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Social protection for orphans and vulnerable children in Zimbabwe: The case for cash transfers
Mildred T. Mushunje and Muriel Mafico International Social Work 2010 53: 261 DOI: 10.1177/0020872809355385 The online version of this article can be found at: http://isw.sagepub.com/content/53/2/261

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Social protection for orphans and vulnerable children in Zimbabwe: The case for cash transfers
Mildred T. Mushunje
FAO, Zimbabwe

International Social Work 53(2) 261275 The Author(s) 2010 Reprints and permission: http://www. sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermission.nav DOI: 10.1177/0020872809355385 http://isw.sagepub.com

Muriel Mafico
UNICEF, Swaziland

Abstract The unprecedented number of orphans and vulnerable children in Zimbabwe has created an urgent need to create innovative ways to provide for the social protection of these children. Innovative packages consisting of educational, food and psychosocial support are being implemented by non-governmental organizations. However, as the orphan crisis continues to deepen, more needs to be done and, learning from the experiences of other countries, the option of cash transfers for social protection for orphans and vulnerable children offers an attractive option for Zimbabwe. This article explores the possibility of using cash transfers for the support of orphans and vulnerable children and highlights the challenges and strengths of this approach. Keywords cash transfers, orphans and vulnerable children, social protection, vulnerability The current triple crisis of HIV and AIDS, recurrent droughts and economic meltdown has created untold challenges for families both urban and rural in Zimbabwe. Amongst the worst affected are children, of which there are an
Corresponding author: Mildred T. Mushunje, FAO/Zimbabwe, Block 1 Tendeseka Park, Eastlea, Harare, Zimbabwe. Email: mildred.mushunje@fao.org

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approximate 1.7 million orphans with 980,000 due to AIDS (Government of Zimbabwe, 2005). Orphans and vulnerable children are defined by the Childrens Act as those who are in need of care because of their circumstances which may be orphanhood and neglect, among other considerations. According to the 2003 Government of Zimbabwe Poverty Assessment Study, there was an increase in poverty at the national level in both urban and rural areas between 1995 and 2003. The same Poverty Assessment Study Survey revealed that the population below the total consumption poverty line increased from 55 percent in 1995 to 72 percent in 2003 (see Figure 1). During the same period, the population below the food poverty line also increased from 29 percent to 58 percent (see Figure 2), with those households headed by women and children registering higher poverty levels. At a national level this is evident in a decline in social indicators. For example, the Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey (Government of Zimbabwe, 2006a) shows that underweight prevalence for under-fives increased from 13 percent in 1999 to 16.6 percent in 2005; the prevalence of stunting, the chronic form of under-nutrition, rose from 26.5 percent in 1999 to 29.4 percent in 2005. In the education sector, the completion rate for the primary-school level has been falling since the 1990s owing, in part, to financial constraints. The 2004 primary-school completion rate of 68 percent is
80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1995 2003 2015 X 55 36

72

Figure 1. Percentage of total population below the total consumption poverty line, Zimbabwe, 1995 to 2003
Source: Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare, Poverty Assessment Study Surveys I (1995) and II (2003).

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70 60 50 40 29 30 29 20 10 0 1995 2003 2015 X 58

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Figure 2. Percentage of total population below the food poverty line, Zimbabwe, 1995 to 2003
Source: Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare, Poverty Assessment Study Surveys I (1995) and II (2003).

well below the 2010 World Fit For Children (WFFC) target of 90 percent and the 2015 Millennium Development Goals (MDG) target of 100 percent. The vulnerability of children is now in the limelight because of the breakdown of the various coping mechanisms that have existed in the past, when it was easily and readily addressed through community coping mechanisms, such as the Zunde raMambo, and community coalitions where members of a community pooled resources to assist a family in need by providing it with food from the community granaries (Mushunje, 2006). Orphans were absorbed into extended family networks. However, today, because of deepening poverty, it is a challenge for households to absorb extended family members when they cannot afford to provide for their own basic necessities. As a result, the orphan crisis has become more amplified (Ayala, 2007). In recognition of the challenges facing orphans and vulnerable children, many governments including that of Zimbabwe and multilateral, bilateral and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have endorsed several global commitments that prioritize interventions that address the problems faced (Kavishe, 2007). These include the MDGs; the 2001 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on HIV and AIDS; and the 2002 Special Session on Children of the United Nations General

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Assembly, whose outcome document was A World Fit for Children. To implement these global commitments, countries developed National Plans of Action (NPA) for orphans and vulnerable children. Zimbabwes plan was approved in 2005. To date, Zimbabwe has mobilized resources from various donors for the implementation of the plan. Various players have come on board to support it, as it is widely recognized that the growing crisis of children requires multi-dimensional approaches that will harness all available resources and coping mechanisms (Mushunje and Mafico, 2007). It is in this context that this article discusses the case for cash transfers as a form of social protection for orphans and vulnerable children. The next section discusses the concept of social protection and then narrows down the discussion to cash transfers.

Social protection defined

Various definitions of social protection have been propounded by agencies such as International Labour Organization (ILO, 2001) and World Bank (2002). However, for this discussion, social protection is defined according to the Asian Development Bank (2001). It states that social protection is:
a set of policies and programs designed to reduce poverty and vulnerability by promoting efficient labour markets, diminishing peoples exposure to risks, and enhancing their capacity to protect themselves against hazards and interruption/ loss of income. The policies and procedures included in social protection involve five major kinds of activities: labour market policies and programs, social insurance programs, social assistance, micro and area-based schemes, and child protection.1

The common thread running through these definitions is that social protection aims to mitigate the impact on households and social vulnerability caused by unforeseen shocks, particularly among poor and marginalized groups (United Nations Childrens Fund [UNICEF], 2007). Social protection policies are always part of a broader set of policies on macroeconomic stability, enterprise and employment development, health and education, all aimed at reducing risk and vulnerability and encouraging pro-poor growth. In 2006, 13 African governments, including that of Zimbabwe, came together in what is now called the Livingstone Call to Action, recognizing social protection for the vulnerable as a basic human right and committing themselves to cooperating as nations in devising comprehensive costed national social protection plans which would be integrated into national

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Transformative
Social and economic policy Legal reform Standards/regulations Behaviour and attitudinal change

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Examples of instruments

Promotive
Micro-credit Second chance education Skills training Targeted school fee Waivers

Protective
Workfare Food Aid School feeding Cash transfers

Preventive
Pensions Insurance Universal benefits for elderly and children Conditional cash transfers

A framework for social protection

Figure 3. A conceptual framework and instruments for social protection
Source: UNICEF (2007).

development plans. The member states also committed to cooperation and action to provide comprehensive social protection.

Social protection: An analytical framework

UNICEF recognizes four intrinsic outcomes of social protection, transformative, promotional, protective and preventive, as illustrated in Figure 3. Social transfers including cash transfers are important instruments in achieving any or all of these four intrinsic outcomes. Although these definitions of social protection are comprehensive enough for wage earners, they exclude non-wage earners, which is where the majority of vulnerable children are found. As in the legislation of most countries and according to international standards such as the International Labour Organization (ILO), children are not allowed to work and therefore are excluded from the formal labour force. The consequence is that, to the extent that social protection is predicated on linkages to the labour market, children are excluded as individual recipients from social protection. They thus become only beneficiary endpoints through their membership of other institutions (families, households, schools, projects). In the case of orphans living alone, the argument is they are already managing households but are

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not recognized by formal structures as legitimate household heads. Kaseke (2004: 231) also notes this and adds that social protection in Zimbabwe promotes social exclusion largely due to its preoccupation with protecting those who are in formal wage employment. As a result, the majority of Africans in the Southern African Development Community region have tended to rely on informal social protection systems which are largely based on kinship or mutual aid arrangements. These have however been shown to be challenged in the context of HIV/AIDS and poverty.

Current social protection mechanisms for orphans and vulnerable children

Currently, support for formal education is the most common form of support for orphans and vulnerable children in Zimbabwe through the Basic Education Assistance Module (BEAM) programme. BEAM is one of the five components of the Enhanced Social Protection Project (ESPP), which forms part of the Government of Zimbabwes wider social protection strategy. Coverage is, however, low (7.8% overall, and 7.3% and 9.6% of children of primary- and secondary-school age, respectively) and there is evidence of limited success in reaching those most in need (Government of Zimbabwe, 2006b). Other school programmes include the block grants.2 While other programmes are clearly needed, BEAM seems justified in view of the wide-ranging benefits of school attendance, such as improved skills and formal-sector employment prospects. Research has also shown that the benefits of school attendance also extend to protection against psychosocial distress and especially for girls lower vulnerability to infection with HIV and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and reduced exposure to teenage pregnancy (World Bank, 2002). Other forms of social protection include public assistance, which is very low as a result of inadequate budgetary allocation, and only one out of 1000 people in need benefit from this (Kaseke, 2004). Social welfare officials have become very selective as to who should benefit, and those who would normally benefit end up not doing so because of the shortage of resources. Orphans and vulnerable children are supposed to benefit from this support through the household head, which discriminates against children living on their own as they are not considered as adults who can apply for benefit on their own behalf. Traditional social protection approaches to combatting child hunger and poverty include price subsidies, food based safety-net programmes and public works, and these approaches have dominated the social protection landscape in the southern African region, Zimbabwe included. Again these all target adult-led households with the assumption that the benefits will trickle down to children in the household. National

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and international NGOs have also collaborated with the government to provide support for orphans through the programme. The challenge with the described forms of social protection is that they tend to be limited in coverage. For instance, the block grant system pays for school fees but may not provide for school uniforms or stationery, which makes the case for cash transfer to augment other social protection mechanisms strong.

The case for cash transfers

Given the increasing number of orphans and vulnerable children who have become a common feature in Zimbabwe, it is clear there is need for a paradigm shift from focusing on work-related and adult-based social protection schemes to those that are inclusive to an extent that such children can also benefit. It is incontrovertible that investment in children is a key factor in poverty reduction, economic growth and sustenance, that is, maintaining positive social indicators. While traditional poverty alleviation and political and socio-economic development strategies remain important instruments for growth, their benefits do not automatically reach orphans, and so direct interventions continue to be required to reach the socially and economically excluded (UNICEF, 2007). The value of cash transfers lies not only in their ability to tackle income poverty and support the achievement of broader social, economic and development objectives, but also in assuring the protection of societys most vulnerable groups. Social protection frameworks have consistently identified the critical role cash-based social transfers play in reducing vulnerability to poverty (Samson et al., 2006). While cash transfers are not a panacea for poverty eradication, they are an important component of overall poverty reduction strategies and social protection systems, especially for vulnerable children. Governments and international development partners are now giving increasing recognition to the role that cash transfers can play in supporting development objectives. Moreover, there is now considerable evidence that, in most cases, cash transfers provide a more effective long-term response to repeated shocks and chronic poverty (World Bank, 2007). Zimbabwe has also embraced the cash transfer concept and intends to pilot this as a form of social protection for orphans and vulnerable children.

Defining cash transfers

Cash transfers can be operationally defined as regular non-contributory payments of money provided by the government or NGOs to individuals or

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households, with the objective of decreasing chronic or shock-induced poverty, addressing social risk and reducing economic vulnerability. The transfers can be unconditional, that is, households receive the cash transfer with no conditions set; or conditional, that is, households are expected to, for example, actively fulfil human development responsibilities such as education, health, nutrition, etc. (Samson et al., 2006). Cash transfers can be viewed from the point that they can be used as a vehicle towards achieving the MDGs, the National Action Plan for Orphans and Vulnerable Children and the various other child protection instruments to which the government of Zimbabwe is a signatory.

Benefits of cash transfer

Studies of cash transfer programmes in other countries have demonstrated that under diverse socio-economic conditions certain types of cash transfer programmes have been successful. For example, a successful cash transfer project was undertaken in Zambia in Kalomo District. One thousand most desperate households taking care of orphans were identified and given an equivalent of US$6 each between November 2003 and April 2004. Households could purchase food, soap, blankets and other basic needs. The scheme proved to be successful as the headmen and local communities reported reduced incidences of begging. Households were also able to save some money and invest it for future needs (Schubert and Goldberg, 2004: 9). Drawing from such country experiences and adapting these, Zimbabwe intends to carry out an unconditional cash transfer pilot project. Direction of funds to needy households for immediate use. Cash transfers can immediately improve access to income and reduce the impact of macroeconomic shocks on the poor. They can be a conduit for directing funds for immediate disposal and alleviate otherwise potentially disastrous situations. In South Africa, it is reported that the overall impact on poverty has been a reduction in the poverty gap by 45 percent and the destitution gap by 67 percent (Samson, 2007). Mozambiques urban cash transfer programme increased household incomes in poor towns by about 41 percent (Devereux, 2002). Households can use the cash for what they consider as priority and so they are empowered in decision-making about the use of the cash. In the case of education, where fees are paid but school uniforms or stationery are not bought, cash transfers can be used as a means of leveraging this support. If funds are injected directly to the household or community, it becomes an effective way of addressing the urgent needs of

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children in the community or household. In arguing for this direct injection of funds, it is noted that families and communities are the first port of call for assisting orphans and vulnerable children, but in many instances they do not have the necessary financial resources for material support. With the cash transfer, funds are readily available for use by the household or community and the responsibility of care is strengthened. Enhancing orphans well-being while maintaining dignity for the vulnerable. Given the robustness of cash grants in addressing poverty and vulnerability for orphans and vulnerable children, it would appear that cash transfers would be an excellent policy option for securing their well-being. The advantage of this option is that with cash, ultra-poor households will be empowered to have a greater flexibility over household expenditure, and the elderly who care for most orphans will also be covered (Kavishe, 2007). Traditional support, be it from the government or from NGOs, has been standard and may not necessarily respond to the needs of orphans. With cash transfers, there is an opportunity to address needs not covered by the standardized forms of support. The dignity of the recipient household is maintained as it is then able to purchase immediately urgent products and services. Standardized support assumes households require the same services, when in actual fact this is not the case. With cash transfers, households are able to define and purchase what they require.

Affordability
One of the key questions raised in the discourse on cash transfers is affordability for economically pressurized African governments, such as Zimbabwe. However, the assumption is that cash transfer is part of a broader social protection plan and complements other already existing programmes. When implemented in this context, various actors, both the government and NGOs, are providing different needed support, leveraging the resources each party has and building on the comparative advantage of the other. Also drawing on the experiences of the Kalomo project in Zambia, a large number of households (1000) benefited from very small injection of amounts, yet these made a difference in the lives of many children. Cash transfers, therefore, do not need to involve large sums of money.

Improved social indicators among orphans and vulnerable children

Cash transfers contribute to improved food security and dietary diversity, and can improve childrens nutritional status, as demonstrated in Zambias

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Kalomo pilot project. The number of household members living on one meal a day decreased from 19 percent at the baseline to 13 percent at evaluation (UNICEF, 2007). Cash transfers have the potential to be effective since they address identified specific household needs and not those which are imposed by a funding agency or a system external to the household, thus contributing to improved social indicators.

Increased investment in children

Evidence suggests that households receiving cash transfers increase investment in their childrens education. In Zambias Kalomo pilot project, overall absenteeism from school declined by 16 percent over the first nine months of the pilot scheme and enrolment rates rose by 3 percentage points to 79 percent. In the same Zambian pilot, 28 percent of the transfers were spent on investments, and the scheme seems to have stopped the practice of selling assets for food as household income and purchasing options were diversified.

Challenges in implementing cash transfers

Even though cash transfers offer possibilities in social protection in Zimbabwe, there are some challenges which need to be considered. The targeting challenge. The decision on targeting is one of the most complex issues that programme designers must address. Badly designed or implemented targeting mechanisms can omit would-be beneficiaries, while those who should not benefit end up doing so. Targeting involves mechanisms that should discriminate between the poor and the non-poor. Zimbabwes Department of Social Welfare3 has a method of means testing which attempts to identify the most vulnerable of a community. The ability to measure poverty and identify the poor is essential for designing any targeted cash transfer programme. In practice targeting is faced with formidable administrative hurdles, especially where the informal sector is a major source of livelihood and poor peoples visibility is low. In recognition of these difficulties, there have been attempts to use categorical targeting, of geographic, demographic, gender and households. Other options include targeting the most vulnerable households in which the most unfavourable dependency ratios exist, for example where there is no working-age adult or where there are three or more dependants per adult (Miller, 2007). Operational environment. Zimbabwe had varying inflation rates with an unstable exchange rate to the US dollar for about six consecutive years since

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2001. Such uncertainty and the economic meltdown have had the net effect of creating a speculative environment where goods and services have been overpriced and the inflation rate continuously soars. In the financial and banking sector, it has proved to be difficult to withdraw money from the bank and local currency has been known to be in short supply. For households receiving cash transfer funds, the environment may make it difficult for them to purchase goods they require. It could therefore prove a challenge trying to assess the extent to which cash transfers could be successful, given the volatile operating environment.

Recommendations
Cash transfer provides an implementation option that is useful when a country lacks sufficient human or financial resources, or when design questions make it difficult to implement a national scheme with confidence for varied reasons. In the case of Zimbabwe the decision to pilot a cash transfer scheme is being informed by the current socio-economic context. Hyper-inflation coupled with capacity constraints in the public sector, as well as supply-side constraints, necessitates experimentation in order to learn lessons. In proposing the following recommendations, it is imperative to note that any social protection mechanism that is introduced targets children and the households in which they live. Cash transfer schemes should be planned on the basis of a thorough assessment of needs across the entire range and the costs of meeting them in the short, medium and long term in a sustainable manner. Cash transfers have to be implemented with the recognition that there are other support mechanisms that exist and the cash transfers pilot project should be part of the already existing social protection structure. Development workers, social welfare officers and policymakers need to make use of already existing structures to provide care and support for orphans and vulnerable children. This should be based on replicating and adapting already proved models of support to orphans, rather than consistently attempting to create new ones. Following on from the discussion, this article makes the following recommendations.

Mainstreaming cash transfer as a part of a broader national social protection framework/strategy

Support needs are greater than cash alone. Given that a very high percentage (3050%) of households are affected by AIDS and other illnesses through the death of a household member, by caring for orphans, or because they

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currently include someone who is chronically ill, these added burdens must be addressed through programmes and policies that reduce social and emotional problems caused by the impact of HIV/AIDS and other illnesses. Cash transfers cannot address all the needs of orphans, but they can be part of a larger programme.

Improved targeting
Cash transfers have to target households rather than individual orphans or vulnerable children in the household, in order to reduce stigmatization. For instance, there have been cases with other programmes targeting orphans where a child lives in an extended family household and has received support from an NGO. This child becomes a victim of the support and falls prey to the lucky orphan syndrome. Rather than enhancing the quality of life for such children, the reverse may happen when individual orphans are targeted in a household. The politics in the household may be such that the caregiver supporting the orphan or vulnerable child may not even have enough for his/her own children and this then creates problems, hence the importance of targeting a household rather than the individual. Focus on the household also helps to remove focus from the child and strengthen the households overall coping mechanisms.

Establishment of community banks

In order to deal with the financial challenges facing Zimbabwe and make cash transfers feasible, local communities could open up local banks where money is deposited into a trusted agent in the community. The community would have to decide who this agent could be: it could be the local chief or other respected structures such as child protection committees. Linked to this is the use of micro-insurance for the benefit of persons operating outside the formal sector. This can be initiated by an injection of the cash transfer. Kaseke (2004: 9) argues this allows communities to design their own social protection systems which can respond to their priority needs. This is particularly pertinent to orphans and vulnerable children who do not fit into any particular category which would allow them to qualify for social protection schemes (as discussed above). The community insurance initiatives build on this philosophy of the poor helping the poor. They differ from private insurance companies in that they are run by the beneficiaries and not intended to make profit (Lacey and Kyama, 2005).

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Linking cash transfers with livelihood activities

Linking livelihood activities with cash transfers would be useful to ensure that households develop skills that can raise their livelihood bases and complement the function of cash transfer. Such activities could include small livestock-rearing and income-generating activities. It would also ensure continuity of income once a cash transfer project comes to an end.

Conclusion
It is apparent that the support for orphans and vulnerable children needs to be stepped up, as Zimbabwe is likely to see more such children in the shortto long-term period and the situation will get worse before it gets better. Indications are that there is increasing poverty among orphans, particularly for those living in child-headed households. The argument for cash transfer is therefore pertinent at this stage, as the needs of orphans and vulnerable children continue to evolve. There is no panacea for addressing their needs and responses have to be iterative, because the issue of orphans will remain a national agenda as long as poverty and HIV/AIDS exist, hence support methods have to continuously evolve and be responsive. Notes
1. 2. Authors emphasis. Block grants are lump-sum payments to schools for purchase of materials (text books, desks, etc.) and refurbishment of the infrastructure, including provision of facilities for water and sanitation. In return, the school agrees to enrol a specified number of orphans and vulnerable children (OVC), who are made exempt from paying fees and levies for an agreed period of time (Kajawu and Makiwa, 2006). 3. This is housed in the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare and administered by Social Welfare officers.

References
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Devereux, S. (2002) Can Social Safety Nets Reduce Chronic Poverty?, Development Policy Review 20(5): 65775. Government of Zimbabwe (2003) Poverty Assessment Study. Harare: Government of Zimbabwe. Government of Zimbabwe (2005) National Action Plan for Orphans and Vulnerable Children. Harare: Government of Zimbabwe. Government of Zimbabwe (2006a) Zimbabwe Demographic Health Survey. Harare: Government of Zimbabwe. Government of Zimbabwe (2006b) World Fit for Children, Mid-decade Progress Report, 20022006. Harare: UNICEF and Ministry of Health and Child Welfare. International Labour Organization (ILO) (2004) Social Protection Matters. Special report on Participation of the Social Protection Sector in ISSAs 28th General Assembly, Beijing, China, 1218 September. Geneva: ILO. Kajawu, G. and E. Makiwa (2006) Innovative Approaches to Empowering Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children: CRS/ZW STRIVE Education Initiatives, Journal of Social Development in Africa 21(1): 6784. Kaseke, E. (2004) Social Protection in SADC: Developing an Integrated and Inclusive Framework Social Policy Perspective, in M.P. Olivier and E.R. Kalula, Social Protection in SADC: Developing an Integrated and Inclusive Framework (publication financed by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES)). Johannesburg: Centre for International and Comparative Labour and Social Security Law (CICLASS). Kavishe, F.P. (2007) Securing the Wellbeing of Orphans and Vulnerable Children (OVC) in Zimbabwe through Cash Transfers. Harare: UNICEF. Lacey, M. and R. Kyama (2005) Neglected Poor in Africa Make Their Own Safety Nets, New York Times, 28 August. Miller, C. (2007) Zimbabwe Vulnerability Study. Harare: Government of Zimbabwe. Mushunje, M.T. (2006) Child Protection in Zimbabwe: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, Journal of Social Development in Africa 21(1): 1234. Mushunje, M.T. and M. Mafico (2007) Walking the Talk: Zimbabwes Experience in Implementing the National Action Plan for OVC, Journal of Social Development in Africa 22(2): 3562. Samson, M. (2007) African Perspectives on Cash Transfers: The Developmental Impact of Social Transfers, paper presented at the Africa Regional Workshop on Cash Transfer Programs for Vulnerable Groups, Mombasa, February. Samson, M., K. MacQueen and I. Van Niekerk (2006) Designing and Implementing Social Transfer Programmes. Economic and Policy Research Institute, Cape Town. Available online at: http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/26/63/43280571.pdf (accessed 10 November 2009). Schubert, B. and J. Goldberg (2004) Scaling Up Extending Social Transfers Beyond the Pilot Area. Sixth report on consultancy to plan the extension of the

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Child Welfare Project for people living with AIDS, administered in Kalomo district, Zambia. Lusaka: Government of Zambia. United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) (2007) Draft Social Protection in ESAR: A Framework and Strategy for UNICEF, 2007; Conceptual Framework for Social Protection. New York: UNICEF. World Bank (2002) Education and HIV/AIDS, A Window of Hope: Accelerating the Education Sector Response to HIV/AIDS in Africa: A Review of World Bank Assistance in the Global HIV/AIDS Programme, compiled by Anne Bakilana, Donald Bundy, Jonathan Brown and Birger Fredriksen. Available online at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTHIVAIDS/Resources/.pdf (accessed 10 November 2009). World Bank (2007) Report of Africa Regional Workshop on Cash Transfer Programs for the Vulnerable Groups, Mombasa, Kenya, 2628 February 2007. Available online at: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/WBI/ WBIPROGRAMS/SPLP/0 (accessed 10 November 2009).

Author biographies
Mildred T. Mushunje is HIV/Livelihoods Officer, FAO/Zimbabwe, Block 1 Tendeseka Park, Eastlea, Harare, Zimbabwe. [email: mildred.mushunje@fao.org] Muriel Mafico is Deputy Resident Representative, UNICEF, Swaziland, at 1st Floor Lilunga House, Somhlolo Rd, Mbabane, Swaziland. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not reflect the views of their respective organizations.

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