10 per? cent in Britain, and 8 percent in United States and Canada, with the remaining number in Australia, Italy, and Japan.9 A branch is formed when at least five people in a locality apply to the central office to establish a branch. The institutional infrastruc? ture then has three levels. First, a county board is formed when there are more than three active branches within that county. Each county board is made up of two delegates from the local branches and annu? ally elected officers: a chair, a vice-chair, a secretary-registrar, a trea? surer, a public relations officer, and an auditor. Second, these branches are organized and disciplined by a provincial council for each of the four provinces of Ireland, consisting of the same offices as the county board (Vallely 1999:77; Henry 1989:70). The organizing body of Comhaltas is the Central Executive Coun? cil (CEC). The CEC consists of a president, a general secretary, five vice-chairpersons, a national treasurer, a national registrar, a compe? titions officer, a music officer, a public relations officer, two delegates, and the chairpersons from each provincial council. Each year the CEC holds a congress that includes members of the CEC, two del? egates from each local branch, and two delegates from each county This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 237 board. Together these members meet occasionally throughout the year to elect the CEC's president, treasurer, secretary, and registrar, to amend the constitution, and to discuss other matters pertaining to the organization (Vallely 1999:77-78). The central office and local branches differ most noticeably in terms of their institutional structure. Although the CEC is the cen? tral body governing the organization, Comhaltas's central office seems to be responsible for many significant decisions and is the most vis? ible manifestation of leadership. The central office employs the Di? rector General and other full-time, permanent, and paid officials, and is involved in national fundraising, organizing the Fleadh Cheoil na hEireann and other music education activities, publishing an official magazine called Treoir, archiving music, and running various tourism- related events. Officers of Comhaltas's local, county, and provincial boards and of the CEC, in contrast, are volunteers and at the higher levels are elected. Branches are responsible for organizing local mu? sic sessions, classes, and fundraisers to pay for fleadhs and other ac? tivities in their localities. Additionally, while the central office receives funding from the government, local branches are not subsidized but rather pay annual insurance and individual membership fees to the central office. The distinction between local branches and the central office is embodied physically in the building that houses the central office, which is called the Culturlann na hEireann ("Irish Cultural Institute") and is located in Monkstown, a suburb of Dublin. The "Culturlann" is considered the public face of Comhaltas and contains the main administrative offices, meeting rooms, a gift shop, archives, and a concert hall where bussed-in tourist groups can attend performances and sessions. As Henry writes, Culturlann na hEireann "is a large fa? cility purchased and remodeled at an expense of approximately 750,000 [Irish pounds]?money raised largely by [Comhaltas] itself, together with a State grant" (1989:82). Some controversy surrounds this building. One music teacher remarked: When I was coming up [in the 1970s], they were building that Culturlann. Most of the local Comhaltas branches spent their time running things to make money, to send to Dublin! They'd never see the inside of it half the time! Instead of running things to raise money to give to kids, or to send kids off to a summer school... I wouldn't have been playing mu? sic if it weren't for the local Comhaltas branch. But I would make a very This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 238 Rachel C. Fleming big distinction between the local Comhaltas branch and "Head Office," as they say. During my fieldwork, I found that local Comhaltas branch mem? bers and unaffiliated musicians felt resentment about the officials at the "Head Office" because they are not elected. In particular, the office of Director General has been held by Labhras O Murchu since 1968. Vallely writes, "The position of Director General is permanent and is not explained or rule-bound in [Comhaltas's] constitution" (1999:78). One musician remarked: I think [Comhaltas is] an organization that's a bottom-up organization and it should have a democratic structure. ... It should have an elected head that should rotate after a number of years. . . . You can't have an organization like that that is dominated by a few personalities. It should have rotated. O Murchu has many influential ties in the government regarding the arts. Since 1997 he has served on the Culture and Education Panel of the Irish Senate and several other committees involving cultural is? sues (McCann 2002:96). Musicians have often felt uncomfortable that so many public positions regarding traditional music were represented by only one voice. While musicians expressed feelings of powerlessness regarding Comhaltas's leadership, the financial situation seems to have fueled further resentment among musicians because money does not trickle down to local branches. The central office receives funding in par? ticular from Roinn na Gaeltachta, the Irish government's department devoted to the preservation of the Irish language, and from the Arts Council.10 However, Comhaltas's financial accounts are only made public to delegates at an annual congress, and members have re? ported difficulty in finding out how much money goes where, or who makes financial decisions. This apparent lack of transparency has led to widespread speculation about vast sums of money at the cen? tral office being diverted into various projects with little benefit to local musicians. Concerns regarding leadership and finances have led some musi? cians to feel that the central office is simply unaware of local musi? cians' concerns. One professional musician remarked, "I consider Comhaltas an organization that has done a lot of good. But maybe, then, it got too big . . . maybe it's slightly out of touch with the music This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 239 on the ground." Other musicians, however, feel a real threat from Comhaltas, in that they are afraid the organization has had too much influence on funding, education, and other important aspects of music production, without enough musician input. Said Shannon, a flute teacher, "I don't know where all the money's going. ... I worry about where the money's going. Because we're not talking about pennies? we're talking big money. But it's not even the money, I don't resent Comhaltas getting the money. I resent them getting the control." In his timely discussion of the Irish Music Rights Organization (IMRO) ,n Anthony McCann addresses issues of control in music defi? nition and authentication by focusing on the current debate about music copyrighting. IMRO basically charges public venues an annual fee for a blanket license to play copyrighted musical material, then distributes royalties to its musician members. As McCann relates, the organization has become increasingly prominent in Ireland and seeks to become ubiquitous, but it has struggled with the issue of tradi? tional music. Firstly, IMRO has encountered difficulties in defining and identifying traditional music, and secondly, social norms require that traditional music be shared freely. Comhaltas initially opposed IMRO activities in 1996, then dramati? cally reversed its position, alienating both its own members and tradi? tional musicians throughout Ireland (McCann 2002:95-103). In 1996, Comhaltas as an organization voted to oppose IMRO's attempts to require all venues where traditional music was played, including Comhaltas-run events, to purchase annual copyright licenses. The situation quickly became a public relations problem for IMRO offi? cials, who were seen as bureaucrats with no understanding of tradi? tional music but with the power to potentially affect pub sessions. First, IMRO proposed charging pub owners for their sessions, thus endangering many sessions; and second, copyright issues could con? fuse musicians as to which tunes could be played. For many musi? cians, IMRO's proposals bordered on the absurd. In late 1998, however, Labhras O Murchu worked out a private agreement with IMRO in which Comhaltas would pay 1,000 Irish pounds per year for a license, and IMRO would in turn pay Comhaltas 50,000 Irish pounds per year, essentially for its support. Further, IMRO agreed to give 25,000 pounds per year to Bru Boru, an Irish cultural tourism center managed by O Murchu's wife (McCann 2002:95-103). When details of this agreement were made public in early 1999, This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 240 Rachel C. Fleming Comhaltas members felt alienated by their leader, who had acted in opposition to their wishes, and musicians across the country felt alien? ated by Comhaltas's attempt to speak for all traditional musicians on the copyright issue. During my fieldwork, rumors and misinforma? tion of all varieties regarding IMRO were circulating. Further distance between the central office and musicians has been created by Comhaltas's canonical treatment of Irish culture in their tourist shows. As reported by Henry, a tourist show at the Culturlann included "farm cottages amidst green hills painted on the backdrop. . . . An old hand-turned churn was incorporated into the act; a young man danced in place as he mimed the butter churning. . . . One won? ders if the young people find the nostalgic staging compelling" (1989:82-83). I witnessed a similar show, featuring young musicians in stereotyped peasant clothing and a comedian telling nostalgic, ruralized jokes, at the opening concert to the 1999 Fleadh Cheoil. Many young musicians who win competitions are asked to perform in and tour in? ternationally with these types of shows, exposing them to the way Comhaltas is publicly presenting Irish culture. Additionally, many have felt alienated by Comhaltas because of what they see as publicly visible associations of traditional music with particular political and religious views. Comhaltas's initial association with Irish Nationalists, who object to British control in Northern Ire? land, is today reinforced by its promotion of the Irish language and by Labhras O Murchu, who has concurrently held office as a senator in the nationalistic Fianna Fail political party (Vallely 1999:78) and integrates nationalistic rhetoric into speeches and publications (O Murchu 1998). Other highly visible actions, such as the controversial canceling of the 1971 Fleadh Cheoil to protest the detainment of nationalists in Northern Ireland (Vallely 1999:78), have furthered this association. Excerpts from the speech given by O Murchu, in his capacity as Director General of Comhaltas, at the opening concert to the Fleadh Cheoil na hEireann, August 27,1999, in Enniscorthy, county Wexford, illustrate a glorification of peasant life relating to political ideology. In his speech O Murchu alludes to Vinegar Hill, just outside the town of Enniscorthy, which was the site of an important battle in 1798, in which a group of Irish rebels, mostly farmers, were defeated by Brit? ish forces (McDowell 1995:245): This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 241 There was very little pretension down through the centuries where [Irish] culture was concerned. It was often played in the very humble homes of Ireland, on the crossroads and perhaps not in the most aus? picious settings if one were to judge by today's values. But having said that, there was a deep understanding always with our people, even in the midst of deprivation, that if we lost that culture, if we lost our language and lost the music and the singing and the dancing, and lost our games . . . nobody would have any control, and we certainly could have very few goals because we would not know what our destination would be. And I have no doubt in my mind that when we celebrate our Irishness here, and the strength of our talents here this weekend, we also passed our thoughts back to those people on Vinegar Hill, who in their way could no longer accept the yoke of slavery. They wanted to be free people, freedom of expression, have their own sovereignty, control of their own destiny. But also here tonight I would like to say that we have visitors from [counties in Northern Ireland], representing all politics on this Island. Representing all religions on this island. ... I would like to say to them, you are very, very welcome. You are among friends here in Enniscorthy. And the most important thing of all is that we will realize that our heri? tage is stronger, richer, more powerful, and more potent than any po? litical divisions. And that is the message that should go out from this Fleadh Cheoil. This is truly a miniscule expression of what Ireland should be, and don't ever underestimate this strength (transcribed by the author, Au? gust 27, 1999). Comhaltas has also been and is today associated with Catholicism in highly visible ways. In addition to the presence of Catholic priests and blessings at the opening concert of the 1999 Fleadh Cheoil, an official Catholic Mass is held at every fleadh. Also, the actions of promi? nent leaders have appealed to a conservative religious morality. For example, in response to the 1983 referendum on abortion in Ire? land, controversial articles in the official Comhaltas publication Treoir advocated anti-abortion sentiments (Vallely 1999:78). Perceived po? litical and religious stances contradict the organization's constitution, which states that Comhaltas is "nonpolitical and nondenominational." Such statements also ostracize a significant Protestant population in Ireland that plays traditional music, while alienating those who dis? agree with this public portrayal of Irish traditional music. This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 242 Rachel C. Fleming Revitalization or Standardization? Music Competition, Music Education, and Authenticity While distance between the central office and local branches creates controversies over funding and portrayals of Irish traditional music, Comhaltas's music competitions lie at the heart of critiques about the organization's influence on traditional music itself. The competi? tions take place annually in county and regional rounds, culminating at the Fleadh Cheoil in late August, and they are highly structured. They are divided into four age categories: under twelve, twelve through four? teen, fifteen through seventeen, and eighteen and over, or "senior." They are separated by instrument (for example, fiddle, accordion, or flute), genre of music (such as reels, jigs, slow airs, or hornpipes), and number of instruments (such as solo, duet, or trio). At the 1999 Fleadh, 148 competitions in forty different categories took place over two days, with an average often participants in each (Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann 1999). Many children compete in more than one category; some have as many as eight competitions to attend on a given day. Informal competition has undoubtedly been a part of music pro? duction since humans began to make music, but contemporary for? mal music competitions with judges and prizes are markedly different. In the world of classical music, winning a well-known competition is nearly a requirement for aspiring professionals. Competitions in folk music and dance are less institutionalized but have flourished at reviv? alist festivals in recent years, most often in conjunction with ethnic or nationalist movements. For example, competitions in American fiddle music, Norwegian fiddling, Native American powwow dancing, and Scottish traditional music and dance have all sprung up in the past fifty years and have added great momentum to their respective cultural movements (Goertzen 1996, 1997; McKean 1998; Parfit 1994). In a broad sense, competition in music has two effects. First, com? petitions set standards for performance because they are judged by certain criteria. An ideal theoretically exists, toward which competi? tors should strive and against which judges should objectively com? pare performances. Second, competitions create social tension among musicians competing for recognition. Classical music competitions (while clearly incorporating many other social elements) provide an illustration of both phenomena. This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 243 Fig. 2. (top) Street session during the 1999 All-Ireland Fleadh Cheoil, Enniscorthy, county Wexford. Fig. 3. (above) Oisin Mac Diarmada, winner of the 1999 Senior All-Ireland Fleadh Cheoil fiddle competition, shown here during the competition, Enniscorthy, county Wexford. To highlight the differences between a session and a competition involving Irish traditional music, I will briefly relate my experience of seeing both occur in one afternoon at the 1999 Fleadh Cheoil. First, I joined some teenaged musicians gathered in the street for a sponta? neous session. The musicians sat on crates and chairs borrowed from a nearby pub and faced each other in a rough circle, with a crowd This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 244 Rachel C. Fleming standing around them. The musicians were meeting each other, play? ing spontaneous sets of traditional tunes, and joking around. There was an element of performance due to a crowd of onlookers and some informal competition as newcomers' abilities were assessed, but for the most part the atmosphere was relaxed. In contrast, the senior fiddle competition was much more perfor? mance oriented, similar to a formal music concert. At least a hun? dred people?parents, spectators, and competitors?were seated or stood facing the stage in the small theater of a local school. At the front of the room, two judges sat at a table and a lone chair stood on the stage. The judge called the names of competitors one by one. The room was completely silent while the competitors played their tunes and each mistake could be heard clearly. The judges silently made notes and then announced the winners immediately after the competition. For the most part, the competitors appeared nervous and were relieved when they were finished. Several valid arguments can be made in support of competitions. The revitalizing effects of the early competitions on traditional music in Ireland are still relevant today. For example, competitions provide a formal reason for musicians to gather informally, as seen in the session described above. Also, Comhaltas branch activities?includ? ing preparing children for competition or even hosting a fleadh? cause local adults to become involved in promoting traditional mu? sic. Additionally, competitions aid in teaching music as they provide a structured learning environment for children and motivate young musicians to practice. Competitions provide a social occasion for chil? dren to play music informally with peers on the fleadh weekend and in preparation for competition, providing a music venue for children that pub sessions do not necessarily provide. Also, winning is positive reinforcement. Winning an All-Ireland championship carries great prestige in Ireland and abroad and can help launch a professional music career. Despite the value of music competitions, however, several musi? cians expressed concern about the logical contradictions of imposing rigid standards on a creative art. The most obvious source of tension is that Irish traditional music is based on diverse, individual interpre? tations of melodies, while objective judgment relies on constant, clearly defined standards. Adjudicators in Comhaltas's competitions judge each competitor using a scale of one hundred, within which there This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 245 are a suggested possible number of points or "marks" awarded for certain musical criteria, a system geared toward objectivity.12 How? ever, adjudicators, as musicians, may prefer certain styles or tunes with which they are familiar. Said one adjudicator, "I like older tunes, more traditional. If I was growing up now, I'd probably love the tunes that are played now because that would be my tradition, but they sound strange to me." The possibility of adjudicator bias is not lost upon competi? tors: said one fifteen-year-old girl, "This one adjudicator likes 'old- fashioned tunes,' so my brother picks those kind of tunes for her and he always wins." The way judges are chosen reinforces fears about competitions selecting certain styles of music over others, whether this actually occurs or not. Musicians do not apply to be judges, but are invited to judge competitions by a music committee overseen by the central office. The music committee consists of approximately fifteen internally nominated?though rotating?musicians, accord? ing to criteria that are not made public. In addition to concerns about adjudicator objectivity, Comhaltas's competitions also require certain types of tunes, such as reels and jigs, but do not allow competitors to play more obscure tune types found in specific regions.13 Many thought this practice could endan? ger unique regional styles. One musician even described a so-called "Comhaltas style": "It's bland, mechanical?because they all come out of the same machine as a result of competition." Since musicians have different teachers and personalities it is virtually impossible for any two musicians to have exactly the same style. Yet the perception of a "Comhaltas style" reveals fears that competitions are threatening musical diversity. In the context of anxiety about the global commer? cialization of Irish traditional music, these concerns begin to make more sense. Other musicians feel that commercial recordings and competi? tions encourage a flashy, performance-oriented style that favors cer? tain regions, creating the potential for a "national style." In his study of American fiddle contests, Chris Goertzen recognizes that there is a basic tension between "nationally distributed, virtuosic performance styles of relatively recent vintage and a relatively modern approach" and "a more old-fashioned approach" (1996:353). He found that national styles tended to dominate in the competitions he studied. To preserve local styles, many contests included separate categories This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 246 Rachel C. Fleming for older style music, in which local bands often won over non-local (374), thereby protecting local styles to some degree. In making sepa? rate categories, however, the style of each category was enforced by specific rules, so they actually became more sharply defined and sepa? rated from each other (377). Along with concerns about stylistic change, Irish musicians are concerned that expressions of tradition become fragmented and impoverished in competition. Competitions divide instrumental music into categories by instrument and also separate music from singing, storytelling, and?perhaps most significantly?dancing, which much of Irish music was created to accompany. Patrick, a fiddle teacher, insisted that in order to understand authentic Irish "tradition," a mu? sician must know about related aspects of culture and social life as well. He explained: Tradition is a full package, it involves language, music, dance, the lore, the literature, all that together to get a full understanding of it. ... I think that people that are teaching music are looking at that very seriously, you know?. . . Rather than just teaching notes, they're beginning to bring in the folklore side and all the rest of it, and the history side too. Social life in Ireland has changed since the time of the house dance, as Patrick later acknowledged, so disparate elements of "tradition" must now be consciously connected at least partly through formal music education. Competitions, commercial recordings, and the de? liberate maintenance of regional styles facilitated by formalized teach? ing methods seem to have resulted in more musicians learning music as a performance art, with less emphasis on music as a social activity. Mary, a concertina teacher, was afraid that formalizing the social con? text of music education further could affect the music itself. She said, "I think the infrastructure by which [music] is handed on, and in which to play it, is reflected in the way the music is played. . . . And I think we have to be very careful not to direct something that is al? ready working very well. . . . Why formalize something if you don't have to formalize it?" Musicians learning Irish traditional music in a particular region may base their style upon that of a mentor, but their style will also be influenced through interactions with other musicians. These influ? ences can be both personal, such as playing in sessions, or, with the advent of recorded music, non-personal. In addition, Irish musicians This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 247 are expected to improvise and experiment with playing a given tune slightly differently in each repetition. Although each student learn? ing to play Irish traditional music learns from a combination of sources and develops an individual creativity, passing music from person to person does perpetuate certain standards for playing.14 However, learning Irish traditional music is not yet institutional? ized, in that certain standards do not define a musician's abilities. Clas? sical music, for example, is taught in Irish schools using a graded sys? tem, in which students must pass an examination to be allowed on to the next grade or to learn at the next level of musical ability. Thomas, a professional tin-whistle player, notes that graded music education and the performance style in classical music are more institutionalized than in traditional music. He said, "[Irish traditional music] is unlike classical music where there's much more consensus on the defined ways and it's much more institutionalized due to this kind of music school education. Irish music has anarchy running through it." There are several different venues where children learn Irish tra? ditional music today, including private lessons, group classes, infor? mal sessions at houses or pubs, and sessions run by Comhaltas, in addition to learning from recordings. Now that sessions are mainly played in pubs, and sessions can be something of a performance for an audience, young children are often not accepted at pub sessions. Some musicians, however, fear that some of the Comhaltas-run ses? sions that do allow children to play are too rigidly structured for young musicians. From many accounts, Comhaltas sessions often feature an adult musician asking each child to play one tune, each in turn, un? like a pub session where musicians play many tunes in succession in no particular order. Noreen, a fifteen-year-old accordion player, felt that "Comhaltas sessions are very straight-laced. Everyone goes in a circle and plays their tunes and they all sound the same." Many have remarked that group lessons also make everyone sound the same, a phenomenon certainly not restricted to Comhaltas-run lessons. Another young whistle player complained, "Comhaltas sessions are very uptight." Ann, the mother of two young musicians, perhaps expresses most coher? ently the overall sentiment I found, in saying that competitions and Comhaltas are good to a point. She explained, "There's nowhere for kids to play if the parents don't play, but you have to get them out before it's too late. It's good for starting, but there comes a point This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 248 Rachel C. Fleming when those sessions aren't interesting, they must get to the 'real mu? sic' in sessions at pubs." Although most of the musicians I spoke with felt that Comhaltas did not have the power to completely standardize the music, real con? cern surrounded the way children have been exposed to music through the organization. For example, Comhaltas has recently es? tablished a system of examinations for traditional music students to assess levels of competence and a program to certify music teachers (Royal Irish Academy of Music 1999; Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann 2002c, 2002e). Further, Comhaltas has recently published two ses? sion tune books that each contain "220 standard traditional tunes arranged in 74 sets as played at the Tuesday and Wednesday night sessions in the Culturlann in Monkstown" (2002d). While some sets of tunes are conventionally played together?often in homage to a set made famous by a certain musician?there are no rules govern? ing which tunes can be played together (aside from keeping the types of tunes consistent), and musicians constantly come up with new, cre? ative "settings" for tunes. And while there are certainly other tune books that influence musicians, because of Comhaltas's clout with beginners, these books have the potential to institutionalize a certain repertoire and specific tune versions and settings. When asked about the worst-case scenario, one teacher said, "Basi? cally that [Comhaltas] would take control of traditional music. Over how it's taught, over how it's funded, over how it's played, dictate how it should be played." Below I will evaluate the above concerns and out? line how, through public dialogue, they vitalize musical debates. Evaluation of Critiques: Comhaltas as a Catalyst for Rebellion and Musical Diversity The above discussion may suggest that Irish traditional music is in dan? ger of being standardized. However, the way local branches, competi? tions, and Comhaltas's political and financial activities actually work appears to discourage both musical standardization and monopoliza? tion of control over music-related activities. For example, local branches appear to be most successful when there is significant involvement by local musicians. The director of a rural branch remarked that branches run by more politically motivated non-musicians generally do not sur? vive. He said, "If you have officers who are neither musicians nor danc- This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 249 ers, it's probably very hard for them to hold interest. And the branch dies.. .. [W]e call them'paper branches' . .. only down on paper. "Also, local branches are financially independent and voluntary, which means that they are relatively autonomous from the central office and do not have to comply with its ideological constraints. While competitions do present dilemmas about music change, they are also providing an effective system for music education and inno? vation. At the same time, even though thousands of children compete each year, dwindling numbers in competitions for older age catego? ries indicate that many children stop competing in their early teens. Several musicians I spoke with confirmed this trend; as one musician said, "I started to rebel around fifteen or sixteen ... it was uncool to go into competitions after eighteen." This phenomenon can be attributed to many factors, including negative experiences with competition, Comhaltas's association with young children, its "old- fashioned" image among young musicians, and basic teenage rebellion. Young musicians who stop competing often drop music altogether, but many join sessions with their peers, suggesting that there are al? ternative and probably preferable musical venues available to young musicians in Irish society. The competition system seems to be pro? viding a forum for learning music, socializing through music, and, ultimately, rebellion and a rite of passage into an adult musical world. Many musicians feel that a single organization like Comhaltas, even if it were more flexible and inclusive, could not address all the issues that are important for Irish musicians today. In fact, there is a proliferation of other Irish traditional music organizations in Ireland and abroad, including (but not limited to) music schools, archives, record labels, radio stations, publications, and various clubs, associa? tions, and even online communities of musicians. In addition, a num? ber of recent academic conferences not affiliated with Comhaltas have specifically addressed current issues in traditional music.15 Public opposition to Comhaltas appears to have some power, as seen in a recent incident. In 1998, the Irish Arts Council asked Comhaltas's director to prepare a report on the "State of Irish Tradi? tional Music," largely to help the council determine the distribution of government funds for the arts (O Murchu 1998). The public re? lease of this report set off a heated debate in The Irish Times (Carolan 1999a, 1999b; Cranich 1999; MacAmhlaoibh 1999; Moroney 1999; Moulden 1999; Moylan 1999; Munnelly 1999; Ni Shuilleabhain 1999; This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 250 Rachel C. Fleming O Cuinneagain 1999; 6 Murchu 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 1999d; Vallely 1999a, 1999b), as many felt (among other sentiments) that it focused too much on Comhaltas and not enough on other organizations or issues musicians feel are important. The council rescinded the re? port for further review, and some of the committee members later apologized (Moroney 1999). Many of these alternative forums for music and debate have formed on some level in response to Comhaltas's narrowed treatment of music and Irish culture. For example, several popular summer music schools have sprung up in the past twenty years. The school I attended was, as one of its administrators emphasized, specifically "anti-competition" and seems to have been formed in many ways as a direct critique of and alternative to Comhaltas's competition system. Unintentionally, Comhaltas has helped create circumstances in which musicians can express fears about the future of the music, debate the role of music in Irish society, and ultimately establish alternative forums for music, all of which contribute to the vitality of Irish traditional music. Conclusion: Toward an Understanding of Authenticity The successful revitalization and continued diversity of Irish tradi? tional music seems to be the result of an effective sponsorship strategy as well as the particular factors present in this case. First, the medium of traditional music is somewhat resistant to standards because it is not dependent upon an institutional system and can happen infor? mally in virtually any location. Also, the form of Irish traditional music requires innovation on basic melodies, so it tends toward di? versity. Secondly, Comhaltas's local activities had and still have local, grassroots support, so diverse viewpoints and music styles have been present since the organization's founding. This support is currently encouraged by locally based distrust and resentment of the central office. Finally, Comhaltas's central office does not have coercive power, as people can opt out of its systems and publicly oppose its activities. Perhaps because of this flexibility, Comhaltas's institutions and activities provide musicians with a valuable framework for edu? cation, rebellion, debate, and critique. In her discussion of authenticity in Irish traditional music, Mary Traschel notes the tension between those who look to attributes of the music itself to define authenticity and those who see authenticity This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 251 instead in the process of passing on, performing, and reinterpreting the music (1995:44-45). Traschel quotes musician and academic Micheal O Sulleabhain, who writes, "The process of reworking is the important thing. ... It is the evolution of such a process that makes new music out of old" (1982:915). Traschel then notes, "Within this reworking process, O Sulleabhain emphasizes the epistemic function of music?its capacity for discovery?as it transforms rather than merely translates the experience of being Irish" (1995:45). If, as Traschel suggests, authenticity is found in "historical process," as old material is reinterpreted for performance and social communication, debates and controversies about Irish traditional music actually help authenti? cate that music. And as music plays an active role in determining its own authenticity, so Comhaltas has transformed the process of rein? terpreting and authenticating Irish traditional music. Both the Irish government and local musicians have a vested inter? est in Irish traditional music; the state seeks to create an "Irish" iden? tity, while local musicians seek to keep their music distinct, diverse, and vital. This tension is part of the nationalization process itself and feeds into struggles over identity. If, as Anthony Smith suggests, an "authentic" national identity is unique and also self-determined (2001:29), who determines authenticity, the state or local citizens? How do people interpret cultural symbols that have multiple meanings? Does it matter what types of systems are used to promote particular visions? Fredrik Barth asserts that people are constantly redefining or emphasizing cer? tain aspects of their identity depending on the circumstances. This type of negotiation process occurs in folk music revivals, as people work out how to interpret old material in new ways that are relevant to their current situations. These tensions exist because people care about the music and are perhaps where the vitality, and so authentic? ity, of folk music is found. University of North Carolina Chapel Hill Notes An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2003 annual meeting of the North? eastern Anthropological Association in Burlington, Vermont. I would like to thank my consultants in Ireland for their generosity, time, and energy. Also, many thanks to the anonymous reviewers, to the Journal of Folklore Research staff for their meticulous copyediting, to Kirk Endicott, Paul Kockelman, Ted Levin, fohn Watanabe, and Robert This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 252 Rachel C. Fleming Welschfor their help in improving this article, and to Brian R O 'Connor, feanie Puleston Fleming, and Bill Fleming for their support and encouragement. This project was made possible by a grant from the Claire Garber Goodman Fund for the Anthropological Study of Human Culture, administered by the Department of Anthropology, Dartmouth College. 1. In this essay, the terms "folk music" and "traditional music" are used inter? changeably. However, some of my consultants in Ireland felt that the term "folk music" is derogatory and preferred to use the term "traditional music." There? fore, I use "traditional music" when referring to this type of music in Ireland. 2. Membership and branch data were obtained by personal communication with Brian Prior of the Comahltas Ceoltoiri Eireann central office, December 9, 2003. In his 1989 article, Henry also reported that Comhaltas consisted of "some 400 branches" (71). Comhaltas continues to claim 400 branches on its website (http://www.comhaltas.com/about/index.htm), and this figure is also cited in McCann (2002:95). Additionally, Henry recorded a membership of "roughly 35,000" (1989:69), while a recent article in the New York Times cites a membership of 30,000 (Lavery 2002:B2). Mr. Prior attributed the lack of more accurate figures to a shortage of financial resources for record keeping at the central office. Without up-to-date data, it is very difficult to estimate whether membership has increased or decreased since 1989. 3. I spent most of my fieldwork time in the western region of Ireland, with short trips to Dublin and the southeast region. I attended informal sessions, Comhaltas- run sessions, music competitions at county and regional fleadhs, and the 1999 Fleadh Cheoil na hEireann and the associated music school in Enniscorthy, county Wexford. In addition, I attended a week-long summer music school that is not affiliated with Comhaltas. At the various festivals and music schools, I met musicians from all over Ireland and abroad. I conducted informal and recorded interviews with twenty- four different people and spent time with many more. Those whose comments are used in the longer version of this study are as follows (please note that some people overlap into more than one category): Participants Male Female Musicians and/or music teachers over age sixty 6 2 Musicians and/or music teachers age thirty to late fifties 10 6 Musicians in their late teens and twenties 3 4 Musicians under age sixteen 2 3 Comaltas officials in local branches 7 4 Comhaltas officials at the central office 3 0 Comhaltas competition adjudicators (former and current) 8 2 Professional performing musicians and/or music teachers 9 7 4. Language revivals are frequently at the heart of nationalistic or ethnic movements. As in Ireland and Basque Spain (O Baoill 1988; Urla 1993), these languages can be standardized through their incorporation into an educational system, thereby reducing the diversity of dialects and imposing a "correct" way of speaking. 5. The harp, known in its earliest incarnation in ancient Mesopotamia, was evidently well-established in Ireland by the eleventh century (Vallely 1999:170). This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 253 The instrument is symbolic of the time when Celtic kings employed filidh, pow? erful oral historians accompanied by the harp, and of the subsequent patron? age system for traveling bards who also used the harp (Trachsel 1995:28-29). Compositions by seventeenth-century bard Turlough O'Carolan are still com? monly played. 6. I have altered my consultants' names and the instruments they play, and occasionally I have changed their gender, while trying to remain true to their social contexts (as a professional musician, a Comhaltas official, a young musi? cian, etc.), so the reader may evaluate the comments accurately. 7. By contrast, in the 1940s and 1950s traditional Irish music was actually flourishing in London and in several American cities that had significant Irish populations. Many prominent Irish musicians emigrated from Ireland at this time, taking their music with them; some have since moved back to Ireland. 8. For a brief history of Comhaltas's founding, please see the organization's website (http://www.comhaltas.com/about/index.htm) and Vallely 1999:78-79. 9. Branches that are not located in Ireland, such as the Michael Coleman Branch in New York City, differ from those in Ireland in many ways, including the fact that they represent one cultural population among many others and are largely removed from the political climate of Ireland. Although the Irish- American population, for example, tends to participate in many "Irish" activities? prompting one Comhaltas officer in Ireland to say proudly "Our immigrants are more Irish than the people at home!"?traditional music and membership in Comhaltas branches in America are not limited to those of Irish heritage. Chil? dren learning music (and their parents) in the New York City Comhaltas branch, for example, do not necessarily identify with an Irish heritage. This is a topic for another study, and I will only say here that the great majority of the members in Comhaltas branches in Ireland are Irish, whereas Irish immigrants make up only part of the membership in branches located in other countries. 10. Henry (1989:74) records from Treoir (16/2:1) that the 1984 annual orga? nization grant from Roinn na Gaeltachta was 110,000 Irish pounds, the enter? tainment grant from the Arts Council was 59,000 Irish pounds, and member? ship fees forwarded to the central office totaled 22,000 Irish pounds (1 Irish pound was equal to US$1.10 in 1984). Unfortunately, I was unable to acquire current financial information from Comhaltas. Although it would be interest? ing to know today's exact figures, I would argue that perceptions about funding are more relevant to this discussion. 11. IMRO's website describes the organization as follows: IMRO is a national organisation that administers the performing right in copy? right music in Ireland on behalf of its members?songwriters, composers and music publishers?and on behalf of the members of the international overseas societies that are affiliated to it. IMRO's function is to collect and distribute royalties arising from the public performance of copyright works. IMRO is a not-for-profit organisation. Music users such as broadcasters, venues and busi? nesses must pay for their use of copyright music by way of a blanket license fee. IMRO collects these monies and distributes them to the copyright owners in? volved. The monies earned by copyright owners in this way are known as public performance royalties. IMRO is also prominently involved in the sponsorship This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 254 Rachel C. Fleming and promotion of music in Ireland. Every year it sponsors a large number of song contests, music festivals, seminars, workshops, research projects and show? case performances. Indeed, IMRO is now synonymous with helping to show? case emerging talent in Ireland, (http://www.imro.ie/about/what_we_do.shtml) Additionally, McCann points out that traditional musicians are normally pleased when other people play their compositions in sessions?often, the composer is acknowledged in the tune's name?and perhaps even more pleased when they are not acknowledged at all. He writes, "The attitude of Maighread Ni Mhaonaigh, fiddler with successful music group Altan [sic], is typical: 'The best thing is to compose tunes and not have people recognise them as newly composed, that they slip back into the tradition. For me that's the biggest thrill of all'" (2002:81). 12. The fiddle-solo adjudication sheet's "Suggested Marking Guidelines" are as follows: "style and ornamentation?50 marks; command of instrument?20 marks; rhythm and phrasing?10 marks; time [tempo]?10 marks; tone and tuning?10 marks." The concert-flute and whistle sheets differ slightly, giving tone 15 marks and command of instrument 15 marks. The adjudication sheet for duets, trios and ceili (ensemble dance) bands reads: "style and ornamenta? tion?35 marks; balance and blend?20 marks; rhythm and phrasing?15 marks; time?10 marks; arrangement?10 marks; presentation?10 marks." There are slight variations for other instruments and for singing competitions. 13. An anecdote related to me about accordion player Jackie Daly illustrates this point nicely (please note that I have not confirmed this story with Daly himself). Daly was born in county Cork and raised in the musical traditions of the Irish-speaking region called Sliabh Luachra, which is known for polkas and slides rather than jigs and reels. According to my source, he played polkas and slides one year at the All-Ireland Fleadh and lost, then played jigs and reels the next year and won the senior championship (I assume this refers to his 1977 win). The year after, he reportedly came back and played polkas and slides again. Though he did not win, according to the storyteller people paid much more attention to him that year and he was not just dismissed for playing the wrong types of tunes. Jigs and reels tend to be associated with the western counties of Ireland, whereas other regions are associated with other tune types, such as highlands and barn dances in county Donegal. 14. It should be emphasized that Irish traditional music has been constantly changing throughout its history, and that there is much contemporary disagree? ment about what it constitutes. In his article "Irish Music Defined" (1982), Micheal O Suilleabhain compares music to language in that it is influenced by economic and social change, noting that music is a more fragile system than language, often with a shorter "life-span" (915). One musician I interviewed agreed, saying: "[Irish] Culture is what's here [in Ireland]. So it's continually changing. Culture is the houses and the lifestyle and the people and the cars and the living and the TV and the radio and pop music, bad country, and Irish music, traditional music, everything. Whatever happens on the island is Irish culture and that's it." 15. The conference "Whose Music? Cultural Traditions in Northern Ireland" took place in 1989 (Crozier 1989). Comhaltas representatives did not attend this confer? ence, causing speculation about Comhaltas's political stance. The Crossroads Con- This content downloaded from 198.91.32.137 on Mon, 10 Jun 2013 15:40:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Resisting Cultural Standardization 255 ference, first held in 1996, took on issues of tradition and change, music in North? ern Ireland, and modern challenges such as copyright law and commercialization. Please see McCann (2002:70-73) for a discussion of copyright issues at this confer? ence. 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List of Members of The Browning Institute, Inc. Source: Browning Institute Studies, Vol. 12 (1984), Pp. 207-214 Published By: Cambridge University Press Accessed: 14-06-2020 09:58 UTC