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ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN STUDIES

SUPPLEMENT 26
EXCHANGE RELATIONSHIPS
ATUGARIT
Kevin M. MCGEOUGH
PEETERS
LEUVEN- PARIS - DUDLEY; MA.
2007
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A CIP record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.


.

Series Editors: Antonio Sagona and Claudia Sagona
ISBN 978-90-429-1935-8
D. 200710602/78
Copyright by
KevinMcGeough
All rights reserved. No part ofthis book may be reproduced or translated in anyfOrm, byprint,
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PRINTED IN BELGIUM
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DEDICATED TO
my Grandparents:
Francis Patrick & Helen McGeough
and
Andrew & Hilda Parley
CONTENTS
Dedication . . . .
Acknowledgements
Introduction ...
CHAPTER ONE
THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE AND A
NETWORK-BASED APPROACH TO ANCIENT ECONOMY
v
XV11
1
The Formalist-Substantivist Debate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
1. The Nineteenth Century Primitivist/Modernist Debate 10
11. Neo-classical Economics as the Basis for a Formal Model of the
Economy 11
111. Application of Neo-classical Economics to the Ancient Economy 12
IV. Early Alternatives to Neo-classical Economics 13
v. Karl Polanyi and the Substantivist School of Thought 20
vt. The Critique of Polanyi and the Defense of His Principles in the
Near East ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
V11. Moving Beyond the Formalist-substantivist Debate 27
Behavioralist Models 28
Network Theory 31
Complexity Theory . 33
Towards a Network-Based Model for the Study of the Economy 34
CHAPTER 1WO
PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
History of Excavations and the Mission Archaeologique Francaise 39
The Examination of Ras Shamra's Immediate Environs 40
Minet el-Beida . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Ras Ibn Hani .. . . . . . . . 41
PreviousApproaches to Understanding the Ugaritic Economy 42
1. Feudal Models 42
John Gray and Indo-Aryan Feudalists . . . . . . . . . 42
George Boyer and the French Team's Conception of Ugarit's Social
Structure 44
Vlll
CONTENTS
Anson Rainey and Social Stratification
Gerald Miller and Juridical Texts ...
2. Marxist Models . . . . . . . . . . . .
Michael Heltzer and the Royal Service System
Mario Liverani and the Italian School
Jose-Angel Zamora and the Expanding Palace Sector
Clayton Libolt and the Royal Land Grants .
Ignazio Marquez Rowe and Ugaritic Tribute
3. Entrepreneurial Models . . . . . . . . . . .
Hellenosemitica and the Brandeis Entrepreneurial Approach
1. Michael Astour
ii. Robert Stieglitz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
iii. Brian Widbin .
Christopher Monroe and the Merchants of the Late Bronze Age
Marion Feldman and Late Bronze Age International Koine
4. Managerial and Administrative Approaches to the Economy
William Whitt and Archival Studies
Jose-Angel Zamora and Ugaritic Vineyards .
5. Patrimonial Models .
The French Team's Recognition of Large Non-Royal Houses
Juan Pablo Vita and Alternative Administrative Centers
Stager, Schloen and the University of Chicago Neo-Weberians
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
CHAPTER THREE
THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
CONTENTS IX
45 mdkisu 108
48 md 109
49 mr
,
111
52
ev
113 sr
56 albn 114
58 Yfb 115
58 ngr . 116
59 s/fgr 117
60 brd. 117
60 bsnm 118
61 bbtnm 119
62 trmn 119
62 mbf 120
63 Cultic Officials 121
64 Land-holding and Obligations 122
65 ilkulpilku 123
68 unt ....... 127
70 ubdy, updt, ubdit 128
71 gt 130
75 argmn 130
77 ntbtt) 132
78 Conclusions 132
85
CHAPTER FOUR
THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF
UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS
Terminology of Social Designations
bns ...
bns mlk
'bd
b? .
n'r .
adrt
bbt, bPI
gzr ...
Terminology of Occupational Designations
skn .
mryn
bdl
mkr
89
89
90
94
95
97
98
99
100
100
101
102
105
107
Records from Private Archives
Records of People .
Personal Names .
With Personal Names Alone
With Reference to Other Individuals
With Reference to Geographic Locations
With Numbers .
With Chattel, Commodities, and Precious Metals
Occupational Categories . . .
With Personal Names . .
With Geographic Names
Lists With Numbers
Occupational Groups as Collectives
Census Lists . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
137
137
138
138
140
142
144
145
149
150
153
154
157
159
x
CONTENTS CONTENTS Xl
Records of Places . . . . . . . . .
Simple Lists .
Lists With Unexplained Numbers
Information About Fields ....
Information About the Circulation of Goods
Information About Agricultural Equipment
Records of Commodities
Cereals
Wine
Olives
Oil ..
Precious Metals
Salt
Textiles
Wood
Records of Equipment
Agricultural Equipment
Transportation Equipment
Military Equipment
Records of Land .
Field Transfers
ubdy Fields .
unt Records
Conclusions
CHAPTER FIVE
ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT:
THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS
Who engaged in economic action (i. e., was capable or compelled to)?
The Individual . . . . .
The Geographic Region . .
Foreigners at Ugarit . . . .
The Occupational Category
CuItic Officials and the Temples
What kinds of economic actions were engaged in?
Economic Actions Involving Real Estate
Economic Actions Involving Obligations Owed to Royal Authority
Economic Actions Involving Cultic Obligations
Economic Activities Involving Debt and Credit
Economic Activities Involving Redistribution .
160
160
160
161
161
162
163
164
165
166
166
166
168
168
169
169
170
172
173
174
174
176
177
177
182
183
184
185
186
190
191
191
194
198
199
201
\
Economic Activities Involving Trade or Sales .
Economic Actions Involving Requests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
What kinds of goods and labor were controlled or disposed of, and by whom? .
Silver .
Other Precious Metals
Comestibles
Textiles
Vehicles
Military Equipment
Agricultural Equipment
Private Property .
Merchant Activity
General Labor . .
Types of Labor . .
Where does the power for control of goods and labor reside? On what grounds
is this power based? . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Palace .
Individuals Within the Palace Administration
Other Archives .
What institutions, structures, and organizations existed to facilitate the
circulation of goods? .
Transportation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Organizations for Which There is No Evidence . . . .
Is there evidence at both a production and consumption level?
Conclusions .
CHAPTER SIX
THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS:
THE ELITE ARCHITECTURAL COMPLEXES AT UGARIT
1. Royal Palace Archives: Archaeological Context
Royal Palace Archives: Western Archives
The Nature of the Western Archive
Royal Palace Archives: Central Archives .
The Nature of the Central Archive .
Royal Palace Archives: Southwestern Archive
The Nature of the Southwestern Archive
Royal Palace Archives: Southern Archive
The so-called 'Oven' .
The Composition of the Southern Archive
203
207
207
208
208
209
210
211
212
212
213
214
214
214
215
215
216
216
217
218
218
219
220
223
226
227
229
231
233
234
235
236
238
XlI CONTENTS CONTENTS X111
Royal PalaceArchives: Eastern Archives . .
The Nature of the Eastern Archive ..
Royal Palace Archives: Room 73 (Bureau annexe)
The Nature of the Archive
Royal PalaceArchives: Room 90
Conclusions About the Palace . .
2. Non-Palatial Archives: Archaeological Contexts
The Residential Quarter . .
The House of Rap'anu
The House of the Armourer
House of the Scholar (Maison du lettrej
House of Rashapabu . . .
Maison au portique
Blitiment au vase de pierre
Maison aux albdtres
House of Yabninu (Southern Palace)
Northern Palace and Palace-Associated Structures to the North
Northern Palace .
House of the Military Governor
Other Structures
House of Urtenu
House of Agapsarri
Tablet House (MT)
Conclusions . . . .
3. Temples and the Houses of Cultic Personnel
Urban Temples at Ugarit
Library of the High Priest . . . . .
House of the Hurrian Priest (PH) .
Conclusions Regarding Cultic Areas
4. Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . .
CHAPTER SEVEN
THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
1. Environment .
The Geography of the Syrian Coast
Water .
Natural Resources ...
Conclusions . . . . . .
2. Economic Infrastructure
Roads .
239
241
243
243
244
244
246
246
247
249
249
250
251
252
253
254
256
256
256
257
257
259
259
260
261
261
262
263
263
264
266
266
267
269
270
271
271
\
Ports .
Zoning .
The Domestic Sections of Ugarit
Centre de la ville
Trancbee sud . . . . . . . . .
Ville basse . . . . . . . . . .
Conclusions About Zoning at Ugarit
3. Domestic Structures and Household Assemblages
The Layout of Domestic Structures . . .
The Household Tomb . . . . . . . . . .
Household Material Culture Assemblages
Water and Waste Management
Stone Tools in the House .
Other Household Artifacts
Function of Domestic Space
Issues of Private Ownership
The Relationship to "Elite Households"
4. Industrial Evidence
The Urban Farmer
Urban Olive Oil Production
Household Construction
Stone Industry . . . . . . .
Seasonal Limitations on Production and the Organization of Production
Conclusions About Industrial Production
5. Prestige Goods . . .
Cylinder Seals . . .
Military Equipment
Stone Vessels . . . .
Mycenaean Pottery
Tablets ...
6. Conclusions . . . .
CHAPTER EIGHT
ECONOMICS BEYOND THE CITY
1. Within the Kingdom of Ugarit ...
The Administration of the Periphery
Correspondence . . . . . . . . . . .
Transactions Involving the Palace
Transactions Between Private Citizens
Conclusions . .
272
273
273
274
275
277
277
277
278
281
283
284
285
286
287
289
290
290
291
291
292
293
294
296
297
299
299
301
302
305
305
311
311
319
319
320
322
XIV CONTENTS CONTENTS xv
2. Beyond the Kingdom of Ugarit
a) Modes of Transport
Nautical .
Overland .
b) Major International Relationships
Hatti
Egypt .
Cyprus
Ura ..
Other Major City-States
c) Elite Economic Actors Within Ugarit
The Queen
Yabninu
Urtenu
3. Conclusions
CHAPTER NINE
CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF
ECONOMIC MODALITIES
1. Integrating Texts and Material Culture .
2. A Re-evaluation of Models of Near Eastern Economy
Temple Economy .
Crypto-Feudal Models of Society .
Two-sector Models .
The Patrimonial Household Model (PHM)
Semi-Institutional House Models .....
3. A Network-Based Model of Economic Modalities
4. A Network-Based Model of Economic Modalities Applied to Ugarit
A. Interactions Involving the Royal PalaceAdministration . . . . .
a) Non-Royal Elite Residents of Ugarit and Royal Administration.
b) Non-Elite Residents of Ugarit and Royal Palace Administration.
c) The Peripheral Kingdom of Ugarit and the Royal Palace Adrninis-
tration
B. The King of Ugarit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
a) Non-Royal Elites and the King .
b) Non-Elite Residents of Ugarit and the King
C. Non-Royal Elites at Ugarit .
1. Non-Royal Elites and Other Non-Royal Elites
2. Non-Royal Elites and Non-Elites at Ugarit ..
322
322
323
324
324
325
327
329
331
332
333
333
333
335
336
339
339
340
341
343
345
349
350
352
352
352
355
356
357
357
358
358
358
360
D. Non-Elite Residents of Ugarit ...
E. Ugarit's International Relationships
F. Conclusions and Summary ....
5. The Formalist-Substantivist Debate ..
6. Substantive Economic Authority at Ugarit
Power Through Debt
Power Through Practice . . . . . . .
Power Through Hegemony .....
Power Through a Monopoly of Force
7. Loci of Palatial Economic Authority at Ugarit
Production at Ugarit . . .
The Institution of the gt .
Class and Status at Ugarit
The Question of Guilds .
8. Conclusions and Implications for the Study of Non-Industrial Economic
Activity .
9. Avenues for Further Research
Bibliography . . . . . . .
Subject Index .
Index of Modern Authors
Index of Ancient Terms
Index of Ancient Texts . .
361
362
363
364
369
370
372
372
373
374
374
376
378
378
380
381
382
420
427
430
432
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This is a revised version of my 2005 doctoral dissertation at the University of Penn-
sylvania. I have been very fortunate to have had the support of many individuals and
organizations while working on this project, in its origins as a dissertation and its
completion as a monograph. First and foremost, I wish to thank the members of my
dissertation committee: Bruce Routledge, my thesis supervisor; Richard Zettler; and
Mark Smith of New York University. Dr. Routledge has provided me with unwavering
support throughout my studies at Penn, and any success of mine is largely due to his
mentorship. Dr. Smith has gone far beyond the call of duty, both as my instructor in
Ugaritic language and as the outside reader for my dissertation, working through three
drafts (each larger than the former) and providing invaluable comments, feedback,
and support. His help has been tremendous. Dr. Zettler has also been extremely sup-
portive, especially in last minute matters of various types. Many thanks are also due to
the faculty at the University of Pennsylvania who have assisted me. Jeffrey Tigay, both
in and out of the classroom, has given endlessly of his time and expertise. I have taken
more classes with Barry Eichler than with any other individual; his excellent teaching
has been an inspiration. I would also like to thank Erle Leichty for all of his support,
from establishing my program at Penn to giving advice for life after Penn. Numerous
other faculty members have been patient and giving of their time. Holly Pittman,
David Silverman, Steve Tinney, and Josef Wegner are all deserving of my thanks.
Numerous fellow graduate students have also assisted me in any number of ways.
Spencer Allen, Shawn Aster, Paul Delnero, Jennifer Jacobs, Jeremiah Peterson, Nick
Picardo, Benjamin Porter, Matthew Rutz, Vanessa Smith, and William Zimmerle have
all been of assistance in a variety of ways. And of course, none of this would have been
possible without the help of Linda Greene, Peggy Guinan, and Diane Moderski.
Thanks are also due to Anthony and Claudia Sagona, the editors of the Ancient
Near Eastern Studies Supplement Series, for their support of my manuscript. I especially
owe thanks to Anthony Sagona for his hard work in preparing this manuscript for
publication. Likewise, the people at Peeters have helped tremendously. Thanks are due
to Patrick Peeters and many others who worked to produce this publication.
Thanks are also due to various people at the University of Lethbridge, where I
currently teach in the Liberal Education Program. The Departments of Geography,
History, and Religious Studies have also provided me with support in a variety of
ways. I would like to thank all of my colleagues for their assistance at this stage
of my academic career, especially: Walter Aufrecht, Shawn Bubel, Malcolm Green-
shields, and D. Bruce MacKay. Bev Garnett, Margaret Cook, Charlene Sawatsky,
XVlll
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
and Erika jahn have also been helpful in various matters, and are all due thanks. The
interlibrary loans staff members at the University of Lethbridge have made my contin-
ued research possible. Courtney Atkinson has advised me on technical matters big and
small and Wim Chalmet came to my rescue in a computer crisis involving this work.
Elizabeth Galway has been of help in ways too numerous to list.
Without generous financial support, this project could not have been finished. I
would like to thank the department of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies (as it was
known then) for the generous assistance in the form of a University of Pennsylvania
Dissertation Fellowship, which went beyond the already generous funding that saw
me through my coursework. I would also like to acknowledge the support in the form
of a dissertation grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of
Canada.
Finally, I would like to thank my family for their long-term financial and emotional
support. There could not be more supportive people than my parents Murray and
Linda McGeough, my sister Kristina, and her husband Sean Durnin. To everyone
listed here, thanks.
INTRODUCTION
EXCHANGE RELATIONSHIPS AT UGARIT
Assuming that there are entities, economic zones with relatively
definite boundaries, would not a method of observation based
on geographic location be useful? Rather than describing the
social stages of capitalism, for instance, to paraphrase the fine
titleof a luminous piece byHenri Pirenne, wouldit not be more
interesting to describe the geographical stages of capitalism, or
on an even larger scale to set in motion, within our historical
studies, systematic research into economic geography - to
see, in a word, how the waves and wanderings of history are
recorded in a given economicarea? Fernand Braudel
Ugarit has been identified as a key source of information on economic life in the
pre-Classical Levantine coast and is often used as a model of such.
1
The wealth of
textual data and material culture that has been recovered from the site has allowed
the Ugaritic economy to be investigated from a variety of perspectives using a variety
of types of evidence. Given the substantial economic data available about Ugarit, it
Is somewhat surprising that the evidence from Ugarit has been underutilized in the
more general academic sphere of the study of pre-modern economics. The following
examination seeks to redress this. The study of economy at Ugarit can add substan-
tially to the analysis of non-industrial economic relationships, since this is a situation
where an unusually large amount of data on the subject of economy is available. Like-
~ w i s e , by situating the study of the Ugaritic economy more fully in the context of the
\rider discussion of non-industrial economy, a more informed analysis of Ugarit and
Late Bronze Age Levantine economy is possible.
Although it is possible to study any number of specific aspects of the Ugaritic
economy, this examination shall focus on a broader subsection of economic life -
exchange relationships. These are situations where two or more parties interact, and
are situations that are particularly well documented in the textual and archaeological
evidence. These situations are the primary focus of this work. More generally, this
study seeks to examine economic modalities at Ugarit, A modality is a way of doing
something, a method of activity. Implied in the use of this term is the idea that these
methods or ways of doing can be meaningfully understood as patterns and that these
1 See, for example, Saggs 1989, pp. 148-152.
2 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH INTRODUCTION 3
activities can be understood as a meaningful group or category. In this particular case,
that meaningful category is based in economics and economic activity. By calling these
economic activities (or methods of doing) modalities, the inherent ideological bias
that is connected to most economic terminology is avoided, yet at the same time, an
argument is made that there is a category of human activity that can be understood as
economic. It is this category' of human activity that is the subject of this study of Late
Bronze Age Ugarit.
Economic life at Ugarit shall be viewed as part of a socially embedded process.
What is often said about religion in the ancient world is also true for economics:
ancient people did not view the economy as a discrete and separate component of
everyday life. Social interaction and integration both affected and was affected by
economic activities and situations. An understanding of economic patterns cannot
be understood separate from social systems. Indeed, ancient economy cannot be
viewed as a monolithic, singular entity with discrete boundaries and spheres of opera-
tion. Economic modalities, then, are understood here as the emergent structures of
the social economy at Ugarit.
Economics is often understood as the subsection of human life relating to the
resources required for the satisfaction of human wants or needs. The action-oriented
conceptual framework of philosophical hermeneutics suggests, then, the utility of
defining economic action, before explicating a more holistic conceptualization of eco-
nomics. Economic action, according to Weber: "is any peaceful exercise of an actor's
control over resources which is in its main impulse oriented towards economic ends."2
There are two major points to be taken from Weber's suggestion. First, economic
action is action with primary interest in activities involving the resources or the satis-
faction of wants or needs. Second, this action must be considered peaceful, in other
words, warfare and crime should not be considered economic action per se. These
kinds of activities (war and crime) can be considered economically oriented action, in
Weber's social scientific paradigm.' Actions that use force as their primary means but
are geared towards economic ends, or actions that are only secondarily interested in
economic ends are better considered as economic oriented action." Economic ends are
those ends, "concerned with the satisfaction of a desire for "utilities"." If this kind of
activity is organized and continuous, Weber considers it, an economic establishment."
2 Weber 1978, p. 63.
3 Weber 1978, p. 64.
4 Weber 1978, p. 64.
5 Weber 1978, p. 63. Utilities (Nutzleistungen) in Weber's conception, Weber 1978, p. 68; are:
"the specific and concrete, real or imagined, advantages (Chaneen) of opportunities for present or
future use as they are estimated and made an object of provision by one or more economically acting
individuals. "
6 Weber 1978, p. 63.
To Weber, a very important underpinning of economic activity is the ability to control
and dispose of goods and labor."
Based on these boundaries of economy, it is possible to formulate specific questions
that will be posed of the Ugaritic data. Who engaged in economic action (i.e., was
capable or compelled to)? What kinds of economic actions were engaged in? And
related to this, what kinds of goods and labor were controlled or disposed of, and by
whom? Where does the power for control of goods and labor reside? With whom and
on what grounds does this control reside? What institutions, structures, and organiza-
tions existed to facilitate the circulation of goods? Is there evidence of both production
and consumption? All of these questions are geared towards elaborating the parame-
ters (what are called modalities here) of economic activity at Ugarit.
Beyond a description of Ugaritic economy, and the creation of a comparative model
for the study of other Near Eastern economic situations, this study shall also contribute
to the larger socio-historical discussion of the nature of non-industrial economy. Most
explicitly manifest in the formalist-substantivist debate, this study shall produce a
detailed case study of a non-industrial economy and by extension a testing ground for
the basic premises of substantivist scholars. Indeed, while investigating Ugarit in the
specific, this research shall test the validity of the hypotheses of Polanyi and his later
followers and come to some conclusions about the general utility of this approach.
The questions formulated above are not what make this study unique, however.
What distinguishes this study from the studies of Ugarit that have come before is the
approach. ~ i o u s attempts to study the Ugaritic economy have had only limited suc-
cess since most have involved the application of rigid top-down models that smooth
over the complex systems inherent in economic activity. Other approaches have not
adequately accounted for the variability of data or have sacrificed the variability of that
data for the sake of the model. These models are discussed at length in Chapter Two
but can be categorized as: crypto-Feudal models; Asiatic Mode of Production (AMP)
models; entrepreneurial models; administrative models, and patrimonial models. The
utility of each of these models is limited by an inability to adequately account for or
incorporate the variability of data at Ugarit.
What makes this project distinct from other attempts is that it embraces the vari-
ability of data. Through a Network-based model, the Ugaritic economy shall be viewed
as an adaptive nonlinear system, with numerous and ever-changing possibilities. This
perspective should allow economic life to be explored, at the same time avoiding mono-
lithic conclusions or static structuralist or functionalist characterizations. A Network-
based model allows for the complexity of ancient economic life, yet at the same time
allows the economy to be broken down into understandable units. This is possible
because the focus of the analysis is shifted from the overarching picture of the economy,
7 Weber 1978, p. 67.
4
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH INTRODUCTION 5
to the nodes of connection between individual economic actors. In this model, it is
not the absence of a sovereign authority that is seen as central to a network.
8
Rather,
it is based more on Wolfram's notion of a network; what will be studied are the con-
nections within the network, and the transformations that occur at these connective
nodes." It is assumed that a network involves certain norms (if not actual rules) that
govern the interactions at each node of contact. It is also assumed that there is some
degree of power relationship manifest at each node of contact, but that power is not
necessarily manifest in the same way at each node.!''
Following Wolfram, quite simple rules may facilitate a large number of complex sit-
uations. II Simplifying economic modalities into series of individual interactions allows
a large number of economic actions to be mapped out. Inherently, this approach is
anti-structuralist, anti-Hegelian, and anti-functionalist, in that it allows any number
of possibilities. Indeed, a Network-based model assumes that the evidence for partic-
ular economic interactions reflect only a small number of economic interactions that
occurred or could possibly have occurred. It allows for an heterarchical organization of
power. While power at each node is best understood in terms of hierarchy, power from
a network perspective is heterarchical in nature, and manifests differently dependent
on the relationship that is reflected at each separate node. From a practical standpoint,
there are two levels of analysis that should be engaged in through this Network-based
model of economic modalities: the nodes of contact between discrete economic agents
and the overarching connections between various nodes of contact.
Throughout this study, the Network-based model will be the approach taken. Each
economic situation and type of evidence shall be viewed separately and analyzed with
the conceptual tools appropriate for the form of the evidence. A consistent problem in
the other models is that the findspot of the various texts are not taken into account.
Yet it is very difficult to make general conclusions about the meaning of these eco-
nomic texts without considering the context in which they were written.
Perhaps the clearest manifestation of the embrace of variability in the study that
follows is the use of both archaeological and textual data. Both types of data at Ugarit
can be used to address questions about economic modalities. While the archaeological
evidence at Ugarit is not ideal because of the methodologically primitive excavation
techniques and the poor publication record of the project until the 1970s, analysis of
8 See Fukuyama 1999, p. 199; for an explication of this view of a nerwork.
9 Wolfram 2002, p. 193.
10 Stager's port-power model is a good example of how nerwork theory can be successfullyemployed
for the study of the Near East. In Stager's model, Stager 2001, p. 629; the nerwork is structured as a
hierarchy, where at each node of contact, one group is more powerful than the other. His model is cre-
ated explicitly to understand trade at the regional level and to understand the relative power of various
settlements in relation to one another. As such, it is limited to this scale of economic activity and is not
entirely suited for the purposes of this study.
II Wolfram 2002, p. 351.
I
this evidence can still be productive. A particular problem that is apparent in the
scholarly integration of both kinds of data is that scholars tend to prioritize one set
of data over another. This prioritization tends to manifest as a number of types of
problems. There is the more obvious type of prioritization where a scholar familiar
with one type of data completely ignores another type of data. For example, while
Heltzer has studied the economy of Ugarit for many years, and is arguably the most
prolific scholar on this subject, he has rarely made mention of archaeological evidence.
A less obvious error that is manifest as a prioritization occurs when scholars take
evidence derived from a type of analysis that they are not familiar with as a "fact."
Archaeologists often view the evidence derived from textual sources uncritically, since
interpretation of textual data, from an archaeologist's perspective, seems straightfor-
ward. Likewise, textual scholars are often confused by the materiality of archaeological
evidence, mistaking the materiality of objects for objective fact. In fact, archaeological
evidence, even the most \basic levels of archaeological evidence (like typology and
stratigraphy), constitutes a\ argument. 12 What shall differentiate this study is that both
types of evidence will be u,derstood as scholarly arguments. One data set will not be
used to naively check or prove the other data set, nor will simple "convergences" be
identified.P Both categories of evidence will be compared as arguments and interpre-
tations, from the perspective of their particular methods of analysis.
Chapter One of this study will better outline economic modalities. This chapter
shall provide an overviewof the formalist-substantivist debate and situate the Network-
based model utilized in this examination within the context of that debate. Chapter
Two shall continue the methodological discussion, but from a more specific perspec-
tive. The variant approaches that have already been used in the study of the Ugaritic
economy shall be described and evaluated, both on their own terms and in the con-
text of the theoretical backgrounds from which they were derived.
Chapters Three and Four provide the background analysis and reasoning that has
been incorporated into the analysis of the textual data at Ugarit. Chapter Three focuses
primarily on the language used by Ugaritians while engaging in economic activity.
Chapter Four moves the discussion of the textual evidence from the level of the word
to the level of the tablet. The analysis is oriented around the gentes of tablets. Here
genre is not taken as a primarily formal category, but rather as exemplified in the
approach used in "New Rhetoric."14 Genre here is not equivalent to form, although
form is a subject of investigation of this chapter. Genre is approached as a combi-
nation of both form and situation. Certain forms of writing are used in certain social
situations and social contexts. It is the combination of the social context of the act of
12 See Brandfon 1987.
13 See Dever 2001, p. 107, for an explication of this type of methodology.
14 See Giltrow 2002, p. 24.
6
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH INTRODUCTION 7
writing and the form that that writing takes that constitutes genre here. While the
textual evidence that survives is the tablet (i.e., the form), it is possible to reconstruct
the social situation and to make observations on the different genres of economic
texts. Both chapters place extra emphasis on the alphabetic texts, as these words and
texts have been relatively neglected in comparison with the syllabic texts.
Chapter Five provides a broader discussion of what can be learned about economic
modalities at Ugarit from the textual data. It specifically answers the questions about
Ugaritic economic activity asked above and summarizes the basic textual evidence
about Ugarit. Discussion in Chapter Five is limited to discussion of economic action
within the city of Ugarit and acts as a basic summary of those kinds of activities before
moving on to the non-textual evidence.
Chapter Six shall be the first attempt at integrating textual and archaeological data.
Here the elite economic institutions shall be discussed. Most important in this dis-
cussion is the analysis of the findspots of the various tablets. Much criticism of the
top-down models that have been used in the investigation of the Ugaritic economy is
derived from the way these models smooth over differences between economic actors.
This chapter is particularly important in identifying the variety of economic activities
participated in at Ugarit. While the archaeological context of the tablets is not secure,
general clusters of tablets can be identified, and their association with particular build-
ings is demonstrable. The non-textual archaeological evidence from each of these loci
of economic record keeping will be presented and analyzed, comparing and contrasting
the archaeological evidence and the nature of the textual discoveries. In this particular
chapter, texts shall be treated as artifacts within an archaeological context, as has been
proposed by Zettler.l"
Chapter Seven analyzes the explicitly non-textual evidence at the site of Ugarit.
While the archaeology of areas of tablet deposition is discussed in Chapter Six, Chapter
Seven revolves around the analysis of those areas of the site that lacked substantial
tablet finds. The site as a whole is regarded from an archaeological perspective. The
specific questions outlined above are answered again, but this time through the evidence
of archaeology. The argument from archaeology is explicitly construed as an argument
separate from the textual evidence. This provides a basis for integrating the compli-
mentary sets of data in a later chapter.
Economic activity within the kingdom of Ugarit and economic action between
Ugarit and other Near Eastern polities is dealt with in Chapter Eight. Here a core and
periphery model derived from the Network-based approach is used to explore the
relations between various economic entities. The application of this model helps to
highlight certain aspects of economic relationships, especially the nature of power
within those relationships. It also highlights some areas where a core-periphery model
15 See Zettler 1996.
is insufficient and where a Network-based approach with more nuance can better
facilitate our understanding of ancient economic relationships.
Chapter Nine provides an explicit description of exchange relationships at Ugarit.
Conclusions are provided in this chapter. A methodology for incorporating archae-
ological and textual data shall be discussed, in tandem with observations about the
Ugaritic economy derived from such comparison. An evaluation of each of the top-
down models is presented, demonstrating the strengths and weaknesses of each model.
An evaluation of the Polan ian approach to ancient economy is offered, and Ugarit's
general contribution to the rmalist-substantivist debate is presented. Fourth, the
conclusions derived from the Ne ork-based model shall be provided, before offer-
ing some general suggestions for further research.
This is the first of two volumes. The second volume, titled Ugaritic Economic
Texts, will present translations and commentaries of the alphabetic Ugaritic economic
texts. To avoid repetition, long quotations from the alphabetic texts will be avoided
here. The second volume will also discuss in more detail some of the syntactical!
grammatical, lexicographical, and interpretative problems with reading alphabetic
economic texts.
A NOTE ON ABBREVIATIONS
Throughout this study, ancient textual sources will be referred to according to the
designations that are typical of Ugaritic and cuneiform studies. Most of the texts written
in the alphabetic Ugaritic script shall be referred to by the abbreviation KTU, which
refers to Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartin's 1995 edition of The Cuneiform Alphabetic
Texts From Ugarit, Ras Ibn Rani and Other Places, along with the number given the text
in this work. There are a few alphabetic Ugaritic texts that are not included in this vol-
ume. Some of these are referred to with the abbreviation MO (referring to Pardee's 2004
publication Manuel d'Ougaritique) and the number given the text in that edition. Others
have only been published in volume 3 of Hallo and Younger's The Context ofScripture -
those are referred to with the abbreviation COS and the number given in that volume.
There are less standardized conventions for referring to texts from Ugarit written in
syllabicscript. Here, the convention shall be to list them according to their editio princeps
as well as their excavation number. The excavation number consists of the designation
RS (Ras Shamra) followed by a number indicating the season of excavation (before
the decimal) and the registration number of the artifact (after the decimal place).
References to the editio princeps will use one of the following abbreviations: PRU 3
(Ie Palais Royal d'Ugarit 3, Nougayrol 1955); PRU 4 (Ie Palais Royal d'Ugarit 4,
Nougayrol 1956); PRU 6 (Ie Palais Royal d'Ugarit 6, Nougayrol 1970); Ug. V
(Ugaritica 5, Nougayrol 1968); RSO 7 (Ras Shamra-Ougarit 7, Bordreuil 1991); and
RSO 14 (Ras Shamra-Ougarit 14, Bordreuil and Pardee 2001).
THE FORMAL1ST-SUBSTANT1VIST DEBATE 9
CHAPTER ONE
THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE AND
A NETWORK-BASED APPROACH TO ANCIENT ECONOMY
If economics is not to remain the victim of history, constantly
attempting to apply its tool-kit, generally with a time-lag, to
yesterday's developments which have become sufficiently visi-
ble to dominate the scene today, it must develop or rediscover
the historical perspective. Eric Hobsbawm
Cuneiform scholars have astonishing achievements to their
credit, but nevertheless the sources - including the Code of
Hammurabi - have not yet been made available for interpre-
tation by non-specialists. The scholar who has not mastered
the field and must depend on translated texts cannot therefore
reach definite conclusions regarding the Mesopotamian econ-
omy. Furthermore it is precisely the texts most important for
legal and social history which often elude interpretation.
Max Weber (trans. R. Frank)
The primary goal of this study is to outline economic modalities at Late Bronze
Age Ugarit. This involves analyzing and identifying what kinds of economic activities
took place, who engaged in those activities, and what motivated those activities. Prior
attempts to outline economic modalities at Ugarit have done so through the interaction
with the works of political economists, Classicists, and scholars of the Mesopotamian
floodplain. Surprisingly, there has been little interaction between Ugaritic scholars and
economic anthropologists, especially with regards to the forrnalist-substanrivist debate.
This study seeks to remedy that situation. While previous works on Ugarit shall be dis-
cussed in Chapter Two, the following chapter shall outline the formalist-subsrantivist
debate and provide a basis for situating the study of Ugarit within this intellectual tra-
dition. After the history of the debate is outlined, a particular approach to the econ-
omy stemming from the forrnalist-substantivist debate, here called a Network-based
model, shall be suggested.
THE FORMAL1ST-SUBSTANT1VIST DEBATE
Although modern economic theory can provide useful data for the study of the
ancient economy, the analysis of ancient economic modalities should not be situated
within this discipline. Rather, it should be situated within the historical or anthropo-
logical study of economy. While social theorists (such as Weber and Durkheim) have
postulated questions about the nature of the ancient economy since the late Nine-
teenth century, the study of this question has been taken up by Classicists and anthro-
pologists, as opposed to economists or SOCI ogists. Near Eastern studies has somewhat
interacted with this argument, but for the mos part, those studying Ugarit have not.
This is unfortunate since the data from Ugarit has great potential for scholars attempt-
ing to understand the pre-modern economy. It is one of the goals of this work to help
situate the study of the Ugaritic economy within this larger, cross-cultural debate.
Since the 1950s,1 the formalist-substantivist debate has been one of the primary
arenas for discussion of the pre-industrial economy. The debates stemmed from
the appointment, in 1947, of Karl Polanyi as Visiting Professor of Economics at
Columbia University. Polanyi and his students at Columbia challenged the notion
that pre-industrial economies could be considered through the same conceptual appa-
ratus as industrial economies. Polanyi and his students were considered substantivists.
This title is derived from an understanding of economy as substantive; a perspective
that sees the economy as embedded within society and is therefore culturally specific.
This means that economies must be understood and defined by the "substance" of indi-
vidual economies rather than through culturally universal criteria. This is a definition
of economy which stands in contrast to the formal definition of economy, embodied by
Neo-classical economics, where economy is understood to be: "derived from the logic
of economically rational action."? A formal definition of the economy sees economic
activity as the result of universal human nature and thus can be deduced from formal
principles. In essence, the controversy boils down to the degree in which pre-industrial
economy mirrors post-industrial economy, and how useful the methodology for the
study of the latter is for the former.
In recent years the controversy has died down. Certainly there is still considerable
venom between the extreme proponents in the carnps.f Yet no consensus was ever
reached and it is frequently obvious, when reading about ancient economics, which
conceptual framework has been employed. Since Polanyi wrote explicitly about the
economies of cuneiform civilizations, there was not the usual lag time in the incorpo-
ration of this methodological discussion into cuneiform studies. Polanyi's actual analy-
sis of Mesopotamian economies has not proven to be very useful, primarily because of
his relatively poor analysis of Mesopotamian institutions." Renger and van de Mieroop
I More properly, the origins of this debate can be seen in the writings of Karl Rodberrus in the
1860s.
2 Polanyi 1977, p. xviii
3 Note for example Silver's extremely hostile comments towards the substantivists, Silver 1983, p. 141.
4 The problems with his interpretations of specific Mesopotamian economic institutions are dis-
cussed by many scholars. For a detailed criticism of Polanyi's interpretations, based on misreadings of
Mesopotamian languages and misunderstandings of Mesopotamian society, see Veenhof 1972.
10 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
r
THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTMST DEBATE 11
have suggested that this is not the appropriate lesson to be learned from Polanyi since
the errors he made are understandable given his lack of formal training in Assyriology.
Considered anew, these scholars suggest that Polanyi's methodology can still provide
a useful framework for the study of ancient economy." Polanyi's methodology will
be outlined in more detail below. At this stage it is important to note that Polanyi's
most important contribution is not his description of Mesopotamian economy, but
his method for approaching the data. The formalist perspective, in contrast, sees much
continuity between past and present. It assumes a fundamental similarity in decision-
making and value creation between past and present. The following discussion seeks
to describe the development of both of these economic perspectives.
1. The Nineteenth Century Primitivist/Modernist Debate
Study of the economy started on a new path with the proposition by Rodbertus
(in the 1860s), that the ancient economy was dominated by the oikos.
6
The oikos
(household) was the primary unit of production in antiquity, according to Rodbertus
- with commerce playing only a minor role in the general economy'! Rodbertus was
primarily concerned with Roman estates and Roman taxation, but his suggestion has
made an impact on the study of civilizations other than Rome.
In 1893 Karl Bucher adapted the oikos model of Rodbertus to his own social evo-
lutionary theory of the development of economy. Bucher argued that before the era of
the nation-state, economy did not exist on scale larger than that of the city." The scale
of economy in the classical world operated at the level of the household, and ideally
households were self-sufficient. The self-sufficiency of the oikos meant that trade and
currency were not important components of classical economy."
According to Pearson, the notion that trade and currency did not figure in classical
economy was easily contested by Eduard Meyer in 1895.
10
Meyer's arguments against
BUcher were essentially the same as the criticisms that the formalists directed against
Polanyi sixty years later. It was easy enough for Meyer to demonstrate that trade and
currency had been components of economy long before classical antiquity, for exam-
ple in the civilizations of Mesopotamia. For Meyer, there was no substantial difference
between modern and ancient economy. II
5 Renger 1994, pp. 184-185; van de Mieroop 1999, p. 116.
6 Pearson 1957, p. 5; Weber 1976, p. 42.
7 Weber 1976, p. 42.
8 Pearson 1957, p. 6.
9 Pearson 1957, p. 7.
10 Meyer 1957, p. 7.
11 Pearson 1957, p. 7.
ii. Neo-classical Economics as the Basis for a Formal Model of the Economy
The economic theoretical framework designated as "Neo-classical economics" has
its origins in the 1870s.1
2
From the 1870s to the First World War, models of equilib-
rium dominated economic theory. Backhouse defines the major difference between
the Neo-classical schools of thought and the Classical schools of thought in these
terms:
The new systems proposed by jevons, Menger, Walras, and Marshall were all systems of
static equilibrium, in which prices were determined by the interaction, in competitive
markets, of the maximizing behaviour of economic agents. The emphasis was thus very
different from that of the classical economists for whom a static system of price determi-
nation, though present, was in the background vis avis the theory of growth and capital
accumulation. 13
The difference should be seen as the relative importance of price-setting mechanisms
within the study of economics. For the Classical school, these price-setting mechanisms
were relatively unimportant, and in Adam Smith's case, were considered a hindrance
to comparative study. The Neo-classicists, while holding basically similar views about
the nature of price-setting mechanisms, depart from Classical schools of thought in
the importance they place on these mechanisms relative to other economic concepts.
The driving force behind price-setting and valuation in Neo-classical thought is the
concept of marginal utility. Utility, in its simplest form, is the ability or possibility of
a good or service to satisfy human wants. Marginal utility is the added utility that the
consumption of one more good or service has within the context of the supply of other
goods or services. The law of diminishing marginal utility holds that as consumption of
a good or service increases, the marginal utility of that same good or service decreases.
Related are the concepts of supply and demand: supply is availability of a scarce good
or service, and demand is the desire for that scarce good and resource. These con-
cepts are all considered part of an equilibrium model because behind these concepts
is a notion of an equilibrium price, when supply and demand are equivalent. In Neo-
classical thought, supply and demand are such powerful principles, that they constitute
the sole regulating force in an economy. Friedland and Robertson state: "The main-
stream of neoclassical economics proceeds from the assumption that the market is an
autonomous, self regulating arena."14
With marginal utility, or equilibrium as the basis of the Neo-classical school, some
fundamental characteristics of this school of thought developed beyond and in con-
trast to Jevons, Menger, and Walras. Of importance to this discussion is the notion of
rationality in decision-making. These economists developed the concept of the homo
12 Polanyi 1977, p. 21.
13 Backhouse 1985, p. 131.
14 Friedland and Robertson 1990, P: 6.
12 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTMST DEBATE 13
economicus who made economic decisions based solely on definable criteria of profit
and loss. This would become a fundamental point of contention in the formalist-sub-
stantivist debate. Neo-classicists saw economic decision-making as entirely divorced
from cultural baggage, and centered completely upon models of rational gain-loss
decision-making. Even institutions that organize economic activity are seen, by Neo-
classicists, as oriented around rational choice.I?
iii. Application of Neo-classical Economics to the Ancient Economy
Within the confines of the formalist-substantivist debate, the most important reaction
was that of Michael Rostovtzeff. Responding to the rise of Soviet power and moving
to the United States, Rostovtzeff argued against the validity of Marxist-Hegelian mod-
els for understanding ancient economy. Instead, Rostovtzeff argued in 1932 that the
only difference between ancient and modern economy was a question of scale.16
Rostovtzeff's argument that scale is the only difference between modern and ancient
economy is laid out in his monumental The Social and Economic History ofthe Roman
Empire (1%3 [1957]). There, Rostovtzeff outlines a history of Roman economic devel-
opment.'? He argued for a series of evolutionary stages within the Roman economy.
The first major stage was the collapse of what he calls 'feudal capitalism,' in which
wealthy landlords dominated the economic life of Rome.l'' This feudal capitalism was
replaced by "city capitalism," where, since wealth was concentrated in the hands of the
Emperor and his support structure, urban businessmen who were physically close to
the Imperial residence and Temple of Saturn gained power.l'' These powerful individ-
uals (called 'urban bourgeoisie,' by Rostovtzeff) began to accumulate capital within
the urban environment.i'' Since the primary goal of the urban bourgeoisie was to gain
a safe income, the economy of Rome stagnated and eventually this kind of capitalism
collapsed." Also preventing the growth of Roman industry in this pseudo-capitalist
environment was the limited purchasing power of the rnasses.F The poor could not
afford to purchase goods, hence limiting both demand for goods and the reward for
providing goods through the free market. While many differences are apparent between
the Roman economy and the modern economy, the differences, according to Ros-
tovtzeff, were better explained by scale as opposed to differences in orientation or
motivation.
15 Friedland and Robertson 1990, p. 18.
16 Pearson 1957, pp. 9-10.
17 Rostovtzeff 1963, p. xiii.
18 Rostovrzeff 1963, p. xiv.
19 Rostovtzeff 1963, p. xiv.
20 Rostovtzeff 1963, p. xiv.
21 Rostovrzeff 1963, p. xiv.
22 Rostovtzeff 1963, p. xv,
iv. Early Alternatives to Neo-classical Economics
The writings of Max Weber seemed to straddle this controversy. Weber accepts the
oikos model, but with the same caveat that he credits to Bucher, that the oikos was only
an ideal type
23
and not, in practice, the only form of economic unit in the ancient
world.j" Weber's unique spin on the oikos model is his suggestion that the household,
as a domestic production unit, was influenced by the intervention of big men with
a monopoly on commerce ii.e., princes, chiefs) directly into local economy.P Yet he
makes certain to be clear that the origins of large latifundia-style organizations did not
lie in specific, goal-oriented economic policy, but rather the personal accumulation of
labor at the household level.26
Weber also suggests that Eduard Meyer's arguments against Bucher were based on
misunderstandings of Bucher's arguments." Whether this was true or not, Meyer (and
his students) argued against the use of specialized economic terminology for the study
of the ancient world, and instead chose terms like factory to describe institutions in
the ancient world. Weber, however, explicitly states his dislike for such methodology:
"Nothing could be more misleading, therefore, than to describe the economic institu-
tions of antiquity in modern terms."28 Weber did not always follow this advice, and
often used anachronistic historical terminology (such as 'feudalism' and (oikos') in his
investigations.
Indeed, Weber breaks from his own advice when discussing 'capitalism'. Weber
suggests that capitalism is a useful term in the description of the ancient economy.
He defines capital as: "wealth used to gain profit in commerce."29 This did exist in
antiquity, according to Weber, but was limited by a number of variables.P Monarchies,
as political institutions, had a limiting effect on capitalism in general'! Inherent to
23 Ideal types can be considered set constellations of sociological laws. Weber comments on ideal
types, Weber 1978, p. 20: ".. .it is necessary for the sociologist to formulate pure ideal types of the cor-
responding forms of action which in each case involve the highest possible degree of logical integration
by virtue of their complete adequacy on the level of meaning. But precisely because this is true, it is
probably seldom if ever that a real phenomenon can be found which corresponds exactly to one of these
ideally constructed pure types." Within this framework, Weber suggested that no distinction needs to be
made between conscious and unconscious actions. Ideal types are better analyzed as though they involve
conscious decision making processes, Weber 1978, p. 22. Ideal types are heuristic devices for scholars
useful for understanding certain, set phenomenon. It must be remembered that ideal types are just that
- models; they fulfill pragmatic functions, and in the practice of everyday life rarely appear exactly as
formulated.
24 Weber 1976, p. 43.
25 Weber 1976, p. 46.
26 Weber 1976, p. 66.
27 Weber 1976, p. 43.
28 Weber 1976, p. 45.
29 Weber 1976, p. 48.
30 Weber 1976, pp. 52-60.
31 Weber 1976, p. 64.
14
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTMST DEBATE 15
this antique capitalism, in Weber's model, were public finance organizations.F Private
capital was directly affected by these organizations and in essence was almost always
originally a form of state wealth.
33
The most blatant example of these ancient financing
strategies was tax farming.
34
Tax farming was the process in which states would sell the
rights to collect taxes to private individuals. So in essence private citizens were accu-
mulating capital but it was capital integrally dependent on state funds, in Weber's per-
spective. Furthermore, Weber suggested that the state or other authorities drastically
limited the amount of profits.P Weber argues that institutions that look like guilds to
modern historians are actually the remnants of the organization of state imposition
and in reality were not related to the accumulation of private capical/"
Related to capitalism but not dependent on it is Weber's notion of profit-making.
Profit-making according to Weber: "is activity which is oriented to opportunities for
seeking new powers of control over goods on a single occasion, repeatedly or continu-
ously."37 This is different from capitalism, which Weber associates with capital account-
ing, in that it is not restricted to cornmerce.t" Similarly, capital accounting from the
Weberian perspective can be oriented towards market relationships or power based
relationships (such as taxation). This is the process in which opportunities for profit-
making are calculated based on the comparison of amounts of capital before and after
the enrerprise/" Capital accounting is, according to Weber, a type of profit-making
that is unique to rational economic situarions.t"
Domination, especially its legitimization, is an important concept in Weberian
thought. For him, there is no legitimate domination without some element of volun-
tary compliance on the part of the dominated." This voluntary compliance is founded
on one of three bases: rational, traditional, and charismatic.Y Rational grounds consist
of a basic belief in the legality of the domination and the rights of the dominant to
dominare.P This is the foundation of bureaucratic domination. Tradition based domi-
nation is based on the belief in the legitimacy of ancient or traditional power struc-
tures.t" Charismatic domination is based on the personal characteristics of a particular
individual, which imbues others with the belief in the dominant's right to dominate.P
32 Weber 1976, p. 61.
33 Weber 1976, p. 61.
34 Weber 1976, p. 61.
35 Weber 1976, p. 64.
36 Weber 1976, p. 47.
37 Weber 1978, p. 90.
38 Weber 1978, p. 164.
39 Weber 1978, p. 91.
40 Weber 1978, p. 91.
4! Weber 1978, p. 212.
42 Weber 1978, p. 215.
43 Weber 1978, p. 215.
44 Weber 1978, p. 215.
45 Weber 1978, p. 215.
These bases for domination are integral to Weber's understanding of the ancient
world. In Weber's oikos model the dominant basis of authority was traditional. The
tradition that allows domination is patriarchalism, an organizational structure founded
on both economic and kinship terms, with its leadership stemming from rights of
inheritance.i" To Weber, this kind of traditional power is the most important form of
pre-rational dominarion.F It is based on piety towards tradition and towards the mas-
ter, and is best referred to as patrimonialism.t" This kind of domination is geared
towards fulfilling the master's wants, though this is limited by the fact that the master
lives in the same location as other members of the group, and hence his happiness is
directly related to other members of the household.t?
Patrimonialism extends beyond the household level to the state level, in Weber's
model.P" The difference is only in scale, not in structure.P! Typical of a patrimonial
state is a lack of differentiation between public and private spheres of life.52 Office
holders, in a patrimonial state, are granted offices based on their personal relationship
with the ruler. The same can be said of organizations, in which the members as a
collective have a relationship with the ruler, as constituted by the group identity. 53
These officials (or organizations) can be maintained in three basic ways: through
direct allowance from the master's storehouses, through the assignment of fees granted
for particular acts, and through the grant of Iand.l" While this may in theory create
quite a decentralized state, in practice there are numerous methods for keeping the
powers of the officeholders in check. Special offices can be created, which travel
through the master's sphere of influence ensuring the continued support of the mas-
ter.
55
Requirements to appear at court and the creation of jurisdictional powers can
help reduce the disintegration of the master's patrimonial authority. 56
These sociological concepts are not mere abstractions in Weber's work. Nor are they
based on abstract notions divorced from empirical evidence. His work is rooted in
close examination of a variety of civilizations. Weber's analyses of the details of ancient
society are often neglected, since he was writing before much of the material sources
of the ancient world were known or available to non-specialist audiences. 57 Even given
46 Weber 1978, p. 231.
47 Weber 1978, p. 1006.
48 Weber 1978, p. 1008.
49 Weber 1978, pp. 1010-1011.
50 Weber 1978, p. 1013.
5! Weber 1978, p. 1013.
52 Weber 1978, p. 1028.
53 Weber 1978, p. 1023.
54 Weber 1978, p. 1032.
55 Weber 1978, p. 1042.
56 Weber 1978, pp. 1042-1043.
57 See his comments on the Code of Hammurabi in TheAgrarian Sociology ofAncient Civilizations,
Weber 1976, p. 83.
16 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMAL1ST-SUBSTANT1VIST DEBATE 17
this, his work has been of tremendous importance for other scholars in the study of
the Classical and ancient Near Eastern world. These Neo-Weberians shall be discussed
more fully in Chapter Two.
While scholars such as Weber were looking at the larger social structures that lay
beneath economic practices, others were looking to the objects of economic activity.
At the end of the Nineteenth century there was a growing understanding that social
relationships could be mediated through objects. The works of two scholars stand out
as particularly important for the study of the ancient economy: Thorstein Veblen and
Marcel Mauss.
Thorstein Veblen's The Theory ofthe Leisure Class (1899) provides one early model
that has figured prominently in ancient historians' understandings of the ancient
economy. Particularly in the economic study of the Late Bronze Age where it is so
tempting to classify certain artifacts as luxury goods and others as utilitarian, Veblen's
model of conspicuous consumption has been productive. Veblen's model has been
seen as useful for archaeologists because his model explicitly develops a means of
understanding the social role of objects that otherwise appear to lack utilitarian value.
The actual argument made by Veblen is worth discussing in detail, since the term
'conspicuous consumption' has come to be used in a way different from its original
sense.
First of all, it is important to note that 'conspicuous consumption' is not the main
issue of Veblen's book. As the title The Theory of the Leisure Class suggests, it is the
leisure class and the role played by the leisure class that is the focus of Veblen's work.
The leisure class, according to Veblen, is the class of society that is divorced from
material production. He states: "the rule holds with but slight exceptions that, whether
warriors or priests, the upper classes are exempt from industrial employments, and this
exemption is the economic expression of their superior rank."58 This is the central
theme of Veblen's argument. He goes on to show the many ways in which the leisure
class signifies their rank by engaging in various activities that indicate a non-partic-
ipation in productive labor. Demonstrative expression of idleness is a primary means
of signifying rank. Leisure is the non-productive consumption of time, which signifies
a sense of the unworthiness of labor and the ability to afford to not have to work.
59
The demonstration of access to idleness is even greater when one is powerful enough
to make other individuals idle. Servants exemplify this removal of other people from
the realm of productive manufacture and trained servants are a marker of even greater
status.P''
58 Veblen 1994 [1899], p. 1.
59 Veblen 1994 [1899], p. 43.
60 Veblen 1994 [1899], pp. 56,61.
This marshalling of leisure power is inherently related to consumption. Knowledge
of the proper methods of consumption and materials to be consumed are necessary
components of the process.v' Intrinsically, the proper consumer must be separate enough
from labor in order to be able to devote enough time to learn the proper habits of
consumption. Wine tasting is an excellent example of this, and it easily extends to
other aspects oflife (i.e., golf, theatre attendance). The consumption of particular goods
becomes another means of demonstrating rank. By the conversion of productive energy
into unproductive goods ti., ones that do not satisfy basic needs and are frequently
called luxury goods), such possessions become: "evidence of the prepotence of the
possessor of these goods over other individuals within the communiry.v- The pos-
session of this property becomes a signifier of ranking within society.63 This is less
explicit, but akin to the Roman practice of wearing rank-specific clothing as a means
of signification. Veblen sees this kind of possession as unproductive: "Unproductive
consumption of goods is honourable, primarily as a mark of prowess and a prerequisite
of human dignity; secondarily it becomes substantially honourable in itself, especially
the consumption of the more desirable things."64 Conspicuous consumption, then, is
that consumption of non-productive goods. This becomes "a means of reputability to
the gentleman of leisure."?
The development of conspicuous consumption within the leisure class leads to a
further stratification of non-productive ranks within society. Towards the upper ranks
consumption is surrounded by more and more rules and obligations and it illustrates the
increasing distance of the consumer from productive labor. Each level of consumption,
however, has at its roots the desire to emulate the rank above.
66
Elite emulation as
understood by Veblen is the purposeful emulation of the upper classes, or other ruling
classes. Veblen sees all acts of conspicuous consumption as attempts to illustrate an
individual's divorce from productive labor.
It is important to keep the concepts of conspicuous consumption and elite emula-
tion separate. It is tempting to see them as virtually the same concept since in their end
result both involve the acquisition of symbols of status. However, the base meaning of
the acquisition of symbols is very different. Conspicuous consumption is a process of
transforming productive energy into non-productive energy in order to demonstrate
one's ability to do so. Emulation is the mechanism for determining what kinds of non-
productive energy are used. Not to say that the two concepts are unrelated but it must
be remembered why and how they are separate concepts.
61 Veblen 1994 [1899], p. 74.
62 Veblen 1994 [1899], p. 28.
63 Veblen 1994 [1899], p. 29.
64 Veblen 1994 [1899], p. 69.
65 Veblen 1994 [1899], p. 75.
66 Veblen 1994 [I899], p. 25.
18 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE 19
Veblen understood that part of the process of conspicuous consumption was the
giving of lavish gifts, parties, and entertainments, as symbols of the transformation of
productive energy into non-productive energy.67 Marcel Mauss, in his Essai sur Ie Don
(The Gift), provides a methodology for analyzing this phenomena in more depth. He
attempted to uncover the principles that compel the receiver of a gift to reciprocate
the gift giving.
68
The giving of a gift is seen as part of a mutually obligatory social
encounter. Gifts are not given freely (with some exceptions) and without obligation to
the receiver. Giving is part of a process that creates and reinforces social relationships
and positions. Gifts may appear to be voluntary but are in fact compulsory. Gift giv-
ing is a system of obligation. Mauss notes that unreciprocated gifts make the receiver
uncomfortable and so the gift giver is obligated to return another gift, preferably a
more valuable one.
69
There are four features of gifts that compel them to be returned. The spirit of the
gift, an intangible aspect of the gift that cannot be alienated from the giver, compels
the receiver to return the same. Self-interest also compels return of the gift; social
forces compel appropriate and predictable behavior. Related, reciprocity acts as a lev-
eling device preventing the creation of social hierarchy. Gifting is part of what Mauss
calls a system oftotal seruice/? There are three major components of this system of total
service - the obligation to reciprocate gifts given as well as the obligation to give in
the first place and the obligation to receive in the first place."! The reciprocity of gift
giving is not just a reaction to an isolated event. It is the acceptable response to a
socially integrated institution. One is culturally obligated to give gifts.
Of particular interest in Mauss's work to the economic historian is what this concept
of total service system suggests about pre-industrial economy. For Mauss this system
was the primary mechanism for the circulation of goods in pre-monetary economies.V
The moral compulsion to give, receive, and reciprocate is the driving cultural force for
the circulation of goods and services rather than the desire to accumulate wealth or
status (which would be consistent with Veblen's model). This has been a particularly
productive viewpoint for scholars of ancient economy as will be discussed later.
Also manifest as an early alternative to Neo-classical economic models were the
works of Alexander Chayanov. Chayanov's primary contribution to economic anthro-
pology was his explanation for the underproduction of domestic producers. Viewing the
household as a primary unit of production in the tradition of Rodbertus and Weber,
Chayanov was interested in studying economy from the smallest sections upwards.
67 Veblen 1994 [1889], p. 76.
68 Mauss 1990 [1950], p. 3.
69 Mauss 1990 [1950], p. 65.
70 Mauss 1990 [1950], pp. 5-6.
71 Mauss 1990 [1950], p. 13.
71 Mauss 1990 [1950], p. 46.
This was fundamental to the academic components of the Soviet Union's New Eco-
nomic Policy (NEP) in the 1920s, of which Chayanov was an active participant. One
of the primary goals of the NEP was the Westernization and concurrent socialization
of Soviet family farms. Chayanov's contribution was his development of a theory of
peasant economy that could be considered a distinct phase in the Hegelian-Marxist
conception of history dominant at the time,?3This theoretical framework was intended
for specific use in policy formation, based on accurate descriptions of rural farm life
and the ability to predict the economic actions and outputs of individual house-
holds,?4
Of primary importance, Chayanov discovered that the domestic mode of pro-
duction tends to under-produce. Chayanov sees peasant farmers as having different
production goals from capitalists. The aim of capitalist production is the creation of
surplus, whereas the aim of the domestic producer is to satisfy the needs of the fam-
ily, and/or household dependents." The domestic producers are not inclined to create
surplus, because of the inherent distaste for the work itself.7
6
This distaste for labor,
called 'drudgery' limits the production possibilities of the domestic unit,77 Drudgery
affects production after minimal production goals are met (i.e., enough is produced to
sustain the household). Producers may attempt to create a surplus if it may reasonably
lead to some better quality of life but the drudgery of life acts as a check against pos-
sible extra work."
While the results of Chayanov's theory may seem consistent with the frameworks of
Neo-classical economics, Chayanov himself did not find Neo-classical economics use-
ful in the setting of the pre-industrial Soviet Union. The pre-industrial nature of the
Soviet Union in Chayanov's view did not have all of the features of a Neo-classical
economy and to him if any components were missing then the models were not use-
ful.7
9
This is an early argument that pre-industrial economies cannot be accurately
understood through the lens of an economic model created for a post-industrial society.
On the other hand, the argument has been made that Chayanov's theoretical under-
pinnings are rooted in Neo-classical economics.t" The political circumstances in which
Chayanov operated certainly made it impossible for him to support such conceptual
frameworks, at least publicly, but arguments have been made that acceptance of this
framework are implicit in his writings. The connection between Chayanov's model and
Neo-classical models is that both are essentially marginalist arguments. For Chayanov,
73 Kerblay 1987, p. 176.
74 Durrenberger 1984, p. 7.
75 Durrenberger 1984, p. 8; Kerblay 1987, p. 177.
76 Durrenberger 1984, p. 9; Kerblay 1987, p. 178; Tannenbaum 1984, p. 28.
77 Tannenbaum 1984, p. 28.
78 Kerblay 1987, p. 178.
79 Durrenberger 1984, p. 7.
80 Donham 1980, p. 517.
20 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE 21
the economy can be mapped out using the x and y axes of security and drudgery,
whereas Neo-classical models' x and y axes are wants and resources. So while the
conceptual frameworks used to understand the economy are similarly structured, the
social and cultural embeddedness of the conceptual frameworks becomes quite clear in
the comparison of the two. Whatever Chayonov's actual political views, studies such
as his hinted that Neo-classical models were not always appropriate analytical tools,
especially equilibrium and rational decision-making models. A new approach that
allowed for greater variation was needed.
v. Karl Polanyi and the Substantivist School of Thought
Karl Polanyi reacted very strongly to scholars like Rostovtzeff The methodology
Polanyi outlined in response to these kinds of works has been both influential and
controversial within the field of economic anthropology. Most problematic has been
the cursory application of the Polanyian models to historical situations, which has
tended to discredit this school (see the discussion of the Old Assyrian trade caravans
below). This is unfortunate, since the conceptualization of the relationship between
economy and society has much utility. 81 It is this conception, rather than previous
attempts at application, which shall be concentrated on.
At the foundation of Polanyi's conceptual framework is his notion of the relation-
ship between economy and society. Pearson describes Polanyi's conception:
Polanyi's basicsolution [to the problem that markets are not always visible in the study
of antique economy] was to return to the notion of the economyas the material means-
providing sphere and to examine the different institutional frameworks in which that
sphere operated in different societies. Here, certainly there is no enigma. Everysociety
must somehowfind the material means for its survival, and that activity is everywhere
clear and evident, providing "substantive" evidence. The whole process will be organized
differentlyin different societies, run on different motives, and use varyingmaterials and
technologies, but it will always be there, observable and capable of analysis as a set of
identifiableactivities with some shape, some unity, some stability, if not necessarily as a
differentiatedeconomic system [Pearson's italics].82
The economy, from Polanyi's perspective, is embedded within society.83 Economy is
the means through which humans gain materials necessary for survival. There are two
major aspects of Polanyi's substantive economy: "one is the interaction between man
and his surroundings; the other is the institutionalization of that process. In actuality,
the two are inseparable; we will however, treat of them separately."84 For the most
81 Johannes Renger is a defender of Polanyi, suggesting that scholars have been mistaken to dwell on
Polanyi's factual errors and to ignore his methodological concerns, Renger 1994, pp. 184-185.
82 Polanyi 1977, p. xxix.
83 Polanyi 1957, p. 250.
84 Polanyi 1977, p. 31.
part, the Polanyian school is interested in the second aspect of substantive economy.
Treating the economy as an instituted process is the fundamental means of analysis.
Economies in the Polanyian viewpoint are integrated into the economy as patterns,
referred to as 'forms of integration'r" In order to compare one economy with another
it is important to compare like with like. By identifying which pattern of integration
is dominant, this goal is made possible.I" This involves simplification of the actual
details of the economy.87 To Polanyi, "by differentiating between sectors and levels of the
economy those forms offer a means of describing the economic process in comparatively
simple terms, thereby introducing a measure of order into its endless variations. "88 There
are three primary forms of integration to Polanyians: reciprocity, redistribution, and
market-exchange.s? Polanyi describes the use of these three terms:
One might think of the forms of integration as diagrams representingthe patterns made
by the movements of goods and persons in the economy, whether these movements
consist of changes in their locations, in their appropriation, or in both. As a form of
integration, reciprocity describes the movement of goods and services (or the disposal
over them) between correspondingpoints of a symmetrical arrangement: redistribution
stands for a movement towards a center and out of it again, whether the objects are
physically moved or only the disposition over them is shifted; and exchange represents
a movement in a similar sense, but this time between any two dispersed or random
points in the syscem."
These three patterns shall be discussed in more detail below. It is important to remem-
ber the scale of the various interactions. All are manifest on an institutional level, that
is to say a level that is reflected by the dominant economic organizations within a par-
ticular society. For example, barter between individuals does not indicate the existence
of a market system." Nor do gifts between individuals indicate the presence of a pre-
dominantly reciprocal system. It should also be noted that trade does not indicate
one or another of these patterns of integration for trade appears in various guises in
all three of these forms. Indeed a pattern of integration should be understood as the
dominant type of economic interaction at the largest levels of society.
Reciprocity is a pattern of integration dominant between groups of equal status.
There must be a differentiation of groups within the society in order for reciprocity to
be present (on a societal scale). Of particular utility in the study of reciprocity is the
work of Marcel Mauss (discussed above). In essence, however, economic self-interest is
discouraged according to Polanyi in this pattern of inregrarion.F
85 Polanyi 1957, p. 250; 1977, p. 35.
86 Polanyi 1977, p. 35.
87 Polanyi 1957, p. 250.
88 Polanyi 1957, p. 250.
89 Polanyi 1957, p. 250, 1977; pp. 35-36.
90 Polanyi 1977, p. 36.
91 Polanyi 1977, p. 42.
92 Polanyi 1977, p. 39.
22 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE 23
Redistribution, on the other hand, requires some kind of central organizing prin-
ciple. In Polanyi's words: "Redistribution obtains within a group to the extent that
in the allocation of goods (including land and natural resources) they are collected in
one hand and distributed by virtue of custom, law, or ad hoc central decision. In this
way, the reuniting of divided labor is achieved."93 There does not need to be an actual
physical collection of goods, 'in redistribution. It can be manifest in apportional rights
(the rights over the status of the goods or labor).94
Market trade is the third major form of integration. Polanyi explains market trade
as: "a two-way movement of goods between persons oriented toward the gain ensuing
for each from the resulting terms."95 At the heart of the market trade pattern of inte-
gration is the presence of price-setting mechanisms.I"
vi. The Critique of Polanyi and the Defense of His Principles in the Near East
A number of criticisms have been leveled at the Polanyian model of forms of inte-
gration. Gledhill and Larsen suggest that the forms of integration and movement of
goods cannot be explained: "without specifying definite structures in society that may
be seen as 'symmetrical' with such flows."97 If this is the case, then Polanyi's model
requires a static view of ancient economy that does not allow for the dynamism criti-
cal to any study of economics since the forms of integration are therefore fixed by such
structures." Furthermore, these models do not engage production at all; they concen-
trate on circulation of goods after production.i"
Another important criticism of Polanyi is that there is an inherently social evolu-
tionary conception underlying his model. In one of his other works, The Great Trans-
formation, Polanyi describes how the industrial revolution inaugurated a complete
transformation of human society. Amounting to a paradigm shift of Newtonian (or
]asperian) proportion, the industrial revolution marks a radical turning point in human
life. Because of this conception Holton argues that Polanyi: "underestimates the extent
of social differentiation of economy and society before the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries.t"?" Holton does not see the industrial revolution as discontinuous in human
history. He states: "The alternative proposed here is that embeddedness and differen-
tiation are omni-present features of most if not all societies - even though the scale
93 Polanyi 1977, p. 40.
94 Polanyi 1957, p. 254.
95 Polanyi 1977, p. 42.
96 Polanyi 1957, p. 254.
97 Gledhill and Larsen 1982, p. 199.
98 However, ir should be nored that the "dynamic" models employed by Gledhill and Larsen for the
study of Mesoamerican and Mesopotamian economics are not so dynamic. Their model is based on
cyclic episodes, which is just a more complex static model, Gledhill and Larsen 1982, p. 226.
99 Gledhill and Larsen 1982, pp. 199-200.
100 Holton 1992, p. 39.
of each may vary."101 This is an important point. However, the argument should be
made that the scale of transformation that accompanied the industrial revolution was
so extreme and touched so many other elements of life, that while from a philosoph-
ical standpoint it is not discontinuous, for the practical purposes of historical inquiry
it may be considered as such.
Despite these criticisms the Polanyian model remains valuable since it allows for
the easy comparison of different economies. Economies are basically too complex to
understand as a whole and to understand many different economies at once is a near
impossible cognitive feat. Polanyi's method creates a common frame of reference in
which economies can be compared and understood. It strips economies of the ter-
minology specific to that situation in order to clarify the general principles of the cir-
culation of goods and labor as well as the institutions that facilitate these actions. 102
Polanyis method can be employed to answer specific questions about the circulation
of goods, but it must be understood that these patterns of integration do not explain
or describe all aspects of economic modalities.
A number of cuneiform scholars have demonstrated difficulties in applying Polanyian
models to Mesopotamian civilization. In a very influential 1976paper, Rollig identifies
specific Akkadian terminology that reflects markets and market trade. Rollig makes a
very simple argument against the substantivists; since words for market, market-value,
merchant, etc., are attested in Akkadian, then these institutions must have existed. It is
worth mentioning a fewof the examples given by Rollig. He notes that the word mabiru
can refer to market-places and markec-rates.l'" The word kdru has a similar semantic
range.
104
Likewise, markets existed in identifiable locations in the Mesopotamian city,
the bdbi (gate) and the siiqu (srreetl.l'" Rollig also uses the attestation of the term sdbiru
as evidence that merchants existed given that this is an accurate translation for this
term. 106
Rollig's discussion is the most obvious argument against Polanyi and the substan-
tivists. If the words for some concept or modality exist then it should go without say-
ing that the concept or modality itself also existed. Unfortunately, what looks like a
101 Holton 1992, p. 45.
102 A slightly different understanding of the use of Polanyian models is argued for by Oppenheim, a
usage that more typifies cuneiform studies in general. In "ABirds-EyeView of Mesopotamian Economic
History," Oppenheim argues, following Polanyian lines, that scholars obscure ancient data when they
try to understand that data through Nineteenth century normative models, Oppenheim 1957, p. 28.
Oppenheim instead suggests, Oppenheim 1957, p. 28, that at least with literate civilizations the best
way to gain an understanding of them is to identify and analyzetheir emic conceptions and that the best
way to approach this task "is to study the semantics of selected key terms rather than to use modern
categories of organization as the avenues of approach."
103 Rollig 1976, p. 288.
104 Rollig 1976, p. 293.
105 Rollig 1976, pp. 289, 291.
106 Rollig 1976, p. 295.
22 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTlVIST DEBATE 23
Redistribution, on the other hand, requires some kind of central organizing prin-
ciple. In Polanyi's words: "Redistribution obtains within a group to the extent that
in the allocation of goods (including land and natural resources) they are collected in
one hand and distributed by virtue of custom, law, or ad hoc central decision. In this
way, the reuniting of divided labor is achieved."93There does not need to be an actual
physical collection of goods, 'in redistribution. It can be manifest in apportional rights
(the rights over the status of the goods or labor).94
Market trade is the third major form of integration. Polanyi explains market trade
as: "a two-way movement of goods between persons oriented toward the gain ensuing
for each from the resulting terms."95 At the heart of the market trade pattern of inte-
gration is the presence of price-setting mechanisms."
vi. The Critique of Polanyi and the Defense of His Principles in the Near East
A number of criticisms have been leveled at the Polanyian model of forms of inte-
gration. Gledhill and Larsen suggest that the forms of integration and movement of
goods cannot be explained: "without specifying definite structures in society that may
be seen as 'symmetrical' with such flows."97 If this is the case, then Polanyi's model
requires a static view of ancient economy that does not allow for the dynamism criti-
cal to any study of economics since the forms of integration are therefore fixed by such
structures." Furthermore, these models do not engage production at all; they concen-
trate on circulation of goods after production.?'
Another important criticism of Polanyi is that there is an inherently social evolu-
tionary conception underlying his model. In one of his other works, The Great Trans-
formation, Polanyi describes how the industrial revolution inaugurated a complete
transformation of human society. Amounting to a paradigm shift of Newtonian (or
jasperian) proportion, the industrial revolution marks a radical turning point in human
life. Because of this conception Holton argues that Polanyi: "underestimates the extent
of social differentiation of economy and society before the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries.Y'P" Holton does not see the industrial revolution as discontinuous in human
history. He states: "The alternative proposed here is that embeddedness and differen-
tiation are omni-present features of most if not all societies - even though the scale
93 Polanyi 1977, p. 40.
94 Polanyi 1957, p. 254.
95 Polanyi 1977, p. 42.
96 Polanyi 1957, p. 254.
97 Gledhill and Larsen 1982, p. 199.
98 However, ir should be noted that the "dynamic" models employed by Gledhill and Larsen for the
study of Mesoamerican and Mesopotamian economics are not so dynamic. Their model is based on
cyclic episodes, which is just a more complex static model, Gledhill and Larsen 1982, p. 226.
99 Gledhill and Larsen 1982, pp. 199-200.
100 Holton 1992, p. 39.
of each may vary."IOI This is an important point. However, the argument should be
made that the scale of transformation that accompanied the industrial revolution was
so extreme and touched so many other elements of life, that while from a philosoph-
ical standpoint it is not discontinuous, for the practical purposes of historical inquiry
it may be considered as such.
Despite these criticisms the Polanyian model remains valuable since it allows for
the easy comparison of different economies. Economies are basically too complex to
understand as a whole and to understand many different economies at once is a near
impossible cognitive feat. Polanyi's method creates a common frame of reference in
which economies can be compared and understood. It strips economies of the ter-
minology specific to that situation in order to clarify the general principles of the cir-
culation of goods and labor as well as the institutions that facilitate these actions. 102
Polanyi's method can be employed to answer specific questions about the circulation
of goods, but it must be understood that these patterns of integration do not explain
or describe all aspects of economic modalities.
A number of cuneiform scholars have demonstrated difficulties in applying Polanyian
models to Mesopotamian civilization. In a very influential 1976 paper, Rol1ig identifies
specific Akkadian terminology that reflects markets and market trade. Rollig makes a
very simple argument against the substantivists; since words for market, market-value,
merchant, etc., are attested in Akkadian, then these institutions must have existed. It is
worth mentioning a few of the examples given by Rollig. He notes that the word mahiru
can refer to market-places and market-rates.P" The word karu has a similar semantic
range.
I04
Likewise, markets existed in identifiable locations in the Mesopotamian city,
the babi (gate) and the suqu (streetl.l'" Rollig also uses the attestation of the term sabiru
as evidence that merchants existed given that this is an accurate translation for this
term. lOG
Rollig's discussion is the most obvious argument against Polanyi and the substan-
tivists. If the words for some concept or modality exist then it should go without say-
ing that the concept or modality itself also existed. Unfortunately, what looks like a
101 Holton 1992, p. 45.
102 A slightly different understanding of the use of Polanyian models is argued for by Oppenheim, a
usage that more typifies cuneiform studies in general. In ''ABirds-Eye View of Mesopotamian Economic
History," Oppenheim argues, following Polanyian lines, that scholars obscure ancient data when they
try to understand that data through Nineteenth century normative models, Oppenheim 1957, p. 28.
Oppenheim instead suggests, Oppenheim 1957, p. 28, that at least with literate civilizations the best
way to gain an understanding of them is to identify and analyze their emic conceptions and that the best
way to approach this task "is to study the semantics of selected key terms rather than to use modern
categories of organization as the avenues of approach."
103 Rollig 1976, p. 288.
104 Rollig 1976, p. 293.
105 Rollig 1976, pp. 289, 291.
106 Rollig 1976, p. 295.
24 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE 25
simple solution to this general problem is not so simple. Whether or not one agrees
with Rollig's translations of the particular words he cites one cannot disagree that
there were market-places in Mesopotamia where people traded items and that some
people had a more formal role in the process (i.e., merchants). This does not prove,
however, that it was the dominant means of economic organization nor does it
demonstrate the presence of free-market price-setting mechanisms. It simply proves
that trade existed as a recognized mode of circulating goods in Mesopotamia. This is
an important observation but it does not have as far-reaching ramifications as it may
at first seem.
Perhaps the strongest evidence against the substantivist school of thought applied
to Mesopotamia is the case study of the Old Assyrian trade caravans.l'" Larsen sum-
marizes the economic situation as: "a commercial system which consisted of a series of
interlocking circuits, feeding each other and overlapping at certain nodal points."108
What is interesting here is the nature of economic advantage available for these
traders. Veenhof attributes the profitability of this venture to the difference in "eco-
nomic landscape". 109 He cites as an example the relative value of tin, which was
twice as expensive in Anatolia than in Ashur.l!'' While this does represent market
trade it does not represent supply and demand price mechanisms. According to
Polanyi it demonstrates exactly the opposite for the basis of profit is the stability of
prices and not the fluctuation of prices within a supply and demand model. This is
akin to the kind of market economy Polanyi argues existed in pre-Industrial Europe
and which was not changed until foreign trade became a very prominent feature of
local markets. 111
Veenhof specifically addresses Polanyi's conclusions with a mixed evaluation. 112 Veen-
hof cites Polanyi's numerous factual errors as his first response.P" Polanyi's arguments
107 The base of the Old Assyriantrade network is typicallyunderstood to be the city of Ashur. Donkey
caravans from Ashur, equipped with tin and textiles would travel to Anatolia and sell these goods for
gold and silver then return to Ashur and begin the cycleagain, Larsen 1967, p. 4; Veenhof 2000, p. 862.
These products carried by the caravans to Anatolia were not produced in Ashur, but rather were brought
to Ashur from other production locations, Veenhof 2000, p. 863. These Assyrian merchants had a
noticeable presence in Anatolia. At Kultepc, for example, the Assyrian merchants settled outside of the
city in what was called a kdrum, which could refer to the area where they lived or the administrative
body of the traders, Larsen 1977, p. 120. The society of these traders was usually organized along family
lines, Larsen 1987, p. 50, with the heads of the families settled in Ashur and the younger men stationed
in Anatolia, Larsen 1977, p. 121. Yet with this presence in Anatolia, there is no evidence that Ashur
exercised any authority over the regions.
108 Larsen 1987, p. 53.
109 Veenhof 2000, p. 864.
110 Veenhof 2000, p. 864.
III Polanyi 1977, p. 7.
112 Larsen on the other hand argues that the distinction between Neo-classical and substantivist
models is not useful for Mesopotamia and what is more important is the varying degree of centralized
control in different situations, Larsen 1987, p. 49.
113 Veenhof 1972, p. 350.
that silver did not act as money in Old Assyrian trade are thoroughly disproved.
Instead, Veenhof describes a situation in which the merchants act as middlemen
between two regions in this exchange system, where silver and gold are used to facili-
tate this.l!" Separate words were used for silver as money (Jimum), and as merchan-
dise (luqutum).115 Veenhof argues then, that silver acted as money through its use as a
standard of value, as a means of payment, as an indirect means of exchange between
two groups through middlemen, and through its ease of transport.J'? Veenhof's eval-
uation of Polanyi's arguments about the lack of a free-market system underlying the
trade network is less conclusive. He certainly proves, contra Polanyi, that there were
physical locations of exchange that can be understood as markets and hence it should
not be assumed a priori that market forces were not used to set prices. 117 Veenhof is,
however, forced to concede that in Old Assyrian trade, markets were a less important
trade mechanism than the relationships between the large trading houses.U" While
prices fluctuated up to 20%, there were set reasons for the fluctuation of these goods.P?
Veenhof argues that these fluctuations do not seem to be established through treaty
arrangement, contra Polanyi.F'' However, it must also be pointed out that the existence
of established criteria justifying the fluctuations of price is not necessarily indicative of
a free-market and the prominence of the personal relationships created by the Old
Assyrian traders is better construed as evidence against supply-demand mechanisms
driving pricing strategies.
Even given these instances where the Polanyian paradigm has not been successfully
employed the model should not be rejected outright. Mario Liverani has offered a
potentially useful adaptation of Polanyi's model for the study of the Near East. Rather
than seeing Polanyi's forms of integration as the actual organizing principles of eco-
nomic activity he suggests that they reflect the semiotic tools that ancients used to
understand and categorize economic activity. Liverani summarizes his conception of
LB society that leads to his adaptation of Polanyi's model:
The political system of the Late Bronze Age in the Near East and the Eastern Mediter-
ranean was characterized by large regional units (the result of a development of many
centuries, impossible to sketch here), each endowed with a higher authority of regional
extent, and a system of lower-level, local authorities with cantonal or city-specific
jurisdiction. 121
114 Veenhof 1972, pp. 350-351.
115 Veenhof 1972, p. 351.
116 Veenhof 1972, p. 350.
m Veenhof 1972, pp. 352-356.
118 Veenhof 1972, p. 400.
119 Veenhof 1972, p. 400.
120 Veenhof 1972, p. 400.
121 Liverani 1987, p. 66.
26 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE 27
Within this interregional system, Liverani argues that two "ideological features" are
distinctive: a fictive conception of parity of rank and the understanding that within
each king's own territory, that king had specific legal responsibilities and jurisdiction. 122
Eventually the system collapsed when the individual palaces collapsed and were unable
to provide the security necessary for international trade. 123
While accepting Polanyi's threefold conception of patterns of integration Liverani
argues that reciprocity and redistribution should be viewed through a different con-
ceptuallens. He does not see these patterns as existing in reality. To Liverani these two
patterns of integration are, "here considered not as descriptive models of really different
networks of exchange, but as interpretations, mental models, of a reality that in itself
does not belong to any pattern."124 These patterns of integration are interpretive mod-
els that are adopted by the partners engaging in the transaction although the partners
do not have to agree on which pattern exemplifies the relationship.V'' These patterns
represent choices on behalf of the agents of how they will understand the relationship.
Liverani states about these patterns: "They do not point out two separate sets of facts,
but can be used alternatively with reference to the same facts - of course with differ-
ent, even opposed, communicative aims and results."126 An example of how different
communicative aims can understand the same event quite differently is in the sphere
of tribute. Tribute may be seen formally as a gift and certainly on the giver's part this
is the preferable spin on the event. On the other hand, the receiver of tribute may see
the tribute as granted not out of a desire on the giver's part for a mutual relationship
but as a result of social pressure exerted on the giver.127
Liverani modifies Polanyi's vision of these two patterns of integration in three ways.
First, he suggests that while ideally reciprocity should occur between peer-ranking
partners, rarely will the partners actually have an equivalent ranking.
128
Second, and
related, reciprocal relationships create an equivalence in goods exchanged, although
this equivalence does not actually exist.129 And third, in relation to redistribution, this
pattern is always viewed from the perspective of the dominant partner - peripheral
agents may engage in other centralized activities of their own.
130
Liverani emphasizes
that these patterns of integration serve as important tools for understanding how the
actors understood the nature of the transactions in which they participated. A prime
example of this involves international trade in terms of reciprocity and redistribution.
122 Liverani 1987, p. 66.
123 Liverani 1987, p. 70.
124 Liverani 2001, p. 7.
125 Liverani 2001, p. 8; Zaccagnini 1987, p. 61.
126 Liverani 2001, p. 141.
127 Liverani 2001, pp. 185-186.
128 Liverani 2001, p. 7.
129 Liverani 2001, p. 8.
130 Liverani 2001, p. 8.
Since local populations were familiar with both of these kinds of exchange, they under-
stood international trade in these terms.P! Reciprocity and redistribution were the
conceptual frameworks that Late Bronze Age people used to understand their interac-
tions with one another.
Within the interpretive framework created by notions of reciprocity and redistrib-
ution, the two patterns exemplify different behavior and different values. In redistri-
bution, only imports are celebrated; exports are not of interest within the framework
of the pattern. Conversely, in reciprocity it is the export of goods that are emphasized
and a concerted effort is made to downplay the importance of the reception of goods.132
According to Zaccagnini, the value of an object is determined by both its use-vale and
its ceremonial value.
133
The value of the object is downplayed by the party requesting
it.
134
Whether or not these viewpoints towards exchange are actually practiced or
valued, these are the values that are communicated between the involved parties.
However, as Liverani points out, at a most basic level there is great continuity between
these two modes of integration. Both respond to the problem of scarcity of resources.135
Redistribution implies an accumulation of goods by the center that will allow the
goods to be shared in situations of crisis. On a smaller scale, reciprocity values the gen-
erosity of people because in this type of transaction they are sharing scarce resources.136
While this model is generally quite convincing, one caveat needs to be noted.
The evidence for this model of ceremonial exchange is derived almost entirely from
epistolary texts. These letters provide excellent self-conscious discussions of exchange
but they may reflect only one type of trade relationship. Letters inherently reflect the
personal relationship between sender and receiver and would be an inappropriate form
of communication (if not an impossible one) between parties that lack some sort of
connection. These letters should be seen as the by-product of one particular type of
economic relationship and Liverani's ceremonial model of exchange should be viewed
as one distinct type of trade. This does not indicate that all trade relationships were
constituted along these lines.
vii. Moving Beyond the Formalist-substantivist Debate
When one studies the formalist-substantivist debate, one is struck by the relative
rarity of economic theory post-dating the 1970s that is used by the Neo-classicists.
131 Liverani 2001, p. 141. For example, the term Iulmdnu describes a reciprocal relationship, but the
terms mandattu, ndmartu, and tdmartu represent tributary or redistributive relationships, Liverani 2001,
pp. 183-188.
132 Liverani 2001, pp. 151-152.
133 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 58.
134 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 58.
135 Liverani 2001, p. 153.
136 Liverani 2001, p. 153.
28 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE 29
This is significant since economic theory has changed drastically since the 1970s.
The rampant inflation, energy crises, and disillusionment of the 1970s (especially in
the economic sphere) led to a general abandonment of equilibrium models as domi-
nant tools for economic analysis. In essence, Neo-classical economics stopped being
the dominant framework for understanding the economy. Homo economicus became
extinct. Economists and corporations stopped assuming that people engaged in rational
decision-making. While many of these concepts had been suggested before the 1970s,
it was not until the 1970s that non-marginal utility models became the norm and not
the exception. Furthermore, economists stopped arguing for economics to be viewed
as separate from culture. In essence, a substantivist approach came to dominate modern
economic theory! What follows is a discussion of some trends in modern economic
theory that have potential value in the investigation of ancient economy: behavioralist,
network, and complexity based models.
Behavioralist Models
Originating in the 1960s but achieving widespread acceptance in the 1970s behav-
ioralist models of economy were a natural outgrowth of Neo-classical economics. Since
marginal utility theory presupposes that individuals engaging in economic activity
make decisions based on rational premises, it was seen as important to test this
aspect of the hypothesis. Moreover, it has become clear to a wide number of econo-
mists (both theoretical and practical) that early models of rational decision-making
are not sufficient. While some suggest that the framework needs to be disregarded
completely, others suggest that the notion of what constitutes rationality requires
modification.
Kahneman and Tversky have been trailblazers in this field. They have shown that
the processes behind economic decision-making are much more complex than utility
theory allows.P" This is most evident in the manner in which decisions are in made
in reference to 'risky' situations (i.e., any situation with an unknown outcome). Situa-
tions with an unknown outcome in which an agent must make decisions, that is to say,
make decisions without "advance knowledge of their consequences" can be studied as
"gambles".138 What makes this conceptual framework distinct from utility theory is
the possibility for variable outcomes. Utility theory demands a linear response to the
possibilities.P" In practice, however, linear responses are unlikely even given virtually
identical possibilities. The example Kahneman cites relates to odds making. The agent's
decision-making is less likely to be effected by a change of odds from 39% to 40%
than a change in odds from 99% to 100% even though the rate of difference in both
137 Kahneman and Tversky 2000b, p. 18.
138 Kahneman and Tversky 2000a, p. 2.
139 Kahneman 2000a, p. xi.
is exactly the same.lt" These decision-making processes are composed of two steps:
editing the information (which involves simplifying alternatives) followed by evalua-
tion. Called 'Prospect Theory,' this is the heart of Kahneman's new understanding of
decision-making. 141
Choice is often made according to the manner in which the options are framed.
142
Framing is the way the options are described both internally by the decision-maker
and by outside influences on the decision-maker. The framing of options are affected
by what Kahneman and Tversky call formulation effects.
143
The example they give of
formulation theory is instructive as a definition: "The public health problem illus-
trates a formulation effect in which a change of wording from "lives saved" to "lives
lost" induced a marked preference from risk aversion to risk seeking."144 In other
words, people are less likely to take a risk if they are told a set amount of lives are lost
on account of taking the risk than if told a set of amount of lives will be saved if the
risk is not taken. Kahneman and Tversky state: "The evaluation of outcomes is sus-
ceptible to formulation effects because of the nonlinearity of the value function and
the tendency of people to evaluate options in relation to the reference point that is
suggested or implied by the statement of the problem."145 Formulation effects are just
one kind of framing effect that can influence decision-making.l'" It is not important
to enumerate them all here: what is important is how the concept of 'framing effects'
relates to Neo-classical theory. Framing as a concept still implies rational decision-
making on the part of the agent but it does suggest that "rational choice" is greatly
contingent on the circumstances.
Another important variable in the decision-making process is the conception of value.
In models of marginal utility, rational decision-making involves an explicit calculation
of what will result in the greatest increase of value. From a behavioralist perspective,
value in the decision making process is not based on the final state of value but rather
the magnitude of the change of value from one reference point to another. 147 This
theoretical framework helps to understand many seeming irrational choices made in
practical economics. For example, stocks have traditionally outperformed bonds by a
140 Kahneman 2000a, p. xi.
141 Kahneman and Tversky 2000b, p. 28.
142 Kahneman and Tversky 2000a, p. 4.
143 Kahneman and Tversky 2000a, p. 10.
144 Kahneman and Tversky 2000a, p. 9.
145 Kahneman and Tversky 2000a, p. 10.
146 Some other types of framing effects are as follows. Reflection effect is the transformation of the
framing of options from positive to negative terms (or vice versa) and the concomitant shift in attitude,
Kahneman and Tversky 2000b, p. 22. Isolation effect is when perceived similarities in alternatives
are ignored and only the perceived differences between alternatives are accounted for, Kahneman and
Tversky 2000b, p. 25. Since the differences and similarities are inherently subjective, this leads to incon-
sistencies in the decision-making process.
147 Kahneman and Tversky 2000b, p. 32.
30 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE
31
tremendous margin, yet investors continue to invest in bonds. Benartzi and Thaler
suggest that two issues affect the situation, which are not normally accounted for by
marginal utility. First, investors have a much greater sensitivity to loss, than to gain. 148
A loss is seen as much more troubling for an investor than a relatively similar gain is
seen as fulfilling. Second, investors tend to make very frequent evaluations of their
portfolios.U? Long-term gains are missed by short-term evaluations. This kind of
behavior explains much about the recent irrational behavior of amateur investors
(i.e., buying stocks at high prices and selling them at low prices).
Kahneman's arguments are attempts to see economic decision-making as embed-
ded within a larger cultural setting. He does not see economic action as divorced
from social action. In fact, he argues that logical decision-making models need to
be supplemented by 'substantive criterion.'150 By this he means external systems of
preferences. One such substantive criterion is the application of Jeremy Bentham's
notions of hedonic utility (i.e., the pleasurableness of certain decisions) into deci-
sion-making models.P! To Kahneman, adding substantive criteria to the analysis of
economic behavior actually restricts the study of rationality by creating stricter con-
ceptualizations.P''
Besides Kahneman, the other recipient of the 2002 Noble Memorial Prize in eco-
nomics is Vernon Smith. Smith, one of the major forces in the field of experimental
economics (a sub-discipline of game theory), also seeks to integrate psychology and
economics in order to understand decision-making. In Smith's view, economic decision-
making is rational.P'' The problem, demonstrated in experimental economics, is the
consistent discrepancy between economic behavior when modeled in the laboratory
and observed behavior from real-life situations.P" Smith phrases the observations in
terms of 'right' or 'wrong' decision making as determined by equilibrium standards.
Smith suggests that rational market behavior is facilitated by institutional rnediators.l'?
That is to say that rational decision-making is observable in human economic behavior
when that behavior is mediated through organizations and systems geared towards the
reproduction of that behavior. In essence, this seems to be an argument (though it
148 Benartzi and Thaler 2000, p. 301; Smith 2000, p. 4.
149 Benartzi and Thaler 2000, p. 301.
150 Kahneman 2000b, p. 760.
151 Kahneman 2000b: 760. Another substantive criterion would be the constraint of "fairness."
Kahneman, Knetsch and Thaler, 2000, p. 331, argue: "The findings of this study suggest that many
actions that are both profitable in the short run and not obviously dishonest are likely to be perceived
as unfair exploitations of market power... Further, even in the absence of government intervention, the
actions of firms that wish to avoid a reputation for unfairness will depart in significant ways from the
standard model of economic behavior." For a different evaluation of the same phenomenon see Smith
2000, p. 6.
152 Kahneman 2000b, p. 774.
153 Smith 2000, p. 5.
154 Smith 2000, p. 23.
155 Smith 2000, p. 23.
is doubtful that Smith would describe it in this manner) that economic behavior is
embedded within a societal context.
While it is impossible to distill the arguments of behavioralist economists into one
or two key concepts two key issues stand out as important for the study of the ancient
economy. First, framing has been identified as an important component of human
economic action. How one understands the possibilities of economic action is just
as important as the possible types of economic action. An important factor in the
development of how individuals understand economic possibilities is how institutional
mediators affect the framing process. Second, it has been demonstrated that the con-
stitution of 'value' is not entirely based on Neo-classical conceptions of rational deci-
sion-making. Value is not an absolute and simple mathematical models of price versus
availability do not adequately account for economic actions.
Network Theory
The study of networks has also moved modern economic theory away from
Neo-classical models and explicitly involves the study of the social value of eco-
nomic interaction. Networks are formal systems of organization that lack a formal
source of sovereign authority. Rather, the organization stems from informal relation-
ships that are related through vertical relationships. 156 The defining aspects of a net-
work are the rules that govern the connections between different nodes and the
transformations that these connections go through in the various movements of
the nerwork.P? Fukuyama elaborates, defining a network as: "a group of individual
agents who share informed norms or values beyond those necessary for ordinary
market transactions."158 Market relationships in their ideal form are relationships
that do not extend beyond the exchange transaction. Network theory in contrast
provides a socially embedded framework for economic transactions and information
sharing. Yet it does not necessitate a formal, bureaucratic organization, in the Weber-
ian sense. Modern economic analysis using network theory assumes that social
norms inform the relationship between different nodes in the network. As such,
it illustrates yet another kind of modern economic analysis that departs from Neo-
classical presuppositions.
Network theory is one aspect of a sub-discipline in economics that Fukuyama
calls "the new institutionalism."159 The presuppositions of this sub-discipline are that
norms and rules are integral to business transactions. 160 These rules and norms are
156 Fukuyama 1999, p. 199.
157 Wolfram 2002, p. 193.
158 Fukuyama 1999, p. 199.
159 Fukuyama 1999, p. 149.
160 Fukuyama 1999, p. 149.
32 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE 33
ways of simplifying human behavior, according to Ronald Heiner.l''! Heiner argues
that in the absence of norms and social rules, people would be unable to go about
their day-to-day lives. It is impossible, in Heiner's view, for an individual to make
rational decisions at every point in their lives.
162
People need to have many of these
decisions already made for them, and this comes in the form of these social rules. 163
Systems develop in a manner that promotes the creation of restrictive rules rather
than optimizing behavior.P" Whether or not one follows Heiner's argument, it is
certainly evidence of the difficulties of optimizing theories in the field of practical
economics. 165
These informal hierarchies and non-centralized systems of authority are particularly
well suited for information management. They are typically applied in modern business
theory to organize the flow of information in managerial systems. Centralized authori-
ties are not particularly well geared towards information processing, since, as Fukuyama
states the "overwhelming proportion of information generated in an economy is local in
nature."166As will be discussed later, network theory provides a model for information
gathering and collecting in societies lacking a formal, rational (Weberian) bureaucratic
organization.
Network theory provides a useful model for the study of ancient economy. It
suggests that contacts between individuals in an economic relationship are w o r t h w h ~ l e
focal points of study. Moments of contact between agents are governed by many SOCIal
norms and rules. While the norms may be informal, it does not mean that they are
not powerful organizing forces. Economists now work under the assumption that
market interaction does more than provide a mechanism of exchange, it creates value
167 h f associ (. and those values become embedded in culture. T ese patterns 0 aSSOCIatIOnS t.e.,
networks) provide consistent social frameworks for economic interaction. Friedland and
Robertson describe these social frameworks in these terms: "The reality of economic
life is that most actors interact repeatedly over time and thus form expectations about
each other's behaviour, constructing patterns of behaviour that are not only valued in
themselves but become mechanisms for the dissemination of information and for the
control of each others' behaviour."168 It is important to look at how the relationships
between individuals crystallize, and to build a model of economic modalities based on
the norms identifiable from these relationships.
161 Heiner 1983, p. 561.
162 Heiner 1983, pp. 566-567; 1985, p. 391.
163 Heiner 1983, p. 561; see also Fukuyama 1999, p. 149.
164 Heiner 1983, p. 569.
165 Heiner 1983, pp. 560, 562-569.
166 Fukuyama 1999, p. 195.
167 Friedland and Robertson 1990, p. 27.
168 Friedland and Robertson 1990, p. 28.
i
_8
I
Complexity Theory
Another new approach that has entered modern economics in recent years is derived
from the hard sciences. Complexity theory, especially as it has been developed by the
Santa Fe Institute, has produced important research for the field of economics. 169
Complexity theory is a branch of mathematical systems theory that uses a pluralistic
conceptual framework, which allows for different levels of pluralism to exist side by
side, and interact with other complex systerns.l?? Complex systems are systems that
self-organize.l?" In terms of economics, Waldrop describes self-organization as "people
trying to satisfy their material needs unconsciously organize themselves into an econ-
omy through myriad individual acts of buying and selling; it happens without anyone
being in charge or consciously planning it."172 Along with self-organization, these
complex systems are adaptive. The system actively responds to stimuli, which in turn
allows for new activities to be created within the system.l" All in all, the system is
inherently dynamic.F" Complexity theory can also describe systems operating on the
edge of chaos.
175
In Waldrop's words: "the components of a system never quite lock
into place, and yet never quite dissolve into turbulence."176 Based on these premises,
new understandings of economy have been created:
... the economy is viewed as an emergent, self-organizing evolutionary process. Agents
classify knowledge and arrange it hierarchically and make decisions based on a cognitive
hierarchical representation of what they "know" and expect about their highly localized
world. The economy is most likely in sustained "disequilibrium."177
This understanding allows for the interaction of individual agents to be understood
holistically. As such, it provides a means to understand a number of localized relation-
ships in terms of a larger system without resorting to monolithizing the system as a
whole. Here, economy and society are viewed not only as an integrated whole but are
169 The utility of complexity theory for the study of economics was suggestedby John Reed, who was
appointed CEO of Citicorp in 1984. Throughout the 1970s, rampant inflation had led to substantial
loans from North American financing institutions to developing nations. But with the Carter adminis-
tration's appointment of Paul Volker as head of the Federal Reserve Board, reducing inflation became a
primary goal of the US government, Waldrop 1994, p. 94. This led to incredible profit losses for organi-
zations like Citicorp, which had loaned tremendous amounts of money. John Reed felt that utility theory
(and Keynesian economics) were not capable of predicting economic behavior in the face of seemingly
random acts such as the appointment of Volker and sought a new theoretical perspective that could,
Waldrop 1994, p. 95. Through an unparalleled grant, Reed orchestrated Citicorp's funding of the Santa
Fe Institute's complexity studies, with the condition that Santa Fe look for economic applications of
complexity theory, Waldrop 1994, pp. 95-96.
170 Wible 2000, pp. 15-17.
171 Waldrop 1994, p. 11; Wible 2000, p. 17.
172 Waldrop 1994, p. 11.
173 Waldrop 1994, p. 11.
174 Wible 2000, pp. 17-18.
175 Waldrop 1994, p. 12.
176 Waldrop 1994, p. 12.
177 Wible 2000, p. 23.
34 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE 35
almost analogous to a living organism. Viewing economy in this matter is useful as
it accommodates the significant complexity of a multitude of economic interactions
manifest in varying relations to one another.
Inherent in complexity is the idea that complex patterns and situations can be cre-
ated out of very simple patterns and situations. Wolfram attacks a fundamentally held,
although not usually explicitly stated, viewpoint that there is "a direct correspondence
between the complexity of observed behavior and the complexity of underlying rules."178
This is a very useful observation. Simple underlying rules can create quite complex
behavior, and this complex behavior is frequently not predictable. Unlike proponents
of complexity-related models like chaos theory, Wolfram argues that the initial condi-
tions, or rules, are not complex.V"
Wolfram's argument is relevant for the study of the ancient econorny.l'" It suggests
that economic behavior, on analogy with computational theory, can produce quite
complex results based on very simple rules. Simple rules of behavior can create quite
complex results. This helps explain why a model such as Mauss's gifting model, which
is in essence quite simple, has been such a productive model for social enquiry. Indeed
the underlying rationale for behavior does not have to be very complex in order to
allow for great variation.
Against the postmodern critique of over-simplistic modeling, complexity-based
modeling suggests that what are at heart simple models are valid and useful. Positing
simple modalities of behavior does not imply simple behavior or monolithic patterns.
It is useful, in studying the ancient economy, to attempt to discern what these under-
lying modalities were. Identifying general practices and constraints of behavior does
not totalize human action. In fact, it does exactly the opposite. It allows for an almost
infinite combination of possibilities for an individual's life but at the same time pro-
vides a way of making meaningful comparison of human activity.
TOWARDS A NETWORK-BASED MODEL FOR THE STUDY OF THE ECONOMY
Three recent developments in the study of economics that have potential value for
the study of the ancient economy have been described here: behavioralist, network,
and complexity models. A fundamental problem, however, afflicts direct application
of modern economic theory to the ancient world. Both history and economic theory
are intended as tools to be used in order to reach specific goals. History attempts
to gain an understanding of the past and understand aspects of life in past times.
178 Wolfram 2002, p. 351.
179 Chaos theory predicates that system behavior is not predictable if any initial condition is unknown
or uncertain. After the book and movie Jurassic Park, this became a quite popular, though misunderstood,
model of behavior.
180 Wolfram 2002, p. 351.
Modern economic theory is not intended to be dispassionate, objective analysis.
Economics has a different agenda than history, since it attempts to create models for
maximizing scarce resources.l'" This makes un-adapted use of economic models in the
study of the past dangerous and to Polanyi, made the use of these models futile. 182
The problem with using modern economic models without altering them is a prob-
lem of asking the wrong questions of inappropriate data. The fundamental orientation
of modern economists is radically different from that of historians. This study seeks
to adapt models from modern economics into a form that can answer historical
questions.
The approach taken can be called a Network-based approach. Economic actions
shall be seen as occurring in a network organization. The network itself shall be seen
as a complex, multi-variant system. While simple rules may lie at the heart of its
organization, the end result is a complicated and ever-changing system. The study of
individual nodes of economic contact shall be the basis of investigation. Each node
should be understood as a situation of economic interaction between discrete groups
or individuals.
After identifying discrete groups or individuals engaging in an economic interac-
tion, the next step should be to determine the nature of this economic interaction.
Two separate 'natures' should be looked for: the nature of the actual interaction and
the nature of how that interaction is represented by the separate parties. Any number
of interpretations are possible, using many of the perspectives that have been suggested
throughout this study. Is there competition involved, or reciprocity, or both? Hence
there is a need for both a descriptive level of analysis (describing the transfer of goods
or labor) and an interpretive level of analysis (focusing on how each party understood/
represented the interaction). The other level of interest is the determination of how
each party understood the interaction. At the outset, framing becomes an issue, since,
as has been discussed, the way that an interaction is initially framed determines
how the agents proceed.l'" Framing is identifiable in antiquity in a number of ways.
Language is of course a limitation, as are the material possibilities available for each
agent. As Liverani has suggested, Polanyi's modes of integration well reflect ancient
181 Take for example, the definition of economics found in a popular freshman economics textbook,
McConnell and Brue 1993, p. 1: "Economics is concerned with the efficient use or management of
limited productive resources to achieve maximum satisfaction of human material wants." Or take the
definition of economics found in a Dictionary ofEconomics first published in 1949, Sloan and Zurcher
1957, p. 102: ''A term applicable to any action or process which has to do with the creation of goods
or services designed to satisfy human wants. More specifically the term is used to characterize the pro-
duction of goods and services by the most effective means and in accordance with existing technical
knowledge." This is a specific goal predicated on Neo-classical understandings of 'economic man' (homo
economicus). The goal of this kind of study is the bettering of the abiliry to achieve the aims of maximum
satisfaction within the constraints of scarciry.
182 Polanyi 1957, p. 244.
183 Kahneman and Tversky 2000a, p. 9.
36 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE 37
views of economic situations and while imperfect, this is a useful heuristic device for
the modern interpreter.P''
It is also important to attempt to understand the motivations for the interaction.
Intrinsically related to this are the power relationships that are manifest at each node
of contact. The understanding of power in this Network-based model is greatly influ-
enced by Foucault's analysisof power. He emphasized the role of power as a means of
constituting social orientations. Foucault discusses the nature of power that is enacted
upon the body. He considers the exercise of this power to be a "strategy," not an
inherent quality possessed by the body that has been taken away by those in power.185
This power is not given over at a finite moment, but is part of a continual process of
domination. He says "this power is exercised rather than possessed," and is, "the over-
all effect of its strategic positions."186 Indeed, the power held by some bodies over
others is not an articulated, discrete power but rather a power that underlies many
aspects of life. While Foucault's main theme is punishment, he also makes note that
the same kinds of power are exercised upon the body in order to harness it as a pro-
ductive labor force.
18
? Control of another individual is a constant process. When one
party marshals another party as a labor force, one cannot assume that the dominant
power owns the subordinate. Instead the ability to marshal others as a productive force
is part of a process, a strategy, a continual maneuvering between the dominant and
the subordinate.
Despite building decision making models that are culturally or socially dependent,
economists continue to work almost exclusively on the agent/individual end of the
spectrum in their modeling without considering fundamental questions, such as how
'framing', institutions, or cultural preferences are constituted. This study seeks to redress
this issue by utilizing the observations of these economists who describe economies as
socially embedded in tandem with the observations of social theorists like Bourdieu,
Giddens, and Gramsci (whose works shall be discussed when germane in the following
study). Perhaps most central to the understanding of the constitution of society that is
assumed in this study are the principles of orientation outlined by Foucault. Foucault
views these kind of principles of orientation as order. To Foucault:
Order is, at one and the same time, that which is given in things as their inner law, the
hidden network that determines the way they confront one another, and also that which
has no existence except in the grid created by a glance, an examination, a language; and
it is only in the blank spaces of this grid that order manifests itself in depth as though
already there, waiting in silence for the moment of its expression.l'"
184 Liverani 2001, p. 7.
185 Foucault 1977, p. 26.
186 Foucault 1977, p. 26.
187 Foucault 1977, pp. 25-26.
188 Foucault 1970, p. xx.
For Foucault, there is a system of orientation that underlies daily life, but at the
same time it has no real, coherent form unless it is examined. Like Schroedinger's Cat,
the act of observation creates the results of the enquiry. Yet at the same time the cre-
ation of the result does not negate its existence. For people do live and act according
to an order that, although ephemeral, plays an active part in life. It is this kind of
order to which economic modalities belong. And it is the nature of this kind of order
that makes economic modalities elusive to study. Foucault's understanding of order
fits well with the idea of a network that is used here. A network is not a tangible
'thing' that can identified and described. It is a method of mapping out the constantly
shifting complex relations of diverse individuals, groups, and institutions.
The Network-based model for the analysis of ancient economy allows the incor-
poration of wide varieties of evidence and wide varieties of social theory. It prevents
the monolithizing of human experience that can develop out of the application of
Neo-classical or Polanyian models. This study of Ugaritic economy shall not adapt
theoretical frameworks wholesale and systematically apply it to the data set. Theory
in this work shall be oriented towards creating questions and observations by using
a variety of theoretical frameworks and many different kinds of data. The Network-
based model allows a series of different models and approaches to intersect with one
another.
Before applying the Network-based model, it is necessary to discuss the substantial
volume of work that has already been done on the Ugaritic economy. It is not suffi-
cient to simply situate the Network-based study in the formalist-substantivist debate;
the Network-based study must also be seen as part of the longer-term study of Ugarit
as a whole. A discussion of the history of excavations at Ugarit as well as a discussion
of the major conceptual frameworks used to study Ugarit shall be the subject of the
next chapter.
PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
HISTORY OF EXCAVATIONS AND THE MISSION ARCHAEOLOGIQUE FRANc;AISE
39
CHAPTER TWO
PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
Norms did not die; they were simply transformed into a new
linguistic garb and in their new form continued their functions
as of old. Yochanan Muffs
One of the hardest things for a seasoned specialist to do is to
make the adjustment required by the first discovery of texts in
his field. Cyrus Gordon
While Chapter One has outlined the basic model that shall be used to investigate
the Ugaritic economy, this chapter shall discuss the history of excavations at Ugarit as
well as the major approaches that have already been used by scholars to understand
this problem. It is possible to identify five major approaches that scholars have used to
understand the Ugaritic economy: feudal models; Marxist models (particularly those
based on the theory of the Asiatic Mode of Production); entrepreneurial models;
administrative models; and patrimonial models. Each of these five approaches shall be
discussed in connection with the particular intellectual trends that influenced their
articulation, especially in the scholarship of the cuneiform world.
1
All of these models
have helped illuminate the Ugaritic economy; at the same time, each of these models
has particular weaknesses that limit its utility in outlining economic modalities. Some
of those limitations will be discussed here; others shall be discussed in the conclusions
in Chapter Nine.
I In the introduction to his study of the Aramaic legal papyri from Elephantine, Muffs elegantly
argues for the conservatism of cuneiform legal traditions, Muffs 1969, pp. 12-16. Muffs further
argues that legal traditions in areas of peripheral Akkadian (Susa, Nuzi, Cappadocia, and U?arit) all
seem very different from Old Babylonian traditions, but when viewed from a wider perspective show
remarkable cultural continuity, Muffs 1969, pp. 15-16. While it can be unwise to assume "sameness"
across such large temporal and geographic expanses, it is even more unwise to ignore the possible ben-
efits of the comparative approach. Certainly differences between the economic practices of these
regions and times will be apparent at the surface level. On the other hand, Muffs is right in asserting
the long lasting nature of many institutional practices. Even if not exactly analogous, the study of
other similar institutions and situations can only be helpful.
The oft-told story of Ugarit's initial discovery need not take up too much space
here.e Suffice it to say that an accidental discovery in 1929 of a vaulted tomb roof
near Ras Shamra brought the site to the attention of Charles Virolleaud, at the time
the director of the Service des Antiquites en Syria et au Liban/' Claude Schaeffer was
assigned the task of excavating the necropolis and the nearby tell, and in 1929 he
arrived at the site with his first team."
Excavations began at the necropolis but eventually, in that first campaign moved
to the area of the tell where a wealth of artifacts, buildings, and tablets in a never
before seen cuneiform language were discovered.? The site was identified in 1931
when Schaeffer announced the discovery of a tablet with the inscription, "Niqmaddu
King of Ugarit.:" Albright had already suggested the identification ofRas Shamra with
Ugarit.? Until World War II excavations continued on the tell, and also in the harbor,"
Five major phases of occupation" were identified during this period. 10 Also discovered
at this time were the Temples of Baal and Dagan, and the House of the High Priest.
11
The language itself was deciphered quite early. By 1930, Bauer, Dhorme, and Virol-
leaud had deciphered this language, now known as Ugaritic, using the textual finds
from the House of the High Priest. 12
Work began again after World War II, with a campaign in 1948 and subsequent
campaigns from 1950 on.
13
During these initial campaigns after World War II, from
1948 to 1955, the majority of the Royal Palace was excavated.l" During these excava-
tions of the palace, the French team identified particular archives within the palace.l?
2 For accounts of this, see Courtois 1979b; Curtis 1999; Schaeffer 1966; and Smith 200la.
3 Courtois 1979b, p. 1130; Curtis 1999, p. 6.
4 Curtis 1999, pp. 6--7; Schaeffer 1929, pp. 285-286; Yon 1997, p. 256.
5 Schaeffer 1929, pp. 285-286; Virolleaud 1929, pp. 304-310; Curtis 1999, pp. 8-9.
6 Schaeffer 1932, pp. 24-29; Schaeffer 1934, pp. 120-122; Curtis 1999, p. 9.
7 Albright 1931, p. 165.
8 Yon 1992a, p. 695; Curtis 1999, p. 9. The relevant site reports are: Schaeffer 1929; 1931; 1932;
1933; 1934; 1935; 1936; 1937; 1938; 1939.
9 The 5 phases first suggested by Schaeffer's team were as follows - Level I (c. 1200-1600), Level II
(c. 1600-2100), Level III (c. 2100-3500), Level IV (c. 3500-4000), and Level V (Neolithic). (Curtis 1999,
P: 10). For more on phasing and for a discussion on the site grid(s), see North 1973 and Courtois 1974.
10 Schaeffer 1936, pp. 132-137; Curtis 1999, p. 9.
II Schaeffer 1933, pp. 119-124; 1935, pp. 155-159; Curtis 1999, p. 9.
12 Yon 1997, p. 257.
13 Curtis 1999, p. 10. See Schaeffer 1951, pp. 1-2 for the excavator's comments on the effects of
World War II.
14 Yon 1992a, p. 695; Curtis 1999, p. 10. The relevant site reports are: Schaeffer 1951a; 1951b;
1952; 1953; 1954; 1954/1955; 1957a; and 1962.
15 It is likely that Schaeffer's designation of various sections of the archives with names implying
function can be traced to his having read an influential article by Godefry Goosens, which appeared in
Revued'Assyriologie et d'archeologie orientale 46 (1952): 98-107, entitled "Introduction al'archioeconomie
de l'Asie anterieure", This article, which Whitt suggests laid the groundwork for the modern archival
THE EXAMINATION OF RAs SHAMRAS IMMEDIATE ENVIRONS
Archaeologists have neglected Ugarit's periphery even though the potential informa-
tion that could be gleaned from minimal survey work is obvious. This lack of knowl-
edge about the periphery seriously hampers any examination of the Ugaritic econ-
omy. From the textual records it is clear that the Ugaritic economy was thoroughly
integrated with other parts of the kingdom but unfortunately the specific evidence
about each of these regions is sparse. There are two important exceptions to this.
The harbor of Minet el-Beida has been somewhat excavated as has the nearby site of
Ras ibn-Hani.
During and after the excavation of the Royal Palace, the team led by Schaeffer
unearthed numerous other structures. The buildings within the immediate vicinity of
the palace were excavated (i.e., the Southern Palace and the Northern Palace). 16 Before
Schaeffer stepped down as director in 1970 numerous other soundings and examina-
tions of residential areas of the tell were also conducted.
The campaigns continued under Henri de Contenson from 1971-1974,17 Perhaps
the most important contribution of the excavations under de Conteson was the con-
tinued excavation of Sondage H. This sounding was located on the western side of the
acropolis. Begun in 1962, this sounding has provided the basis for the current strati-
graphic understanding of Ras Shamra.l"
Jean Margueron led the excavations at Ugarit from 1975-1977.
19
From 1978 until
1998 excavations were led by Marguerite Yon.
20
Under Yon excavations initially concen-
trated on the residential quarter of the city in the center of the telF1 City planning was
one of the dominant interests of Yon's team, and architectural analysis of previously
excavated material provided important additional inforrnation.P Under Yon a new
series of publications were begun, Ras Shamra-Ougarit (RSO), a publication project
that makes some attempt to rectify Schaeffer's poor publication record. It should be
noted that many of these attempts are hampered by the poor methods and recording
techniques of the earlier teams.P Yves Calvet leads the current team.r"
41 PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
Minet el-Beida
Though there have been over twenty years of excavations at this site, led by a joint
French-Syrian team (under the direction of Adnan Bounni and Jacques Lagarce),
only preliminary and popular reports have been produced.l" The site itself is about
4.5 km southwest of Ugarit and is located directly on the Mediterranean.I! The
importance of this site in antiquity was likely related to the two bays that acted as
harbors.V Of the excavated Late Bronze Age remains the most important for this
study are the two palaces. The Southern Palace is over 5000 square meters in area
and was supposedly constructed by a king of Ugarit.P The Northern Palace is smaller
(2000 square meters) but its unusual layout and finds have meant it has undergone
more serious investigation. 34
Discreet production areas have been identified including metallurgical production
centers, a stone polishing area, and a bread-making area." In one of the metallurgical
areas a most remarkable find was made - a copper mold in the shape of an ox-hide.l"
Ras ibn Hani
The initial excavations of the French mission de Ras Shamra occurred at the site of
Minet el-Beida." Important data was gathered during those early excavations but when
the archaeological wealth of nearby Ras Shamra became apparent to the team excava-
tion resources were concentrated on Ugarit proper." The most important finds at
Minet el-Beida, initially, were the tombs filled with grave goods.F Schaeffer initially
thought that this was a necropolis but further excavations showed that this was in fact
an urban area and that like at Ugarit proper graves were built directly beneath domes-
tic architecture." For the purposes of this study, the most important information
derived from these excavations relates to Minet el-Beidas role as the main harbor for
Ugarit. Astour has persuasively argued that this site should be identified with the port
known from Ugaritic texts as Ma'hadu.i?
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH 40
approach to cuneiform sources, describes general functional organizational elements of archival systems,
Whitt 1993, p. 5.
16 Yon 1992a, p. 695. For the relevant site report, see Schaeffer 1970.
17 Yon 1997, p. 256-257.
18 Courtois 1979, p. 695; Yon 1992.
19 Yon 1992a, p. 695; 1997, p. 257.
20 Smith 2001a, p. 204.
21 Yon 1997, p. 257; Curtis 1999, p. 11.
22 Yon 1992a, p. 695.
23 See for example Callot and Calvet 2001.
24 Smith 2001a, p. 204.
25 The relevant site reports are: Schaeffer 1929; 1931; 1932; 1933; 1935.
26 Schaeffer 1932, p. 108.
27 See for example Schaeffer 1931, pp. 1--4.
28 Saade 1995, p. 213.
29 His full argument can be found in Astour 1970.
:0 The relevant are: 1978; Bounni, Lagarce, and Saliby 1976; Bounni, Lagarce, and
Saliby 1978; Bounni, Lagarce, Saliby, and Badre 1979; Bounni, Lagarce, Saliby, Badre, Leriche, and
Touma 1981.
31 Bounni et al. 1976, p. 233.
32 Bounni et al 1976, p. 233; Bounni and Lagarce 1997, p. 411.
33 B . L
34 et a. 1979, p. 222-236; Bounni and Lagarce 1997, p. 411.
Bounni et al. 1979, p. 237-244; Bounni and Lagarce 1997, p. 411--412.
35 Bounni and Lagarce 1997, p. 412.
36 Bounni and Lagarce 1997, p. 412.
PREVIOUS APPROACHES TO UNDERSTANDING THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
1. Feudal Models
John Gray and Indo-Aryan Feudalists
John Gray was arguably the first scholar (independent of the Mission de Ras Shamra)
to attempt a broad synthesis of Ugaritic social structures in the English language.t?
43 PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
Economy was not the primary focus of Gray's work; Gray was actually more inter-
ested in literature and religion;" He was unusual compared to other Ugaritic scholars
working in the 1940s and 1950s since he took some interest in economic issues. Not
unusual for scholars of his era are two major presuppositions that are central to Gray's
understanding of the Ugaritic economic system. The first is that Ugaritic society
reflected an Aryan population influx. The second is that with these Aryan population
elements came a form of feudalism and a system of guilds.
That North Syria, in the Late Bronze Age, received a large influx of Aryan (or
Indo-Aryan) population elements was not novel to Gray's work. This notion was well
entrenched in the scholarly mind-set based on evidence from Alalakh, Nuzi, Kassite
Babylonia, as well as Ugarit. Most of the evidence for this movement of people came
from the onomastica of these Syrian and Mesopotamian sites. Many of the personal
names seemed to reflect non-Semitic elements. Gray describes the evidence from
Ugarit based on the personal names:
They illustrate the fact that, though the substratum of the population of this North
Canaanite realm was Semitic, the administration found its mainstay among the non-
Semitic elements, Aryans and Hurrians, who had come ultimately from the North-East
and perhaps others from beyond the Taurus.F
Non-Semitic names provided evidence for scholars working in the 1950s that Late
Bronze Age societies in Syria, Mesopotamia and Anatolia, had large non-Semitic
populations. It is worth discussing the evidence of Indo-Aryan populations beyond
Ugarit in order to understand the effect of this theory on Ugaritic studies as a
whole.
In its most general form the theory held that an Indo-Aryan population moved
from the Caucasus into Syria and Mesopotamia. This population bought with it new
social institutions (maryannu) and new technology (horse and chariot technology). The
presence of Indo-Aryan deities (Indras) and Indo-Aryan personal names provided the
most important evidence for the origins of this migrant group.P
To Gray, the evidence at Ugarit indicated that the arrival of Indo-Aryan people
created disruptions in the Semitic social structures at Ugarit. Remnants of a tribal
organization of society were detectable in the epic poetry and religious literature,
especially the myth of Kirta that predated this Indo-Aryan incursion.t" However, the
administrative records portrayed another situation at Ugarit. These records saw fiscal
and military assessment based on guild or class and by city rather than tribe.
45
Gray
believed that the earlier tribal orientation of Ugaritic society had been replaced by
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH 42
Since the excavations at Ugarit began numerous scholars both affiliated and unaffili-
ated with the French team have participated in reconstructing the Ugaritic economy. For
the most part, these works fit into five identifiable categories of intellectual thought,
already mentioned above. Before applying the Network-based model of the Ugaritic
economy, it is necessary to describe the work that has come before establishing the foun-
dations for this study. Each of these approaches shall be discussed as actually applied to
Ugarit and from within the intellectual milieu from which they originated.
Feudalism is best understood as a type of socio-political organization that functioned
as the central organizing principle in medieval Europe and Japan. This is a decentralized
system of organization where people are connected through vertical ties but rarely ever
through horizontal ties. In other words, it is always apparent who ranks above an individ-
ual and who ranks below an individual but beyond this it is difficult to map out social
relationships. In medieval Europe, feudalism revolvedaround land ownership. Landowners
would swear obeisance to a lord who in turn for nominal control over the land provided
security. In other situations, a lord could offer land grants as rewards or in return for serv-
ice, especially military service, to individuals of lower status. The earliest characterizations
of the Ugaritic economy describe the economy in terms analogous to feudalism.
This find certainly complicates the current understanding of the LB international
copper trade. It indicates that Cyprus was not the only location where copper was put
into this form even though the copper at Ras ibn Hani is usually assumed to have come
from Cyprus. Two clusters of tablets were also discovered (in Akkadian and Ugaritic)
attesting all of the same genres as found at Ugarit except for contracts.V From the
correspondence it is apparent that at one point this palace was the property of a queen
of Ugarit.
38
Another important find is a structure located to the west of the Northern
Palace that contained two large kilns.
39
37 Bordreuil and Caquor 1980; Bounni et al. 1979, p. 242; Bounni andLagarce 1997, p. 412.
38 Bounni and Lagarce 1997, p. 412.
39 Bounni and Lagarce 1997, p. 412.
40 Gray 1952.
41 Smith 2001a, p. 88.
42 Gray 1952, pp. 49-50.
43 Houwink Ten Care 1995, p. 267.
44 Gray 1955.
45 Gray 1952, p. 50.
44 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 45
feudalism and an hereditary orientation.w Gray does not spell out exactly what con-
stitutes feudalism but he certainly views it as a type of social organization that is
inconsistent with tribal organization.
Within this feudal context Gray saw military authority centered in the maryannu.
The maryannu, Gray noticed, appear in the first position in administrative occupation
lists and received the largest amounts of payments.V Another form of authority was
centered on the guild, which he claimed, "was probably a development of feudalism
introduced to the Near East by the Aryans ... "48 Gray's investigation of the administra-
tive lists at Ugarit led him to believe that occupational groups were organized into
guilds. This is not a surprising assumption given that there are many texts where indi-
viduals are listed according to occupation and occupational groups seem to give and
receive goods and labor (see Chapter Four).
Gray's arguments have received criticism. Libolt comments on the difficulties of
understanding exactly what Gray means by this feudal terminology but attempts to
reconstruct his conceptual framework.t? Schloen assesses Gray's views as well: "his
[Gray's] description of Ugaritian social structure borrows uncritically from medieval
European feudalism."50 Indeed, Gray seems to use medieval feudalism as a generic
model for pre-industrial economic systems. This is part of a larger trend in scholarship
at the time that saw Indo-Aryan populations as transmitters of a new system of social
organization. Gray's perspective stems from this theoretical framework. As such, it is
important to understand Gray's work from that context, rather than just a simple
reading of administrative texts in feudal terms.
George Boyer and the French Team's Conception of Ugarit's Social Structure
The first major attempt (made by the French team) at a discussion of Ugaritic social
structure based on the textual evidence came with George Boyer's extensive intro-
duction to the publication of Akkadian texts from Ugarit'! In his introduction Boyer
adapts a feudal model as an implicit organizing principle of Ugaritic society. Boyer
postulates two basic types of feudal grants between the royal palace and individuals
within Ugarit based on the land grant texts found at the palace and comparative evi-
dence from Old and Middle Babylonian sources. 52 Boyer's two distinguishable types of
feudal grants are what he calls ftodalitefonciere and ftodalite de[onction oupersonelle.
53
46 Gray 1952, pp. 50-52.
47 Gray 1952, p. 51.
48 Gray 1952, p. 50.
49 Libolt 1985, p. 2.
50 Schloen 2001, p. 215.
51 Boyer 1955.
52 Boyer 1955, pp. 298-300.
53 Boyer 1955, p. 294.
The first type of feudal grant involves the giving of property in return for services ren-
dered although the recipient of the property does not have to be the individual who
performs the service - an alternate laborer or payment type may be sent in his place.t"
The second type of feudal grant posited by Boyer involves land given in return for the
performance of specific, specialized labor. 55 In this case only the recipient of the land
may perform the service since the royal grant is intended to ensure the performance of
that specialized activity. As such, the land then cannot be heritable since there is no
guarantee that that service could be performed by the recipient's heirs.
Boyer saw these two distinct types of feudalism existing in mutual tension. In general,
royal authorities preferred the second kind of feudal grant, which gave power over spe-
cialized industry to the monarch. 56 According to Boyer this kind of feudal grant was
prominent under Hammurabi of Babylon.V Recipients sought the first kind of feudal
grant since it allowed the formation of hereditary property rights.
58
Boyer argues that
the ftodalitefonciere grants represent a kind of break down in the feudal structure at
Ugarit where personal fealty and personal ties between king and subject are replaced
by, what is in essence, a taxation system. 59 The shift between the two types of docu-
ments, represented to Boyer, a weakening of the feudal system at Ugarit and was indica-
tive of the loss of authority of the Ugaritic kings.
60
Libolt has criticized Boyer's understanding of these texts, although Libolt praised
him for his attempt at a dynamic interpretation of the texts.P! Libolt argues that the
description offtodalite de[onction oupersonelle is more akin to an AMP model than a
feudal model. 62 Rather than demonstrating a collapse in the feudal system, the shift
from ftodalite de[onction oupersonelle to ftodalitefonciere indicates the growth of a feu-
dal society, based in a strong, non-royal class of landholders who are effectively able to
challenge or check the power of the king of the Ugarit.
63
So while Boyer's readings of
the texts are adequate his dynamic model may not hold up under closer scrutiny.
Anson Rainey and Social Stratification
Another pioneer in the study of Ugaritic society is Anson Rainey who was a student
of Cyrus Cordon.P' His work on Ugaritic administrative documents was essentially
54 Boyer 1955, p. 294.
55 Boyer 1955, p. 294.
56 Boyer 1955, p. 298.
57 Boyer 1955, p. 298.
58 Boyer 1955, p. 299.
59 Boyer 1955, p. 294.
60 Boyer 1955, pp. 5-6.
61 Libolt 1985, p. 6.
62 Libolt 1985, p. 6.
63 Libolt 1985, p. 6.
64 Smith 2001a, p. 77.
46 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 47
lexical involving comparison between Ugaritic and Akkadian words.
65
This work stems
from his Brandeis doctoral dissertation, which is primarily a lexical discussion.v" Further
elaboration was made through numerous articles. Rainey does not provide an overar-
ching synthesis of the nature of Ugaritic social structure and economic institutions,
but his conceptual framework is clear from his studies.i" About social stratification at
Ugarit Rainey comments:'
Life at Ugarit was organized under the leadership and control of an hereditary monar-
chy supported by a class of landed nobles. The powers exercised by her kingswere those
of any typical oriental despot. Loyal members of the yeoman and noble classes were
rewarded by grants of real estatefrom the crown to whom all the land and townships in
the territory belonged.s''
For the most part Rainey understood the social organization of Ugarit as a combina-
tion of feudal elements and oriental despotism.v' Rainey describes ownership of land
at Ugarit in explicitly feudal terms. He states, for example: "the kingdom of Ugarit
was held by its ruler as a grant, or fief, from the Hittite kings ... the king ofUgarit was
'lord' or 'owner.'" 70 According to Rainey, landholders beneath the king held land only
by virtue of their relationship to the king."
Inheritance is one of the mechanisms through which the feudal nature of Ugaritic
society was evident to Rainey, who cites instances in which the king makes land grants
to individuals (and their heirs) in perpetuity, and calls these endowments "feudal
grants."72An important component of these grants was the restriction on the grantee's
ability to alienate the real estate, a notion suggestive of feudalism." As at Nuzi, fictional
adoption may have been one means of circumventing the inalienability of property
given by feudal grant.
74
It is unclear whether or not fictive adoption is attested at
Ugarit. Miller has argued against the presence of this practice at Ugarit; however,
Monroe has more recently argued that Ug. 5 N 81 (RS 21.230) records that a woman
named Inuya adopted a man as a brother, as a means of gaining access to his wealth;"
65 In fact, much of Rainey's arguments will be outlined in further chapters, in reference to specific
lexical discussions.
66 Rainey 1962b. Libolt accurately criticizes the title of Rainey's dissertation, as Rainey does not
for the most part discuss social stratification so much as occupational categories at Ugarit, Libolt 1985,
p.7.
67 Schloens comments on Rainey are accurate, Schloen 2001, p. 218: "... his overall assessment of
the social structure of Ugarit is confined to a few brief passages. This brevity is not a defect in itself,
because Rainey expresses his views concisely and his basic picture of the organization of the kingdom is
quite clear."
68 Rainey 1962b, p. 245.
69 Schloen 2001, p. 218; Smith 2001a, p. 88.
70 Rainey 1962b, p. 26.
71 Rainey 1962b, p. 26.
72 Rainey 1965a, p. 13.
73 Rainey 1965a, p. 14.
74 Rainey 1965a, p. 15.
75 Miller 1981, p. 350; Monroe 2000,p. 133.
Unfortunately, the relationship between Inuya and her new "brother" before the adop-
tion is unclear and this evidence must be considered preliminary.
Rainey comments on the organization of the Ugaritic economy and administration
based on his reading of the Akkadian and Ugaritic texts. According to his under-
standing of service exemptions found in royal land grant texts Rainey argues that the
palace gained its subsistence needs directly from what he calls: "exactions laid upon
the citizenry,'?" The palace itself was hierarchically organized, the most important
non-royal official being the dkil ekalli, the chief of the palace.77 The king's labor force
was organized into teams, each team led by a supervisor.Z" In general, the picture
Rainey paints of the palace is not of a self-sufficient organization but rather as a larger
administrative center that gained income from exactions on citizens and through inter-
national commercial ventures.i?
Craft specialization is prominent in Rainey's description of the Ugaritic economy.
Of craft specialization, Rainey states: "The populace was made up of people from all
of the essential vocations and crafts. These artisans were organized, at least to some
degree, according to their respective skills."80 According to Rainey the palace adminis-
tration considered these craft specialists by grouping them according to their skills and
that the individual craft specialists were organized in a manner akin to guilds." Group
payments and the assignment of apprentices to individual trades further attest to the
presence of guilds. 82
Rainey makes some important comments on the nature of mercantile enterprise at
Ugarit. He recognizes the existence of merchants (mkrm and bdlm in Ugaritic - see
comments in Chapter Three), who had an official position within the Ugaritic palace,
since they received rations directly from that institurion and land benefices from
specific kings.
83
These merchants had military connections as well. Rainey notes: "Mer-
cantile enterprise (tamkdru) was a dangerous adventure."84 Foreign merchants residing
in Ugarit "represented private or semi-private enterprises."85
This mercantile system at Ugarit was part of the greater Hittite mercantile system.
As a Hittite vassal, Ugarit had a particular, formal place within this network.r'' Rainey
notes that under Hattusilis III certain restrictions were placed on foreign merchants at
Ugarit: the merchants had to leave Ugarit before winter, they could not own real estate
76 Rainey 1962b, p. 78.
77 Rainey 1962b, p. 79.
78 Rainey 1962b, p. 81.
79 Rainey 1962b, p. 110.
80 Rainey 1962b, p. 166.
81 Rainey 1962b, p. 166.
82 Rainey 1962b, p. 166-167.
83 Rainey 1963, p. 314, 316-317.
84 Rainey 1963, p. 314.
85 Rainey 1963, p. 319.
86 Rainey 1963, p. 320.
48 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 49
and settle in Ugarit, and debts owed to merchants by Ugaritians could not be satisfied
through real estate.V
The overall picture of Ugaritic social structure presented in Rainey's studies is a
rigidly hierarchical society. The king of Ugarit was subordinate to the Hittite king.
Within Ugarit, non-royal rank manifest in three tiers: servants of the king of Ugarit
(arad lar ugarit), citizens of'Ugarit (mar ugarit), and slaves of servants of the king of
Ugarit (arad arad Iar ugarit).88 Mobility between these levels of society was possible
through the decrees of the king of Ugarit.
89
GeraldMiller andjuridical Texts
The 1980 Johns Hopkins dissertation by Gerald Miller, Studies in the juridical
Documents from Ugarit, represents an attempt at the kind of textual study used more
often in studies of Mesopotamian" economic literature than of comparable Ugaritic
materials. Most of the juridical texts studied by Miller reflect transactions involving
real estate, although some other transactions and legal relationships are examined.
More of Miller's work will be discussed in later chapters but some comments should
be made here about his perspective in relation to development of Ugaritic studies in
general.
Miller consciously uses feudal terminology, as in his translation of ilku as "feudal
obligation"?" but argues that he does not mean to reference medieval Europe." Instead,
he describes feudalism as:
a valid designation for a general method of political organization in which certain landed
properties of a territory were held as heredity "grants" from the ruler in exchange for
certain specified obligations for which the title-holders were responsible to the crown.
92
Within this roughly feudal framework Miller attempts to correct previous notions that
the King of Ugarit owned all real estate within Ugarit.
93
Instead, Miller argues that
there are three types of real estate within Ugarit: land owned by the royal family; land
under indirect control of the palace through the hands of various administrators and
families; and patrimonial estates which were owned privately and independent of the
royal family.94 Miller also shows how property exchanges validated by the king or by
witnesses do not represent ownership by the king.
95
Miller's belief that there were no
87 Rainey 1963, p. 320.
88 Rainey 1962b, 6.
89 Rainey 1962b, 28.
90 Miller 1980, p. 15.
91 Miller 1980, p. 126, note 2.
92 Miller 1980, p. 126 note 2.
93 Miller 1981, p. 348.
94 Miller 1981, p. 349.
95 Miller 1981, p. 350.
fictive adoption sale tablets (like those attested at Nuzi) demonstrated to him that there
was no need to circumvent royal authority over real estate.f" Miller's examination of
the Akkadian legal evidence indicates that the role of the palace in economic life was
not all encompassing.
2. Marxist Models
Marxist models have been used in varying degrees of success to understand the
Mesopotamian economy. Perhaps the most famous was Karl Wittfogel's resurrection
of Marx and Engel's Asiatic Mode of Production Model, which elaborated the basic
thesis that a monopoly on hydraulic technology in arid areas (particularly in Asia) led
to strong centralized governments thus allowing Mesopotamian civilization to be cat-
egorized as "hydraulic".97 While initially popular, the work of various scholars from
the University of Chicago's Oriental Institute demonstrated that this model of early
Mesopotamian economy is not borne out by the evidence.l"
More important for the study of Ugarit have been the Marxist Two-sector models
that have been elaborated by Near Eastern scholars. Arguably the most influential
Two-sector model is that proposed by Igor Diakonof Diakonoff's model understands
Mesopotamian society in terms of the relationships between people and the land and
the two distinct sectors of society that developed in relation to land ownership. One
sector of society was patriarchal, holding alienable plots of land and self-governing on
the community level,99 In addition, there developed a sector of society, encompassing
96 Miller 1981, p. 350.
97 By describing a society as hydraulic, Wittfogel, 1957, p. 3, attempted to emphasize what he called,
"the agromanagerial and agrobureaucratic character of these civilizations."This kind of agrobureaucratic
society developed absolutist leadership in which a small core area determined conditions in the larger
peripheral areas, Wittfogel 1957, p. 3. The agromanagerial elites according to Wittfogel, should be con-
sidered despots who marshal resources for their own benefit rather than the benefit of the society as a
whole, Wittfogel 1957, p. 136. Wittfogel uses the term despot purposefully in order to emphasize the
harsh form of absolutism that typified hydraulic societies, Wittfogel 1957, p. 101.
98 Settlement surveys conducted by the University of Chicago in Mesopotamia have shown that the
development of advanced irrigation techniques was not necessarilyconcomitant with the development
of state level government, McC. Adams 198I. Similarly for Egypt, another Chicago scholar, Karl Butzer,
argued that irrigation was primarily organized on a local level and did not lead to a stratified society with
an oriental despot at its apex, Butzer 1976.
Furthering Chicago's attack on the Oriental Despotism model, Robert and Elizabeth Fernea (also at
the University of Chicago) have marshaled ethnographic data from Iraq that illustrates how irrigation
develops on a local scale. Robert Fernea, 1970, p. vii, set out to answer the question, "Had tribal leader-
ship become centralized because of its associationwith the localizedadministration of irrigation systems?"
Fernea demonstrated that at least in Daghara irrigation systems were developed gradually, and began on
a small scale and gradually grewlarger, Fernea 1970, p. 120. The pre-existing tribal structures determined
the nature of the development of the irrigation schemes and the subsequent authority over them yet this
tribal authority was in no way based upon the domination of this resource, Fernea 1970, p. 120-130.
Indeed what was initially viewed as a productive model of social and economic organization has been
proven to have been based on faulty premises.
99 Diakonoff 1974, p. 8.
50 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 51
royal authority (or temple authority as the case may have been). In this sector land was
controlled by elite administrative bodies and allotted ro personnel through arbitrary
administrative criteria. 100 The personnel under the royal sphere of interest were depend-
ent on the palace (or temple) for access to productive resources and for subsistence
and were not able to engage in governance.l'" This Two-sector model of society argues
for two distinct spheres of economic life. In one, the "Free" population owns land and
controls means of production regardless of palace authority. The other sector involves
the royal authority including those elites who control access to land and means of pro-
duction and those individuals dependent on royal authority and gain access to land
and resources through their relationship to the palace authorities.l'"
This is a very different model from Asiatic Mode of Production models, although
the two are frequently confused because of their common roots in Marxist thought.
The Asiatic Mode of Production model presupposes the existence of only one sector
of society in which land and the means of production (especially irrigation schemes)
are completely controlled by an elite body. In an Asiatic Mode of Production model,
all non-elites are dependent on the absolutist authority. Self sufficient villages may be
self sufficient, but in fact participate in a larger scheme typically through a tributary
relationship. Structurally speaking, the Two-sector model is completely opposed to
the AMP model. In a Two-sector society there are two distinct relationships between
people and the means of production (including real estate) that exist side-by-side
but frequently in tension with one another. These two Marxist models should not be
confused with one another for in essence their only real similarity is their use of the
control of means of production as a diagnostic feature of ancient society. The end
results, though, are completely different.
Carlo Zaccagnini has attempted to revive the Marxian notion of the Asiatic Mode
of Production in the context of post-Stalinist Marxism. Stalin-era Marxism did not
allow for any stages in historical development beyond those described in the dominant
unilinear evolutionary models.P" As a response to numerous scholarly comments on
the general uselessness of AMP as a model for understanding pre-capitalist economies
(and the lack of clarity by these same scholars on the meaning of AMP), Zaccagnini
offers a revised version of the model. For Zaccagnini, some phases of Near Eastern his-
tory may be understood through this model, although a dogmatic application of the
model to all of the Near East is not helpful.P" Zaccagnini proposes that the utility
100 Diakonoff 1974, p. 8.
101 Diakonoff 1974, pp. 8-9.
102 Diakonoff 1974, p. 9.
103 Zaccagnini 1987, pp. 11-12.
104 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 13. Zaccagnini explicitly argues against the utility of AMP models for the
study of Egypt, Southern Mesopotamia, and certain areas of the Tigris - anywhere where extensive irri-
gation technology was employed, Zaccagnini 1987, p. 55. The AMP approach is not as useful in these
areas because the role of the small village (as opposed to the large city) is not as apparent in irrigation
of an AMP approach to the ancient Near East is heuristic. The application of the
AMP and Marxist scholarly strategies in general highlight certain issues that may not
be apparent through other conceptual frameworks.l'" According to Zaccagnini, areas
that can be highlighted include but are not limited to, "the structural characteristics
inherent in the ownership of the means of production, in the tributary mechanisms
between the palace and the rural population, in the production, transformation, and
circulation of goods ... ". 106 The application of an AMP model can illuminate these
aspects of the ancient economy, in Zaccagnini's view.
In the Asiatic Mode of Production as modified by Zaccagnini the palatial mode
of production dominates the subaltern domestic or village mode of production. 107 In
other words, Zaccagnini sees the substantial aspects of the Two-sector model as con-
stituent elements of a larger system. Indeed it is the "functional nexus" linking the two
sectors that is the Asiatic Mode of Production. 108
Zaccagnini defines five aspects of economic organization that are essential to an AMP
model. 109 This mode of production is based on communal ownership of land where
individual possessionis legitimated through the individual's membership in the commu-
nity.110 The second element of AMP is the despot, or the superior owner, the "compre-
hensive unit which is superimposed to all these small communities."lll It is important
to recognize, however, that Zaccagnini notes that there is no evidence to suggest that any
Near Eastern sovereign was considered the titular owner of allland. 112 Superior owner-
ship status does not imply complete ownership. The third element of AMP involves
the rights of the despot over the production surplus of the community units creating
a tributary relationship.I'" For this tributary relationship to create a significant source of
income for the despot the village communities must remain strong and prosperous in
order to produce a base level of surplus. I 14 The fourth component is the "integration
between agroculture [sic] and manufacture."1l5These small communities are essentially
self-sufficient and engage in both primary and secondary production activities.U'' The
agriculture based economies, Zaccagnini 1987, pp. 31, 53, 55. Identifying the tensions between self-
sufficient villages and central administration is one of the primary uses of the AMP model, and there-
fore its application to areas that lack self-sufficient villages (as in areas heavily dependent on irrigation)
is not productive, Zaccagnini 1987, pp. 53-55.
105 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 14.
106 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 16.
107 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 22.
108 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 22.
109 Zaccagnini 1987, pp. 26-27.
110 Zaccagnini 1987, pp. 23-24.
III Zaccagnini 1987, p. 25.
112 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 54.
113 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 25.
114 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 54.
115 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 26.
116 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 26.
52 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 53
fifth element is the lack of urban-rural differentiation within the village sector. I I? The
appearance of these five characteristics is indicative of an Asiatic Mode of Production.
For Zaccagnini a number of factors influence the development of an Asiatic Mode
of Production. Most important of these are topography and environment. The village
community must be able to be self-sufficient and strongly constituted. AMP does not
appear in locations that require intense irrigation. However, regions such as North
Syria provide a perfect natural environment for the development ofAMp'118 It is note-
worthy that while Zaccagnini and Wittfogel both use adapted AMP models the geo-
graphic settings of their respective Asiatic Modes of Production are almost exactly the
opposite.
Michael Heltzerand the Royal Service System
Arguably the most prolific writer on Ugaritic economy, Michael Heltzer has
been influential in terms of the model he postulates and the manner in which he has
organized the data. Through numerous articles and monographs, Heltzer has concen-
trated on a number of aspects of the Ugaritic economy including its organization and
administration. All of his work is predicated on one model of economic relationships.
Heltzer's model has been described as a Two-sector model and as an Asiatic Mode of
Production (AMP) Model. 119 The term used by Heltzer to describe his model is the
Royal Service System and it will be referred to as such here. 120 While Schloen is right
to point to the fact that Heltzer was a student of Diakonoff's, and that their models
are very similar, it is difficult to describe Heltzer's model as either a Two-sector model
or an AMP model.V' In fact it is a blend of both types of model. Heltzer's model is
similar to a Two-sector model with the assertion that at Ugarit there were two distinct
sets of land: a communal sector and royal sector.
122
However, since Heltzer a ~ e s that
both types of landowners were dependents of the king, the single center of authority,
his model incorporates elements of an AMP model. 123 This combination of the two
types of Marxist models is unique and hence the use of the separate term 'Royal
Service System' is appropriate.
The Royal Service System was not unique to Ugarit according to Heltzer. He sees all
of the eastern Mediterranean in the latter half of the second millennium as character-
ized by this royal service system.
124
Like Gray, he sees this new social system originating
117 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 26.
118 Zaccagnini 1987, p. 53.
119 Schloen 2001, p. 221; Smith 2001a, p. 134.
120 Heltzer 1988, p. 7.
121 Schloen 2001, p. 221.
122 Heltzer 1988, pp. 10-11.
123 Heltzer 1978, p. 5.
124 Heltzer 1988, p. 7.
in the restructuring of society by invaders, though Heltzer sees these invaders as
Semitic (Amorites) rather than Indo-Aryans.P> Unlike Gray, Heltzer theorizes that
the social system created by the interaction between the invading population and the
indigenous population was a spontaneous reaction to the new relationships rather than
a formalized one.
126
This contrasting relationship found its most direct manifestation in regards to real
estate. Heltzer describes the situation in these terms:
The existing land-fund can be divided into two categories: 1) communal land, where
the dominant role was played by the village community, which was itself a dependency
of the royal administration in fiscal matters, i.e., natural and silver taxes, corvee, con-
scription, etc.; this land was alienated (sold and purchased) within the community on
the condition of observing collective obligations (ilku in Ugarit) and the individual
obligations of the family ('unt/ unuliu in Ugarit).
2) royal land, with its two main subdivisions: (a) dispersed royal economy, well known
not only from Ugarit, but also from other countries of the area, especially from Myce-
naean Greece; and (b) lands distributed as conditional holdings to royal servicemen of
various professional groups, in return for their professional services (Pilku/'ubdy in
Ugarit), It is interesting to note that the word pilku in the Akkadian of Ugarit orig-
inally also meant divided land-plot, as did temenos in Greek, which also appears in
Linear B texts. 127
Both spheres of society - the village and the royal sphere had rights over some land.
The king did not possess all of the land. Some real estate was held by the communal
sector. However, this communal sector in effect was subservient to the royal sphere.
The king of Ugarit while not sovereign over all land was in fact dominant over the
entire population.F" Both economies existed side by side, however.V?
Under the communal sphere were those elements of life that had existed prior to
the invasion of the population that installed the royal sector of authority. Like Gray,
Heltzer points to the Kirta epic for evidence of an earlier political system.P? Heltzer
implies from this text and others that there was a degree of communal 'self-government'
within the village secror.l'" However, property divisions within the village sector were
not predicated on equal allocation. 132
Under the royal sphere were two subdivisions of land. The first subdivision, the dis-
persed royal economy, consisted of local production and distribution units, called gt.133
These estates according to Heltzer were the primary unit of palatial economic activity
125 Heltzer 1988, p. 8.
126 Heltzer 1988, p. 8.
127 Heltzer 1988, pp. 10-11.
128 Heltzer 1978, p. 5.
129 Heltzer 1982, p. 186.
130 Heltzer 1976b, p. 75.
131 Heltzer 1976b, p. 77.
132 Heltzer 1976b, p. 84.
133 Heltzer 1982, p. 186.
54 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 55
although not necessarily agricultural estates. 134 The function of these estates according
to Heltzer was as a means of storing agricultural tools and palace owned livestock and
animals.P?
The second subdivision of Heltzer's royal economy, conditional holdings, includes
feudal style grants to individuals with specialized skills. The land was granted them in
exchange for specialized services rendered. These royal dependents were often organ-
ized into groups according to Heltzer and were supervised by royal managers. 136 These
royal dependents were the bnJ mlk, to whom Heltzer compares the Akkadian arde
Iarri, which translates as 'servants of the king.' 137 The problem with this connection is
that it is not supported by the evidence in the polyglots found at Ugarit. As shall be
discussed in Chapter Three, the evidence from the polyglots indicates that the term
bnJwas equivalent to the Akkadian word aioilum, best translated as "man."
There are many other problems with Heltzer's work. 138 Schloen sees a fundamen-
tal problem in Heltzer's understanding of real estate ownership at Ugarit, specifically in
his simplified notions of real estate ownership. Especially problematic to Schloen is
Heltzer's assertion that the king did not have rights over land in the communal sector.P?
Schloen argues that in fact there is a hierarchy of rights over real estate.l'" Schloen
states: "the fact that, in practice, the king would not usually violate traditional mores
by evicting landholders and expropriating their land at will did not nullify the belief
that he was the supreme landlord within his domain."141
Other problems with Heltzer's model are even more fundamental. His basic reading
of the words must be criticized. Heltzer's main evidence for postulating two different ')
sectors of land-ownership is based on his interpretation ofpilku and ilku as words with
separate semantic ranges.
142
As we shall see in Chapter Three this distinction cannot
be upheld undermining Heltzer's entire argument postulating two separate sectors of
land equally dependent on royal authority. This taken with Heltzer's incorrect under-
standing of the expression bnJmlk and a questionable interpretation of the institution
of the gt that will be outlined in Chapter Three demonstrates that the Royal Service
System model is purely hypothetical. There is in fact no evidence for its existence and
this fundamental flaw undermines most of Heltzer's work on Ugarit.
Heltzer's totalizing of social concepts is a general problem in his approach to the
economic texts at Ugarit. From a philological standpoint, Heltzer seems to argue that
134 Heltzer 1982, p. 56; 1999b, p. 192.
135 Heltzer 1982, p. 78; 1999b, p. 193.
136 Heltzer 1996, p. 177.
137 Heltzer 1982, p. 15; 1996 p. 177.
138 For a particularly critical reading of Heltzer, see the relevant sections in Schloen 2001.
139 Schloen 2001, p. 231.
140 Schloen 2001, p. 231.
141 Schloen 2001, p. 231.
142 See Heltzer 1982, pp. 34-36 for his extended argument.
words have only one meaning and likewise social categories are stable and consistent.
This kind of view overly simplifies the ancient situation in which identity was consti-
tuted in any number of ways and was frequently constituted in conflicting or separate
manners depending on the circumstances. This leads Heltzer to consistently oversimplify
situations even at the level of translation. The mistakes are compounded when his
philological work, especially his comparative approach, is flawed. More of his specific
philological comments are discussed in Chapter Three.
Heltzer's attempts at understanding the Ugaritic economy are not entirely based in
his conception of a Royal Service System. Heltzer also attempts to understand Ugarit's
role in international trade and commerce. That Ugarit's strategic location led to its
development as a mercantile power in the Late Bronze age, as argued by Heltzer, is
not atypical of other analyses of the site.
143
Heltzer attempts to add to this discussion
through his analysis and comparison of prices throughout the Near East. He demon-
strates that Ugarit, in a manner similar to the Old Assyrian trade colonies, benefited
through the exploitation of the disparity of prices in precious metals throughout the
ancient Near East.
144
For example, gold was relatively inexpensive in Egypt compared
with the value of gold in Mesopotamia proper and Ugarit gained an advantage by
buying low from Egypt and selling high to Mesopotamia.l'v While this assertion
sounds plausible, it has very minimal textual support. The argument is made through
the comparison of two sets of texts. The first set of texts are those found at Ugarit that
sometimes (although surprisingly rarely in the texts he cites) give amounts of metal
paid in exchange for other items.
146
The second group of texts includes tablets from
Alalakh; Kassite Babylonia; Nuzi-Arrapha; the Hittite Empire; Mari; Old Assyrian
times; and Egypt.
147
Most of these texts are roughly contemporary sites but not
always.148 More problematic is that these texts reflect a variety of genres and types. For
example, the Hittite texts Heltzer uses are all legal documents, yet the majority of
other texts used are private sales contracts or lists of items with associated values.
149
The actual similarity of these texts is that all include mention of amounts of silver
alongside amounts of various goods. Comparison of these two sets of texts yields, to
Heltzer, sufficient evidence that the people of Ugarit participated in speculation in pre-
cious metals.P'' In fact, there is no evidence for this. Heltzer assumes that the varying
amounts of silver given for objects in all of these texts reflect an abstract conception
143 Heltzer 1977, pp. 210-211. For other, similar understandings, see the section of this chapter
titled Hellenosemitica and the Brandeis Entrepreneurial Approach.
144 Heltzer 1977, p. 206.
145 Heltzer 1977, p. 206; 1978, p. 101.
146 Heltzer 1978, pp. 3-16.
147 Heltzer 1978, pp. 85-104.
148 Heltzer 1978, pp. 85-104.
149 Heltzer 1978, p. 95 n. 34.
150 Heltzer 1977, pp. 210-211.
56 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 57
of price that was meaningful beyond that mere encounter. This may be true and likely
the relative value of the objects were within a similar range at the same time and place.
That these abstract 'prices' can be quantified and compared with other 'prices' is slightly
more problematic but one could still argue that if not taken too far, this kind of analysis
provides a rough, relative guide to issues of value. Even given this, there is still the prob-
lem that there is no evidence that merchants at Ugarit intentionally profited through the
differential values of metals throughout the Mediterranean. It is possible, very possible,
but the evidence that Heltzer uses to make this argument does not suggest this.
Other suspect interpretations of the data are identifiable in Heltzer's work. For
example, after listing the known cities within the kingdom of Ugarit, Heltzer makes
the following controversial point, " ... about 130 villages had to perform collective
obligations and pay collective taxes. It is most interesting that all obligations were
performed and paid collectively by the entire village."151 In this statement, Heltzer is
conflating different kinds of data. Reading texts that list the tax obligations of certain
villages, Heltzer jumps to the conclusion that the city as a whole was responsible for
all taxes as a communal entity. There is nothing in the evidence to support this con-
clusion. While some entity within the village was likely responsible for some kind of
collective obligation, it is difficult to argue for the existence of self-sufficient, commu-
nal villages taxed as a whole based on this one class of text. Likewise, the use of total-
izing adjectives such as "all" obscures the possibility that the people and villages within
the Ugaritic sphere of influence were not monolithic entities.
Mario Liverani and the Italian School
Italy has produced a number of important scholars in the field of Ugaritic studies.
Many of these scholars have worked extensively on administration and economy at
Ugarit. Perhaps the most important scholar in this field is Mario Liverani. In a number
of studies, Liverani estimated production and consumption amounts of the gt insti-
tutions in Ugarit. While his raw data will be discussed later (see Chapter Four), his
general conceptions of economic organization are worth discussion here.
For the most part, Liverani approaches Ugarit with a Two-sector model similar to
Helrzer's.P'' Liverani's approach differs in that it adds a diachronic element that
explains the eventual collapse of the Two-sector sysrem.P" The use of the models
shows enough differences to make a separate discussion of Liverani's work worthwhile
151 Heltzer 1976b, p. 18.
152 Smith 200la, p. 134.
153 Schloen 2001, pp. 231-232. It should be noted, however, that in an article entitled "The Late
Bronze Age Service System and Its Decline," Heltzer argues that the growth of non-productive elements
in society, and the inability to support them, concomitant with successive droughts, overtaxed the royal
servicesystem leading to its eventual collapse, Heltzer 1988, p. 15. Even in Holtzer's earliest works there
are dynamic elements to his model. For example, Heltzer argues for a gradual disintegration of large
families throughout Ugaritic history, Heltzer 1976b, p. 102.
here. For Liverani, the Late Bronze Syrian region as a whole divides basically into two
sectors: palatine and free.
154
Laid upon a uniform distribution system of villages (what
he calls the heritage neolithique) was a superimposed palatial system.l'? The palatine
lands were either worked directly by the palace or were assigned as rewards to palace
dependents.l " Members of the free sector, on the other hand, worked their own land,
but were obligated to pay taxes to the palace receiving nothing for their efforts.
15
?
The palace lands were organized as farmsteads called gt according to Liverani. This
institution had a distinct economic advantage over the free sector because of two factors.
First, the gt workers were deprived of families.P" Second, many of the gt workers
were devoted to specialized production.P? These two palatine advantages are evident
based on where production surplus was directed. For the free sectors working primarily
through a domestic mode of production the surplus had to be expended on supporting
the family or esrare.l'" On the other hand, since the gt workers had no family (accord-
ing to Liverani), the surplus could be directed towards specialized prcduction.l?'
The economic advantages held by the royal production sector eventually led to the
collapse of the system, in Liverani's model. The gt personnel did not replace them-
selves (since trad no families) and therefore had to be supplied by the villages.
162
Concomitant with this was the precarious condition of the domestic mode of produc-
tion within the free sector. Since surplus was minimal, and risk aversion was difficult,
the village (or free) sector consistently supplied new gt workers. 163 Eventually this
negative feedback cycle led to a Late Bronze Age demographic collapse throughout
Syria. 164
Schloen provides ample criticism for this model. Suggesting that the gt workers
whom Liverani discusses actually did not work at the royal estates year round, Schloen
is also able to point to evidence that at least some of these gt workers in fact had
families.
165
Similarly Schloen makes arguments that some of the means of production
were not owned by the palace sector but rather were brought with the temporary gt
workers.l'f While ownership of the means of production and control over the means
of production are not the same, Schloen is right to criticize the lack of evidence
154 Liverani 1989, p. 127.
155 Liverani 1982, p. 251.
156 Liverani 2001, p. 127.
157 Liverani 1989, pp. 127-128.
158 Liverani 1982, p. 253.
159 Liverani 1982, p. 253.
160 Liverani 1982, p. 253.
161 Liverani 1982, p. 253.
162 Liverani 1982, p. 257.
163 Liverani 1989, p. 152.
164 Liverani 1982, p. 252.
165 Schloen 2001, pp. 237, 239.
166 Schloen 2001, p. 238.
58 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
59
Liverani uses to assert the interconnectedness of the two sectors. Indeed it would
seem unwieldy for the palace to support gt workers year round. This does not mean
that the gt workers may not have participated in other specialized activities in the
off-season.
jose-Angel Zamora and the Expanding Palace Sector
Jose-Angel Zamora also approaches the Ugaritic economy from a Two-sector per-
spective. Like Heltzer, Zamora takes the expression bni mlk as an administrative des-
ignation of palace dependents and by extension individuals within the palace's
sphere of authority. 167 Ugaritic society was in Zamora's view divided into two large
social groups: one (the palatial sphere), which was centralized with specialized skills
and dependent on the other; and a rural, communal, and primitive sector.
168
Zamora
suggests that the palace sector expanded at the expense of the village sector and that
this expansion could be explained by the historical evolution of the whole system. 169
Zamora's Two-sector approach does not differ much from Heltzer's or Liverani's and
much of the conclusions presented by Zamora can more strongly be argued for
Alalakh.
Clayton Libolt and the Royal Land Grants
Clayton Libolt's 1985 dissertation at the University of Michigan, entitled Royal Land
Grants from Ugarit, like Gerald Miller's dissertation, incorporates textual methodologies
first developed for the study of the Mesopotamian world. 170 This work represents an
attempt to understand land tenure at Ugarit, and it marks a significant departure from
previous works because of its more sophisticated understanding of the nature of land
"ownership." Libolt describes ownership in this way:
The word "own," when used in relationship to property, is culturally defined and ana-
lytically of marginal usefulness. It is much more useful to describe property in terms of
certain rights and obligations. Any number of people may have, in a given culture,
rights to a piece of property. The constellation of rights can be quite complex... and, it
is the constellationas a whole that describes the land tenure system for a society.l"
Libolt shifts the question of land tenure from who owned the land to who has what
rights and obligations in regards to the land. This more nuanced understanding allows
16? Zamora 1997, p. 93.
168 Zamora 1997, p. 94.
169 Zamora 1997, p. 112.
170 These methodologies include Libolt's systematic study of one particular type of document. At this
point it should be noted that Libolt follows Kienast'smethodology that everyelement in a legal document
has meaning, and cannot be relegated as "stylistic," Libolt 1985, p. 21. Both Schloen 2001, p. 242, and
Rowe 1999, p. 172, take exception to this approach.
171 Libolt 1985, p. 9.
greater possible understanding of the complex situation. So the king, for example,
seemed to have some rights over all land, but these rights were dependent on a num-
ber of variables. 172
Libolt assumes a Two-sector model of society in his analysis. Heritability of granted
land is dependent on which sector of society is granted the land. For those outside the
palace service system, land grants are heritable, and for those within the Royal Service
System, granted land is This Two-sector system changed through the
last years of Ugarit's existence. Generally, Libolt describes a loss of power on the part
of the village and a concomitant rise in the use of administrative districts.V" These
changes (among others) were based on the influence of Hittite law and represented
the attempts of the Ugaritic king to gain control over the patrimonial elements of
society,17s
Ignazio Mdrquez Rowe and Ugaritic Tribute
Working under Gregorio del Olmo Lete and joaquin Sanmartin at the University
of Barcelona, Ignazio Marquez Rowe engaged in the kind of study that Libolt had
undertaken ten years earlier. Rowe's analysis, however, calls into question certain
aspects of the Marxist perspective as applied to Ugarit. In a dissertation entitled El ilku
en Ugarit. Estudio textualy contextual acerca del sistema tributario territorial, Marquez
Rowe examined the system ofland grants used at Ugarit. In a 1999 article, the results
of this enquiry were published in English. A dynamic model of land grant legal mech-
anisms is described, in which the various wordings of the contracts are inconsequen-
tial from a legal perspective (contra Libolt) but represent different scribal practices.l"
Before the time of Arnmistamru II's reign, royal land grants implied exemption from
ilku service.V? After this reign, a royal land grant implied performance of an ilku
service, unless specifically exernpted.l?" This evolution corresponded with the chang-
ing nature of Hittite laws and thus illustrated the dependent nature of Ugaritic law
upon Hittite.l/?
Grants and obligations are the basis of Rowe's reconstruction of the social structure
of LB Ugarit. Rowe disagrees with the Marxist scholars that LB society could be seen
in a bipartite manner: those that had access to the means of production and those that
did not.
180
Terms such as bn'f mlk refer not to distinct social classesper se but rather to
172 Libolt 1985, p. 9.
173 Libolt 1985, p. 133.
174 Libolt 1985, p. 435.
175 Libolt 1985, pp. 438, 440.
176 Rowe 1999b, p. 172.
177 Rowe 1999b, p. 175.
178 Rowe 1999b, p. 175.
179 Rowe 1999b, pp. 177-178.
180 Rowe 2002, p. 17.
60 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARIT1C ECONOMY 61
juridical relationships.l'" Rowe states that Ugaritians did not have an emic understand-
ing of an economic hierarchy but rather: "thought and surely acted in the concrete
terms of rights and obligations, their real scale of hierarchy."182 More will be said of
Rowe's arguments in Chapter Three but suffice it to say Rowe's conception of hierarchy
(flexible and based on social relationships rather than upon a fixed class system) well fits
the evidence from Ugarit. .
3. Entrepreneurial Models
The conceptual frameworks employed for the study of the Ugaritic economy that
bear closest resemblance to formalist models are the entrepreneurial models. These
models understand the Ugaritic economy to have been driven by the same principles
as modern capitalist societies, through the risk and ventures of private entrepreneurs.
Most of the entrepreneurial models interpret the evidence from Ugarit to indicate the
substantial presence of private individuals who engaged in trade and commerce for
profit. Profit was the fundamental motivation of these people and they operated in an
economic environment essentially similar to that of the modern west.
Hellenosemitica and the Brandeis Entrepreneurial Approach
While Cyrus Gordon was at Brandeis University, numerous students were involved
in the study of the Ugaritic economy. Brandeis students emphasized those elements
of the Ugaritic economy that were integrated within a wider framework of Greek-
Levantine relations. One of those students engaged in this project, Michael Astour,
dubbed this conceptual framework "Hellenosemitica."183 Viewing Ugarit within a
wider framework of Aegean and West Semitic relations became an important avenue
of study for Ugaritic and Late Bronze Age economy as a whole.
For the students of Gordon engaged in the Hellenosemitica project, naval trade as
manifest at Ugarit was of the utmost importance. It is this aspect of Late Bronze Age
life, which is most often considered the primary mechanism for the transmission of
Greek culture to the Levant and vice versa. Elisha Linder, one of Gordon's students,
has gone as far as saying that Ugarit was a Canaanite thalassocracy, a term derived
from the study of the classical world.V" By thalassocracy, Linder meant to emphasize
two important components of Ugaritic economy - its orientation towards sea trade
and its naval power from a military perspective.l'" One of these components of this ori-
entation to the sea, manifest in the economic documents at Ugarit, was commercial
181 Rowe 2002, p. 17.
182 Rowe 2002, p. 17.
183 Smith 2001a, p. 77.
184 Linder 1981.
185 Linder 1981, p. 31.
marine trade, which Linder divides into four categories, royal, private, joint royal-
private, and foreign. 186 All of these kinds of commercial trade operated under the sphere
of influence of, and were regulated by royal authority.l'" Linder notes that of the over
350 different commodities that are ~ e n t i o n e d in the economic records: "Only a small
proportion of the commodities meritioned could have been absorbed by the local mar-
ket in Ugarit - the bulk being used in extensive commercial enterprises which charac-
terized the Ugaritic economy."188 With the importance of trade as a central component
of Ugaritic economy, the protection of the seas was a necessary component. Linder sug-
gests that there is strong evidence for a native shipbuilding industry as well as evidence
for a specific division of labor amongst ship crews.
189
Linder suggests the probability that
there was a naval analogue to the maryannu, a suggestion made by Astour as well.l'"
I. Michael Astour
Ugarit as one component of a larger Eastern Mediterranean trade network is empha-
sized in the work of another Gordon student - Michael Astour. As with Linder,
Astour sees Ugarit as part of a Mediterranean trade system in which commercial activ-
ity is the dominant activiry.l'" Particularly, Ugarit was, in Astour's words, "the prin-
ciple transshipment point of Cypriote copper to the inner parts of Western Asia."I92
In his important works on historical geography, Astour identifies two port towns
within the Ugaritic kingdom, namely Ma'hadu and Reshu.l'"
Ugarit was a medium-sized state surrounded by the larger states of Hatti and
Egypt. 194 Astour characterizes Ugarir's situation: "the political history of Ugarit is that
of a wealthy but second-rank state which had to adapt itself to the interplay of first-
rank powers in the Syrian arena."195 For Astour, Ugarit's geographic location, along
numerous important axes of trade, as well as its natural marine resources, defined its
position as a trade center for the other major Late Bronze Age players. 196 As such, the
merchants at Ugarit enjoyed a position of great influence and power.
The relationship between merchants and the palace at Ugarit is unclear in Astour's
model. He poses the question of whether merchant activity represented free enterprise
or whether the merchants were agents in the employ of the state but is unable to answer
186 Linder 1981, p. 33.
187 Linder 1981, pp. 33,41.
188 Linder 1981, p. 36.
189 Linder 1981, p. 38.
190 Linder 1981, p. 40.
191 Astour 1973, p. 19.
192 Astour 1973, p. 19.
193 Astour 1970, p. 116.
194 Astour 1981, p. 3.
195 Astour 1981, p. 4.
196 Astour 1981, p. 3.
this question.l?? He does postulate the existence of voluntary bands of commercial
agents (sr) who formed to engage in trade activities. 198 The wealthiest merchants were
the maryannu who required other status symbols as markers of their rank. 199 Foreigners
at Ugarit were mostly individuals involved in merchant activity.20o
ii. Robert Stieglitz
Also a Gordon student, Robert Stieglitz devoted energy to the study of the Ugaritic
economy.i''! His approach, exemplified in his article "Ugaritic Commodity Prices,"
involves formalist assumptions of ancient economic behavior. This formalist assump-
tion comes through in his description of the nature of prices in Ugarit:
Both barter and currencyexchange were utilizedin the kingdom ofUgarit, but the over-
whelming majority of the documents that list the prices of trades quote them in terms
of currency exchange. The currency exchange at Ugarit, not unlike other ancient Near
Eastern kingdoms, consisted of exchanging fixed weights of metal, according to the
agreed upon standards, for almost all commodities.Pi
62 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 63
~
Its operating assumption is that records are stored together for specific reasons, and the
determination of these reasons provides context and control for the interpretation of
documents in a given facility.205
Indeed Widbin studies the individual rooms that make up the Eastern archive (accord-
ing to Schaeffer's designations) and attempts to determine the administrative function
of the room from the nature of the documents archived there. More will be said of his
specific results in later chapters but for now it is important to emphasize his methods
and models.
A number of general features of the Brandeis approach to Ugaritic economics can
be identified. First, Ugarit is seen as part of a larger system, including the Aegean and
the Egyptian and Hittite empires and that part is a large commercial and naval center.
Second, social relations are described in primarily functionalist terminology. Third,
the Brandeis students take an essentially formalist stance in economics or at least do
not consider theoretical aspects of economics to any great extent - preferring to
assume a relative "sameness" with the modern world.
Stieglitz compares the relative weight standards of Ugarit and other locations and deter-
mines the prices (in shekels) of various comrnodities.P'' It is an interesting attempt at
applying modern economic techniques to ancient documents but the utility of the
project is not quite clear. Since he is unable to sufficiently prove the comparability of
his data, or its degree of standardization, it is not clear how this data can be used.
iii. Brian Widbin
Brandeis produced students engaged in important work at Ugarit even after Gordon's
departure from Brandeis in 1973 for a position at NYU.204 R.B. Widbin's 1985 disser-
tation followed Brandeis's tradition of working with Ugaritic administrative material,
in his investigation of the palace's Eastern Archives. Widbin also followed Brandeis's
tradition of implicit functionalism. For him though, the functionalism was not in
specifying Ugarit's role in a world system but rather investigating the specific function
of one archive in the palace, in distinction from the other archives.
Widbin considers his approach to be the "archival method" and describes it as
follows:
197 Astour 1972, p. 26.
198 Astour 1972, p. 24.
199 These otherstatus markers, according to Astour, were sufficient census, a horse, andstate confir-
mation, Astour 1972, p. 15.
200 Astour 1970, p. 126.
201 Smith 200la, p. 77.
202 Stieglitz 1979, p. 15.
203 Stieglitz 1979, p. 23.
204 Smith 200la, p. 76.
Christopher Monroe and the Merchants ofthe Late Bronze Age
In his 2000 dissertation from the University of Michigan, Scales of Fate: Trade,
Tradition, and Transformation in theEastern Mediterranean ca. 1350-1175 BCE, Christo-
pher Monroe attempts to reconstruct the culture of international commerce during
the Late Bronze Age. Monroe uses a wide variety of textual sources, and attempts to
describe the nature of mercantile activity at an international scale. Much of his argu-
ment derives from evidence at Ugarit, and his interpretations are important in the
context of this study of economic modalities.
Monroe generally takes a formalist approach to the ancient economy. The goal of
ancient trade was profit,206 and this was gained through private enterprise.P? as well
as what he calls 'entrepreneurial inheritance.F'" Monroe's analysis of the quest for profit
uses the language of marginal utility and equilibrium models. For example, Monroe
describes 'the calculus of profit':
The three most significant variables in a rational pursuit of profit are value, distance, and
transport cost. Differences in value in various locations provide a potential, or calculable,
opportunity for exploiting a price difference. The distance between the locations of
these values contributes to transport cost, which can increase value. Greater distances
imply greater transport costs but also generally greater differences in value. How the
trader controls these variables determines in large measure the success he or she has in
predicting and making profits.209
205 Widbin 1985, p. 2.
206 Monroe 2000, p. 332.
207 Monroe 2000, pp. 240-241.
208 Monroe 2000, pp. 252-255.
209 Monroe 2000, p. 78.
64 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 65
This is a valuable, but not particularly novel approach as it very much reflects
the conceptual frameworks of economic analysis initially developed by Adam
Smith (see Chapter One). Monroe is able to demonstrate the constraints and
possibilities for profit available in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Late
Bronze Age.
Monroe treats the ancient economy much the way modern economies are treated.
He does not question whether profit was an important motive and he seeks to explore
where capital and financing originated.I!'' Occasionally his presuppositions lead to very
strange readings of Ugaritic texts. For example, he understands royal land grants as
royal investment in private entrepreneurial ventures.P! Similarly problematic, Monroe
understands the office of md (see Chapter Three) as a relationship that provided tax
breaks for elites.
212
While never reaching the levels of absurdity of formalist scholars
like Morris Silver, Monroe's work is beset with uncritical application of modern equi-
librium theories upon ancient data.
Monroe concludes that traders constituted a distinct, professional group in the LB
eastern Mediterranean.U" but the actual nature of individual merchant activity varied
considerably.i'" He demonstrates the reliance of this group on royal authorities but
also demonstrates how they operate at a supra-state level,215 While "concentrated in the
cities," entrepreneurs "thrived in the margins, both within and between societies."216
Monroe sees merchants as contradictory cultural figures. While their status originated
in their elite status in certain communities, their ability to profit derived from their
liminal presence in other areas. Monroe's work describes and defines the cultural norms
of this wealthy marginal group.
Marion Feldman and Late Bronze Age International Koine
In her 1998 Harvard Dissertation, Marion Feldman situates ten luxury goods
found at Ugarit within the social context of international relations at the same time
challenging entrepreneurial models constituted through formalist perspectives. The
luxury goods found at Ras Shamra are remnants of a reciprocal exchange system and
are evidence of the attempts of Ugaritic kings to demonstrate their status within an
international communicy.-'? Understanding the role of these goods through a variety of
social scientific lenses.i" Feldman demonstrates that these luxury items were imbued
210 See, for example, Monroe 2000, p. 123.
zn Monroe 2000, p. 124.
212 Monroe 2000, p. 125.
213 Monroe 2000, p. 1.
214 Monroe 2000, p. 346.
215 Monroe 2000, pp. 241, 348.
216 Monroe 2000, pp. 347-348.
217 Feldman 1998, p. 332.
218 EspeciallyAppadurai 1986.
with a value derived from human identity.-t? Through a stylistic analysis, Feldman
is able to demonstrate that the same kinds of processes of international exchange
discernible in the textual evidence of Late Bronze Age correspondence are manifest in
the international material culture at Ugarit. As such, Feldman's work is an important
supplement to the modeling of Late Bronze Age international relations as suggested by
other, textually oriented scholars.
Of particular note in Feldman's discussion is her observation of a particular artistic
style she describes as an international koine.
220
Feldman acknowledges, but moves
beyond previous scholarship in this direction, by more carefully defining this style.
While the specifics of her analysis cannot be dealt with here, it is useful to mention
that in general, this international style "encompasses a common, but restricted, reper-
toire of themes combined in a consistent fashion that defies attribution to anyone
region."221 Feldman convincingly demonstrates that the artistic themes in this interna-
tional style portray ideas and images of rulership.F? That rulership is the most impor-
tant theme of this work is important in addressing the context of luxury goods as a
means of negotiating identity and status within the setting of international relations.F''
Particularly valuable for this discussion of the Ugaritic economy are the implications
regarding the goals and purposes of international trade as evidenced in the eastern
Mediterranean. The acquisition of these objects goes beyond the mere desire to con-
sume; rather it is focused upon identity and self-perception. There is a justification for
trade that goes well beyond notions of marginal utility. The expenses of transportation
and production, which were likely very high at an international scale, did not prevent
the circulation of these goods. Cost-benefit analysis is somewhat irrelevant since mate-
rial gain was not the primary purpose for acquiring these items. Great expense and
effort could be devoted to the acquisition of these elite items because the reason for
acquiring them was not, from a utility perspective, financial gain. When understood
from this perspective, it is very clear why prestige items and scarce resources were the
dominant goods in LB international trade, instead of foodstuffs or other subsistence
items. This observation is consistent with the Finley-Jones model of the Classical
econorny.P'
4. Managerial and Administrative Approaches to the Economy
Perhaps the least clearly identifiable conceptual frameworks used to study the Ugaritic
economy are the managerial and administrative models. These models do not necessarily
219 Feldman 1998, p. 15.
220 Feldman 1998, p. 111.
221 Feldman 1998, p. 176.
222 Feldman 1998, p. 176.
223 Feldman 1998, p. 335.
224 Hopkins 1983, pp. xi-xii.
66 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
)
PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARIT1C ECONOMY 67
share similar presuppositions about the organization of power or the motivations of
economic activity. What they do share is an orientation towards studying the manage-
ment and administration of Ugaritic economy. This tends to create descriptions of the
economy that emphasize centralized control and redistributive networks. In fact, even
though a comprehensive managerial model has not been applied to the data at Ugarit,
numerous smaller scale analyses have presupposed this kind of economic organization.
Administrative models of economy are frequently employed in the study of cuneiform
civilizations. One of the earliest models of economic organization used to understand
the cuneiform record is the notion of the temple econorny.P" This model was espe-
cially important in German scholarship of Mesopotamia, and many prominent early
Sumerologists and Assyriologists are closely linked with it.
226
While the nuances of the
temple economy model differed quite a bit, the basic assumptions of the model were
broadly consistent. This model has been typically used as a means of explaining the
preponderance of economic documents found in temple archives and the expenditure
of resources on public-religious architecture and sustenance, especially alongside the
earliest periods of state formation in alluvial Mesopotamia.
The temple economy model has met with increasing criticism in recent years. Foster
has criticized this model, stating that the evidence, especially that used by Deimel, was
inadequate at best but more likely incorrectly understood.P? More problematically,
this model was based only on texts discovered in temples.
228
Of course the texts found
in a temple are going to relate primarily to the affairs of that temple. This does not
225 A detailed examination of the different forms of the temple economy model that have been
argued for is not necessary for the purposes of this examination. Frankfort's suggestions about the nature
of temple economy in the Early Dynastic Period (which he dates to circa 3000-2340 BeE) are useful
because of his clarity. Frankfort, 1970, p. 44, describes:
The effective political unit was the city-state, and each of the gods owned one or more of the
cities ...The god who owned the city was its advocate in the assembly of the gods. The doctrine
of the divine overlordships had far-reaching consequences in the political and economic spheres.
It resulted in a planned society best described as theocratic socialism. All the citizens, high
and low, laboured in the service of the god and fulfilled allotted tasks. All tilled his fields and
maintained the dykes and canals required for irrigation. Resources and labour were effectively
pooled - seed, corn, draught animals, ploughs, and other implements were supplied by the
temple. Craftsmen kept this equipment in order and regularly presented a quota of their pro-
duce to the temple. So did fishermen and gardeners, and indeed all other artisans. They were
organized in guilds under foremen. The harvest of the gods' fields and orchards, gardens and
cane-brakes, was likewise stored in the temple and regularly distributed to the community in
the form of periodical and special (festival) rations.
In Polanyian terms, Frankfort's model of economic organization involves redistribution as the primary
pattern of integration. The power that underlies the redistributive system was based on the belief that
the city god owns all within certain spheres of influence. The temple acts as the locus of communal
effort and the economic authority of the Early Dynastic community.
226 Diakonoff 1974, p. 6. For examples of scholarship on the supposed temple economies, see
Deimel 1931 (for a summary of his seventeen articles on the topic), Falkenstein 1954, Frankfort 1970,
and Schneider 1920.
227 Foster 1981, p. 241.
228 Gelb 1971 and Zettler 1996.
1
,1
I
mean that there were not aspects of economic life that were not affiliated with the
temple. Rather, it suggests that the temple did not keep records of affairs unrelated to
the economic activities of the temple. One should expect to find tablets mostly reflect-
ing temple interests if one is only reading tablets found in a temple.
Susan Pollock has described an updated form of this model of economy, calling
the early Mesopotamian economy a "tributary economy. "229 In this kind of economic
system, primary producers have access to most of the resources and most of the means
of production.P" Local elites skim off of the top of these producers, extracting some
amount of surplus.P! The evidence that Pollock sees for this kind of economic produc-
tion is based on the. archaeological evidence. There is a marked similarity in economic
activities between Ubaid Period sites, and the similar material culture inventories in
various domestic structures.P'' The major difference between sites is the inventory of
raw materials used.
233
The fact that each settlement did the same kinds of activities
but used resources that were available locally indicates a general orientation towards
local production.P" Alongside of this household-based economic system is evidence of
elite activity, most notably in the forms of temples and temple material culture inven-
tories.
235
The easiest explanation for these two distinct classes of material culture at
Ubaid sites is to postulate a system in which temple elites skim off the surplus of
household based producers and use it to fulfill, not their own subsistence needs, but
rather their cultic or elite activity needs.P"
Craft specialization models have also been important managerial models for the
study of the ancient Near East. Of great importance in terms of the history of archae-
ological thought on ancient economy are the writings of V Gordon Childe. A highly
prolific writer and a scholar who controlled a vast range of data, Childe made many
contributions to this topic. The general recognition of Ugarit's role in the Late Bronze
international economy, especially as a principle meeting area between Cyprus and the
Levantine coast and a principle region for the transmission of raw materials like cop-
per to Syro-Palestine, suggests a high degree of craft specialization within the eastern
Mediterranean.P? Childe's arguments on this topic seem to underlie many conceptions
of this particular aspect of economic history, although they are not often acknowl-
edged explicitly as such.
229 Pollock 1999, p. 79.
230 Pollock 1999, p. 80.
231 Pollock 1999, p. 80.
232 Pollock 1999, p. 83-84.
233 Pollock 1999, p. 84.
234 Pollock 1999, p. 81.
235 Pollock 1999, pp. 86-87.
236 Pollock 1999, p. 92.
237 Astour 1973 and Rainey 1962, for example.
68 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 69
For Childe, technology lay at the heart of social evolution.P" At the heart of the
'urban revolution' 239 was the ability of a society to produce enough surplus that indi-
viduals could engage in non-subsistence labor, and use the surplus of that labor to gain
their subsistence needs.
240
These craft specialists could be engaged in this work either
full or part time, and could be independent or attached to elite organizations.r'! At
Ugarit, scholars have concentrated on the roles of attached specialists more than inde-
pendent specialists. As such, discussion of craft specialization at Ugarit has usually
been from the palace's administration of craft specialist activities, and hence discussion
of craft specialization here should be included in the discussion of managerial models.
Functionalist models of society, where economic roles make up the constituent parts
of the whole, have been used by scholars of the Ugaritic economy. Sometimes the soci-
ety is seen as managed from a central, redistributive agent. While the temple has not
been described as this agent at Ugarit, the palace has and models of palatial control
similar to temple economy models have been put forward. What follows is an exami-
nation of some of the more important managerial models.
William Whitt and Archival Studies
William Whitt's 1993 dissertation at Duke University, Archives andAdministration in
the Royal Palace of Ugarit, is an attempt at an archival approach on a larger scale than
Widbin's. Widbin's dissertation focused on the Eastern archive of the Royal Palace and
used a heavy philological component. Widbin provided text editions of each of the
tablets found in the Eastern archive. Whitt's approach is different because he attempts
to compare the various, discreet archives of the Royal Palace, without attempting sub-
stantial philological discussion. He does not provide texts or translations, but he does
catalogue the texts in each room, with notations about what type of text each is. He
also attempts to reconstruct the findspots of the various texts. Unfortunately, Whitt's
work does not provide much original research to the field of Ugaritic studies. His
dissertation usefully gathers information previously published by the Mission Archaeo-
logique Francais in a wide number of journals. It is worth discussing Whitt's disserta-
tion in detail since it demonstrates many of the theoretical problems in utilizing an
archival approach at Ugarit, theoretical problems that are in fact not solved by Whitt's
work. Whitt's desire to integrate archaeological and textual material is commendable,
but unfortunately his lack of critical engagement with either source of evidence crip-
ples his study. His general lack of theoretical perspective makes his discussions of the
role of archives and the palace in society confused and misleading. For example, his
evaluation of the role of record-keeping and administration at Ugarit concludes that
238 Wailes 1996, p. 4.
239 SeeWailes 1996, pp. 3-4, for discussion of Childe's revolution based social evolutionary theories.
240 Childe 1953, pp. 124, 129.
241 Wailes 1996, p. 5.
it was "haphazard and disorganized, meaning that strict central control would have
been impossible."242 The reader is not told what constituted control, nor how Whitt's
inability to discern an organizational system indicates that record keeping was haphaz-
ard. Was it truly haphazard, or did depositional processes and archaeological retrieval
techniques skew the findspots of the tablets? Or was perhaps the organization of the
palace administration not based upon modern notions of efficiency in information
retrieval? These kinds of questions, which radically alter the conclusions of such a
study, are not really addressed. Methodological considerations instead revolve around
defining the uses of record keeping in non-cuneiform societies (i.e., medieval Europe
and classical Athens) and evaluating how well Whitt's reconstruction of the Ugaritic
archive fulfills the goals of record-keeping as defined by those other societies.
243
While
much could be gained from comparing the palace archive of Ugarit with archives in
other situations, "sameness" must not be assumed between these civilizations a priori.
This kind of naive approach to the study of cuneiform civilization is found through-
out Whitt's work.
Whitt's understanding of the nature of palace administration is telling. In his
words: "Palace administration is best understood in terms of scribal offices and the
activities each oversaw."244 For Whitt, the palace administration at Ugarit is a man-
ifestation of what Weber would call (although Whitt does not discuss Weberian
approaches) a rationalized bureaucracy. Whitt's study presupposes that the adminis-
trative sector of the palace was organized into discreet entities (offices), with discreet
functions within the greater bureaucracy. Each section of the administration was
defined by its administrative role, rather than the personal relationship of the worker to
the king or higher official. As will be discussed below, other scholars take pains to show
that Ugaritic society is better characterized as patrimonial (see for example Schloen
2001). Whitt acknowledges that it can be difficult to differentiate between public
and private institutions, and uses the Murasu family archive (from Neo-Babylonian
Nippur) as an example.
245
This presupposition carries further into Whitt's definition of an archive. Based on
Posner's discussion at the 30
th
Rencontre, Whitt defines an archive as all of the records
accumulated while a particular function was performed by a particular institution or
individual.f'? This stands in distinction to what Posner calls the "German tradition,"
in which an archive is an accumulation of records that have long-term value.
247
Whitt's
242 Whitt 1993, p. 278.
243 Whitt 1993, p. 284.
244 Whitt 1993, p. 1.
245 Whitt 1993, p. 3.Later it will be shown that instances like the Murasu family actually provide a
better analogue for many of the other houses at Ugarit (i.e., Urtenu, Rap'anu, etc.) than other models.
For more on rhis archive, see Bregstein 1993.
246 Whitt 1993, p. 2.
247 Whitt 1993, p. 2.
70 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 71
preference for the non-German definition of archive keeping reflects his general con-
clusion that Ugaritic record keeping was inefficient, with minimal organization or
retrieval ability.248 For Whitt, the goals of the record keeping were twofold: to assist
the scribe's memory, and to provide a feeling of "assurance" for the parties involved
in the document.v'?
The overall impression ofUgaritic society, which Whitt derives from his study of
the palace archives, is one of decentralized palace control.P? He draws a direct parallel
with medieval European Feudalism, calling it a provincial sysrem.f" He recognizes that
the king gave power to individuals with whom the king had a personal relationship.P?
It is hard to reconcile this notion with Whitt's general understanding of the archives
as rational bureaucratic offices.
Each archive in the palace represented a particular office in Whitt's reconstruction.
In general, Whitt's conclusions about the specific functions of the different archives
do not differ much from Claude Schaeffer's initial suggestions. In his abstract, Whitt
summarizes his findings: "the west office was mainly concerned with the military,
the east office with in-coming and out-going goods and commodities, and the central
office with legal and diplomatic affairs; the southwest office was responsible for baking
tablets produced by other offices."253 Whitt's suggestion about the Southwest office can
be discounted out of hand, as it has been proven that Schaeffer was mistaken in his
identification of an oven in this area (see Chapter Six). The practice of baking tablets is
more common to modern museums than to archives in the Ancient Near East.
jose-Angel Zamora and Ugaritic Vineyards
One of the more in depth studies of one particular aspect of the Ugaritic econ-
omy was produced by Jose-Angel Zamora (2000), working in Madrid, under Jesus-
Luis Cunchillos.P? Zamora has undertaken a thorough analysis of vineyards and the
products of vineyard exploitation (especially wine) within the kingdom ofUgarit in La
Vid y el Vino en Ugarit. The analysis is primarily based on textual evidence. However,
Zamora goes far beyond most text-centered studies of economic topics by exploring the
material manifestations of this activity. Discussion of the material culture behind the
textual evidence is an important component of Zamora's overall interpretations. While
the archaeological evidence of vineyard activity and grape processing at Ugarit is
meager, Zamora uses evidence from other parts of the Late Bronze Age Mediterranean
to understand the textual evidence.
248 Whitt 1993, p. 289.
249 Whitt 1993, p. 290.
250 Whitt 1993, p. 292.
251 Whitt 1993, p. 292.
252 Whitt 1993, p. 292.
253 Whitt 1993, p. iv.
254 Smith 2001a, p. 207.
Zamora analyzes the Ugaritic economic material from a number of perspectives.
The role of vineyards and vine products in the administrative records are a subject of
analysis. Zamora's observations in these areas shall be discussed in appropriate later
sections. Arguments are made about the specific meaning of Ugaritic terminology;
especially helpful are the identifications of specific words with parts of the vine and
its fruits. These lexical arguments are especially convincing on account of Zamora's
thorough understanding of botanical information, and the thorough use of all types of
available textual evidence. Following a commodity chain style methodology, Zamora
describes the life cycle of vines and their products, using textual and ethno-archaeo-
logical data as well as economic geography. The study of the lifecycle of these products
continues through a discussion of their circulation, through administrative apparatus
and commerce. Finally, the ideological and social role of these products within Ugaritic
and Late Bronze Age society are discussed.
Zamora's contributions to the study of Ugaritic economics fall in two categories.
The first category is Zamora's specific contributions to understanding the specifics
of the viticulture at Ugarit. The specific contributions to lexical issues and the new
readings of texts will be discussed later. It is important to mention here Zamora's cat-
egorization of the overall organization of the industry. Production and consumption
of vine products occurred primarily at a local level.255 There is some indirect evidence
suggestive of larger palatial complexes dedicated to viticulture, but most production
operated on a small scale.
256
The circulation of these vine products was diverted to
the central administration through a variety of taxation mechanisms.P? In Zamora's
analysis, these taxation systems are the palace's primary means of accessing the viticul-
ture components.
The second contribution made by Zamora is more germane to this specific discussion
- methodology. Zamora demonstrates the value of approaching a specific question
from a multi-disciplinary perspective. Rather than just studying the textual evidence
attempting to identify the semantic range of isolated terminology, Zamora comes at
the subject of viticulture from a number of different angles including biological and
social issues. Likewise, Zamora describes the economic aspects of viticulture as insep-
arable from the social role of viticulture, incorporating the embedded nature of econ-
omy into the discussion.
5. Patrimonial Models
Recent studies of the ancient Near Eastern economy have emphasized the primacy
of the household as an organizing principle for economic activity. This had long been
255 Zamora 2000, p. 144.
256 Zamora 2000, p. 144.
257 Zamora 2000, p. 144.
72 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
(
PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 73
recognized in the Classical world.
258
For example, Finley's conception of the Greek
institution of leitourgia (liturgy) sees the household as an important economic force.
Finley discusses this concept at length:
The Greek liturgy was rooted in the age when the community was still inchoate, when
the aristocratic households performed essential public services, such as the construction
of a temple, by expending labour and materials at their private disposal. In the classical
city-state the liturgy had become both compulsory and honorific at the same time, a
device whereby the non-bureaucratic state got certain things done, not by paying them
from the treasury but by assigning to richer individuals direct responsibility for both the
cost and the operation itself.2
59
Greek Liturgy involved the hegemonizing of local elite values and directing their
resources to public production. The utility of this model for the study of the ancient
Near East will become clearer as this discussion develops.
Certainly, the Greek Liturgy seems to be at least partially analogous to the large
business families of the Neo-Babylonian period (i.e., Murasu and Egibi). The analysis
of economics as driven by large households works well with Near Eastern evidence.
Johannes Renger has outlined how the household economy operated on different
scales. On this he states: "key elements in such an ideal-type of household economy
are the unity of labor, living together within a household, and consumption of where
there are no prices, no wages, no rent, no profit or capital."260 This notion of house-
hold economy as an ideal type does not depart much from Weber's perspective. How-
ever, for Renger, scale is a distinguishing variable among household production centers.
Renger comments: "Only the institutional economy of the large households has a
tendency to maximize production in order to support administrative and political
superstructures and to be used for conspicuous consumption and prestige."261 These
large institutional households often attempt to free themselves from certain kinds
of activities.
262
Especially problematic for the larger households was the provision of
subsistence needs for large labor forces year round.
263
This was accomplished by pro-
viding economic materials (i.e., tools, land) to certain members of the household, in
258 Indeed, the Greek word from which the English term economy derives, oikonomia, is best under-
stood as referring to the management of the oikos, Austin and Vidal-Naquet 1977, p. 8. This notion of
managing the oikos is integral to understanding one of the major motivations behind the Greek and
Roman paterfamilias. The proper management of the patrimonial estate was the major goal of economic
activity, Veyne 1987, p. 139. This is distinguishable from the modern goal of investment - the produc-
tion or acquisition of more capital. The Roman goal was not to make money, but to successfully provide
for and manage the estate, Crook 1967, p. 207. This does not necessarily imply that capital accumulation
was not a means of proper management of the estate, but it is to say that this was not the goal of such
activities.
259 Finley 1985 [1973], p. 151.
260 Renger 1994, p. 170.
261 Renger 1994, p. 172.
262 Renger 1994, p. 172.
263 Renger 1984, p. 64.
order for them to engage in a specific economic activity and return the surplus from
that activity to the larger household.F'" These "entrepreneurs" were completely embed-
ded within the larger institution.F?
Gelb similarly sees the household as an analogy used by Mesopotamians to under-
stand and describe their economic situations. Recognizing the use of e(Sumerian) or
bitum (Akkadian), both meaning "household," Gelb argues that it is important to
investigate the usage of this terminology.266 He suggests, following D.R. Bender, that
family, defined by kinship, needs to be distinguished from household, defined by
co-residence.F" According to Gelb, whereas familial terminology reflects biological
relationships, terminology for households (like eor Mtum): "extends in meaning to
cover social groupings ranging from a small family household living under one roof to
a large socio-economic unit, which may consist of owners and/or managers, labor force,
domestic animals, residential buildings, shelters for the labor force, storage bins, animal
pens, as well as fields, orchards, pastures, and forests."268 The Mesopotamian house-
hold is not just the physical structure of the house, but like the Greek use of oikos,
includes all the social and economic means for the support of the complex.P?
Yet even though the terminology for household in early Mesopotamia is used in
state, temple, and private contexts, it is still necessary to differentiate between private
households and public households.F'' The difference lies in the basis of ownership.
Kin groups own or hold land in private households. Officials hold, own, or manage
land in an official capacity in public households.F! From a practical standpoint, these
two types of land ownership may overlap, but conceptually the justification for the
ownership and usage of the land lies in different types of authority.272 It is important,
for those reasons, to distinguish the two types of households in studying Mesopotamia.
Gelb suggests that this difference is reflected in language. Private households are
referred to with the construction e+ Personal Name.
273
Public households are referred
to with the construction e+ Occupation Name.
274
While not stated by Gelb, if applied
264 Renger 1994, p. 173.
265 Renger 1984, p. 38.
266 Gelb 1979, pp. 2-3.
267 Gelb 1979, p. 1.
268 Gelb 1979, p. 3.
269 Gelb 1979, p. 3-4.
270 Gelb 1979, pp. 4-5.
271 Gelb 1979, pp. 4-5.
272 Gelb 1979, p. 5. Like Gelb, van Driel sees the temple and palace as the primary institutions
in ancient Mesopotamia, and follows Gelb's suggestions that they can be viewed as households, van
Driel 1999, p. 25. Van Driel raises a compelling point regarding the supposed patrimonialism of these
institutions in another work. Van Driel argues that even though much of the structures of these insti-
tutes are analogous to households, in fact the redistributive mechanisms do not act as a household, van
Driel 2002, p. 326. The palace, according to van Driel pays wages at the lowest rates possible, rather
than along equitable lines as might be expected from a household, van Driel 2002, p. 326.
273 Gelb 1979, p. 11.
274 Gelb 1979, p. 11.
74 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 75
to the Ugaritic material, the bt mlk (house of the king) should be considered a public
household, distinct from a private household.
The organization of economic activity in Mesopotamia as oriented along household
models has been well demonstrated. A good case study of this is the Ur III Temple of
Inanna at Nippur, investigated in detail by Richard Zettler. The management of the
economy of the temple was centralized under one official who acted in many capaci-
ties.
275
He represented the temple publicly (including legal settings); he received goods
and could distribute them as well.276 In return for these services, this administrator
held a substantial temple land allotment.F? The basis of his authority is unclear, but
since the office was held by the same family for at least four generations, it was likely
hereditary-?" Zettler suggests that perhaps this kind of landholding is analogous to the
Islamic institution of the waqf, in which property is set aside as an endowment forever,
as a means of pleasing God.
279
The hereditary nature of this office is remarkable.
Zettler argues that this constitutes proof that the typical tripartite understanding of
Mesopotamian society (royal, religious, and private)280 does not sufficiently represent
the complexity of the situation.P"
While there is only meager evidence for the temple's ties to the rest of Nippur,
Zettler makes a number of important observations on this topic.
282
The temple was
connected to the state economy in that it received goods as well as gave them to
the central, government administration.P" Zettler describes links to other temples
in Nippur as informal.2
84
Particularly noteworthy in this regard are examples of
the sharing oflabor resources between temples.
285
Zettler also identifies evidence for a
significant private sector in Nippur and its environs, contra Steinkeller.P" There are a
number of manifestations of the temple's activities in relation to the private sector.
Land was leased to private citizens who would produce surplus to sell on the market,
in exchange for a share of the yield.
287
Commodities and goods that could not be
275 Zettler 1992, p. 177.
276 Zettler 1991, p. 108; 1992, p. 208.
277 Zettler 1992, p. 208.
278 Zettler 1991, p. 109; 1992, p. 177.
279 Zettler 1992, pp. 211-213.
280 See Steinkeller 1991, p. 22 for a typical use of this kind of tripartite model.
281 Zettler 1992, p. 235.
282 Zettler 1992, p. 215. Van Driel also expresses reservations regarding the oft-assumed self-sufficiency
of patrimonial institutions, van Driel1999, p. 27. Indeed, these institutions do not work with the primary
goal of self-perpetuation or support, but rather as organizations serving external purposes and integrated
into a wider economy, van Driel1999, p. 27. In his own words, van Driel1999, p. 28, states that these
institutions, "were in general not free agents, but increasingly became the executive organs of a central-
izing monarchy which operated on a regional or country-wide basis."
283 Zettler 1992, p. 217.
284 Zettler 1992, p. 218.
285 Zettler 1992, p. 176.
286 Zettler 1992, p. 236.
287 Zettler 1992, pp. 219-220.
produced through agriculture were gained through middlemen.P" The merchants
who worked for the temple that Zettler has identified were not explicitly members
of the temple; rather they were private citizens who bought and sold on behalf of the
temple.P? Similarly, smiths seemed to be affiliated with the temple, but outside of its
direct authority. In general, Zettler has demonstrated that this temple at Nippur was
not self-sufficient, nor was it an independent political entity. Rather, it was completely
integrated into the regional economy of Nippur and the Ur III state.
290
For this study of the economy at Ugarit, Zettler's analysis of the economic power of
a single, non-royal family at Nippur is valuable. He paints a picture of wealthy, local
elites dominating an official institution over time. Even though dynasties change and
the political organization of the state is not stable, the power of this family is.
291
Other
members of the family demonstrated more authority within the temple than their
official status may have led one to expect.
292
Indeed, Zettler chooses to label this kind
of administration as "patrimonial."293 Similar situations have been identified at Ugarit,
and at this stage it is important to return to Ugarit.
The French Team's Recognition ofLarge Non-Royal Houses
An important conceptual shift in the study of Ugarit by the French team has
involved the gradual recognition of the importance of understanding the prominence
of non-royal houses and families at the site. An excellent example of this changing
understanding is apparent in the team's treatment of the erroneously labeled "Palais
Sud." The close proximity of the Southern Palace to the Royal Palace, and the high
volume of textual discoveries had obscured the non-royal aspects of this structure. It
was recognized, however, that these texts reflected the importance of an individual
named Yabninu in the commercial affairs of the site.
In 1990, Courtois published the results of his re-examination of the texts and
archaeology of this particular structure. Courtois argues that the chief resident of this
building was Yabninu, mentioned in both the archives of the "Southern Palace" and
the Royal Palace.F" The distinction between royal and non-royal, or private and pub-
lic structure is problematic, given the archaeological and textual evidence regarding
Yabninu's activities and role within Ugaritic society. Not only was Yabninu a wealthy
merchant, but he also functioned as an administrator and diplomat of the kingdom of
Ugarit.
295
Through comparison with other texts found in the palace archive, Courtois
288 Zettler 1992, p. 220.
289 Zettler 1992, pp. 225-226.
290 Zettler 1992, p. 231.
291 Zettler 1991, p. 114.
292 Zettler 1991, p. 113.
293 Zettler 1991, p. 114.
294 Courtois 1990, pp. 105-106.
295 Courtois 1990, p. 107.
76 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 77
successfully demonstrates that Yabninu was an active member of Ugaritic society in
the time just before the destruction of the city.296
Study of the texts found within the Southern Palace, and comparison with texts
found in the other archives, led Courtois to conclude that the Southern Palace had a
monopoly on the importation of grain crops from the villages near the Orontes, on
the importation of tin and 'iron, and on some aspects of forest resource exploitation,
such as lumber, resin, oils, and medicinal products.F" Other textual and archaeologi-
cal evidence demonstrates the close mercantile connections of the Southern Palace to
Egypt and the Aegean.
298
Courtois' arguments that the Southern Palace was involved
in shipbuilding are not as definitive, but at very least indicate that there was a naval
orientation within the archive.P" Related to the control of grain imports from Tran-
sorontian villages, Courtois postulates, based on the preponderance of syllabic cor-
respondence in the Southern Palace, as well as the frequent repetition of the same
toponyms in the texts of the Southern Palace, that the residents of this structure were
involved in the administration of the eastern part of the kingdom of Ugarit.
30o
Other evidence further indicates that Yabninu had a greater role at Ugarit than
mere mercantile. Epistolary texts indicate that Yabninu was charged with a diplo-
matic mission to Amurru.l'" This is, however, not as unexpected as Courtois leads
one to believe. From the Amarna letters, it is evident that diplomacy and interna-
tional trade went hand in hand. It is not surprising then, to have evidence that
a merchant at Ugarit would also be charged with royal diplomatic responsibilities.
More surprising though is the presence of census texts in the Southern Palace. There
are clear records (kept in the Southern Palace Archive) of the movement of people,
both foreigners at Ugarit and Ugaritians in foreign locales.
302
Courtois argues that
the personnel of the Southern Palace played a dual administrative role, taking censuses
and acting as a police force.
303
The picture of Yabninu that emerges from this reconsideration of the evidence is
clear. Yabninu had close connections to the Ugaritic royalty, but at the same time oper-
ated independently, and for his own gain. While he represented the king of Ugarit in
various instances, this was not a 'job' per se, but rather represented specific situations
where he was asked to act in that capacity. Yabninu, and the Southern Palace, had a
specific role in the administration of the kingdom that included keeping track of mer-
chants, and a less specified role relating to the eastern part of the kingdom. Yabninu's
296 Courtois 1990, pp. 132-133.
297 Courtois 1990, p. 141.
298 Courtois 1990, pp. 131, 134-137, 140.
299 Courtois 1990, p. 141.
300 Courtois 1990, p. 132.
301 Courtois 1990, p. 134.
302 Courtois 1990, p. 114.
303 Courtois 1990, p. 114.
house had particular trade, and/or industrial interests; especially noteworthy is the
exploitation of forest resources and importation of precious metals. This suggests some
degree of division of mercantile interests within the kingdom. However, the level of for-
mality of the specification of these interests is not apparent from the present evidence.
The 1973 discovery of what would later be identified as the House of Urtenu altered
the general conception of the social structure of Ugarit. Initial publications refer to this
structure as the bibliotbeque au sud de fa ville (see Bordreuil 1991 for example). At a
colloquium in 1993, published in Ras Shamra-Ougarit (RSO) 11, Bordreuil and Pardee
argued that this bibliotheque was the home of an important individual, Urtenu.F" The
texts so far published (in Ras Shamra-Ougarit (RSO) 7, Ras Shamra-Ougarit (RSO) 14,
and The Context ofScripture Volume 3) have demonstrated the importance of maritime
trade and the numerous connections between Urtenu and the royal family.305
The discovery of substantial archives outside of the palace, containing tablets relat-
ing to international affairs, internal administration and economic affairs in general, has
altered the prior models of Ugaritic society where the palace was seen as the dominant
economic force at the site. The existence of a wealthy merchant class, both dependent
on the palace and, at the same time independent of it has been postulated.F" The
palace provided the merchants with certain economic materials that they had full con-
trol over.
307
The members of this "merchant class" could also have been the heads of
"international commercial firms," or at least involved in the activities of these firms.
308
Juan Pablo Vita and Alternative Administrative Centers
Another scholar from Madrid is Juan Pablo Vita.
309
In an article in The Handbook
of Ugaritic Studies, Vita describes many of the elements of Ugaritic society in broad
terms. It is worth mentioning those aspects of Ugaritic society where Vita's views
differ considerably from previous scholarship.
Departing from the long held notion of Dietrich and Loretz, Vita sees Ugaritic
social structure as distinct from the social structure postulated for Alalakh.
310
Social
rankings were economic based, but also permeable.P!' In other words, it was possible
for an individual's social ranking to change, and it was possible for an individual to
hold more than one rank at a time.
312
For example, in PRU 3, 79, md of the king
304 Bordeuil and Pardee 1995.
305 Yon 1995a, pp. 443, 449.
306 Malbran-Labat 2000, p. 195.
307 Malbran-Labat 2000, p. 195.
308 Bordreuil and Malbran-Labat 1995, p. 444; Malbran-Labat 2000, p. 195.
309 Smith 2001a, p. 137.
310 Vita 1999, p. 464. For Dietrich and Loretz's arguments, see Dietrich and Loretz 1966b; 1969a;
1969b; and 1970.
3ll Vita 1999, p. 464.
312 Vita 1999, pp. 465-467.
78 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 79
and maryannic do not seem to be mutually exclusive categories.P" Vita argues that
social mobility was possible in Ugarit for a number of reasons. In, PRU 3, 162, by
decree of the king, individuals were transferred from mru of a governmental official to
mru of the queen.I'" Marriage also suggests to Vita the possibilities of social mobility,
especially when the woman loses the status of servant before marriage, for example in
PRU 3, 85.
315
It is also important to note Vita's view of the major households with administra-
tive records found outside of the palace proper (i.e. Rap'anu, Yabninu, Urtenu, and
Rasapabu), These houses, in Vita's view, were administrative centers in the later years
of the kingdom's existence.l'" However, Vita does not describe the role of these houses
in the royal administration or in their relationship to one another. Possibly related to
these houses is the practice of the palace giving certain amounts of goods to traders to
exchange in trading missions, from which the palace would obtain profits.
3!7
Stager, Schloen and the University ofChicago Neo-Weberians
In a groundbreaking paper, "The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel",
Lawrence Stager argues for the utility and accuracy of Weber's ideal type oikos model
in ancient Israel, especially as it relates to the Levant in the Iron Age.
318
This has been a
very influential paper, both in its application of Weberian theory and in its integration
of archaeological and textual data. Stager is able to add the specific data to Weber's
model that were unavailable to scholars working when Weber was. The household, for
Stager (and King in a later work), was the dominant arena of economic activity.3!9
King and Stager incorporate Polanyian theory into the Weberian model established .by
Stager. In King and Stager's opinion, all three Polanyian patterns of integration, reci-
procity, redistribution, and market, were present in ancient Israel. The question remains
as to which was the predominant pattern of inregration.V" For King and Stager, mar-
ket exchange was not very prominent at the level of the individual household, which
was basically self-sufficient.F!
David Schloen, in his book TheHouse ofthe Father asFact and Symbol, based on his
1995 Harvard Dissertation, argues that the "fact" of the patronymic house and the
symbol of the household were inextricably intertwined in Ugaritic society. The demo-
graphic "fact" of the house of father as the primary economic unit provided a symbol
313 Vita 1999, p. 465.
314 Vita 1999, p. 466.
315 Vita 1999, p. 467.
316 Vita 1999, p. 471.
317 Vita 1999, p. 472.
318 Stager 1985.
319 King and Stager 2001, p. 192.
320 King and Stager 2001, p. 192.
321 King and Stager 2001, p. 192.
through which other social relationships could be viewed. On the other hand, the use
of the symbol of the house of the father reinforced this social unit as the primary con-
stituent of ancient society.322 These two social forces reinforced each other's validity.
This patrimonial household model (PHM) that Schloen posits as the basis of his
model is an adaptation of Max Weber's concept of the patrimonial house ideal type.
323
There has already been a discussion of Weber's patrimonial ideal type in Chapter One.
It is important to note here that Schloen emphasizes that the PHM model, following
Weber: "is the antithesis of rationalized bureaucracy."324 For Schloen then, the lack of
rational bureaucracy (in the Weberian sense) is a feature of societies based on PHM.
Indeed, Schloen argues that while it is possible to talk about officials, the offices held
by these individuals were intrinsically related to their social status.
325
He states unequiv-
ocally about Ugarit: "There is no evidence of a complex system of ranked bureaucratic
offices."326
Schloen applies his argument to Ugarit specifically, as well as to Near Eastern society
as a whole. This discussion shall concentrate on those aspects of Schloen's arguments
that are helpful in reconstructing Ugaritic social structure in relation to the economy.
On the general nature of Ugaritic social structure, Schloen states: "The kingdom of
Ugarit, like its neighbors, was essentially a hierarchy of households-nested-within-
households, with the royal household at its apex."327 Each level in this hierarchy was
conceived of as a betu 'abi, with relative authority understood through familial terminol-
ogy. Weber's patrimonial ideal type is attractive to Near Eastern scholars because it is
consistent with emic categories of expression.P'' Household language was, in Schloen's
view, the dominant means of expression in the pre-Axial Near East.
329
Schloen describes
the nature of this household terminology:
These terms were used metaphorically, to be sure, but this does not mean that they were
merely casual figures of speech or euphemisms for "real" economic and political relation-
ships. They were widely used because alternative conceptions of social hierarchy were
not readily available.P"
322 Schloen 20001, p. 1.
323 Schloen 2001, p. 51. Note that Monroe argues that Schloen's interpretation and use of Weber
in his 1995 dissertation is extremely simplistic and possibly should not be described as Weberian,
Monroe 2000, pp. 327-331. This is not a particularly legitimate criticism as Schloen certainly uses
aspects of Weber's thought as foundations for his own. Due to the volume of writing produced by
Weber and the dynamic nature of his thinking, it is very easy to find internal inconsistencies within
Weber's corpus.
324 Schloen 2001, p. 51.
325 Schloen 2001, p. 252.
326 Schloen 2001, p. 253.
327 Schloen 2001, p. 209.
328 Schloen 2001, p. 255.
329 Schloen 2001, P: 255.
330 Schloen 2001, p. 255.
80 KEVlN M. MCGEOUGH PREVlOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 81
For Schloen, the people of Ugarit did not use other means to describe hierarchical
relationships.
A nested series of patrimonial relationships extended throughout the entire king-
dom. Schloen states:
It is sufficient to note here that individual ownership of entire villages, including their
land and inhabitants, is' a clear indication of a hierarchy of households. Individual
households within the village rendered taxes and service to the owner of the village, who
in turn was a servant of the king.
33l
This model was replicated for all relationships within the kingdom. It was the manner,
in Schloen's view, of all forms of organization. As such, due to the PHM as fact and
symbol, Schloen suggests, "familiar household relationships provided the pattern not
only for governmental authority and obedience but also for the organization of produc-
tion and consumption and for the integration of the gods within human society."332
So, in Schloen's understanding, this PHM directly affected economic life at Ugarit.
In practice, this patrimonial social structure meant a greater decentralization than
what might initially be thought, given that all of society was part of the king's house-
hold. He states: "political authority and economic exchange were realized through
dyadic personal relationships between social superiors and their dependents at each
level rather than being focused in the single node of the palace."333 Schloen suggests
that while the royal household was the apex of authority, it was more likely to engage
in administration through upper level householders.V" So economic relationships and
experiences would be manifest as particular household interactions rather than as a
grandly unified scheme. Schloen's point is missed by Monroe, who argues that the
society posited by Schloen is too repressive and rigid to have actually existed in the
ancient world.
335
Schloen actually argues for an extremely decentralized society.
There are two greater implications of PHM that Schloen posits. The first is what he
calls, "a structural homology between center and periphery."336 The most important
manifestation of this is in the lack of distinction between urban and rural spheres of
life."337 The second is that center
338
and periphery are integrated through unequal,
household relationships.P? In many ways, the PHM model is very similar to the Asi-
atic Mode of Production described by Liverani, although Schloen sees only one nested
331 Schloen 2001, p. 254.
332 Schloen 2001, p. 254.
333 Schloen 2001, p. 317.
334 Schloen 2001, p. 317.
335 Monroe 2000, p. 326.
336 Schloen 2001, p. 317.
337 Schloen 200I, p. 317.
338 Note that by center, Schloen is using Shils' definition, which is not spatial as such but rather
relates to a society's governingvalues and symbols, Schloen 200I, p. 3I7.
339 Schloen 200I, p. 317.
conceptual circuit as opposed to the two conceptual circuits explicitly posited by Liv-
erani. Both scholars model power as a nested hierarchy culminating in an apical power
source. Both argue that there was minimal distinction between urban and rural in
antiquity, and both see the bottom of the hierarchy (village or household) as strong
and self-sufficient. The main difference is the justification of the hierarchy; in Schloens
model this justification is based on a reifying metaphor of family, and for Liverani this
justification is based on land ownership.
The criticism most consistently leveled at Schloen's argument is not that the model
itself is wrong, but that Schloen uses his model for too much.
340
The PHM model
cannot explain all aspects of social life in the ancient Near East. In fact, Monroe
argues that this model is based on uncritical readings of "propagandizing texts"341 and
that the model serves little to understand anything beyond political ideology.342 More
balanced criticism comes from Daniel Fleming. In a review article, Fleming explores
some of the problems with the overuse of Schloen's explanatory framework, which
problematically for Fleming does not incorporate evidence for pastoralism.Y" As a
demonstration of how the PHM model does not accurately reflect all Near Eastern
social situations, Fleming uses evidence from Mari and Emar.
344
At Mari, Fleming
emphasizes the importance of the 'tribal' social organization that King Zimri-Lim par-
ticipated in. This 'tribal' organization superseded the urban and state levels of organi-
zation, and constituted a separate system of social orientation, suggesting a much more
complex situation than a simple series of nested patrimonial relationships.Pv Turning
to the Emar material, Fleming argues for a number of situations where the social
organization does not seem to have originated in patrimonial, royal authority. Derived
from his previous studies on ritual at Emar,346 Fleming outlines a situation where the
king does not play an active or prominent role in citywide ritual activity.347 Related
to this, Fleming sees evidence that, "the tradition of town-owned land, still collective
in its terminology by the 13th century, emerged under an ideology different from that
of the king-as-father-who-owns-all."348 Fleming argues that his reading of the Emar
material is distinct from Marxist Two-sector models and draws out important evidence
that Schloen's model does not reflect Near Eastern reality as neatly as Schloen argues
for.
349
340 Fleming 2002; Monroe 2000; Routledge 2004, pp. 127-132; and Stone 2003.
341 Monroe 2000, p. 185.
342 Monroe 2000, p. 331.
343 Fleming 2002, p. 76.
344 Fleming 2002, p. 76.
345 Fleming 2002, p. 77.
346 Fleming 1992; 2000.
347 Fleming 2002, p. 77.
348 Fleming 2002, p. 79.
349 Fleming 2002, p. 79.
82 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 83
Stone's criticisms are similar, but less specific in scope.F" She is more critical of
theoretical problems with Schloen's work, rather than demonstrating the inappropriate-
ness of PHM in certain situations. Stone suggests that although Schloen acknowledges
that Weber's ideal types are only intended as an heuristic device, in actual practice,
Schloen applies his PHM too literally.351 Stone argues that Schloen is too rigorous in
forcing descriptions of all Bronze Age Near Eastern societies to correspond with his
PHM352, and suggests that a better use of PHM would be to examine the inherent
flexibility of this system.
353
Stone also describes what she calls "two suspect theoretical
leaps" made by Schloen.
354
Using the analogy of titles such as father and son in the
Catholic Church, Stone argues that there is no demonstrable connection between the
use of domestic metaphors as referents and patrimonial social organization.P? Her
second "suspect leap", is that Schloen does not demonstrate that there is a connection
"between the presence of extended family residence, agricultural activities by urban
residents, and the patrimonial mode of production."356This criticism is important for
the study of Ugaritic economy, for if Stone is correct, than one cannot infer economic
organization based on certain observed PHM characteristics.
Routledge discusses the use of Weber by Schloen (as well as Master and Stager).357
Routledge is critical of Weber's understanding of patrimonial authority, suggesting
that it is rooted in nineteenth century European understandings of the world.
358
Weber's
conception of patrimonialism as a belief that was held by all members of a given society
is too essentializing.P" Routledge suggests that the Weberian conception of patrimonial
authority can be successfully adapted through Foucauldian interpretation.t'''' Rather
than taking the household as an essential building block, Routledge argues "that the
domestic domain is a place where subjects are formed," and that the house is itself not
an "irreducible unit" but an area of activity for "historically constituted subjects."361 In
other words, patrimonial authority should be understood as constructed rather than
foundational or natural and therefore was subject to resistance and alternative types of
authority.
350 Stone 2003.
351 Stone 2003, p. 121.
352 She is also critical of the casestudies of Islamic cities that he uses to describe the PHM. For Stone,
2003, p. 122, Islamic cities were not solely organized according to patrimonialism, but by "occupation,
religion, ethnicity; or common village origin."
353 Stone 2003, p. 123.
354 Stone 2003, p. 123.
355 Stone 2003, p. 123.
356 Stone 2003, p. 123.
357 Rourledge 2004, pp. 127-132.
358 Rourledge 2004, p. 130.
359 Rourledge 2004, p. 130.
360 Rourledge 2004, p. 131.
361 Rourledge 2004, p. 131.
Similar comments can be made about the essentializing use of Schloen's model
at Ugarit. A difficult situation that is not fully explained by Schloen's model is the
problem of landholding. In his criticism of Heltzer's model, Schloen argues that the
king did have supreme rights over all the land in his kingdom, theoretically, but would
not typically put himself in a position of breaking customary laws ofland-ownership.362
Yet Schloen himself is forced to posit the existence of "traditional mores" that fall
outside of patrimonial authority.363 This is a hint that every aspect of Ugaritic social
structure cannot be neatly explained through reference to the PHM model, and patri-
monial authority. Similar hints that there existed legal customs beyond the authority of
the king (or at least not based upon the authority of the king) come from legal docu-
ments found in the homes of non-royal individuals. Rowe describes these legal docu-
ments as taking the form of royal legal documents, but instead of the king's seal or name,
the documents are concluded by a list of witnesses.364 This suggests that the legal weight
of these documents rested in the observance that the agreement was made between the
individuals, rather than by its facilitation or observation by royal authority.
Other problems of the exaggerated utility of the PHM model are apparent.
Schloen claims that the metaphor of the household was used to express power rela-
tionships, because other means of expressinghierarchy were lacking in ancient Ugarit.
365
This is a difficult observation to justify lexically. A multiplicity of words and their use
in particular contexts demonstrates that Schloen's comments are an overstatement. In
KTU 2.39, for example, the Hittite king's domination over the king of Ugarit is
implicit in the use of the term ps (sun) as the primary referent of the Hittite king.
The sun imagery connotes leadership, hierarchy, and dominance, without reference to
the household.
Other words demonstrate the same phenomenon. The term rb also expresses hier-
archy, but not through household terminology. For example, KTU 2.4 is a letter to
the rb khnm, perhaps best understood as "chief priest" or "head cultic official." The
hierarchical relationship that is implied by the use of the word rb reflects some kind
of occupational hierarchy. The presumed authority is derived, not from the rb khnm's
status as paterfamilias, but from his position vis a vis other members of the same occu-
pational category. Other occupational titles can indicate hierarchy without the use of
familial terminology, most notably the word for king itself, mlk. Other titles that could
be marshaled as evidence include bazannu and sakinu. One could argue that these titles
simply reflect the occupation of the individual, and not hierarchical authority, but t ~ a t
would necessitate postulating the existence of rational-bureaucratic authority, which is
even more problematic from a Weberian standpoint. Similar non-familial referents
362 Schloen 2001, p. 231.
363 Schloen 2001, p. 231.
364 Rowe 2003, p. 720.
365 Schloen 2001, p. 255.
84 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 85
that demonstrate hierarchy are apparent in Ugaritic name lists. The addition of the
third masculine singular possessivesuffix -h to words such as lmd (see KTU 4.194 for
example), indicate relationships of hierarchy and possession that are not necessarily
predicated upon familial terminology.
Designations reflecting the geographic origin or ethnic/city affiliation of individu-
als are further evidence that patrimonial models of authority and social organization
were not the only means of mapping social relationships at Ugarit. KTU 4.417, for
example, lists families residing in Ugarit, using gentilics as primary personal referents,
not patronyms.
An easily testable aspect of Schloen's model is his conception that market exchange
was not a primary means of circulating goods in patrimonial settings.
366
Schloen
states:
In a patrimonial state characterized by substantive and practical rationality - regardless
of its size and degree of centralization - there is typically no real market in basic com-
modities, most of which circulate instead on the basis of reciprocity and redistribu-
tion.
367
Schloen later clarifies this statement by acknowledging that there is minimal evidence
for large redistributive schemes, and that the acquisition of goods was more based on
reciprocity, embedded in social relationships.Y" Stone's criticism of Schloen, that he
argues that professionally manufactured goods circulated solely through redistributive
schemes, is an unfair misreading of his work.
369
However, Schloen does seem to sug-
gest that market exchange was not a significant force in the circulation of goods. This
thesis shall be tested in the chapters that follow.
It is difficult to reconcile textual attestations of economic activity found in the
palace at Ugarit with economic activities that could be presumed for a patrimonial
household. Palace texts record the distribution and receipt of goods. Individuals and
towns, both of which would be considered subordinate household members through
the PHM model, are provided with set amounts of goods, or are recorded as providing
the palace with set amounts of goods. A similarly regimented system of distribution at
the household level is not attested textually. While this is an argument from silence,
it seems evident that the possibility must be made that distribution and receipt of
subsistence products between father and dependents (children and wife) was not as
systematic as that between king and dependents. Fathers likely did not require a set
payment of commodities from their sons, as the king would expect from the village.
These comments may seem self-evident, but they demonstrate how quickly problems
arise when the PHM model is stretched to apply to every economic situation.
366 Schloen 2001, p. 79.
367 Schloen 2001, p. 79.
368 Schloen 2001, p. 199.
369 Stone 2003, p. 123.
n
I
Likewise the smaller household probably did not display the same degree of divi-
sion of labor as is expressed in the palatial texts. The numerous lists of individuals
grouped according to occupational activity (see KTU 4.69 for example), are not repli-
cated at the household level. These individuals are described according to their occu-
pational category or specialist skills/roles, a semiotic system that likely did not exist at
the household level. Indeed, the very existence of this degree of standardized, specialist
activity, demonstrates that the PHM model is insufficient to account for the complex-
ity of economic action at Ugarit. All of this is not to say that Schloens argument is
incorrect, but rather to argue that the PHM model alone cannot adequately explain
economic activity at Ugarit.
Conclusions
From this overview it is clear that there are certain areas of explicit disagreement
amongst scholars of the Ugaritic economy. At a surface level, there are those arguments
that are typical of cuneiform scholarship in general, disagreements about nuances
of meanings of words or reconstructions of historical processes. More fundamentally
problematic are those issues that stem from different conceptions of what are called
economic modalities in this study. Before moving on to the argument at hand, it is
useful to identify the major areas of controversy.
The scholars mentioned above conceive of the mechanisms of trade very differently.
The Brandeis Hellenosemitica approach presupposes what could almost be considered
a functionalist approach to eastern Mediterranean trade at this time, where each region
provides specific resources or adds value to goods, and these goods circulate through
trade mechanisms. In contrast, Feldman emphasizes not the economic benefits of this
trade, but rather the way that elite goods function as markers of identity in the Late
Bronze Age. Feldman's identification of an international style that reifies and articu-
lates themes of ruler-ship suggests that Late Bronze Age trade was more than just the
movement of copper. At the same time, as Liverani has shown, the rationale behind
Late Bronze Age trade is masked in the textual sources through language of reciprocity
and redistribution.
Related to this problem are the different conceptions of the people engaged in
trade. Were these private capitalists, royal ambassadors or elite families who acted both
in self-interest and in the interest of their sovereign? Indeed, this lies at the heart of the
problem for understanding the relationship between the palace at Ugarit and the other
prominent houses, especially those belonging to individuals who have been recognized
as playing a role in international affairs. Were all of these houses directly under the
authority of the king's household, as in Schloen's model? Or should power be seen as
less directly stemming from the authority of the king as paterfamilias and more from
the wealth of these local elites that could outlast dynastic politics? Schloen's arguments
86 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 87
bring up a new issue in the study of the power that lies beneath the Ugaritic economy.
For Schloen, power rested not in bureaucracy, but in the relationship between officials
and king. Whitt takes a different stance and attempts to identify the bureaucratic
offices present in the palace at Ugarit.
The relationship of the palace to non-royals at Ugarit is directly related to issues of
land tenure. Boyer sees two different types of land tenure, both based on the power of
the king to grant land, although both reflecting different degrees of royal authority.
Gray uses similar, though less dynamic models of feudal authority over land. Libolt,
Miller, and Heltzer both assume that there were two types of land tenure at Ugarit,
one based on royal prerogative and another based on sub-altern traditions.
The issue of craft specialization is another locus of disagreement in the scholarship
on the Ugaritic economy. Gray and Rainey both see Ugarit's economy as highly spe-
cialized, with Gray arguing for the presence of guilds. Schloen has argued that even
though occupational specialists engaged in specialized activities, even urban villagers
engaged in some level of agricultural/subsistence production. Vita thinks it best to
understand occupations as overlapping categories and not fixed categories of identity
and work specialization.
These and other themes will be addressed in the following chapters. The purpose of
this research is not so much the study of the specific details of the Ugaritic economy,
although that is of course of paramount importance in constructing the argument.
Instead, the goal is to identify evidence for these different conceptions of Ugaritic eco-
nomic modalities. These questions that lie beneath most studies of ancient economy
need to be addressed as questions in their own right, not simply as presuppositions
towards the investigation of other questions.
Common to most of the perspectives addressed above is a substantivist approach to
the ancient economy. Only a few of the scholars working with the Ugaritic material
have taken a formalist stance towards the economy. Yet even given the general agree-
ment of the appropriateness of a substantivist approach amongst these scholars, each
seems to posit radically different models of social life and hence a radically different
model of economic life. This problem reflects the limits of top-down, "totalizing"
models of society. Top-down models smooth out difference and cover evidence that
does not fit well with the model. Once imposed, a top-down model is difficult to escape
and the variability of data is lost, as is the actual lived complexity of ancient economic
life. Here then, the importance of a Network-based model is clear. A Network-based
model, as applied in this study, allows for the variability of data and complexity is
assumed, not smoothed over.
In this study, the Network-based model shall attempt to understand economic inter-
actions as larger components of a complex multi-variant system. Most of the following
investigation shall examine the economic interactions at specific nodes of contact. Each
interaction that has been identified for study shall be examined on its own and then
compared with the larger context of economic interactions in general. Presuppositions
about the organization of these economic activities shall be avoided in the initial stages
of the analysis; a Network-based model does not require one to posit either a Two-
sector or a patrimonial organization to society from the outset of the investigation.
After the various economic interactions that have been attested at Ugarit are investi-
gated, some conclusions will be offered. These conclusions are best understood as pos-
sibilities and limitations that Ugaritians may have had in regard to economic activity.
As such, these limitations and possibilities were manifest in complex manners. The
picture that results is that of a complex economic life (although not a chaotic one)
embedded in the social world of ancient Ugarit. The attempt to answer these ques-
tions begins in the next chapter (Chapter Three) in the investigation of the specific
language used in ancient Ugarit to describe economic actors and activities, especially
important since language is so central to the constitution of understanding within a
society.
THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
TERMINOLOGY OF SOCIAL DESIGNATIONS
89
CHAPTER THREE
THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
The criteria of a past performance of leisure therefore com-
monly take the form of "immaterial" goods. Such immaterial
evidences of past leisure are quasi-scholarly or quasi-artistic
accomplishments and a knowledge of processes and incidents
that do not conduce directly to the furtherance of human life.
So, for instance, in our time there is the knowledgeof the dead
languages.. , Thorstein Veblen
To young people of the current generation the very idea of
philology suggests somethingimpossibly antiquarian and musty,
but philology is in fact the most basic and creative of the inter-
pretative arts. Edward Said
Before considering the evidence of the economic modalities at Ugarit from a textual
perspective, it is important to comment on some of the problems inherent in the
study of these materials. This chapter contains three separate sections dealing with cer-
tain categories of words and concepts at Ugarit: terminology of social designations,
terminology of occupational designations, and terminology of land holding. Each of
these categories of terminology present particular problems for translation, and at the
same time are central to understanding economic modalities. These three sections are
not intended as glossaries for the alphabetic vocabulary, but are intended to serve as
extended investigations of key terminology.
1
The terminology to be discussed here has
been particularly problematic in the reconstruction of Ugaritic economic life and sub-
sequently social life. Vocabulary with definitions that have not been controversial shall
only be discussed in passing here. For example, the word brt is well understood to
refer to the occupation of ploughman.i and therefore need not be discussed in depth
here. Discussion of prepositions and measurement terminology will be presented in
volume 2.
1 A lengthy discussion on the problems of translation would not be helpful here. On the problems
of translation, see Derrida 1978; 1981a; 1981b; Heidegger 1962; and Saussere 1972.
2 See for example del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 372.
This lexical category has already been widely studied by scholars of Ugarit. Words
referring to social structure or social categories are important in the reconstruction of
economic modalities as the translations of social designations tend to carry with them
conceptions about the nature and structure of economic relationships.
bns
This word has been at the root of many disagreements about Ugaritic social structure.
In itself bnsmeans simply "man," as shown in the polyglot (Ug 5. 130) where it is equiv-
alent to Akkadian amilum (an Akkadian biform of awllum).3 This simple definition of
the word can be misleading. Roth defines the use of the Akkadian equivalents of this
word in the legal literature, "The term used for (1) the general, nonspecific, "person"
as subject of a law provision, and for (2) a member of the highest privileged class, in
contrast to a member of the muJkenu-class or to a slave.l" In essence, bns is equated
with a term that has two uses in Akkadian, a specific use and a general use.? It is often
difficult to determine what is meant in the Ugaritic texts.
The use of bns as a general, non-specific term is certainly apparent in the Ugaritic
administrative texts. This is best exemplified in texts such as KTU 4.380, which lists
quantities of donkeys and bni at specific geographic regions. Likewise, KTU 4.358 lists
amounts of bnim at a specific location. In these types of contexts, it seems most appro-
priate to understand bni as a generic designation for person.
There are other situations where it is not as clear whether bnsshould be understood
as a generic word, or a word with specific class connotations. For example, texts like
KTU 4.752, list the bni who are at the disposal of another individual. Is there any
implication of class in this kind of list? It is unclear from the reading of the text itself,
and it is impossible to find any textual situation that necessitates a reading of bns as a
class-based category. Since there is such a clear class-based meaning of the equivalent
term in Akkadian, this kind of implication cannot be discounted a priori. However,
it must also not be assumed a priori that there was a three-tiered understanding of
class at Ugarit, akin to that described in the Code of Hammurabi. This is a general
problem with the use of this word in construct with another noun. The problem of
whether or not bns is being used in a general or specific sense is obscured by the
implied relationship between the two words in construct. While a general sense of
possession is indicated, the nature of this possession is not explicit in the phrasing.
3 Huehnergard 1987, p. 114.
4 Roth 1997 p. 268.
5 In its general use, this is a case of a privileged term "standing in" for its sub-altern opposite as in
the generic use of "man" to mean both male and female persons in English.
90 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 91
This leaves translation open to multiple interpretations. Yet there are certain situations
where this usage is quite consistent. Most consistent is the use of bnf in construct with
a geographic name. This is the case in KTU 4.125, where bnf from certain locations
are listed. For example, line 3 reads bnl gt gl'd. Here, this construction is used much
in the same way as the Akkadian construction amilum plus geographic name is used
- to signify the location of origin of the person in question. There are, however,
other situations where the exact nature of the implied relationship between the two
words in construct is not as clear. Most difficult is the meaning of bnf mlk.
bns mlk.
Perhaps the expression that has caused the most problems in the study of Ugaritic
economic texts is the expression bni mlk, rendered straightforwardly as "men of the
king." The prominence of this term in the Ugaritic material has inspired numerous
reconstructions of Ugaritic economy, and been the locus for much disagreement.
Marxist scholars tend to see the bnf mlk in terms of Two-sector production models.
Liverani states that the bnf mlk were "non-possessors of the means of production, of
units in the great productive organization of the palace, for whose sake they work and
for whom they receive payment and direction.I" In this understanding, the bnf mlk are
members of the palace work force. They are completely dependent on the palace, not
only for access to productive resources, but for subsistence equipment as well.
Michael Heltzer proposes a similar reading of bni mlk. He understands this term
as "royal servicemen."? Heltzer understands bnf as a social designation, in opposition
to the word da-ka-ru, which is a biological designation, best understood as "male".
8
For numerous reasons, this distinction is problematic, and it is unlikely that Heltzer's
distinction represents an emic Akkadian distinction." Heltzer argues that bnf mlk
is equivalent to the Akkadian expression arde
MES
larri, but he is unable to prove that
this equivalence is necessary or accurate.l" Indeed this equation seems unlikely since
amilum, the equivalent of bnf, is normally distinct from ardu (= wardum). In Akkadian
legal material, the wardum "class" is normally described as distinct from the au/ilum
class. While it is tempting to equate these two sets of terms ("servants of the king,"
6 Liverani 1989, p. 127.
7 Heltzer 1999b, p. 424.
8 Heltzer 1982, p. 3.
9 Heltzer's differentiation of bnsand dkr is unconvincing. He draws the distinction between the two
words based on their Akkadian equivalences in the polyglots, HeItzer 1982, p. 3. It has been demonstrated
above that amilum, the equivalent for bni has both general and specific meanings. The equivalent of dkr,
Akkadian zikaru, in Heltzer's understanding represents only the biological aspects of male, and therefore
bnscannot have biological meanings. The definition and equivalence of ancient words is not an all or
nothing situation, where if a word has one meaning, it cannot have another meaning.
10 Heltzer 1982, p. 3.
and "men of the king"), based on current understandings of Akkadian this equation
poses more difficulties than it solves.
Even though the equation of these two expressions is not supportable, Heltzer's
general interpretation of bni mlk needs to be outlined further, as it is not entirely
dependent on comparative lexicography. Heltzer argues that the bnf mlk were indi-
viduals who were dependent on the palace. There were numerous occupations
engaged in by bnf mlk, as is attested through numerous lists, 11 but their binding char-
acteristic was that "they, in contrast to the villagers of the kingdom derived their main
or only source of income from their service, receiving payment in kind, silver, land,
etc."12The bnf mlk were also obligated to the palace through taxes and corvee labor.P
It is difficult to unpack the evidence that Heltzer uses to argue these points since he
builds his evidence on one assumption after another, and presents that evidence as lists
of fragmentary text translations. Much of it is tied up in his understandings of the
terms pilku and ilku, which is discussed below, but should be noted at this point, are
probably not accurate.l"
Further evidence is based on the lists of occupational specialists found in the Royal
Palace. These lists typically take the form of a list of occupational categories, followed
by some quantity of a good, and are understood by Heltzer as payments to craft spe-
cialists for royal service.l? Sometimes these texts describe the individuals as bnf mlk
(for example KTU 4.144), but not always.l'' Certainly KTU 4.609: 1, which reads spr
bpr bnf mlk byrb ipb[nm], should be understood as a list of rations distributed to men
in a given month. I? Yet Heltzer's further assumption that any texts that describe dis-
tributions from the palace represent distributions as parts of a royal service system is
not supportable.l" Heltzer states outright that the term bnf mlk is frequently omitted
in the alphabetic texts, but should be understood as implicit.!? This is a questionable
assumption.
Compared to the Marxist scholars-" (particularly Heltzer), Schloen takes a contrary
position on the translation of bnf mlk. Schloen defines the bnsmlk as a group that,
"includes any landholder who performed service (often part-time service) for the king,
whether he was a member of a professional group or an ordinary farmer, and whether
11 Heltzer 1982, p. 11.
12 Heltzer 1982, p. 14.
13 Heltzer 1982, p. 16.
14 See Heltzer 1982, pp. 23-37 for his most thorough discussion of these terms in reIation to bnf mlk.
15 Heltzer 1982, pp. 37--48.
16 Heltzer 1982, pp. 43--44.
17 Heltzer 1982, pp. 3-9.
18 Heltzer 1982, p. 10.
19 Heltzer 1982, p. 12.
20 Zamora 1997, p. 93, takes a position similar to Liverani'sand Heltzer's, understanding the function
of the expression bnsmlk as: "designarfa puesa los dependientes reales, miembros deI sector palacial."
21 Schloen 2001, p. 246.
92 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARIT1C ECONOMY 93
he lives in the capital city or in a rural village."2! For Schloen, who sees Ugaritic society
linked through patrimonial ties (both biological and metaphorical), there should be
no distinction between the palace sector and the non-palace sector, since all goods
and services in the kingdom of Ugarit were theoretically, although in a decentralized
manner, within the domain of the king. So for Schloen, the designation bnsmlk indi-
cated the individuals in question engaged in service for the king. Some difficulties
with this reading can be levied. Following Schloen's patrimonial model, an expression
akin to "son of the king" would better reflect a completely patrimonial conceptual-
ization of society. This expression, bnsmlk, does not itself reflect a patrimonial orien-
tation. Also problematic is Schloen's understanding that bnsis simply an abbreviated
form of bnsmlk.
22
As has been discussed above, there is no reason to assume that this
is the case; in fact bni is simply the generic term for "man". Furthermore, there is min-
imal evidence to demonstrate that the bni mlk were landholders. There are in fact no
published texts where bnsmlk are associated with land that they themselves hold.
In general, the difference between Schloen's and Heltzer's models relates to how
the two scholars view the semantic value of the term. For Heltzer, the expression is
indicative of class or status, and is essentially a proper noun. For Schloen, the expres-
sion is more general and refers to individuals engaging in work for the king at a dis-
creet moment in time, but implies no further status or rank. Schloen's understanding
of bns mlk is more convincing, as it better fits the understanding of bni derived from
comparison ofAkkadian equivalents. Both agree though that the terms bnsand bnsmlk
are used inrerchangeably.P While this may have been the case to some extent, not all
bnswould have been considered bnsmlk.
Rowe, like Schloen, disagrees with the typical Marxist reading of the expression bns
mlk, but unlike Schloen, she argues for a more formal inrerpretation.i" According to
Rowe, a bnsmlk was an individual who had a debt relationship to the king, most likely
a service-based debt obligation.P This was a social category based on juridical relation-
ships (as opposed to economic relationships), and the specific juridical relationship
was one of what she refers to as "antichretic/" debt service."27 Rowe argues that the
actual evidence for the existence of this group is meager: the expression is only attested
in eight tablets.i" In these eight tablets, Rowe points out, the common theme is that
22 Schloen 2001, p. 223.
23 Schloen 2001, p. 224.
24 Rowe 2002, p. 17.
25 Rowe 2002, p. 17.
26 Antichretic debt service is a particular type of debt relationship where the debtor pledges labor or
the use of real estate and/or mobilia in return for an extension of credit. This is best understood in oppo-
sition to a productive loan where the debtor uses the credit as a means of producing capital and repays
the principle (and interest) with the capital produced from the initial investment of the credit.
27 Rowe 2002, p. I.
28 Rowe 2002, p. 4.
these individuals perform some kind of work for the king.
29
The work performed is
not the kind of service argued for by Heltzer, since bnscan appear in construct with
other individuals besides the king.
3D
Rowe sees the service as related to the fulfillment
of debt obligations, where labor is serving as payment for a loan, both on the princi-
pal and on the interest.I! The exact nature of the obligation differed depending on the
individual situation; all that is implied by the expression bnsmlk is that the individual
has a debt obligation to the king.
Before evaluating these differing interpretations, it is important to examine the use
of this expression at Ugarit. Most noteworthy is the description of individuals as bnl
mlk in lists. Sometimes people described as bns mlk are listed according to personal
name, and sometimes they are listed according to occupational category. Both uses
are attested in KTU 4.609. In other contexts, bni mlk is used to further specify an
individual. KTU 3.2 may be an example of this, where lines 5-7 identify a person by
patronym and possibly by the designation bns mlk, though it needs to be stated that
the reading mlk is not entirely secure.
An important context for understanding the use of the term bnsmlk is in texts that
list the location of people outside of Ugarit. For example, KTU 4.367 is a list of bns
mlk who are at the village of tbq. Perhaps related to this use, are the occasions where
bnsmlk are described as under the authority of a specific individual. KTU 4.144 lists
bnsmlk who are d bdprt: KTU 4.370 lists bnsmlk who are d tarin 'rnsn. These appear-
ances of the term bns mlk refer to people living in or working for authorities other
than the king - either in a different village or under a particular supervisor.
In three of the eight texts where the expression bnsmlk is attested, it is recorded that
this group of people receive textiles (KTU 4.144 and KTU 4.182) or food rations
(KTU 4.609). Given the other attested appearances of this expression, it should be
assumed that these distributions were given to the bnsmlk while they were engaging
in work for the palace. Whether or not these distributions should be understood as
"payments" or "provisions" is unclear. What can be certain is that the bni mlk were indi-
viduals who performed varying services for the palace (see KTU 4.370 and KTU 4.609
for the attested occupational categories). While engaging in this work, the bnsmlk were
under the authority of higher-ranking palace personnel (KTU 4.141) and could be
requested to perform service by palace personnel (KTU 4.370). The whereabouts
and skill sets of the bnl mlk were kept track of by the palace scribes (KTU 4.144 and
KTU 4.367).
These observations lead to a more nuanced understanding of the term bnsmlk. The
construct relationship between the words bns and mlk indicate that there has to be
some relationship; the easiest relationship is to assume that bns mlk are bnswho are,
29 Rowe 2002, p. 6.
30 Rowe 2002, p. 7.
31 Rowe 2002, p. 9.
94 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 95
in some way under the authority of the king. The nature of this authority may be
residential, occupational, or it could be a debt relationship like that suggested by
Rowe.
32
It has already been noted that bni and amilum are equivalent. The use of
amilum in Akkadian contexts does not clarify the situation, as the word is often used
with another noun to demonstrate a relationship between a person and another per-
son or institution.P At the-present, it seems that there are two equally plausible under-
standings of bns mlk. Rowe's interpretation of this expression, an expression pointing
to a debt relationship, may be correct.l" When bns appears in construct with other
nouns, a similar situation is assumed, that the individual in question was engaging in
the payment of debt to another person or institution in that administrative situation.
In every case, it makes sense to understand the bnsin question as someone in debt to
another. It is also possible that a simple work relationship is implied by the use of this
term. Either way, it is clear that the individual(s) in question are obligated to perform
work for the individual to whom they are referred to in construct. Whether that obli-
gation is justified based on wages or whether it is justified based on debt obligation
is unclear. There is no evidence that this expression refers to a distinct class of people.
In this study, bnsmlk shall be understood to refer to individuals engaging in work for
the palace (either because of debt or to gain some sort of payment), without further
connotations of class or social status.
'bd
Difficult for interpretation is the Ugaritic word 'bd, which is morphologically equiv-
alent to the Hebrew word 'ebed, and can be understood as slave or servant. This same
semantic ambiguity is inherent in the Ugaritic data as well. In the polyglot (Ug. 5 137),
'bd is equivalent to Sumerian fR and Akkadian ardu.
35
The general sense of this word
is not difficult or problematic. It either means slave or servant, or both.
36
The ques-
tion is whether or not 'bd refers to a distinct class of people, or whether it just indi-
cates a subordinate labor position. Heltzer believes that 'bdmare the royal workers but
are not slaves in the class sense.V Widbin is more specific in his suggestion that they
are "professional agricultural workers."38 Liverani, on the other hand, understands the
word as "servant."39 Greenfield argues that the word 'bdwas used to express the notion
32 Rowe 2002, p. 17.
33 The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (CAD) N2, p. 56.
34 Rowe 2002, p. 17.
35 The equivalence of Ugaritic 'bdwith Akkadian arduis further evidence that Heltzer's equation of
ardi
MES
Iarri and bns mlk, Heltzer 1982, p. 3, cannot be upheld. See the discussion under bni mlk.
36 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 139.
37 Heltzer 1982, p. 64.
38 Widbin 1985, p. 431.
39 Liverani 1989, p. 129.
of "vassal" at an individual level.40 He bases this argument partially on KTU 1.5 II 12,
where Baal is called an 'bdto Yarnm.t! In this case, 'bdhas a precise technical mean-
ing, referring to a subordinate who must offer tribute to his superior.
There are possibly different uses of 'bdat Ugarit in different contexrs.v' KTU 4.35,
line II 2 uses the word 'bdm as a heading, preceding a list of personal names. In these sit-
uations, 'bdis used as a professional designation, like tnnm or nsktIt. KTU 4.71:III 10,
KTU 4.126: 13, and KTU 4.320 show similar uses. In these texts, the 'bdm, contex-
tually seem more akin to a professional group than to a social group. They are listed
among other occupational groups and individuals listed as 'bdm are listed according
to name, patronym, or area of origin - the same means of describing individuals of
other occupations.
Other references reflect a meaning of the term 'bdm that seems less like a designation
of a formal occupation, and more reflects a usage derived from household terminologyf"
In KTU 4.195: 9, a location called bt 'bdm is mentioned. KTU 4.636 is an account
of amounts of rations given (or allotted) to 'bdm and animals.
The uses of the Akkadian equivalent, wardum, only adds to the ambiguity. The
word in Akkadian can refer to a slave or dependent servant at the household level.
It can express a situation of dependence or subordination. It can also reflect a more
formal class division, in conjunction with auiilum and muskenum.
44
As it stands, it is
best to understand the Ugaritic word 'bdm as referring to a lower status individual,
although not a fixed class akin to Old Babylonian Mesopotamia. Translations should
use either slave or servant, depending on the basis of the subordination (slavery for
debt-based subordination and service for occupation-base subordination). In the absence
of a secure context that allows the basis of subordination to be determined, the Ugaritic
term 'bdm itself should be retained.
bel
Another word, which at first glance has an obvious meaning, but has caused confusion
in studies of the Ugaritic economy, is b'l. The meaning of this word (when not repre-
senting the deity) is typically taken as "lord."45 Other meanings typically understood
for this word (and its West Semitic cognates) revolve around concepts of possession,
mastery, or domination. This is the semantic range of its use at Ugarit.
40 Greenfield 2001, p. 903.
41 Greenfield 2001, p. 901.
42 This word is also a frequent component of Ugaritic personal names, and in these situations acts as
a term denoting a relationship between two entities that is semantically the same as the relationships
referred to when 'bdis used outside of the context of personal names.
43 Schloen 2001, p. 256 n.1.
44 See Roth 1997, p. 268.
45 Huehnergard 1987, p. 114.
96 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 97
Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin associate b'l with a verbal from of the same root that
appears in the G stem and the S-stem.
46
As a verbal form, del Olmo Lete and San-
martin suggest that this word means: "to make, manufacture; to work".47 They cite
KTU 1.17 VI 24, which describes the construction of bows, and KTU 4.182: 56,
which describes the activities of the mbf (see below for this term).48 Both of these
activities are specialized craft activities, which is in keeping with the general semantic
range described for b'l above where an individual is described as a "master" of a par-
ticular raw material. Their suggestion that b'l can mean "labourer, unskilled labourer"
is possible, but it is more likely that it reflects some sort of specialist artisan.t?
The confusion about this word comes from its use in census lists at Ugarit. Under
the heading of a particular personal name, b'l is frequently listed as a member within
that household. Clearly in the subordinate context implied by the relative position-
ing of the title to the individual listed by name, the semantic range of master or pos-
sessor is more difficult. Heltzer attempted to solve this problem by reading the word
in a general sense of workmen. 50 This reading is not based on any data other than
conjecture.
Pardee, in a personal communication to Schloen, argues for a slightly different
understanding of the word." The word is taken, in the contexts of the census lists, as
an abbreviation for b'l au - which would translate as "owner of a wife" and therefore
would be the same as "husband". This is the best understanding of the term in the
census lists, and solves the problem of the word's sense in its textual contexts, although
is itself based mostly on conjecture.
The use of the word b'l in KTU 4.153 is also worth discussing in detail. This is
a list of personal names, followed by the expression b'l plus a term for textile, either
b'! au or b'! SSlmt. KTU 4.609 lines 35-36 list personal names after the occupational
categories b'l tdtt and b'l tgppn. In both cases, the use of b'l in construct with another
word indicates occupational specialization related to the second word. KTU 4.224
has an obscure reference; line 6 reads: "b'l br[t]," perhaps with similar connotations.
KTU 4.647: 7 describes someone as b'! any, best understood as "captain of a ship."
A more difficult use of this term is found in KTU 4.15, where under the heading
bt il, ten lines follow in the form: b'l bt PN. Yet, when one translates these passages
assuming a semantic range of master, owner, or possessor, interpretation is not difficult
(i.e., "owner/master of a house"). As such then, the term b'l should be understood as
indicating an individual who either possesses or dominates another person or thing.
46 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 205.
47 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, pp. 205-206.
48 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 205.
49 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 205.
50 Heltzer 1976b, p. 89.
51 Schloen 2001, p. 327.
n'r
Another term appearing in the census lists is n'r.
52
There seem to be two general
senses as to its meaning. It is sometimes suggested that the word refers to young men
(the age of the men being the important information),53 and at other times it is sug-
gested that it refers to some sort of fighting force or type of warrior. 54 The two uses of
the term are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and it may mean different things in
different contexts. It is important to discuss the semantic possibilities within the dif-
fering contexts.
In the census lists, n'r appears alongside of the feminine form n'rt. In the census list
contexts, these words appear as members of the household in a subordinate position
to the named head of the household. This suggests that the terms refer to youths, or
at least younger members of the household. Schloen points out that terms for unmar-
ried, adolescent sons and daughters are better described by the attested gzr and pi!
respectively, and adult children are bn and bt respectively.55 From this, Schloen argues
that n'r and its variant forms (i.e., n'rt) refer to retainers of either sex and not the bio-
logical offspring of the head of the household. 56This use of the term would also make
sense for the textual situations in which n'r follows another occupational heading. In
short, the n'r is some kind of assistant to the previously noted individual.
In the military contexts of the usage of n'r, the word appears frequently in lists,
after (or in reference to) other military occupations, most notably the maryannu, as in
KTU 4.179. In this context, the meaning "assistant" makes good sense.57 It is equally
possible that n'r in these lists refers to the actual biological offspring of the individual
holding the better understood occupation.
The word also appears without reference to other occupational categories in occu-
pationallists. KTU 4.68: 60 lists n'rm along with other, better understood occu-
pational categories. KTU 4.126 and 4.745 provide similar contexts for the use of
this word. The word n'r seems to have a distinct meaning within the household as
well. KTU 4.102 is a census list. The household mentioned in line 8 has two n'rm.
Whether or not the n'rm mentioned in KTU 4.367:7 are members of a distinct
occupational category, are individuals with a particular household status, or both is
unclear.
In conclusion, n'r is best understood as a young individual. The individual in ques-
tion may be a young member of the household, who is not biological kin, but perhaps
52 This word should not be confused with its homonym, which is a type of flour, Pardee 2002c,
p.107.
53 Dahood 1968, pp. 365-366; Rainey 1965a, p. 11; Virolleaud 1939, p. 62.
54 Cutler and MacDonald 1977, p. 17; Rainey 1965a, p. 21; 1975, pp. 98-99.
55 Schloen 2001, p. 324.
56 Schloen 2001, p. 324.
57 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 616.
98 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARlT1C ECONOMY 99
fulfilling debt obligations or acting in a serving capacity. In other situations, the n'r is
best understood as a retainer or assistant, especially when listed in connection with
occupational categories. In general, the word is used in situations where a relationship
of dependence is emphasized over other characteristics.
adrt
The form adrt is minimally attested at Ugarit. However, its appearance in the cen-
sus text KTU 4.102 is notable. The purpose of this text, apparently, was to enumerate
the dependent household members in specific households (identified by the patrimonial
figure). In lines 4,9, 16, and 28, the word adrtappears after the word att (presumably
since lines 4 and 9 are broken). The syntax suggests a construct formation, but it is
unclear what part of speech adrt is. Rainey has suggested that the word should be
understood as "noble" thereby giving the two words a meaning of "noble wife."58 The
translation "noble" is somewhat problematic, given the specific feudal connotations,
but perhaps the term "pre-eminent" captures the prestige of the individual without
reference to historically specific class designations. This translation also well reflects
the semantic range of this word as an adjective, which seems to connote high quality. 59
Another possibility, related to the general semantic range of this word is suggested by
Macdonald and Tropper. Macdonald argues that this refers to "a woman of maturity",
and Tropper suggests "alte Freute",60 Since the text in question is a census of Cypriotes
living at Ugarit, the term might be better understood as specifically referring to Aegean
social contexts.v'
The question of what this word means in the census lists is not answered completely
by these suggestions. A number of possible meanings can be postulated: a widowed
mother; a senior wife (perhaps implying polygamy); an important woman; or simply
an old lady. Given the census context, it seems likely that this figure is a dependent
and not the head of a household or a woman of particular ranked importance and
since no other wives are associated, it is unlikely evidence for polygamy. The term
most likely refers to a widowed mother, or an older woman (perhaps an aunt of the
head of the household) who is a dependent.
58 Rainey 1965a, p. 11.
59 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, pp. 22-23.
60 Macdonald 1978, p. 167; Trapper 2000, p. 840.
61 The same sense in a non-Aegean context may be reflected in the use of the word alit.. Watson,
1985, p. 534, takes this as a Hurrian term for "lady". However, it is better as a deity
rather than a social designation (see del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, 53) In .the context of Its
attested use. It is possible that a social designation is used in reference to a deity, but without other attes-
tations, this cannot be proved with certainty.
The words bbt. and bN as attested in the alphabetic texts at Ugarit should be under-
stood as cognates of the Akkadian bubt.u. This social designation, bubt.u is found in
Akkadian sources of the Bronze Age, in Amarna letters, Nuzi documents, and Assyrian
literature. It is generally understood as either a professional name or class designation.f
In the Amarna letters, the bupsu own land.
63
At Alalakh, the bupsu are a specific class
of people, one subsection of a group called the fabe name.
64
Von Dassow's discussion of the role of this group at Alalakh is helpful, as it incor-
porates evidence from Ugarit. She sees bupsu as a class term.
65
It consisted of a large
class of "peasants" who engaged in agriculture, paid taxes, and could be obligated to
provide labor or military service to the crown.P'' Von Dassow bases this suggestion
partly on some of the non-economic texts at Ugarit. She discusses the bubt.u's role as
one of the major groups of people in Kirta's army, in KTU 1.14: II 37-38.
67
A Ugaritic
letter, KTU 2.17:1-3, mentions the need to pay the bubt.u.68
It is important to discuss the role of this group in the Ugaritic economic texts, as
there is not much scholarship on this category in the economic texts. Heltzer does not
make much comment about this group, other than, "they were among the lower
strata of the non-slave population.P" Schloen suggests that bbt. "seems to denote a
low-ranking person or dependent who nonetheless has a family of his own; i.e., a
married client."?" The bbt. represent a similar social position as the n'r, with the major
distinction being that bbt. have families, and n'r do not, according to Schloen." Since
both terms are found in census lists, they should not be understood as equivalent
terms, but rather terms that both imply a level of dependence.
The spelling bbt. is found in two alphabetic economic texts - KTU 4.360 and
KTU 4.430. KTU 4.360 is a census document. One household is listed as containing
one bubtu. KTU 4.430 records the locations of certain people, one of whom is a
Unfortunately this text is too fragmentary to be very useful. The alternative
spelling, bpt. is more frequent, but still not that common especially compared to its
attestation at Alalakh. The word is found in KTU 4.351, but this text is too fragmen-
tary for useful translation. KTU 3.82 has one mention of bpt.. Line 25 reads bn agpt.
bpt. d [ytb] b S'rt, describing that a certain individual, a bN, is dwelling in a certain
62 Mendelsohn 1941, p. 37.
63 Mendelsohn 1941, p. 37.
64 Mendelsohn 1955, p. 9.
65 Von Dassow 1997, p. 393.
66 Von Dassow 1997, pp. 393-394.
67 Von Dassow 1997, pp. 393-394.
68 Von Dassow 1997, pp. 393-394.
69 Heltzer 1982, p. 76.
70 Schloen 2001, p. 327.
71 Schloen 2001, p. 327.
100 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 101
location. None of this evidence is particularly compelling. The OPt. do not seem to
make up a significant portion ofUgaritic society in Ugarit's final days, at least from an
administrative perspective. Perhaps this is a group that disappears through Ugarit's his-
tory - the literary and epistolary references may represent unusual or anachronistic
situations.
gzr
Rainey and Heltzer have both understood this term to refer to some sort of male
youth, with heroic or military overtones.F Miller states that "most if not alL the exam-
ples in Ugaritic are the nominal form gzr, meaning "hero, valiant one, warrior" and
perhaps sometimes "youth".73 Rainey cites the use of this term in the Kirta story to
describe one of Kirta's sons who went on a mission for him, where hero or youth
could both make sense.7
4
The word gzr is very infrequent in administrative texts;
however, in these contexts the meaning "hero" is unlikely. It is only attested in KTU
4.102, which is a census list. From the literary uses of the term, as well as its appear-
ance in this solitary administrative document, Schloen argues that the word refers to
an unmarried adolescent son, as opposed to a married son, for which the term bn is
used.
75
This makes good sense, and that meaning is assumed in this study./" The fre-
quency of this word in literary texts considered with the infrequency of the word in
administrative documents suggests that perhaps this word had fallen out of common
use at Ugarit towards the final years of the city, the period when the bulk of admin-
istrative documents were written. This kind of argument from silence can only be
taken as a suggestion though; there is not enough evidence to prove it beyond a rea-
sonable doubt.
TERMINOLOGY OF OCCUPATIONAL DESIGNATIONS
Before launching into an analysis of individual terms for different occupations, it is
important to discuss the conception of occupation employed here. It is not viewed as
a static category, of which an individual either is or is not. Occupational designations
represent specific modes of understanding identity at one particular moment, and fol-
lowing Weber are categories that describe the functions of an individual within a larger
productive unit, which allow both opportunities for the individual to earn income
72 Rainey 1965a, p. II; Heltzer 1987, p. 245.
73 Miller equates this Ugaritic word with the Hebrew root *'-z-r, Miller 1970, p. 160.
74 Rainey 1963, p. 67.
75 Schloen 2001, pp. 324-325.
76 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 329, provide translation values of this word that correspond
to Schloens as well as Heltzer's and Rainey's. Vaughn, 1993, p. 424, reading it in the literary contexts,
takes it as hero or warrior.
and for the individual to be managed by a superior." The use of these designations at
Ugarit is contingent upon who was recording what data at what time. In other words,
it is not assumed a priori, that the designation of someone through an occupational
category held the same kind of weight in identity articulation as it does in modern,
Western contexts. However, following Durkheim, it is important to recognize the pos-
sibility that the identification of an individual with a particular occupational category
may act as a primary means of integrating that individual into society at large.7
8
Indeed,
at Ugarit, it may have been the individual's occupational role that connected him or
her to other Ugaritians beyond the kinship level. Indeed, here is another form of iden-
tification distinct from Schloen's PHM. What is discussed in the following sections are
those occupational designations that are not widely agreed upon, or those terms where
it is felt that it is important to emphasize certain nuances of meaning for the reconstruc-
tion ofUgaritic economic modalities. So words like mrjrglm (guards, military workers/"),
J!rm (potters'"), and tnnm (archers, warriors'") will not be discussed here.
skn
The word skn at Ugarit is universally understood to refer to a prominent official.
Various translations are offered for this type of official such as prefecr.F The vocaliza-
tion sakinuis also not controversial. Van Soldt has successfully argued that skn, sdkinu,
sakin mati, sakinnu; and MASKIM all refer to the same office by comparing uses of
different spellings in the same texts or in parallel texts.
83
This is a very important point
since the relationship between these words had never been convincingly demonstrated.
The precise responsibilities of the sakinu at Ugarit are somewhat difficult to identify.
There was doubtless more than one sdkinu at any given time in Ugarit, each answering
to different authorities at different times. Singer states that this official: "had plenipo-
tentiary powers in top state matters, in the legal, diplomatic, and commercial realms
and was particularly involved in the foreign affairs of the kingdom."84 According to
Schloen, the responsibilities of these officials "were broad and ill defined."85 Van Soldt
offers more specific observations on the responsibilities of the sakinu.
86
He states that
77 Weber 1978, p. 122.
78 Durkheim 1984, p. 201.
79 Astour 1972, p. 13; Cutler and MacDonald 1977, p. 17; Heltzer 1982, pp. 115-121; and
Watson 1995a, p. 538.
80 Heltzer 1982, p. II; Huehnergard 1987, p. 134; and Vita 1999, p. 491.
81 Cutler and MacDonald 1976, p. 34 (although in contrast with Cutler and MacDonald 1977,
p. 26); Heltzer 1982, p. 107; Huehnergard 1987, p. 187; and Widbin 1985, p. 93.
82 Huehnergard 1987, p. 157.
83 Van Soldt 2001, pp. 585-586.
84 Singer 1983, p. 15.
85 Schloen 2001, p. 253.
86 Van Soldt 2002, p. 827.
102 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 103
this is the highest non-royal office in the kingdom of Ugarit.
87
The siikinu had mr'
under his authority, gave legal decisions, and provided security for messengers.Y Out-
side of the siikinu's authority were real estate transactions and participation in interna-
tional matters.f" Following Schloen, it seems that a siikinu operated as a representative
of whichever royal government official they were described in reference to.
90
The
siikinu was an emblem of royal authority in different spheres of administrative life.
The roles of the siikinu in the facilitation of the circulation of goods are notewor-
thy for this study. Monroe has identified three "commercial" activities of the siikinu:
"he oversaw the kiiru overseer; he controlled the imposition of commercial taxes; and
he brokered the incoming requests of foreigners who sought business with the Ugarit
palace."91 Monroe bases this argument on his reading of a number of syllabic letters
written to the siikinu that involve these kinds of activities.i? Certainly these activities
are attested in these letters; what is uncertain is how formal these responsibilities were.
The evidence for the siikinu participating in these activities is meager, and it seems to
reflect the role of this office as a general manifestation of royal authority, rather than
as an office with rigidly formulated responsibilities.
Schloen may be right in juxtaposing the office ofsiikinu with the office of bazannu.
93
The bazannu was a leader whose authority derived from his relationship to local elites,
rather than the king, whereas the siikinu was explicitly associated with the king.
94
The
bazannu then, would have been the head of the village administration at the local
level. In Schloen's view of the kingdom of Ugarit, as a decentralized kingdom organ-
ized through nested levels of patrimonial authority, the local bazannu would have had
considerable power, and likely the villages were only minimally administered through
the direct authority of the king.
95
Schloen's reconstruction of the separate roles of these
two individuals better fits a Two-sector approach than a PHM approach.
mryn
The problem of the exact definition of the mryn in Syro-Palestine is well recognized.
Given the importance of this occupational category in the administrative documents at
Ugarit, it is important to clarify certain issues about this group at Ugarit. Larger issues
about the mryn will be set aside for now, but readers are advised to see von Dassow's
87 Van Soldt 2002, p. 827.
88 Van Soldt 2002, p. 827.
89 Van Soldt 2002, p. 827.
90 Schloen 2001, p. 253.
91 Monroe 2000, p. 199.
92 See Monroe 2000, pp. 197-201 for his discussion of these texts.
93 Schloen 2001, pp. 252-253.
94 Schloen 2001, p. 252.
95 Schloen 2001, p. 252.
discussion.?" The word appears as mryn in the alphabetic script and as maryannu in
the syllabic script.
97
The most frequent appearance of this word is in occupation
lists: PRU 6 93 (RS 17.131), KTU 4.69, KTU 4.126, KTU 4.173, KTU 4.174,
KTU 4.179, KTU 4.232 and KTU 4.416. It also appears in construct with LUGAL
(PRU 3 79ff (RS 16.239), and PRU 3 140ff (RS 16.132)), indicating a connection
with the king.
As long ago as 1910, Winckler argued that this term is derived from Indo-European,
and related to the Vedic word for youth.
98
Later scholars have frequently followed this
view.''? Von Dassow has raised important arguments against the Indo-Aryan origins
of this group of people, though, and these reservations need to be taken seriously.l'"
She argues that equipment used in horse-drawn chariotry is found in the Near East
in levels predating possible movements of Indo-Aryan groups into the region, which
indicates that this technology developed locally''" The linguistic evidence, according
to von Dassow, likewise does not indicate a movement of Indo-Aryan chariot warriors
into the region during the Late Bronze Age. While the Indo-Aryan etymology of the
term (mdrya) is not often debated.P? von Dassow does suggest that Indo-Aryan words
attested in cuneiform scripts are actually fossilized forms preserved in Hurrian from
prior contactls) with Indo-Aryan speakers. According to von Dassow, these linguistic
elements do not reflect a living language. For von Dassow then, since there is no explicit
connection between Indo-Aryan groups and chariot technology in the LB Near East
and no demonstrable movement of an Indo-Aryan population to the region, the mryn
should not be considered an invading class of Indo-Aryan chariot warriors.P"
The evidence linking the mryn with chariot equipment is quite strong. Scholars of
Ugarit have normally understood this word as "charioteer" or at least originally related
to this kind of military equipment. Huehnergard translates this word as "charioteer."104
Heltzer argues that mryn were individuals who owed military obligations to the king
in the form of chariot service.P'' Rainey reiterates previous translations of the term as
"noble chariot-warrior."106 That mryn were involved in chariot service is clear from a
number of textual sources. Rainey notes that PRU 3 192ff (RS 12.34 +12.43) lists
chariots in the possession of certain individuals some of whom are clearly designated
96 Von Dassow 1997, pp. 258-331.
97 See Huehnergard 1987, p. 149 for other spellings.
98 Winckler 1910, pp. 291-298.
99 For example, see Huehnergard 1987, p. 149; Rainey 1965a, p. 19.
100 Von Dassow 1997, pp. 261-267.
101 Von Dassow 1997, p. 263.
102 Von Dassow 1997, p. 261; del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 580. For disagreements, see
Diakonoff 1972a, pp. 115-116; and Kammenhuber 1968, p. 233.
103 Von Dassow 1997, p. 267.
104 Huehnergard 1987, p. 149.
105 Heltzer 1982, pp. 111-115.
106 Rainey 1965a, p. 19.
104 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 105
as maryannu.
107
Rainey also discusses the Memphis Stele, where Amenhotep II records
his capture of maryannu with their chariots.l'" Rainey also lists AT (Alalakh Text) 131,
from Alalakh, which lists maryannu who had chariots and those that did not.
109
That there were circumstances were maryannu were associated with chariots is
uncontestable. The question ,now is whether or not this association with chariots was
in fact the defining feature of this group. Vita has argued that maryannu were not
chariot soldiers, and that it is better to think of them as a social group. 110 Von Dassow
makes a similar argument, stating: "The social class termed maryanni was an upper
class, the "nobility" whose most characteristic feature was the possession and use of
chariots... rn Von Dassow associates the appearance of this social class at Alalakh
with the incorporation ofAlalakh into the Mitanni empire. 112 According to von Dassow,
this group was a social class associated with chariot warfare, who could also hold other
positions.U" While non- maryannu could drive chariots in battle, at Alalakh, only
maryannu could own them.U" At Ugarit, von Dassow points out, chariot service was
part of the pilku dues (see below) owed by the maryannu to the king. 115
As has been noted above, the most common appearance of this term at Ugarit is in
occupation lists. In the Akkadian texts, the term is found in a number of interesting
contexts. It has already been noted that the term appears in lists of owners/possessors
of chariots (PRU 3 192ff (RS 12.34 +12.43)). A particularly interesting syllabic text
recounts an individual's elevation to the status of maryannu (PRU 3 140ff (RS 16.132)).
The term also appears in the alphabetic texts. KTU 4.103 lists the ubdy of the mryn
along with the ubdy of other professions. Individual ubdy holders are listed beneath
the designation of occupation. KTU 4.137 records that thirteen mryn were quartered
in the palace, along with numerous other military personnel. Likewise, KTU 4.163
lists nineteen mryn living at the palace. In KTU 4.149, wine is listed as having been
delivered to mryn quartered in the palace. KTU 4.230 also records wine delivered to
the mryn. The appearance of mryn in KTU 4.173, KTU 4.174, KTU 4.179, alongside
other military personnel, further suggests that this group did in fact have a military
function. KTU 4.377 is a list of equipment. In line 34 there may be a reference to
harnesses held by the mryn.
Von Dassow's approach to the maryannu seems the most consistent with the evi-
dence. Since the king was able to elevate individuals from lower social stations to the
107 Rainey 1965a, p. 19.
108 Rainey 1965a, p. 19.
109 Rainey 1965a, p. 19.
110 Vita 1999, p. 465.
111 Von Dassow 1997, p. 258.
112 Von Dassow 1997, p. 268.
l13 Von Dassow 1997, pp. 269, 286.
114 Von Dassow 1997, p. 331.
115 Von Dassow 1997, p. 309.
position of maryannu (see PRU 3 140ff (RS 16.132)), this position must not have
been contingent on previously held specialized skills. More likely, it reflects an elevated
social standing that allowed individuals to use their own or the palace's chariot while
engaging in military service, a much preferable military role than that of the foot sol-
dier. Although Schloen has leveled criticism at von Dassow's conception of rigid social
hierarchy at Alalakh, it seems that von Dassow's arguments at the very least reflect the
best emic understanding of the role of the maryannu at both Alalakh and Ugarit.U"
This study shall assume that the maryannu were an elevated social group, who typi-
cally offered their pilku as chariot based military service.
bdl
Many suggestions have been made for the definition of the word bdl. The most
frequent interpretation is that the word refers to some type of merchant. There are,
however, numerous propositions for alternative understandings, and those other inter-
pretations shall be discussed as well. The form bdl is not attested per se in Akkadian,
but is equated in the polyglots with the Sumerogram DAM.GAR.MES, which is
understood as some kind of "trader" or "merchant."!'? The etymology of the word is
unclear, although a similar form (ba-da-lum) is attested at Ebla, and there is a word in
Arabic (bad(d)ala) that means "to exchange."118 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin base
their interpretation of this word, as "substitute, reserve personnel," on the attestation
at Ebla.
119
Heltzer's suggestion that the word is formed from the contraction of bd
(meaning "in the hand of") and I (meaning "to") cannot be upheld for a number of
reasonsl?", and subsequently his suggestion that it means "into the hands of" has not
been accepted. 121
Translations of "trader" or "merchant" are by far the most common interpretation
of bdl.
122
The difficulties with this proposition seem to be two-fold. First, bdl are
consistently listed as auxiliary personnel of other occupations.P" However, Pardee's
understanding of bdl is instructive for this problem. Pardee states that bdl are "some
116 Schloen 2001, p. 304.
117 Huehnergard 1987, p. 112.
118 Huehnergard 1987, p. 112.
119 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 217.
120 Some of the reasons that this cannot be are as follows. The preposition bd is already a contraction
of the preposition b and the word for hand yd, Sivan 1997, p. 198, and it is unlikely that a second
preposition was further added into the form. While it is frequent for nouns to take on the grammatical
role of preposition, it seems unusual to posit a reverse formation, in which prepositions take on a nominal
function. Since the form is attested in Eblaite, there is no need to postulate a Ugaritic morphological
environment as its original formative context.
121 Heltzer 1999b, p. 433.
122 Astour 1972, p. 12; Rainey 1963, p. 136-137; Widbin 1985, p. 332.
123 Heltzer 1999b, p. 433.
106 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 107
kind of 'commercial agents' whose role was to serve the economic interests of the group
to which they were attached."124 He bases this assertion on the equivalence of bdlwith
DAM.G.AR.MES in the polyglots as well as the appearance of bdl in lists in subservient
positions to other occupational groups. The notion of commercial agents working for
other kinds of occupational groups is not unheard of in antiquiry.'P This definition,
commercial agent, seems like the best understanding of the word here. Commercial
agent does not necessarily imply (or rule out) that the bdlm engaged in buying and
selling for profit, but rather that they functioned to procure or distribute goods on
behalf of certain groups.
The second problem, which is a bit more difficult, concerns Heltzer's calculations
about the number of bdlm. In his view, bdl made up more than 1/3 of the popula-
tion.
126
This figure seems to be unreasonably high, but the fact that bdl is frequently
attested is problematic. Schloen's reading of bdl would solve the problem of the high
number of attested bdlm. He interprets this group of people to be assistants, deputies,
or helpers. 127 They were "landless dependents of certain land-holding royal servicemen
(bunusu malki) who were acting as substitutes for their masters."128 Schloen argues
two lines of analysis that lead to this translation. His first line of reasoning does not
involve positing a Semitic etymology for this word, but rather to look to Hurrian.F?
He follows Rowe's suggestion130 that the word should be broken down into a Hurrian
root (P/bid(d)), which means "to help," and the Hurrian occupational suffix.
l3l
After
accepting the Hurrian etymology (with a semantic range involving helping and assis-
tance) Schloen establishes the subordinate class of the bdl through comparison with
occupational lists at Alalakh.
132
In the Alalakh lists, the equivalent of Ugaritic bdl-
biddallenni (based on Kilmer's equation)133 appear to either be synonymous to or
are a sub-class of the baniabbe.
134
Schloen suggests that baniabbe is the Hurrian term
for Old Babylonian mulkenu since they are described as landless in Akkadian texts
at Ugarit.
135
Thus, the Ugaritic bdl were roughly equivalent to the mulkenu class. The
word mulkenu is not well understood, but it is frequently attested in Hammurabi's
Code as a class of people subordinate to atoilum but above slaves.
124 Pardee states 2000b, p. 74.
125 In the accounts ofXenophon, traders are brought along on a military expedition with the military.
See also the discussion of Zettler's analysis of Dr III Temple of Inanna at Nippur in Chapter Two for
another analogous situation.
126 Heltzer I999b, p. 433.
127 Schloen 200 I, p. 228.
128 Schloen 2001, p. 228.
129 Schloen 200!, p. 227.
130 Rowe 1998, p. 372.
131 Schloen 2001, p. 227.
132 Schloen 2001, p. 227.
133 Kilmer 1959, p. 234.
134 Schloen 200!, p. 227.
135 Schloen 2001, p. 227.
Schloen's other line of reasoning is based on the attestation of this word at Ebla,
although it is inconsistent with his proposed Hurrian etymology for the word. He
notes that Archi no longer understands the term as merchant, but prefers "representa-
tive" or "vizier."136 If bdl can be associated with the use at Ebla, then this is further
proof that the bdlm were assistants. And when bdl and tamkaru are found together at
Ugarit, it does not suggest an equation, but rather a gloss to clarify that these partic-
ular bdl are helpers to merchants. There are a few problems with Schloen's argument.
Ugaritic .bdland Hurrian biddallenni are likely equivalent. But biddallenni is not nec-
essarily equivalent to muikenu or baniabbe. The evidence from the lists is very unclear
and contradictory. Further problematic is the fact that both of these designations are
not well understood.
The contexts of the Ugaritic attestations of this word are the most important evi-
dence for its meaning. In KTU 4.69, bdl are listed as components of occupational
categories. In line III 6, they are listed as bdl mrynm. In line VI 17, they are similarly
associated with mrjrglm. Both attestations follow immediately after their respective,
associated group and each type of bdl has an associated list of personal names beneath
it. KTU 4.232 lists bdlm by themselves, amongst the other occupational categories.
KTU 4.85 contains a reference to the bdl qrty. In this case, the bdlm are associated
with a particular geographic area. Similarly, KTU 4.96 lists: bdlgt bn tUn. In this case,
the bdlm are associated with a smaller geographic unit, agt. KTU 4.214 also lists bdlm,
defined by their relationship to a geographic region. Here, bdlm from ar are listed who
do not have some sort of military escort. A group of bdlm from the same location, but
presumably who had a military escort, is listed starting in line III 1 of the same text.
The most probable definition of this term remains Pardee's suggestion of "com-
mercial agent."137 This translation makes sense of both the context of the word's
use in the Ugaritic economic texts and with the attested equivalent in the polyglot,
DAM.GAR.MES. The bdlm were associated with occupational groups or geographic
regions. The bdlm may have had access to military accompaniments, but since this is
known only in one text, that may have represented a unique situation.
mkr
Unlike bdl, the term mkr meets with very little controversy. Astour, Heltzer, and
Widbin all agree that the word, as it appears in Ugaritic economic texts, should
be translated as merchant.P" Huehnergard suggests that its verbal form is based on
a Semitic root that was loaned into Sumerian (DAM.GAR) from the Akkadian
136 Schloen 2001, p. 227.
137 Pardee 2000c, p. 74.
138 Astour 1972, p. II; Heltzer I999b, p. 440; Widbin 1985, p. 332.
108
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 109
tamktiru.
139
He notes along with this though, that the root "m-k-r is unusual in
Akkadian and must have fallen out of use.140
KTU 4.369 lists amounts of tribute paid in silver by groups of mkr. Here mkr are
labeled as mkr of particular geographic regions. Similarly, the mkrm in MO 47 are
associated with specific locations: Ashkelon and Cyprus. This text records that the
mkrm of these two regions traded ebony and certain types of garments for amounts of
oil. KTU 4.27 probably lists the amounts of mkr in particular geographic regions,
although the reading mkrm is uncertain. This word also appears in lists of occupa-
tional categories, as in KTU 4.36, KTU 4.126, KTU 4.173, KTU 4.174, KTU 4.207,
KTU 4.214, and KTU 4.745. In KTU 4.38, mkrm appear, alongside other occupa-
tional categories, in a list of quantities of flour, silver, and sheep. KTU 4.263 is titled
spr mkrm, listing personal names with measures of unspecified goods. In KTU 4.68,
mkrm are listed as having contributed one archer, along with other occupational groups
and geographic regions. In KTU 4.179, the mkrm may be credited with contributing
one burtidu. KTU 4.163 records that thirteen mkrm reside in the palace. The attested
uses of mkr at Ugarit support its identification as "merchant" or "commercial agent".
makisu
Discussion of this Akkadian word may seem inappropriate in the context of this
discussion on alphabetic Ugaritic words, but the lack of alphabetic equivalent for this
word is problematic. In Akkadian, this word reflects an office or occupation of tax
collector. It is found in syllabic texts at Ugarit: PRU 3 15ff (RS 15.33); PRU 4 196ff
(RS 17.78); RS 17.232; and RS 17.314. The usage of this term in these texts is clear.
In PRU 3 15ff (RS 15.33) the term appears with the U) determinative in front of it
(line 27), and the line reads: la-a LU-ma-ki-su lu-u l[a] i-ma-ki-su, "let not the tax col-
lector levy taxes against him." In this case it is clear that the mdkisu occupation and
the tax itself are related. A similar statement is made in PRU 4 196ff (RS 17.78),
where the tax collector is mentioned explicitly in relationship to the tax imposed. Nei-
ther of these references reflects an actual event, but rather are gestures of good will in
the letters. A mdkisu appears as a witness in PRU 4 239 (RS 17.232). This does not
help to establish the role of the mdkisu, but it does attest to its existence at one point
in time at Ugarit. Likewise, a mdkisu is attested in PRU 4 189 (RS 17.314) but in a
fragmentary section of the text, and nothing about his activities can be discerned.
Heltzer translates this word as "customer.t'l"! Here Heltzer has created a word for
the individual who collects customs dues, since he bases his understanding of this
word on PRU 4 196ff (RS 17.78). There he translates: "The customer (mtikisu) shall
139 Huehnergard 1987, p. 147.
140 Huehnergard 1987, p. 146.
141 Heltzer 1982, pp. 146, 152.
not impose on him custom-duties."142 Heltzer's translation only makes sense if one
understands the role of the "customer" as a tax-collector (perhaps an English language
error is involved). This view is especially problematic since other scholars uncritically
follow Heltzer's view. In this case, Widbin while not explicitly citing Heltzer, translates
the same term as "Customer" (with a capital "C").143
Vita correctly bases his understanding of this word on its meaning in other Akkadian
contexts, translating it as 'tax collector.T'" The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary lists attes-
tations of mdkisu from the Old Akkadian to the Neo-Assyrian stages of Akkadian, all
of which 'refer to a tax collector of some sort.
145
Ellis states that this term certainly
dates from-the Old Babylonian Period. 146 The sheer volume of evidence for this mean-
ing is overwhelming and convincing.
The problem here is that the occupation of mdkisu is attested in some marginal
references at Ugarit - in expressions of good will or in isolated situations where an
individual is described as a mdkisu. Does this mean that the occupation of tax collec-
tor existed at Ugarit, but is not mentioned in administrative documents? If taxation
was farmed out to private individuals then this is not as far-fetched as it might seem.
Perhaps it reflects an occupational obligation to the palace, an obligation that English
speakers would associate with 'tax collector' even though no emic term as such existed
at Ugarit. Or, does it suggest that the references to the mdkisu come from an earlier
time than the administrative documents and by the time of Ugarit's destruction, this
role was anachronistic?
md
There has been next to no agreement on the meaning of the word md that frequently
appears in occupational lists. Huehnergard's analysis of this word emphasizes its Akka-
dian origins. He reads it as an Akkadian loanword, specifically a participle of the root
idit.
147
However, he is uncertain of the exact meaning of the word, offering "official" or
"courtier" as possibilities.U" Certainly mudit is well attested in Akkadian; The Chicago
Assyrian Dictionary argues that it describes an individual who has knowledge or is an
expert.
149
Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin also translate md with terminology describing
an individual possessing expertise, but add a connotation that this constitutes a formal
142 Heltzer 1982, p. 146.
143 Widbin 1985, p. 412.
144 Vita 1999, p. 474.
145 The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (CAD) Mil, pp. 129-130.
146 Ellis 1976, p. 60.
147 Huehnergard 1987, p. 145.
148 Huehnergard 1987, p. 144.
149 The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (CAD) M/2, pp. 164-167.
110 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 111
group. ISO If this reading is accurate, it is still left to understand how this term was
understood in Ugaritic, and what formal role this occupational category had.
Numerous suggestions have been made, especially for the meaning of the word
when it is in construct with another. Gray's argument that the mdwas a cultic official,
described by a term derived from the root *m-d-d, is no longer seriously considered. lSI
Heltzer translates md when' it is in construct with mlk as "friend of the king, " and
relates this word to the Akkadian mudit. IS2 No etymology is given, but it should be
assumed that he is in agreement with Huehnergard. Monroe also agrees with this read-
ing, explicitly relating the word to the Akkadian term e/idft.
I S3
For Monroe, this term
indicated that an individual: "carried exemption from taxes and access to more infor-
mation."IS4 Monroe's definition of md as a term designating relationships as opposed
to an occupation cannot be upheld given the prominent place of md in occupational
lists recovered from Ugarit.
Vita has suggested that the md is a scribe, and when it is construct with a village
name, refers to the village scribe. ISS He offers no argument for this translation, but
follows Sanmartin.P" Sanmartin argues that this word derives from the Akkadian
mudit.
I S7
The primary evidence that Sanmartin cites for the role of mudft as scribe
comes from the appearance of this term in relation to other words for scribe, especially
Zf.IB.BAR.RD.
IS8
Clemens demonstrates that this term cannot necessarily be equated
with sipiiru, as this is not a typical phonological shift.
ls9
Since words for scribe are
relatively infrequent at Ugarit, according to Sanmartin, this reading is likely.160 This
does not adequately take into account the use of the term spr at Ugarit, however.l'i'
Pardee rejects this scribal theory, and suggests that a md is some local representative
of the royal administration.I'f This fits with Heltzer's observation that a king makes
an individual a md.
163
Libolt understands this term in a similar fashion to Pardee. To
Libolt, md reflects an official relationship to royalty at Ugarit, with possible military
implications. 164
150 Del Olmo Lete and Sanrnartfn (2004, p. 524) teads: "class or corporation (skilled, initiate, or
expert... ')".
151 Gray 1952, pp. 50-51.
152 Heltzer 1982, p. 161; 1999, p. 435.
153 Monroe 2000, p. 125.
154 Monroe 2000, p. 125.
155 Vita 1999, p. 465.
156 Sanmartin 1989, pp. 337-341.
157 Sanmartin 1991, p. 211.
158 Sanmartin 1989, pp. 338-339.
159 Clemens 2001, p. 394.
160 Sanmartin 1989, p. 339.
161 Although see Clemens 2001, pp. 395-396.
162 Pardee 2000c, p. 75.
163 Heltzer 1982, pp. 161-163.
164 Libolt 1985, p. 125.
In order to evaluate these arguments for the meaning of md in Ugaritic administra-
tive documents, it is important to look to the attestations of the term. That md is an
occupational designation is clear from KTU 4.245. This is a list of personal names;
names are explicitly described as either a md of Athart or of the king (or perhaps
before the king). No indication of the actual function of a md is hinted at in this text.
Likewise, the appearance of a md in the context of other, better-understood occupa-
tional categories (such as brs bhtm and khnm) in KTU 4.38, KTU 4.47, and KTU
4.99 further demonstrates this. In KTU 4.38, distributions of flour, silver, and sheep
to a md are recorded. The reference in KTU 4.54 is less clear. This text is labeled as:
mtjrglm d bt b'l: mlk, "guards who are at the house of DN (or lady of the king)." Line
13 states "two md." Does this mean that the mdwere mtjrglm? The line divider immedi-
ately above line 13 makes the relationship uncertain. KTU 4.103 indicates that a md
could possess ubdyfields and 4.387 indicates that a md could receive monthly rations.
KTU 4.690 lists amounts of silver in relation to personal names, designated mdm.
None of these texts provide compelling evidence about the function of this occu-
pational category. The Akkadian attestations of this term are equally ambiguous.
Individuals are described as mudft in PRU 3 79ff (RS 16.239); PRU 3 8Hf (RS
16.143); PRU 3 83ff (RS 16.157); PRU 3 85ff (RS 16.250); PRU 3 113ff (RS
16.353); PRU 3 115ff (RSI6.148 + 254B); PRU 3 134ff (RS 15.137); and PRU 3
162ff (RS 16.348). These texts tell us that a md could be attached to different indi-
viduals (i.e., the king or queen), but are not explicit about these individuals' role(s).
PRU 6 93ff (RS 19.131) is a list of professions where mudft is also listed. The lexi-
cal entry in Assyriological Studies (AS) 16 33ff lists mu-du-u, alongside ND.NU, kab-
zu-zu, and si-ib-ba-ru. This evidence is also ambiguous.
Given the use of md in Ugaritic economic texts, firm conclusions about its mean-
ing cannot be reached. It is likely that a md is some type of knowledgeable official that
can work for a member of the royal family, or for local governments. Libolt may be
correct in asserting the possibility of a military component (on account ofKTU 4.54),
but this is by no means certain. At present then, it is best to understand the mdm as
individuals who were assigned to certain functionaries at Ugarit.
mr'
The term mr' appears frequently in economic texts at Ugarit, yet there is no consen-
sus about the word's meaning. The word also appears in Akkadian as UJ:MESmur_u. It fre-
quently stands in construct with another occupational designation or a personal name.
The term clearly represents some sort of occupational designation, given its appearance
in lists with other occupational categories (see PRU 3 199ff (RS 16.257 + 16.258 +
16.126), PRU 6 131 (RS 19.35A), PRU 6 136 (RS 17.240), KTU 4.47, KTU 4.68,
KTU 4.69, KTU 4.99, KTU 4.126, KTU 4.207, KTU 4.416, and KTU 4.745).
112 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 113
The most common translation given for this word reflects a notion of command or
authority. Huehnergard translates the word as "commander(?)" though the question
mark in parenthesis shows his uncertainty about this translation.l'? Commander is
also how Rainey translates this term, although he describes the function of the mr' as
military officer.
166
Miller follows Rainey's reading.l'" Both Boyd and Huehnergard
correctly point out that Rainey is incorrect in positing an etymology with the Akka-
dian word toarum, since the Akkadian root should be understood as *w-r-w, not
*w_r_'.168 Cutler and MacDonald suggest that some mr' could have held a .military
position, but not all of them did, and there is nothing implicit in the occupational
category that indicates high rank.l''? Heltzer offers a similarly ambiguous reading. He
translates the term as "liason-officers" but concedes that the actual role of this occu-
pation is unclear, other than that individuals noted as such belonged to the king, the
sdkinu, or the prince.l?" Widbin also uses this translation.V' Other suggestions that
have been made include "equerry,"I72 "chief groom?,"173 and "guild."174
The context of use of the term at Ugarit well reflects the ambiguities of previous
translation attempts. The syllabic texts demonstrate that mr' could be considered a
pilku obligation. In PRU 3 162ff (RS 16.348), the king exempts an individual and his
sons from the pilku obligations of mr". The exact nature of the office is not explicit in
this text, but the fact that it is considered a pilku obligation, indicates that it is a serv-
ice given to the king in exchange for land (see below). This observation becomes less
clear with PRU 3 145ff (RS 16.139). This document records a field transfer. It is
noted that that there will be no pilku obligation on the field being transferred, but
that the new field holder will be required to perform the mr'service. Silver is given by
people designated only as LOMESmur_u_ma, in PRU 6 116 (RS 17.64).
Frequent attestations of mru in the alphabetic texts are as mru skn (KTU 4.47,
KTU 4.68, KTU 4.126, KTU 4.610), and as mru ibrn (KTU 4.47, KTU 4.68, KTU
4.105, KTU 4.126, KTU 4.752). It should be assumed that the mru skn were officials
working under the sdleinu. The mru ibrn may have worked under the authority of the
king's son, Ibiranu. It seems that the designation mru was somewhat generic, and that
it reflects a type of work done under the authority of a larger authority figure. Indi-
viduals grouped under the heading mrum were given amounts of silver, as is recorded
165 Huehnergard 1987, p. 148.
166 Rainey 1965a, p. 18.
167 Miller 1980, p. 312 n.62.
168 Boyd 1975, pp. 129-133 and Huehnergard 1987, p. 149. Rainey 1965a, p. 18 n.20.
169 Cutler and MacDonald 1977, p. 20.
170 Heltzer 1982, pp. 14, 156.
171 Widbin 1985, p. 288.
m Watson 1995a, p. 538.
173 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 571.
174 Astour 1972, pp. 12-13.
in KTU 4.69. In KTU 4.416, mrum are listed as having four fields. Tribute for the
Hittite king is given by mru skn in KTU 4.610. In KTU 4.752, mru ibrn are said to be
under the control of 'prm. Ten are listed as quartered in the palace in KTU 4.137 and in
KTU 4.163. Perhaps KTU 4.173, KTU 4.174, KTU 4.179 reflect a similar situation,
although given the other professions listed, these texts are better taken as military rosters.
The evidence from the alphabetic texts helps define the role of the mr' at Ugarit. This
term, which at first seems quite troubling, offers no real problems in interpretation. This
is a term for some type of military/police agent. The attestation of mr' under the domin-
ion of the king, the king's son, the sdleinu, the 'prm, and in military lists indicates that
Cutler and MacDonald are quite right in their definition of this official.
175
Likewise, van
Soldt's observations on the security responsibilities of the sdkinu suggests that mr" under
the sdkinu's authority may have been responsible for enforcing security.176 These occupa-
tional categories, however, should not be seen as rigid categories, and jobs should not be
understood to have had highly structured obligations and activities. The mr' is best
understood as some sort of military agent, under the authority of whichever power the
specific mr'is listed with. From PRU 3 162ff (RS 16.348) it is clear that mr' were also
obliged to perform pilku obligations unless explicitly pardoned from this.
ev
Sf
When not representing the numerical value "ten," 'Jr is an occupational category.
The value "ten" may reflect the word's etymology, or the word may be related to the root
*'-5-r, which relates to serving drinks. 177 The word is ambiguous and it is difficult to deter-
mine which etymology, if either, is more likely. The etymology assumed by various schol-
ars is frequently reflected in the translations offered. For example, Heltzer suggests that sr
are, "overseerts) of (teams) of ten."178 Astour suggests "merchants," organized in decumates,
on Greek analogy.179 Monroe generally agrees with Astours suggestion, but demonstrates
that the prosopographic evidence is inconclusive. 180 Another suggestion was made by
Gray, who suggested a translation of "butlers," likely based on the similar word in
Hebrew.
181
Rainey makes a similar suggestion.
182
Dietrich and Loretz relate this word to
the Ethiopic"assara "invite, call a meeting" and the nominal form 'asur "feast, banquet".183
Following this, sr as an occupational category would refer to servers at a banquet.
175 Cutler and MacDonald 1977, p. 20.
176 Van Soldt 2002, p. 827.
177 Huehnergard 1987, p. 163.
178 Heltzer 1982, pp. 152-154; 1999b, p. 435.
179 Astour 1972, pp. 24-25.
180 Monroe 2000, p. 142.
181 Gray 1952, p. 50.
182 Rainey 1962b, pp. 170-171.
183 Dietrich and Loretz 1991, p. 309.
114 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARIT1C ECONOMY 115
The 'Irm should certainly be considered an occupational category. The term
appears in lists of personal names under occupational headings, as in KTU 4.126,
4.412, and PRU 693. That this term can be further modified is indicated by 4.712,
a tablet which is titled: spr rb 'Irt, best understood as: "list of chief 'Jr." Following
this title are six personal names, each with an associated number. KTU 4.416 fea-
tures 'irm along with other' occupational groups, and associated with amounts of
land. Akkadian documents also describe a-Ji-ru-ma in ways that can best be under-
stood as service. In PRU 3 65 (RS 16.247) and PRU 3 133 (RS 15.127), a-Ii-ru is
described as an occupation, although the duties or nature of the profession are not
described.
Less clear evidence comes from KTU 4.392. Chariot'P" parts are delivered to the bt
'Irm in this text. This, at first glance might seem to provide definite evidence against
the translation of this term as servant or butler, but when one considers that chariot
parts are delivered (in the next line of the tablet) to the bt albnm (house of PN) this
argument is no longer definitive. The 'Irm did have an associated structure; unfor-
tunately the term bt is sufficiently ambiguous to provide many possible understand-
ings. This occupational group was also involved in pilku service, as is evident from
PRU 3 134ff (RS 15.137) and PRU 3 154 (RS 16.242).
There is good evidence for following Gray's, Rainey's, and Dietrich and Loretz's sug-
gestions that 'irm are best understood as butlers or servants at a banquet. KTU 1.3.1
describes a servant of Baal preparing a feast for him. Lines 8-9 read ndd/ fJr w
yJqynh, translated by Smith: "He stands, serves, and offers him a drink."185 The con-
text of the passage is unquestionable; clearly fJr here is some verb describing an
action oriented around service. The word sr may be a nominal form of the same verb.
This use of a related form in a literary text is not definitive evidence that the 'Irm
in economic texts were servants involved in providing drinks, but it does shift the
balance of probabilities. It seems that Gray's translation of "butler," while not partic-
ularly elegant, is the most accurate. Given that this occupation was one that had hier-
archies (i.e., a rb), had associated structures, and was engaged in at the palace, it seems
that the 'Irm were kitchen or dining room staff, although the exact extent of their
duties is not clear.
Heltzer has argued that albn at Ugarit should be understood as a miller, based on
the known meaning of this word in Akkadian. 186 Watson has stated that this word is
184 Chariots are distinguished from other wheeled vehicles in the Ugaritic language. Cognate to
Hebrew and Akkadian, mrkbt refer to chariots.
185 Smith 1997, p. 106.
186 Heltzer 1982, pp. 80-81; 1999, p. 450.
best understood as "steward."187 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin translate this word as
"quartermaster", deriving it from the word for "miller."188 While these ideas are based
on sound understandings of words as they are used in other locations, they do not
apply to albn in the Ugaritic administrative documents. This word is not an occu-
pational category but is a personal name. In PRU 6 70 (RS 17.50), the expression
DUMU a-la-bi-ni is without a doubt a personal name, as it appears in a list of other
personal names. The alphabetic attestation, albn, in KTU 4.102, is best understood
as a personal name since it appears in construct with the word bt, and so indicates
the patrimonial association of a particular house. Likewise, KTU 4.337 describes a
transaction involving an individual listed by name, not profession. Distributions to
the bt albnm in KTU 4.392 are not to a house of occupational specialists, but to
a house designated with a patronymic formula. At Ugarit, albn is simply a personal
name.
Another difficult word in Ugaritic isYfb. This is demonstrably an occupational cate-
gory, as it is attested in occupational lists, including KTU 4.47, KTU 4.68, KTU 4.99,
KTU 4.126, KTU 4.207, and KTU 4.609. KTU 4.151 lists a number of personal
names, and at the end of the tablet states the total number ofyshm. The significance
of the appearance of the word in KTU 4.147 is unclear. KTU 4.626 records a request
made by the Yfbm. A list of items was requested, although it is difficult to comment
on any meaningful connection between the types of items requested. The ubdy of the
Yfbm are listed in KTU 4.692, as are a number of personal names designated as ysbm.
Unfortunately these attestations do not help to understand the occupational func-
tion of this group of people. Dietrich and Lorerz have argued that the term should be
understood as "herald," and is related to the root *s-w-h, which has a semantic range
of "crying, calling out."189 Heltzer has followed this suggestion. 190 Huehnergard argues
that this derivation is impossible.l?' While Huehnergard does not explicitly state his
reasons, his assertion is possible. There is minimal comparative evidence that can be
mustered to support a root II and III weak root transforming into a nominal form
in this manner, with metathesis of the Xand . Unfortunately, while the reading of
"herald" must be abandoned if one follows Huehnergard, he does not offer a better
reading.
l 92
Van Soldt tentatively suggests an etymology based on the root *X-s-h, based
187 Watson 1985, p. 534.
188 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, pp. 55-56.
189 Dietrich and Loretz 1968, p.100-1O1.
190 Heltzer 1982, pp. 163-164. It should be noted that the Akkadian equivalence Heltzer provides is
not based on a parallel use of the Akkadian term or the appearance of the word in polyglots.
191 Huehnergard 1987, p.134.
192 Huehnergard 1987, p. 134.
116 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 117
on the root attested in Arabic, meaning "whiteness."193 Assuming a connection between
these two roots, van Soldt reads this profession as "bleachers" of fabrics. 194 Del Olmo
Lete and Sanmartin translate this term as either a "worker who prepares or sizes tex-
tiles", or a "metal worker, bronzesmith".19S Neither suggestion can be backed up
with sufficient evidence. 196 At this stage, it is best to understand this term as refer-
ring to some sort of craft specialist without committing to the particular kind of
activity.
ngr
In the polyglot, this word is equivalent to Akkadian SES, and Hurrian
Heltzer's suggestion that the word means "overseer" is not necessarily incorrect, but it
is somewhat misleading since it has administrative connotations that are not implicit
in the use of the term.l'" Pardee notes that ngr is not equivalent to Akkadian tikil,
which is the basis of Heltzer's suggestion.l'" It seems, however, that Heltzer in his 1999
article changed his view from his 1982 discussion of the term, where he understood the
term with the sense of military guard.
20o
He notes instances when the noun is in con-
struct with krm (4.141, 4.609) and in construct with mdr' (4.618)201, and suggests
meanings of vineyard-keeper and sown field-keeper respectively.P'' Huehnergard iden-
tifies this form as a G-stem participle, with a basic meaning of "guard."203 Given the
context in which this word is usually found, this is a probable suggestion.
Attestations of related forms of this word in other types of Ugaritic writing further
indicate that a translation of "guard" is appropriate. Most frequent is the appearance
of verbal forms based on the root *n-g-r. This usage appears in a literary context, in
KTU 1.4 VIII. 14. More important to this argument is its appearance as a salutation
in letters. For example, KTU 2.11 includes the expression: ilm tgrk, which should be
understood as: "may the gods protect you." Given the common and clear uses of verbs
based on the same root, it is safe to conclude that a ngrwas a guard, and often a guard
of a specific kind of field.
193 Van Soldt 1990, p. 353.
194 Van Soldt 1990, p. 354.
195 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, pp. 986-987.
196 These readings are based on the materials associated with this particular group in attested con-
texts, del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, pp. 986-987, and while these ideas are certainly plausible,
this is not particularly strong evidence.
197 Huehnergard 1987, p. 153.
198 Heltzer 1999b, p. 428.
199 Pardee 2000c, p. 74.
200 Heltzer 1982, p. 67.
201 Note also the appearance of a figure called ngr mdr' in KTU 1.23.
202 Heltzer 1982, p. 67.
203 Huehnergard 1987, p. 153.
s/sgr
The word s/fgr (the sand f are interchangeable) has been taken as the Ugaritic equiv-
alent of the Akkadian word febru, meaning "young one" or "small one."204 Watson has
demonstrated that the equation of these words requires one to postulate two consonan-
tal interchanges, one of which is not attested elsewhere, and hence translating Ugaritic
s/fgr as young one is flawed.
20s
Instead, Watson argues for a context-derived translation
and shows that this word only appears in Ugaritic administrative documents relating to
shepherding.P" This same observation had led del Olmo Lete to argue that the slfgr
were shepherd boys under a higher ranked shepherd.i'" Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin
offer a better candidate for an Akkadian cognate, fubtiru, meaning "child" or "servant",
since this well fits the context of the use of the term. Unfortunately, one still has to pos-
tulate two consonantal interchanges. Looking to other Semitic languages, Watson
argues that in Mehri, this same root (*s-g-r) means, "to keep a constant eye on" and in
Harsusi, *s-g-r means, "to look far away into the distance'l.P" The South Arabean cog-
nate is phonologically equivalent to the Ugaritic word.
209
It would appear that *s-g-r
"keep an eye on" is not the primary meaning of this word, weakening the argument for
semantic equivalence.P" Furthermore, Watson admits that this root does not refer to
shepherding in either Mehri or Harsusi.P! Watson may be correct in looking to Mehri,
but this is far from certain. Watson's contextual evidence is much more compelling
(and fits with del Olmo Lete's observation), and it should be assumed that in the
attested uses at Ugarit s/fgr refers to lower-ranked shepherds. It cannot be determined if
the lower ranking is based on age, status, training, or experience.
brd
The designation brd appears to make the most sense in a military context. The
Chicago Assyrian Dictionary lists numerous examples of this word, contemporaneous
with LB Ugarit, where the word refers to "a type of soldier".212 Watson suggests that
it could be derived either from Hurrian buradi/e (which means warrior) or an Egyptian
word (with similar consonantal and obviously unknown vocalic spelling) for youth.
213
Whatever the etymology, the word appears to reflect a military occupation or position.
204 For example, see del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 755.
205 Watson 2002a, pp. 203-204.
206 Watson 2002a, pp. 204-205.
207 Del Olmo Lete 1993.
208 Watson 2002a, p. 206.
209 Watson 2002a, p. 206.
210 Leslau 1987, p. 526.
2ll Watson 2002a, p. 206 n.21.
212 The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (til, p. 244.
213 Watson 1999, pp. 536, 545.
118 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 119
Both Heltzer and Vita suggest that it refers to conscripted troops.P" Heltzer also sug-
gests that conscription may be on a monthly basis.
2ls
The actual use of this term at Ugarit is more complex, but certainly seems to carry
connotations of protection and military specialization. In KTU 2.16, for example, the
word prd seems to be used as a verb (perhaps an infinitive) with the sense of keeping
alert or keeping guard. The economic texts better reflect a role where the prd are mil-
itary specialists. KTU 4.179 is a list of numbers of military personnel, although the
precise role of all of the occupational groups is not entirely clear. Line 15 summarizes
the preceding list as tgmr prd, or "total: warriors," and is followed by a number that
adds up to the amounts of individuals above. So it can be safely assumed that prd
include all of the occupational designations listed above this line, including non-
military personnel such as the mkrm. KTU 4.230 lists amounts of wine distributed to
various personnel. The prdare granted forty units of wine. Numbers of prdin various
geographic locations are listed in KTU 4.683. The numbers vary from town to town,
but since the text is broken, it is unclear exactly how much these numbers vary. The
village of ap, for example, has forty, and it is probably safe to assume a similar scale for
other villages. Similar lists were found at Ras ibn Hani: KTU 4.777 and 4.784. The
best means of understanding this word then, is to consider it a general word for mili-
tary personnel. Warriors or troops are sufficient English renderings based on current
understandings of this term.
g.snm
The word psnm is not well understood, and does not seem to be paralleled in Akka-
dian at Ugarit. Watson argues that psn is related to the Hittite word passann-, which
means "domestic."216 Heltzer has translated the word as "dependent" based on its con-
sistent position beneath other occupational titles.
217
This translation does not reflect
the occupational role of such people, but rather the recurrence of the term in relation
to other occupational categories and as such is basically a non-translation. Del Olmo
Lete and Sanmartin similarly are unable to identify the precise role of this group
and simply offer the description of the word as "a social group".218 The word is most
certainly an occupational category, since it is found in occupational lists including
KTU 4.137, KTU 4.162, KTU 4.163, KTU 4.173, KTU 4.174, and KTU 4.179. As
these lists are primarily lists of military personnel, it should be concluded that this
occupational category played some sort of military role that at present cannot be fully
214 Heltzer 1999b, p. 429; Vita 1999, p. 493.
215 Heltzer 1982, pp. 105-111.
216 Watson 1995a, p. 543.
217 Heltzer 1982, p. 107.
218 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 409.
outlined. Furthermore, given the recurrence in relation to other terms, perhaps some
notion of assistant or trainee can be suggested, although this is far from certain.
The word hbtnm also appears in occupational lists of military personnel, KTU 4.137,
KTU 4.163, KTU 4.173, KTU 4.174, and KTU 4.179. Widbin translates the word
as "under-official," but this simply reflects the difficulties in understanding it.
219
Del
Olmo Lete and Sanmartin are only able to identify this word as a reference to a social
group.220 Since it appears only in the context of military personnel lists, it should be
assumed that this is some sort of military personnel. Unfortunately, at present, it is
impossible to be more specific.
trmn
The occupational category trmn is particularly problematic at Ugarit. There seem to
be three scholarly understandings of this word: as an occupational category, as a word
for "king" or as deities (or representations of deities). These three approaches cannot
be reconciled; it is highly unlikely that the word had a wide enough semantic range to
encompass all of these categories of words.
Heltzer has argued that this word should be understood as "weavers", although he
explicitly comments that the etymology of this word is unknown.F' He equates trmn
with the Akkadian term uliJptiru, which is understood to mean "weaver."222 As with
many of Heltzer's equivalences, this one has no basis. He has simply assumed that
the two terms are equivalent, although they are not attested in parallel (as in a multi-
lingual tablet, for example). Heltzer's argument stems from the actual context where
this word appears in Ugaritic texts. PRU 3 181ff (RS 11.732), cited by Heltzer, lists
textile tribute (mandattu) given to the Hittite king. Since this is an Akkadian text,
Heltzer's recognition of a word describing the textiles that couldbe read tarmani is
unhelpful, since this is just an attestation of a possibly similar looking word in a dif-
ferent language.
It is more useful to look at the uses of trmn in Ugaritic texts. The word appears
in KTU 4.182 clearly in the context of textiles. Although broken, line 3 probably
lists amounts of wool given for mlbStrmnm. Likewise, line 20 seems to indicate the
delivery of another type of fabric for the trmnm. Line 15 mentions a delivery of fab-
ric to the trmn qrt; line 13 probably records a similar delivery to the trmn mlk. The
219 Widbin 1985, p. 453.
220 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 334.
221 Heltzer 1982, pp. 96-97.
222 Heltzer 1982, pp. 96-97.
120 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 121
translation "weavers" would make sense in this context, as it describes deliveries of fab-
ric. KTU 4.168 notes textile deliveries in a cuitic context. Lines 5-8 state that when
the mlbi trmnm become old, it should be replaced. Here also, the trmnm could refer
to weavers. What is troubling though is that this term does not appear in occupational
lists. While this may be negative evidence, it is a good hint that the meaning of this
word should be sought elsewhere.
The contexts listed above could just as easily allow for a translation with cultic
connotations. The trmnm could be deities or some sort of representation of deities,
such as statues, or more likely both. Widbin argues this point, in connection with
KTU 4.182 and with the literary texts.
223
Clemens further notes that this word only
appears in connection with deity names.F" This study shall assume that the trmnm
was not an occupational category, but rather some sort of religious item, possibly the
statues of deities.
Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin have argued that trmnm was used to describe the
kings of Ugarit, based on Akkadian sarruma.
225
When this word is used in construct
with mlbl as in KTU 4.168 (see above), it is referring to the clothing of the kings. The
attestation of this word in connection with the personal name nqmd (a king from
Ugarit) in KTU 1.6 VI 58 points to this reading but does not necessitate it.
Another candidate for the occupation of "weaver" is m b ~ . The Akkadian cognate
(mabifu) has a number of different meanings, which include "weaver", "hunter",
"pounder" and "plowman" .226 The wide semantic range of this word in Akkadian has
led to a number of interpretations. Gray translated this term as "sacrificial butcher."227
Heltzer, at one point translated this word as "guards," although he later translates this
as "weavers."228 This translation is the one suggested by del Olmo Lete and San-
martin.
229
Clearly the term is an occupational designation, given its appearance in
occupational lists: PRU 6 136 (RS 17.240), KTU 4.99, KTU 4.103, KTU 4.125,
KTU 4.128, and KTU 4.332. Similarly, KTU 4.124 is a list of m b ~ followed by per-
sonal and. geographic names. KTU 4.187 is broken, but likely the same kind of text.
The appearance of this word in Ugaritic economic texts is not entirely helpful in
determining its meaning, beyond the fact that it was an occupational category. In
KTU 4.182, a text recording fabric deliveries, the term appears in a somewhat broken
223 Widbin 1985, p. 104.
224 Clemens 2001, pp. 348-349.
225 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 932.
226 These definitions are listed in The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (CAD) Mil, p. 102.
227 Gray 1952, p. 50.
228 Heltzer 1982, pp. 123-124 and Heltzer 1999b, p. 452 respectively.
229 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 541.
context. This does not constitute sufficient evidence to demonstrate a connection of
this occupational category with textile manufacturing.
In the mythological texts, the context of the use of m b ~ seems more related to bat-
tle than manufacture. A word spelled similarly, is found in KTU 1.2 I 39, and is clearly
a weapon used by Baal against Yamm's messengers. The word appears in a similar
battle context in the story of Aqhat (KTU 1.19 III: 47, 52; IV 34). It is difficult to
reconcile these two contexts, the literary and economic. Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin
posit two separate etymological bases for this word, one relating to battle and one relat-
ing to textile manufacturing.P" While there is the possibility that this may have been
a specialized type of military personnel, given the strong Akkadian evidence, this word
should best be understood as "weaver" until stronger evidence can be marshaled.
Cultic Officials
The subject of culticlreligious workers is an important and well-studied one. This
is not the place for an in-depth discussion of these occupations, but it is important to
mention some of the key occupational categories frequently mentioned in the Ugaritic
administrative texts. It is interesting to note that there is no distinction in the occupa-
tional lists between those that work in sacred contexts and those that work in profane
contexts. From the perspective of the Ugaritic administrators, there was no distinc-
tion, or no need for distinction in the recording situations.
One of the most frequent cultic officials mentioned in Ugaritic administrative doc-
uments is the khn. Clemens states that translation of this term as "priest" is "univer-
sal."231 The common attestation of the Hebrew cognate in the Hebrew Bible has
meant that this translation has not been questioned. Following Clemens, who notes
that the functions of this official are unclear, the translation "priest" is a suitable work-
ing understanding.P'' It is important to keep in mind, while studying the administra-
tive appearance of this term, that since the exact duties of the official are unclear, there
may be elements of its economic role that are obscure.
A more difficult term is qdim. This occupational term is thought to refer to a
cultic official, based on etymology. Initially arguments were made that this official
engaged in sacred prostitution or other cui tic sexual acts.
233
This idea is no longer
upheld and the notion of sacred prostitution for this period and region is no longer
considered plausible.P" Other suggestions have been made that are equally lacking
230 Del Olrno Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 541.
231 Clemens 2001, p. 301.
232 Clemens 2001, p. 303.
233 For example, see Rainey 1964, p. 22.
234 For a scathing critique of the scholarlyidea of sacredprostitution, seeTigay 1996, pp. 480-481. For
a critique of the more general concept of sacred marriage, see Cooper 1972-1975 and Renger 1972-1975.
122 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 123
in evidence. Heltzer has argued that the qdimwere diviners, although he can supply
no plausible corroborating evidence.P? Other unlikely suggestions are described by
Clemens.P" This discussion shall assume that the qdim were cultic personnel, of a
lower rank than the khnm (on account of their lower listing in occupational lists),
but that the exact functions of this group are not clear and that that may hinder
understanding of their economic role.
Another important occupational category that should be understood as cultic
are the Irm. The most common translation of this occupational category has been
"singer."237 The designation of this group as "singers" is no longer questioned, since
the publication of a bilingual occupation list by Bordreuil and Malbran-Labat.P"
While it is still possible to harbor reservations on the cultic nature of this occupational
category,239 it is safe to assume that these individuals were singers, and that there were
definite situations where they sang in a cultic context.
240
LAND-HOLDING AND OBLIGATIONS
Terminology related to landholding and its concomitant obligations is particularly
important for addressing Ugaritic economic modalities. This is one of the primary
means of integrating royal power with the surrounding agricultural lands. Weber asso-
ciates this type of domination with patrimonialism when land is understood as part
of the larger household of the king.
241
In fact, in Weber's view, this kind of domina-
tion is absolutely essential in an ancient city economy, which requires the import of
comestibles to enable the urban workers to concentrate on added-value exports.
242
This topic entails issues about real estate (its ownership and usufruct) and the mecha-
nisms by which the state is able to marshal labor. It is in the analysis of these obliga-
tions that the "drudgery problem" identified by Chayanov can be explored, that is to
say, it is possible to understand what factors can force household producers to produce
to a surplus level, even in the face of the distaste for labor.
243
The following discussion
departs from the previously stated goal of exploring issues specific to Ugaritic alpha-
betic texts. Much evidence about landholding at Ugarit comes from syllabic texts, so
it is important to include substantial discussion of both.
235 Heltzer 1982, pp. 136-137.
236 Clemens 2001, pp. 304-311.
237 See, for example, Gray 1953, p. 50 and Heltzer 1982, p. 137.
238 Bordreuil and Malbran-Labat 1995, pp. 446-447.
239 Clemens 2001, pp. 312-314.
240 The strongest evidence for some cultic function of singers is KTU 4.168, line 4, which mentions
the lrm 'ttrt,
241 Weber 1978, p. 1032.
242 Weber 1978, p. 48.
243 SeeTannenbaum 1984, p. 28.
ilku/pilku
At Ugarit, the Akkadian word pilku appears in about forty Akkadian texts.
244
This
word is widely considered synonymous with the Akkadian word ilku, since the word ilku
appears in only about four texts at Ugarit, but in very similar contexts.
245
Huehnergard
adds that this is an odd use of the word pilku, since it normally means "demarcation"
or "district" in standard Akkadian.v'" Attempts at understanding pilku as an Ugaritic
word have not been successful, and further weakened by its attestation in Old Babylon-
ian texts from Susa.
247
Speiser has argued that pilku should be considered an Akkadian
word, and not a word specific to Ugarit.
248
Dietrich and Loretz take the two words as
equivalent.P'? Huehnergard is forced to conclude: "pilku is not Ugaritic, but simply an
Akk. term, curiously used by the Ugarit scribes instead of ilku."250 Kienast also takes
pilku and ilku as equivalent, referring to the term as: "(P)ilku".251
In order to verify that pilku and ilku are equivalent, it is important to compare the uses
of these terms at Ugarit. The four definite attestations of ilku at Ugarit appear in land
grant texts. In PRU 3 117ff (RS 15.143), PRU 3 118ff (RS 15.155), PRU 3 135ff
(RS 15.140), and PRU 6 77 (RS 19.32), the king grants land with the explicit notice
that there is no ilku connected to the land donation. In the first three examples, the
exact same expression is used: it il
5-ku
ia-a-nu. In all of these cases, which are state-
ments that there is no ilku in those particular situations, there is a common context
that clarifies the use of this term. The ilku is something owed to the king that accom-
panies the donation of land by the king. The word ilku is also used in one instance
with international correspondence (Ug. 5 33 (RS 20.212)), where the king ofUgarit
owes the Hittite king service called ilku.
The word pilku appears much more frequently, and in almost identical contexts,
in Akkadian language tablets that describe the donation of land to an individual by
the king. The closest parallel use of pilku is a statement in one land grant text that
pilku is ~ o t o w e ~ . PRU 3 145ff (RS 16.139) use the similar expression: it pil-ku
i-na A. SA. MES Iu-toa-ti ia-nu. So while this is not precisely parallel, and cannot
definitively prove this point, the two words are best understood as synonyms.
Given the importance Heltzer places on the differences between ilku and pilku for
his reconstruction of the Ugaritic economy, it is worth turning to his clearest state-
ment on this issue:
244 Huehnergard 1987, p. 168.
245 Nougayrol1955, p. 226; Huehnergard 1987, p. 168; and Schloen 2001, p. 217.
246 Huehnergard 1987, p. 168.
247 Boyd 1975, p. 255; Huehnergard 1987, p. 168.
248 Speiser 1955, p. 162.
249 Dietrich and Loretz 1972b, pp. 165-166.
250 Huehnergard 1987, p. 168.
251 Kienast 1979, p. 443.
124 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 125
The existing land-fund can be divided into two categories: 1) communal land, where
the dominant role was played by the village community, which was itself a dependency
of the royal administration in fiscal matters, i.e., natural and silver taxes, corvee, con-
scription, etc.; this land was alienated (sold and purchased) within the community on
the condition of observing collective obligations (ilkuin Ugarit) and the individual obli-
gations of the family ('unt/ unussu in Ugarit), 2) royal land, with its two main subdivi-
sions: (a) Dispersed royal economy, well known not only from Ugarit, but also from
other countries of the area, especially from Mycenaean Greece; and (b) lands distributed
as conditional holdings to royal servicemen of various professional groups, in return for
their professional services (Pilku/'ubdy in Ugarit). It is interesting to note that the word
pilku in the Akkadian of Ugarit originally also meant divided land-plot, as did temenos
in Greek, which also appears in Linear B texts.
252
This reconstruction is problematic. At Ugarit, the ilku is never expressed as a commu-
nal obligation. It is only attested at an individual landowner level in royal land grant
texts indicating that the individual gaining the land does not owe the obligation.
There is no textual evidence that ilku is rendered for communal land, or that it exists
separately from royal authority. There is, in essence, no evidence from the uses ofpilku
and ilku at Ugarit to demonstrate Heltzer's separate spheres of land use.
It is important to identify the basic meaning ofpilku and ilku. Huehnergard trans-
lates this as "feudal service."253 Heltzer defines the word as "corvee."254 Schloen states
that, "in all cases it [pilku] refers to the regular service obligation of the landholder. ..
not to the landholding itself."255 Kienast translates the word as "Lebnspflicbt;" indicating
that the word refers to service obligations not to land.
256
Certain aspects ofpilku can be illuminated from direct examination of the Akkadian
texts. The pilku is discussed in land transfer documents and is connected with the
granting of land to individuals by the king of Ugarit. The overwhelming abundance
of evidence that pilku is charged in these contexts makes it apparent that pilku is a
service provided to the king. The nature of this service can take many forms, and is
related to the occupational categories that are mentioned in the palace administration.
In the Akkadian texts, this pilku service is described in primarily two ways. The word
pilku is written in construct (in either the genitive or accusative case) with a term for
profession, indicated as such by the use of the determinative UJ.MES. In PRU 3 154 ff
(RS 16.242), the pilku required is that of the a-li-ri-ma (for more on this term see
above). Other occupational categories that are attested as pilku service include leather-
working (PRU 3 77ff (RS 16.142)), the maryannu (PRU 6 31 (RS 19.985)), the mud
(seeabove) of varying sorts (PRU3 162ff (RS 16.348)), and bronze casting (PRU 3 78ff
(15 Y)). The second means of expressing this is essentially the same, but instead of
252 Heltzer 1988, pp. 10-11.
253 Huehnergard 1987, p. 168.
254 Heltzer 1982, p. 16.
255 Schloen 2001, p. 246.
256 Kienast 1979, pp. 443, 445.
writing pilku in construct with the following word, the same relationship is expressed by
coordinating the two words with sa. No difference in meaning should be assumed to be
implied by the use of the two expressions. Occupational categories listed with sa include
latammiiti" (PRU 3 131ff (RS 15.122) and PRU 3 17Iff (16.173)), the na-mu-ti
(PRU 3 (Fr.)), LOMESsa re-Ii (PRU 3 126 (16.162)), and LOMESUN_tu (PRU 3 89ff
(RS 15.123)). Also expressed with fa are services associated with specific individuals
(as opposed to explicitly specialized activities). Examples of this include pilku service
for the sons of the queen (PRU 3 (RS 16.138)).
A noteworthy text is PRU 3 134ff (RS 15.137). In this text, King Ammistamru II
removes the individual in question from pil-k[i] LOMESa_Si_ri_ma to LOMESmu_de4' This
text demonstrates the power of the king over pilku obligation. The king is able to
abolish the obligation or change the nature of this obligation. It also continues to
demonstrate pilku service as an obligation of service to the king, and as a means for the
king to gain access to specialized labor. Heltzer reads this text alongside of PRU 3 78ff
(15Y), a problematic land donation text where the king transfers an individual from
his occupation as a leather worker to the occupation of bronze-smithing.P? While this
text may represent pilku service, it is not explicitly mentioned as such in the text, and
so it is impossible to be certain.
The word ilku appears in many Akkadian contexts outside of Ugarit and it is impor-
tant to understand the term in its wider cuneiform usage. Postgate has studied the use
of this term in its Middle Assyrian context. Postgate states: "In the Middle Assyrian
kingdom we would still define the ilku institution as a system whereby individuals
owed personal service to the state for a specified length of time, as a condition of
entitlement to land."258 Postgate argues that the Middle Assyrian evidence includes
accounts of ilku service in terms of days of service, showing that the word involves a
service-requirement.P? The requirements for service were inheritable, at least at Nuzi.
Postgate suggests that the Nuzi system, while unique in the Middle Assyrian Period,
demonstrates that ilku was not granted to specific individuals, but rather to particular
circumstances that could be passed on from father to son.
260
The ilku system was a
system imposed by palace authorities on a pre-existing system. Postgate states: "Hence
we see the ilku system as imposed from above on to an existing land regime: it would
not have entailed large-scale reassignment of land-ownership, merely the acknowledge-
ment of the status quO."261
While Postgate discusses the issue from a chronological perspective, Maria de Jong
Ellis discusses the nature of ilku within the broader context of land assignment. For
257 Heltzer 1982, p. 20.
258 Postgate states 1982, p. 304.
259 Postgate 1982, p. 305.
260 Postgate 1982, p. 307.
261 Postgate 1982, p. 311.
126 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 127
Ellis, ilku: "describes the service which an individual performed for the state, and which
by extension came to be applied to land held in return for (or subject to) such serv-
ice."262 This service, according to Ellis, was normally performed as a service require-
ment of lands held in the patrimonial estate.
263
To Ellis, ilku land (meaning land
requiring ilku service) needs to be distinguished from biltu land. Biltu land is land
retained by the state, cultivated by low level state personnel, under the administration
of state-officials, where the net yield of the agricultural work is returned to the state. 264
Ilku lands (which can be called Iuleussu or sibtu fields), are assigned to individuals in
return for service.F? The beneficiary is responsible for the cultivation of the land
(either by his own hand or by hiring staff) and he can either receive the net yield or a
portion of the yield after the net yield is given to the state.
266
The Old Babylonian legal material is a rich source for information on the nature of
ilku service. The Code of Hammurabi has three distinct sections that discuss the ilku
obligation. Paragraphs 26-31 of Hammurabi's Code deal with the disposition of land and
ilku given particular situations in which military personnel no longer perform the ilku.
Law 26 suggests that if the military personnel does not go on a campaign (when ordered)
his land will be given to the informant. Law 27 states that if the military personnel is
captured, and his land is given to another individual who subsequently performs the ilku,
if the original holder returns, the land is given back to him and the original holder shall
begin performing the ilku again. If the son of a captured military man is old enough to
perform ilku, then the land shall be granted to his son (according to law 28), but if the
son is too young, then the mother shall retain only 1/3 of the land (law 29). Laws 30 and
31 define the length of time under which a military personnel can absent himself from
the land (to avoid the ilku obligation) and still have the land returned to him if another
has taken the land and begun performing the ilku in his place.
Laws 38-41 of Hammurabi's Code outline the condition of sales of land related to
ilku obligations. Certain personnel are prohibited from giving land to female members
of their households, or from giving land to pay debts, when that land is conditional
upon certain set services (law 38). The female members of the household may be
assigned land if that land was purchased (law 39). Certain occupational groups may
sell their land (which is encumbered by ilku service obligations) if the buyer takes over
the ilku obligations. Certain female religious functionaries are entitled to receive por-
tions of their father's estate as inheritance, but are not required to perform the attached
ilku service (law 182).
262 Ellis 1976, p. 13. It should be noted that later Ellis asserts that the term ilku did not properly
refer to land per se, Ellis 1976, p. 20.
263 Ellis 1976, p. 20.
264 Ellis 1976, pp. 12-13.
265 Ellis 1976, p. 12.
266 Ellis 1976, p. 13.
The pilku at Ugarit is consistent in usage with ilku in other regions in other periods,
and in the comparative evidence the terms ilku and pilku are roughly synonymous,
although there may be some slight grammatical nuances regarding word choice that
have yet to be identified. The pilku is a service requirement owed to the central govern-
ment ii;e., the palace) in return for land that has been granted by that same adminis-
tration. The form of this service is specialized labor, of varying sorts, although it can-
not be noted with certainty the duration of this specialized labor and the relationship
between the specialized labor provided and the individual's other subsistence ventures.
unt
The semantic range of ilku is consistent with the semantic range of words in other
languages. Eichler connects this term with the Hurrian word inoille attested at Nuzi. 267
At Ugarit, however, the same semantic range for ilku can be found in the Ugaritic
word un!.,268 which seems to be a loan, through Akkadian, from the Hurrian word
unusse.
269
The Hurrian word unuile is attested at Alalakh as well in the Late Bronze
Age.
270
Von Dassow suggests that unt; is related to the Hurrian verb un which has a
base meaning of "to come."271 This is particularly interesting when compared with the
relationship between ilku and the Akkadian verb aldku, which has a similar meaning.F?
Huehnergard questions whether un!. derives from Hurrian, and states that it could be
a Semitic word with a Hurrian ending.
273
Whatever the case may be, it is clear that
unt and unusse are cognates.
It is important to look at the uses of the word unt at Ugarit, while recognizing that
the issue of etymology cannot adequately be solved at present. The word appears in
KTU 2.19, a legal contract in alphabetic script.F" This contract clears a certain indi-
vidual of un!. forever. Unfortunately, no description of the previously imposed unt; is
present in the text. The best evidence for the semantic overlap between unt. and pilku
comes from the parallel uses in alphabetic texts. KTU 3.5 is a royal land donation
text, similar to those mentioned above (see the discussion on ilkulpilku) , but in the
alphabetic script. The phrase w un!. in bh, meaning: "and there is no uru; on it," is
equivalent to the Akkadian expression it il
5-ku
ia-a-nu, used in three of five attested
examples of the word ilku (see above). This is exactly the same context and situation.
267 Eichler 1967, p. 92.
268 Kienast 1979, p. 443; Rowe 1993b, p. 250.
269 Diakonoff 1971, pp. 39-41; Libolt 1985, pp. 111-115.
270 Von Dassow 1997, pp. 141-142.
271 Von Dassow 1997, pp. 141-142. Von Dassow also notes the attestation of the adjectival noun
unuffuhuli which consists of the root unuffe and the Hurrian occupational suffix -uh(u)li.
272 Von Dassow 1997, p. 410.
273 Huehnergard 1987, p. 108.
274 This text is erroneously in the letter section of KTU, though the genre is listed as "legal."
128 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 129
KTU 3.2 preserves a similar situation. However, the interpretation of unt. is not as
clear. MO 39 records that the arable land possessed by Yabninu is not subject to unt
but the actual house on the described land is. Whatever the etymology, the words
unt, unulle, ilku, and pilku show the same semantic ranges, and for all intents and
purposes, they are equivalent in translation. Rowe has observed that the uses of these
different terms correspond to different scribal hands, and the selection of a term reflects
scribal choice more than different nuances in meaning.
275
More information about this institution can be gained by analyzing the contexts of
the use of unt, at Ugarit. It appears in more different types of tablets than pilkulilku.
KTU 3.4 records a situation where seven individuals are redeemed from people
described as Beirutians, by Iwri-kalli for one hundred shekels of silver. The text explic-
itly states that there will be no unt. for them until they repay this sum of silver ro Iwri-
kalli. KTU 3.7 reflects a similar situation. A certain m[ry (either a personal name or a
general term meaning "an Egyptian") guarantees the unt. of eight individuals, three of
whom are designated mdrglm (guards).276 Unfortunately the text is too fragmentary
for substantial comment.
The term also appears in economic texts. It appears twice in KTU 4.86, in associa-
tion with the number one and lists of personal names. The actual function of this
tablet is unfortunately obscure. Likewise, KTU 4.209 is quite broken. Half of the
tablet is preserved, and each line ends with unt abd. Perhaps a personal name or occu-
pational designation originally was listed at the beginning of each of these lines, but it
is not clear now. The term may also appear in KTU 4.638, which is very fragmentary,
but certainly seems to involve fields. None of these attestations amounts to much on
its own, but taken together, do indicate that the palace actively kept some sort of record
of these obligations.
ubdy, updt, ubdit
Another important word related to the question of land tenure and obligation is ubdy
with its related forms. Giiterbock demonstrated that this word is Hittite in origin.
277
While the Hittite origin of the word is agreed upon, the semantic range of the word
is not.
278
Heltzer sees it as semantically equivalent with ilku, but is unable to marshal
275 Rowe 1999, p. 172.
276 Rowe argues for a slightly different reading of this text. She suggests that this is a list of Egyptians
who entered into unt. service, Rowe 1993b, p. 251. This reading is very possible and should be taken
into account. The only major concern is that the geographic regions listed are not places within Egypt,
but from within Ugarit. This does not, however, rule out the possibility. If Marquez-Rowe is correct,
than this may be evidence for non-Ugaritians compelled to enter into ilku service, although no rationale
for this action is given in the text.
277 Gtiterbock 1957, p. 360.
278 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 7; Watson 1995a, p. 542.
convincing evidence that this is in fact the case.
279
Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin read
it as "land, plot, farming".28o Likewise, del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin take updyas:
"share-cropping (plot)" ,281 and ubdit as: "share-cropping, leasing system, tenancy". 282
KTU 4.7 is a field transfer text. The first line describes the fields as ubdy trrm. Like-
wise, KTU 4.103 lists field transfers under the heading: ubdy mdm. Another field
transfer text, KTU 4.692, lists the ubdy y[bm. KTU 4.110 is also a field transfer text,
but this time instead of being titled ubdy of an occupational group, the first line reads:
Jd ubdy ilitm" or ubdy fields of a geographic name. This same expression, Id ubdy is
also found in KTU 4.389, although the exact purpose of this tablet is not particularly
clear. Vineyards are similarly modified by the term ubdy in KTU 4.244. KTU 4.631
is also a field transfer text. Here the heading reads: spr ubdy art, "list of ubdy of GN,"
followed by field transfer notes. This word also appears in contexts other than field
transfer texts. KTU 4.164 records olive yields from the ubdym in the region of Mulukku.
The term ubdy refers to an actual, physical field. The use of this word as a heading
for field transfer texts and in construct with the word Jd or krm, as well as records
of yields from ubdym, indicate that this is not an abstract concept, but a physical loca-
tion. The word ubdy is best understood as the designation for land granted with
service obligations attached. Schloen explicitly argues that the word refers only to the
land, not to the service that is connected with it.
283
Watson similarly describes ubdy
as "property held in fief."284 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin translate it as "land, plot,
farming (in a taxed leasing system... )".285 Indeed, while ubdy lands may be intrinsically
related to ilku service, the term does not refer to that service.
At this point, it is useful to return to Heltzer's understanding of land tenure at
Ugarit, and specifically his philological arguments for his reconstruction. It has already
been shown that Heltzer's view of ilku and pilku as different types of service obliga-
tions is incorrect.P" These two words are synonyms. It has also been demonstrated
above that the word unt; appears in identical, corresponding circumstances as the word
ilku, except that unt is used in alphabetic texts as opposed to Akkadian texts. In other
words, unt is the Ugaritic word for the Akkadian words ilku and pilku. Heltzer cor-
rectly assigns an equivalent translation value for ilku and unt. but incorrectly argues
for a different meaning for pilku and unto All three words refer to the same situation, a
service obligation, usually in the form of specialized labor, owed to the king, in return
for landholding. Heltzer is further incorrect in asserting that ubdy is the Ugaritic
279 Heltzer 1982, p. 35.
280 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 7.
281 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 89.
282 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 6.
283 Schloen 2001, p. 247.
284 Watson 1995a, p. 542.
285 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 7.
286 Heltzer 1988, pp. 10-11.
130 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 131
(alphabetic) equivalent of the word pilku.
287
The term ubdydoes not refer to a service
obligation at all, but in fact refers to an actual piece of real estate that was likely
encumbered by some sort of obligation. It is not the service but the land itself. On the
whole, Heltzer's reconstruction of a Two-sector landholding system cannot be sup-
ported by the textual evidence.
gt
This term was initially difficult in the reconstruction of Ugaritic economy because
of the Hebrew cognate meaning "wine press."288 Indeed, other than a few isolated
cases, there is near unanimous agreement on the basic nature of the gt at Ugarit. The
gt (vocalized gittu
289
) is equivalent to the Akkadian word dimtu.
29o
While dimtu in
Akkadian has a base meaning of "tower," it comes to have the meaning of "estate."
From the Old Babylonian period on, the use of dimtu refers to an estate outside of the
urban center. The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary suggests that these estates were fortified.F"
However, the use of this term in documents from Nuzi does not require this interpre-
tation.
292
The attestations of this term within the Ugaritic administrative material are
numerous. Most frequently, a gt is referred to in construct with another word, usually
a geographic or personal name. This construction is used to identify particular estates
throughout the kingdom (i.e., it is the name of the estate). Each gt should be under-
stood as an entire complex, an estate and building, primarily involved in agricultural
production.F'" More will be said about this institution in later chapters, but for now
it is sufficient to state that a gt was an agricultural estate.
argmn
Obligations on a different scale are represented by the term argmn. The word is
Hittite in origin, derived from the Hittite word arkamme.
294
Since the term is used
in contexts where Ugarit sends goods to its Hittite rulers, it is likely that this was
the avenue from which the word entered Ugaritic. It also seems to be only applied
to this scale of economic obligation - between states or cities, and is not used at
lesser levels.
287 Heltzer 1988, pp. 10-11.
288 For the Hebrew definition, see The Brow-Driver-Briggs Hebrew-English Lexicon (BDB), p. 178.
The mistake in equating the Hebrew and the Ugaritic words still occurs (see Michaux-Colombot 1997).
289 Schloen 2001, p. 234.
290 Heltzer 1982, p. 49; Liverani 1989, p. 146.
291 The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (CAD) D, p. 146.
292 See Harvard Semitic Series (HSS) 9 102: 3f and Harvard Semitic Series (HSS) 9 109: 5.
293 Libolt 1985, p. 57.
294 Watson 1995a, p. 541.
The meaning of this term is universally understood to be "tribute".295 The rationale
for this translation derives from its use in various contexts at Ugarit. The clearest use
is in KTU 3.1, which Knoppers argues is a text that accompanied the payment of
tribute.P" It is recorded in this text that Ugarit is sending argmn to the Hittite king
(Lines 18 and 24). A similar reading of this word is suitable in the mythological con-
text of KTU 1.2 I 37. Here, EI states that Baal will bring tribute (argmnk) "to you,"
meaning to Yamm. This is paralleled in the next two verses. While the second verse is
broken, and so the reading is uncertain, in the third verse, the parallel term is mnbyk,
meaning "your gifts."297 These two uses of the word provide strong evidence for trans-
lating argmn as "tribute."
This word does not appear very frequently in economic texts, but its few appear-
ances are important given that the social relationship implied by the term is clear.
KTU 4.43: 1-4 reads: t.lt. d y[298 / bd Immn / I argmn / I nskm. This details copper
brought as tribute for smiths, by a specific individual. It is likely that the "tribute"
aspect of the relationship was that the copper was brought to smiths working under
royal authority, not as tribute owed to smiths by a certain individual, although gram-
matically that possibility cannot be ruled out. Less ambiguous is KTU 4.261, which
is a sprargmn nskm (list of the tribute of the smiths). Following this heading, tribute
amounts, paid by individuals, grouped by geographic origin, are recorded. KTU 4.610
records the argmn ps, or the tribute to the Hittite king given by individual villages, and
possibly by occupational groups, although the relationship between the obverse and
reverse of the tablet is not secure. The amounts of tribute given by each town do not
seem to follow any specific pattern. Tribute from individuals and groups is recorded in
KTU 4.369. What is important about these few examples of this word is that it demon-
strates an important underlying sense related to power and authority. In the treaty text
and the mythological text, the relationship represented is one of subservience and dom-
inance, where the subordinate owes certain items to the dominant force. This payment
is justified by the power relationship between the two distinct groups or gods. This
same kind of justification for the circulation of goods is given in the economic texts,
and it indicates a means of understanding economic reality that lies outside of the
domestic sphere. It is not modeled on, or understood through domestic analogies, but
rather through the metaphor of international relations, or vassal and suzerain.
295 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, pp. 100-101; Gordon 1965, p. 60; Heltzer 1982, p. 100;
Watson 1995a, p. 541. See van Soldt 1990, p. 344 n. 164 for an explanation of why this term should
not be translated "purple" according to the seemingly cognate Hebrew word.
296 Knoppers 1993. For a different interpretation, see Dietrich and Loretz 1966a.
297 Smith 1997, p. 101.
298 The orthography here is odd since the final 'is missing.
132 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 133
ntbft)
Appearing twice in the alphabetic economic texts, ntbt has some interesting conno-
tations. Sasson has suggested that the word refers to a kind of "trading concession."299
Sasson compares it with the Akkadian word barranu and the Sumerian word KASKAL,
both of which mean "road" as well as "business venture."300 Sasson also argues that the
large sum of money paid in KTU 4.336 for the ntbt further demonstrates the likelihood
of this reading. Astour, agrees with Sasson's reading of this word.
30
! In KTU 4.336, an
individual purchases a ntbt for 220 units of gold. A similar transaction is recorded in
KTU 4.388, but this text is quite broken. The best evidence comes from KTU 2.36,
where the word is attested in line 16. There the context is a discussion of Egypt's ntbt
through the country of Ugarit in the transportation of goods. Indeed, no other under-
standing of this term in KTU 2.36 is plausible, and this word should be taken as
"trading concession" following Sasson.
302
CONCLUSIONS
This chapter has provided an overview of some of the major lexical problems asso-
ciated with alphabetic Ugaritic economic texts. As is evident from the previous discus-
sion, much can be learned about economics at Ugarit by the examination of the emic
language used in economic situations. Words shape and reflect reality; in many ways
available language provides conceptual constraints on activity. To some degree the lan-
guage affects how the possibilities of economic actions are "framed", which as has been
discussed in Chapter One, has been identified as one of the primary variables that
motivates individuals in economic action.
303
Economic decisions and actions are not
necessarily made based on "rational" principles (i.e., marginal utility), but are more
often based on how an individuals understands (or is compelled to understand) the
particular situation, most commonly through language.
At the same time it can be argued that the economic actors did not question this
kind of framing. Rather, language is an excellent example of the "naturalized arbi-
trary" as identified by Bourdieu, where the legitimacy of such categories is not even
299 Sasson 1966, p. 136.
300 Sasson 1966, p. 136.
301 Astour 1970, p. 120.
302 Sasson 1966, p. 136.This word is alsocognate with Biblical Hebrew At least two attestations
of this word in the Hebrew Bible may have similar connotations to the use of the ntbt in Ugaritic. In
Judges 5:6, in the Song of Deborah, there is a mention of the economic situation of caravaneers before
the soon to begin war. The cryptic expression literally "goers on the paths" may actually reflect
individuals who travel on protected trade routes. In Proverbs 8:2, mention is made of a "house of
which may refer to a customs house or toll building.
303 Kahneman and Tversky 2000a, p. 4.
questioned.t''" The repeated use of these categories reifies them and empowers them in
the manner proposed by Giddens.
305
It is safe to see the use of administrative language
as a type of power assuming a Foucauldian understanding of power where it is a con-
tinual process that is exercised, even if it is not consciously apparent to those exercising
the domination.P'" At this stage it is important to now move beyond the level of the
word to the level of the complete text, which is the subject of Chapter Four.
304 Bourdieu 1977, p. 164.
305 Giddens 1984, p. 19.
306 Foucault 1977, p. 26.
THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 135
CHAPTER FOUR
THE FORMAND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC
. ECONOMIC TEXTS
In the multiplicity of writing, everything is to be disentangled,
nothing deciphered; the structure can be followed, 'run' (like ~ e
thread of a stocking) at every point and every level, but there IS
nothing beneath: the space of writing is to be ranged over, not
pierced; writing ceaselessly posits meaning ceaselessly to evapo-
rate it, carrying out a systematic exemption of meaning.
Roland Barthes (trans. Stephen Heath)
When reading the economic texts from Ugarit, form-critical analysis becomes
particularly important. While the texts may be fragmentary or their meanings may be
obscure, it is often possible to derive meaning from comparison and analysis with
other, similar texts. In particular, with the regular absence of verbal forms, and the
typical lack of preservation of the tops and bottoms of tablets (which was where head-
ings were often placed), it becomes important to understand each text within a
broader context of similar administrative documents. Scribes seemed to have chosen
from a limited corpus of models when composing a text, and it can be assumed that
the form of the text was directly related to its administrative function. This chapter
shall illustrate some of the patterns of form and function within the Ugaritic corpus
and demonstrate how these two issues are deeply related in interpretation. Discussion
will center on the alphabetic administrative documents, as opposed to the syllabic
texts, since the laconic nature of the alphabetic texts provide more problems for inter-
pretation.
Other scholars have recognized general patterns in this material and cuneiform
economic texts have been traditionally organized according to their subject matter.
Broadly speaking, texts are grouped according to categories like silver, textiles, and
comestibles.' This practice is logical given the nature of cuneiform research. When
reading through economic texts, it is "natural" to see what kinds of materials were the
focus of the texts and list them accordingly. Furthermore, this system of organization
is very useful to scholars, who tend to focus on a particular section of the economy
such as the commodity cycle of certain products like silver, textiles, and comestibles.
1 Huehnergard 1989, pp. 317-321.
Certainly this approach represents an important means of organization, and it is the
starting point, broadly speaking, for the presentation below.
A second means of organizing these texts has been offered by Pardee and Bordreuil.i
They categorize the Ugaritic administrative material as "lists," "official acts" or "busi-
ness documents."3 Under the category oflist, Pardee and Bordreuil further subdivide
the texts according to the subject of the lists (personal names, place names, and
receipts and disbursements). Under their category of "official acts and commercial
documents," they further subdivide the texts into palace documents and private
documents.
The following discussion will draw on both of these kinds of analyses and systems
of organization. It is suggested here that form and function are intricately related. The
economic texts are first broadly divided into what is identified as the subject or focus
of the administrative event. The next level of categorization divides the texts based on
their literary or formal characteristics. The method of notating information is often
directly related to the type of information being collected. An important component
in understanding what information is being collected in these economic tablets is
to identify the primary referents in the texts. In many ways, the perspective of the
scribe is more important than the actual details of the form of the tablet. An under-
standing of the goals/reasons for writing the tablet is desired here. Identifying the
primary referents in each tablet is important in determining what information was
recorded, especially given the lack of conscious description about the purpose of each
tablet. The following discussion of the genres of the tablets is organized around the
primary referent in each text. The primary referents are the subjects of the writing
process, those aspects of economic life that were deemed important to record in each
situation of scribal activity, the situation that is represented by the writing of the
tablet. In general, this analysis should help to clarify the administrative purpose of the
texts. Basic questions of why these texts were compiled, as well as what kinds of eco-
nomic issues were recorded by scribal activity will be examined as well. What follows
is a categorization of the texts based on these criteria. It must be noted that it is not
being argued that this is the only means of organizing the texts. This organization is
intended as an heuristic device, not as a monolithic system of understanding.
This kind of analysis is heavily dependent on definitions of genre used in "New
Rhetoric." Genre in this sense refers to a combination of the form and the situation,
or Sitz im Leben, where the text is used.? The analysis of the forms of administrative
texts within the context of their Sitz im Leben allows the reconstruction of the ways
that particular economic situations were framed. As discussed in Chapter One, the
2 Pardee and Bordreuil 1992, pp. 712-721.
3 Pardee and BordreuilI992, p. 713.
4 Giltrow 2002, p. 24.
136 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 137
way that a situation is framed can be of central importance in determining the indi-
vidual's response to the situation.? The following chapter seeks to identify the meth-
ods by which the palace administration (and other users of economic texts) framed
the economic situation, and in essence how that process of framing constrained choice
at Ugarit.
Approaching the study of 'economic texts at Ugarit through this understanding of
genre has a considerably larger goal: the reconstruction of the context of the produc-
tion of written records relating to the economy at Ugarit. Basic questions about the
nature of administration are central, as a means of understanding not just the organ-
ization of economy, but also the nature of the written record. The textual record pro-
vides a glimpse into the economic activities of the past. However, this remains sim-
ply a glimpse since only certain kinds of economic activities involved the production
of written records. It is of central importance in the investigation of the economy
using textual records to understand why the textual record has been preserved as it
is. A useful analogy for this approach comes from archaeology and the investigation
of cultural formation processes. For an archaeologist, it is absolutely essential to be
aware of the cultural activities that led to the deposition of the data in the form that
archaeologists encounter. It is not sufficient to simply determine that a class of arti-
facts was buried, for example, rather it is necessary to understand how and why these
artifacts were buried (i.e., hoarding, mortuary practices). The same is true of the
archaeological record as manifest in tablets and other written records. It is essential to
determine why these tablets were created, not just to rely on readings of what the
tablets say. It is assumed then that it is possible to determine larger patterns of writ-
ten record production. The purpose of this chapter is to illuminate those situations
that led to the creation of a tablet, thereby not only understanding the tablets them-
selves but also to be clear about when a tablet (as evidence for economic activity)
could be expected to be found.
At this point it is useful to layout the taxonomy that is imposed on the economic
texts in the following section. The major referents that are identified as key informa-
tional goals are people, places, commodities, equipment, and land. The first referent
discussed is "people", and within this group, texts recording information about per-
sonal names, occupations of individuals, and censuses are identified. Records of people
are discussed, first when only a personal name is given in a tablet, followed by discus-
sions of personal names in reference to other personal names, occupational categories,
geographic names, numbers, and commodities. The next category of genre is that class
of text where occupational categories are the primary referents. First occupational cate-
gories alone will be discussed, followed by those tablets that discuss occupational cate-
gories along with personal names, geographic names, and numbers. Following this is a
5 Kahneman and Tversky 2000a, p. 4.
discussion of those tablets that treat occupational categories as collective units. The
discussion of text genre continues with a discussion of census texts, which straddle
the genre categories associated with personal names, occupational categories, and geo-
graphic locations. The subject of geographic locations is dealt with next. First, simple
lists of geographic names are discussed, then, lists with names and numbers. Tablets
with information about fields, about the circulation of goods in specific locations, and
about agricultural equipment in specific locations are also discussed in the context of
geographic referents. Records of commodities are discussed following this, categorized
into discussions on comestibles, wine, olives, oil, precious metal, salt, and textiles.
Related to this is the discussion on records about equipment, including agricultural
equipment, transportation equipment, and the equipment of individuals. Tablets relat-
ing to land are discussed next, including texts categorized as field transfers, ubdyfields,
and unt. records. The last genre of tablet discussed includes those tablets that explicitly
discuss specific types of economic activities.
RECORDS FROM PRIVATEARCHIVES
The goal of this chapter is to look at the genre of texts, here understood as involv-
ing both the form of the text and the situation of the text's composition/use. For this
reason, it is important to keep separate the context of the various tablets. As the palace
is far and away the largest source of tablets, it was important to keep separate those
tablets from the palace from the tablets found at other sites. While this division may
not reflect emic perceptions of Ugaritic society, (if one follows Schloen's understand-
ing then the palace would have been understood as a larger scale of private house-
hold), it is important to keep them separate in this study. Primarily this is because
with the palace texts one can assume that the tablets reflect a higher level of authority.
There may be manifestations of royal (or other authority) in the other archives, but
this cannot be assumed apriori so it is better to keep the two groups distinct. Indeed,
it has been demonstrated in Chapter One that larger institutions often mediate indi-
vidual decision-making in economic activities.f So at the outset it is important to keep
the various institutions separate, even if the actual mediation of economic activity
turns out to have no practical difference.
RECORDS OF PEOPLE
One of the largest classes of economic tablets written in Ugaritic deals with keeping
track of people. In these texts the people play a variety of roles, as laborers, as pro-
ducers, and as consumers. Due to the often cryptic form of these texts, it is not always
6 Smith 2000, p. 203.
138 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 139
immediately apparent what administrative/economic information was intended with
the act of inscribing the tablet.
Personal Names
The use of personal names in the Ugaritic archival records demonstrates that the
masses of workers were not simply faceless, unnamed individuals, under the control of
the palace. A certain degree of autonomy is suggested by the use of personal names,
both in and out of the palace archive. While these texts may demonstrate a significant
degree of obligation towards institutions such as the palace, temples, and elite house-
holds, the fact that individuals were kept track of in this manner demonstrates a dis-
tinctiveness amongst the population. From a prosopographic perspective it is not
really possible to outline (even limited) biographies of most of these people, as neither
the recurrence of names nor the provision of secondary information (i.e.,occupation,
gentilic, or patronym) is sufficient to make identification absolutely certain. What
follows is a discussion of those tablets with a primary interest in personal names,
organized according to the information supplied alongside of the personal names.
With PersonalNames Alone
Many of the tablets from the palace archive preserve only lists of personal names,
which Monroe calls "acephalous" as opposed to those tablets with headings, which he
calls "cephalous.'? It is important to distinguish between those texts which, when
compiled, were only personal names, and those texts that originally had more infor-
mation. This kind of determination is somewhat subjective, since it involves hypoth-
esizing about non-existent sections of tablets. The sheer repetitiveness of the forms of
the tablets helps to limit the likely options, making this not as arbitrary a distinction
as it might seem. What follows in this subsection is a discussion of those texts in
which the primary orientation of the information is towards the personal name, or
individual identification.
Examples of these tablets consisting simply of a list of personal names are abundant.
Patronyms are frequently listed, and often the patronym rather than the actual name
itself is used. Tablets of this type
8
include: KTU 4.334, KTU 4.114, KTU 4.115*,
KTU 4.84, KTU 4.97, KTU 4.130*, KTU 4.147*, KTU 4.148*, KTU 4.159*,
KTU 4.289, KTU 4.662, KTU 4.672, KTU 4.678, KTU 4.679, KTU 4.321
9
,
KTU 4.445, KTU 4.448, KTU 4.449, KTU 4.452, KTU 4.453, KTU 4.455,
KTU 4.458, KTU 4.520, KTU 4.524, KTU 4.537, KTU 4.539, KTU 4.543,
7 Monroe 2000, p. 187.
8 Tablets marked with a * indicate complete tablets.
9 This text is in a strange format. It is three lines, with four names in each line.
KTU 4.354, KTU 4.364*, KTU 4.372, KTU 4.406, KTU 4.229, KTU 4.233*,
KTU 4.112, and KTU 4.543. This type of text is also well attested in the syllabic
corpus. Examples include: PRU 3 196 (RS 15.42 + 110), PRU 6 82 (RS 17.242),
PRU 6 83 (RS 17.430), PRU 6 84 (RS 19.30), PRU 6 85 (RS 19.79), PRU 6 86
(RS 19.82), PRU 6 88 (RS 19.94), PRU 6 89 (RS 19.110), PRU 6 90 (RS 19.114),
PRU 691 (RS 19.132), PRU 6 92 (RS 19.173A), Ug. 5 97 (RS 20.20), and Ug. 5 98
(RS 20.07). While it takes the form of a simple list of names, KTU 4.607 is unusual.
Since every name begins with the i-aleph it has been suggested by Dietrich, Loretz,
and Sanmartin, that this is actually a scribal exercise. 10
Tablets simply listing names, without any other preserved information are also
attested in archives outside of the palace. At Yabninus House (Southern Palace), texts
of this type include: KTU.4.649, KTU 4.651, and KTU 4.653. At the House of
Rap'anu, KTU 4.700 is a simple list of names. KTU 4.760 found at Urtenu's House,
is a simple name list. North of the Tablet House, KTU 4.724 may also fall into this
category. The Library of the High Priest contained two texts of this type: KTU 4.2
and KTU 4.12. KTU 4.730, KTU 4.731, and KTU 4.737 are all texts of this type,
found at the House of the Hurrian Priest. From the Ville Basse, KTU 4.37 should be
considered one of these texts. The Ville Sud yielded KTU 4.723. Tablets without a
secure or known provenance that fall into this category include: KTU 4.8, KTU 4.435,
KTU 4.495, KTU 4.496, KTU 4.504, KTU 4.506, KTU 4.514, KTU 4.687, and
KTU 4.787.
It is impossible to precisely reconstruct the use of these lists of names in the
Ugaritic administrative archive when no discussion is given explicitly in the text itself
Pardee and Bordreuil argue that without headings, it is impossible to understand the
exact purpose of such tablets.II The likeliest function of these tablets is as a means
of recording labor forces, although these lists may record other types of information,
such as deliveries or receipts from certain individuals. Monroe suggests that these lists
are "simple head counts."12 Other tablets of personal names (for example see the dis-
cussion of KTU 4.635 below) specifically describe people under the authority of a
higher status individual. At present, the best interpretation of these tablets is to under-
stand that they reflect lists of individuals under the authority of a higher individual
(from whose perspective the tablet is written). It must be recognized, however, that
this is conjectural.
There is much that these simple name lists can tell us about administration at
Ugarit, even if it is impossible to fully understand their original functions. Since these
tablets lack explicit discussion of the type of information that is recorded, it should be
10 Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartin 1995, pp. 420-421.
11 Pardee and Bordreuil 1992, p. 713.
12 Monroe 2000, p. 188.
140 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 141
assumed that this would have been obvious to the people who would have made use
of these tablets as records. Without explanatory information, it is conceivable that
these tablets may have only had a use as records for a short time, since the recording
goal of the tablets would likely have been forgotten if these tablets were stored for long
periods of time. Whitt has commented on the lack of dates on tablets such as these,
which is unusual for cuneiform archives, limiting their utility as archival documents.P
Along with the small group of people who could have used these tablets, the lack
of supplementary data likewise limited the length of time after the tablet had been
recorded that it could have been administratively useful. A simple list of names would
not have been particularly useful much after the administrative moment when it was
composed, and it is safe to say that these tablets were used by the scribes to help
organize information at a particular moment, and were not used as a means of storing
data for later retrieval. These observations suggest that the nature of economic organ-
ization had few distinctly bureaucratic characteristics, and was more manifest as an ad
hoc organizational system.
The very presence of such texts demonstrates that participants in the palace econ-
omy were not nameless, unknown individuals. Within the context of the palace, and
the administration of economic matters at the palace, individuals were named, and
referred to by name by the administrators. At a large center like Ugarit, this probably
suggests somewhat regularized contact between these individuals and the palace. The
names as listed do not give much identifying information, and for the tablets to have
had any function, it must be assumed that the record keeper had a significant degree
of familiarity with these people. The act of recording signifies that the information
was too complex to trust to memory, but the limited degree of recorded information
suggests that what needed to be recorded was which individuals were associated with
the situation in a particular instance.
With Reference to Other Individuals
Personal names were not the only means of identifying individuals within these
kinds of texts. Frequently, instead of a person's name, their relationship to another
individual is the primary means of identifying them administratively. Words other
than personal names can be used in these name lists in place of personal names. In
KTU 4.311, KTU 4.315, KTU 4.413, KTU 4.571, KTU 4.581, and KTU 4.605 the
designation w nblh
14
("and his heir") is used in reference to a previously listed personal
13 Whitt 1993, pp. 284-285.
14 The h affixed to the word nb! is the third masculine singular suffix. In some of these texts, another
form nblhm is employed as well. Typically, this form is found in a line immediately following a line
where nblh is found (for example KTU 4.66:3-4). The best understanding of this form is as a plural
form ("their heirs"). However, it is possible that this is simply an enclitic particle i-ma), although on
nouns this particle is normally found in association with prepositions, vocative expressions, or on words
in status constructus, see Sivan 1997, pp. 192-193; and Trapper 2000, pp. 826-829.
name. A similar construction, w lmdh ("and his apprentice") is also used after per-
sonal names in texts KTU 4.194, and KTU 4.227. Another kind of designation
that appears frequently is sgr, which can appear with or without reference to a per-
sonal name (see Chapter Three). Also used in this manner is the term r'h, in texts
KTU 4.391, KTU 4.440, and KTU 4.740. Essentially though, these texts fulfilled
the same functions (or at least take the same form) as those lists that consisted solely
of personal names.
What is particularly noteworthy about the use of these referents in connection with
personal names in the administrative documents is the further evidence for regular-
ization that this demonstrates. The palace administrators accord some individuals
greater recognition than others. There is an implicit hierarchy of status here. There are
individuals that the palace recognizes by name. Beneath them (or very minimally in
association with them) are people who are identified solely by their relationship to the
named individuals, and are not listed by name themself. Perhaps this is a distinction
in age (as is very likely the case with the use of nhlb), Whatever the nature of this
status difference, this is further evidence that there was a regular association of indi-
viduals in the administrative documents, and a lower status group of people who acted
within the palace administrative system, but were not recognized by this adminis-
trative apparatus by name. This subordinate group should be distinguished from
slaves, who are described separately in the cuneiform record. For example, PRU 3 188
(RS 16. 126A), written in syllabic script, lists seventeen slaves eli (upon, to the debt of)
a specified individual.
It is possible to recognize tablets that identify relationships between individuals or
groups of people. As has been mentioned above, lists of names may reflect an attempt
to account for individuals under the supervision or authority of the person who used
the tablet. Some texts make this use of the tablet explicit. For example, KTU 4.635
states that specific individuals are under the authority of other individuals (like the
king, queen, or sakinu). Also interesting in this text is the high number of foreigners
listed as such. In these situations, the very presence of such lists indicates that this is
not a normative situation. In other words, the need to record this information indi-
cates that prior to the recording of this information, those individuals were not neces-
sarily under the authority of the superior, at least for the specific event that the tablet
was written to account for.
A tablet found outside of the palace archive (in the House of Rap' anu) follows this
form somewhat. KTU 4.704 is a list of personal names, with the numbers one or two
written beside the names. No occupations are listed for the individuals in the body of
the text, but at the end of the tablet a total number of soldiers is provided, and from
that, it should be deduced that the individuals listed above were in fact soldiers. The
total number given is 13, which the numbers above add up to. This means that some-
times the same name is used to denote two people, which is understandable given that
142 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 143
the name is written as son of x. So personal names that have a "two" listed after should
be understood as indicating brothers.
KTU 4.370, records the personal names of bns mlk requested by a particular indi-
vidual. Some of the names seem to be grouped under occupational designations. From
this text, it is apparent that some individuals were able to request human resources,
most likely as labor resources, from the palace. The palace had the ability to fulfill
this kind of request, and did so by assigning particular individuals, specified by name,
to the requestor.
An unusual text is KTU 4.133, which lists the personal name of individuals who
possibly took the place of other individuals. It is assumed that this indicated some
kind of work related substitution, but this is not explicitly laid out in the text.
15
If this
reading is accurate, then this is more evidence for the regularization of individuals
in the palace administrative record. It implies that there was an expected role of cer-
tain people (although that role is not explicitly laid out) and that there was a need to
record situations where someone filled in for them. The role fulfilled by these individ-
uals could not have been overly specialized (although it is not impossible that one
bronze smith was replaced by another). Likewise, it seems more plausible to assume
that the individuals were filling in as laborers rather than as individuals receiving goods
from or giving goods to the palace. An alternative reading takes the expression "PN tht
PN" as indicating that the first PN is subordinate to the second PN.16 If this is the
case, then this text is simply a roster, listing individuals under the authority of other
individuals.
With Reference to Geographic Locations
Geography plays an important part in the specification of individuals within the
administrative record. There seem to be three possible types of informational goals
achieved through listing individual names in reference to geographic regions. One was
the notation of the geographic origin of specific individuals. I? Another was the nota-
tion of the current geographic location of specific individuals. These are very different
kinds of information, although from a formal standpoint can be difficult to distinguish.
The third kind of geographic-related information is the relationship between specific
individuals and property (i.e., ownership), and is easier to identify. What follows is a
discussion of the various forms where this kind of relationship between people and
places is manifest, and an attempt at classifying which of these three types of informa-
tion is recorded.
15 Pardee 1976, p. 304.
16 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 866.
17 It is preferable to distinguish this from ethnic affiliation, which mayor may not be implicit in
these gentilic designations.
It is hard to categorize those tablets that feature a geographic name, followed by a
list of personal names, into one of the above mentioned three categories (similar texts
are found where an occupational designation is given rather than a geographic head-
ing). Texts of this type include KTU 4.79, KTU 4.108, KTU 4.371, and KTU 4.383.
KTU 4.25, from the Library of the High Priest, could also be categorized here. What
is uncertain in all of these texts is whether they list individuals from these regions, or
whether they list individuals at these regions. KTU 4.335 departs slightly from this style
in providing a more specific heading. It states that it is a list of people from a certain geo-
graphic region presumably under the charge of someone (however, that section is bro-
ken). Unfortunately, because the heading of this text is so specific, it cannot be under-
stood, with certainty, as analogous to the texts that list only a geographic name followed
by individuals. At present, the recording goal of these texts must remain uncertain.
There are instances where it is clear that the tablets functioned to notate the current
location of particular individuals. In KTU 4.122, people at a particular gt are listed.
Similar information is found in the broken tablet KTU 4.200, which takes a slightly
different form. The personal name is listed first, followed by the statement "at gt x."
KTU 4.557 lists people who live in a particular town (yt.b b/:Jqr). PRU 681 (RS 19.182)
lists individuals from certain towns on the Syrian coast. PRU 6 78 (RS 19.41) iden-
tifies individuals from Qaratu currently residing in Siyannu. It can be assumed that
these situations reflect an administrative need to keep track of the location of certain
people. This administrative situation also occurred outside of the palace. Yabninus
House (Southern Palace) yielded tablets that noted the location of individuals, includ-
ing KTU 4.643 and KTU 4.648.
Likewise, there are examples of texts where the appearance of personal names and
geographic names together are intended to describe the location of origin of the indi-
vidual. Personal names and gentilics appear prominently in KTU 4.85. In this text,
personal names are followed immediately by a gentilic, in the form PN GNy. It is
unlikely though, that this was the main recording goal of this text. The list was prob-
ably compiled in order to record some administrative situation akin to the lists of
personal names, where the personal names appear in isolation. In this situation, it was
necessary to record that the person in question was not from Ugarit. A similar situa-
tion is attested in the syllabic text PRU 679 (RS 19.42) that also includes individuals
described as Ugaritians along with individuals described as foreigners. This is very com-
pelling, for it demonstrates that the palace administration kept track of non-Ugaritians,
and boundaries of otherness were directly manifest in the administration. There was
enough perceived difference between people from Ugarit and people from other vil-
lages in the kingdom that this was recorded.l" Since the geographic names listed after
18 Ugaritians outside of the city of Ugarit were also kept track of administratively. PRU 6 80
(RS 19.111) explicitlylists individuals from Ugarit living in other cities. This suggests that the palace felt
144 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 145
the personal names vary, it should be assumed that in this administrative instance, all
of these people were in the same general location, so the presence of a geographic
name reflects more than just a need to specify particular individuals, but was seen as
information intrinsic to their identity. This kind of notation was not unique to the
palace. At Yabninu's House, KTU 4.619 describes people in similar terms. Found in
the Northwest!", KTU 4.45 'and KTU 4.51 similarly fall into this category. KTU 4.50,
also from the Northwest, takes a slightly different form. Each group of personal names
in this text has the group's gentilic as its heading.
These texts that describe people using geographic referents are informative about
administration at Ugarit, and about how identity was manifest at the site. They demon-
strate that information about economic issues was tracked beyond the city of Ugarit,
indicating some degree of economic/administrative control other than military through-
out the kingdom. Yet within the boundaries of the kingdom of Ugarit, people were
still identified as inhabitants of certain villages or regions, and identity as an "Ugaritian"
extended only to individuals from the city itself. There is no sense of a collective citi-
zenry amongst the people of the kingdom of Ugarit, based on this evidence. Likewise,
it seems that the movement of individuals was somewhat limited, even beyond the
limited access to transportation resources. The very act of recording the location of
origin and the location of habitation of certain individuals reflects some level of
domination.
This evidence also demonstrates some of the strengths and weaknesses of Schloen's
thesis. Certainly these types of texts show the house of the king as the dominant eco-
nomic entity within the kingdom, and certainly this is the apex of authority. On the
other hand, the primary referents used to describe people are not always patronyms,
but are in many cases notations of where they are from. While this is not absolutely
inconsistent with Schloen's model, it does indicate that the household was not always
the dominant metaphor for the structuration of social relationships. Or, perhaps Ugarit
was not as vertically integrated, as the Patrimonial Household Model would imply.
With Numbers
There are a number of texts preserved in the palace archive that consist solely of
personal names followed by a numerical value. It is difficult to be certain about the
use of these tablets, when the item that the number stands for is not clear from the
the need to record anyone who was "out of place", or in an unexpected location. It is possible to argue
for any number of motivations for this kind of record keeping. It seems likely, however, that this "out of
place-ness" would have been considered disruptive, or dangerous for the larger community or that the
"out of place" individual was endangered because of their unusual position.
19 The Northwest is a designation from the Ninth and Tenth seasons of excavations, see Schaeffer
1938, 1939. Later, this region would be identified as the palace. Since the exact provenance of tablets
found in this region is uncertain, these tablets are best considered separately from those tablets found in
clear association with the palace.
tablet. Examples of this are KTU 4.104, KTU 4.106, KTU 4.109, KTU 4.116,
KTU 4.260, KTU 4.281, KTU 4.331, KTU 4.350, and KTU 4.588. KTU 4.232
is a variation on this. In this case, the personal names are grouped according to
geographic location (that is to say specific personal names are listed beneath specific
geographic names). Each personal name is followed by a number (either two or three
as preserved).
Outside of the palace archive, name lists associated with numbers are also attested.
KTU 4.617 comes from Yabninu's House and records over eighty names with asso-
ciated numbers, all under the fragmentary heading: bnlm dt if[ ]b bth, "bnlm who
are [ ] in his house." From the House of Rap'anu, KTU 4.697 appears to be a list of
names and numbers, though the names are not clear. Among the tablets at the House
of Urtenu, KTU 4.763 falls into this category. KTU 4.713 should be classified here,
which came from the Ville Sud. Unprovenanced tablets that fall into this category
include: KTU 4.57, KTU 4.58, KTU 4.64, KTU 4.432, KTU 4.433, KTU 4.435,
KTU 4.711, and KTU 4.785.
There are a relatively large number of possibilities for what these numbers stand for
and what these texts record. Virolleaud initially called these "etats de solde," referring
to the fact that their form was always a name followed by a number.i" Pardee and Bor-
dreuil emphasize the problems with interpretations of such tablets, since without an
explicit verb to explain the direction of movement of goods, or explanation of what
the number means, these texts could reflect any number of economic situations.P
Incomplete as this understanding of these texts is, it is arguable that only a limited
group of people would have found this information useful, from an archival stand-
point, and that that utility could only last for a brief amount of time. It is likely that
these texts were used to organize a specific economic event and were helpful tools for
the scribe/administrator at the time, but would not have had much use over a longer
period.
With Chattel Commodities, and Precious Metals
Lists of personal names associated with amounts of commodities and chattel are
common within the palace archive. Texts of this sort may seem straightforward, but
in fact are quite difficult in the alphabetic script when no verbal forms describe the
direction of movement of items and/or there is no heading describing what type of
transaction is recorded. Pardee and Bordeuil note that there is nothing in these texts
that necessarily indicate the direction of movement of goods. 22 In general, it is assumed
that these lists reflect distributions of items to the listed personal names or payments to
20 See Pardee and Bordreuil 1992, p. 7I6.
21 Pardee and Bordreuil 1992, p. 7I 6.
22 Pardee and Bordeuil 1992, p. 7I6.
146 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 147
the palace from these individuals. Astour takes a stand on this issue, stating: "Ugaritic
lists in which personal names are followed without other indications by quantities of
silver, wine, oil, etc., represent payments to the state rather than by the state."23 It is
important to look at each form of text individually to be certain about the direction
of movement of goods. Either way, the existence of such tablets reflects the palace's
interest in such transactions: These transactions were recorded by the palace, hinting
at a degree of managerial interest in this kind of economic activity.
Silver was often noted alongside of personal names. The most common form these
texts take is a name followed by an unmodified number. At the bottom of the text,
a total quantity of silver is given, which suggests that the number listed above must
have been a silver quantity. Examples of this include: KTU 4.72, *KTU 4.111, and
KTU 4.276. Both KTU 4.658 and KTU 4.682 include the word ksp (silver) alongside
the number. Unfortunately, it is impossible to state with certainty the direction of move-
ment of this silver in most of these texts. In KTU 4.276 the preposition I precedes the
personal name. In that case, it is certain that the text reflects distributions of silver to
the person specified (see Chapter Three for more on prepositional usage), and the
presence of the tablet in the palace archive suggests that the person received the silver
from the palace. One can presume, based on this attested instance, that silver was
distributed to individuals, from the palace. Silver, could be and was possessed by non-
royals at Ugarit. Since the other texts are not written in this form, it is difficult to
generalize based on this tablet. On the one hand, it can be argued that since the move-
ment of silver towards individuals is attested in one case, an analogous situation can
be assumed in the other cases. On the other hand, the fact that this formulation is
not used in the other texts can be construed as indicating that a different direction of
movement is expressed in the other texts.
Tablets listing personal names and amounts of silver (in shekels) are also found out-
side of the palace. KTU 4.759 is one such text. KTU 4.212 describes the movement
of large amounts of silver, in one case 1048 units, to specified individuals. Smaller
amounts, around 3 for each individual, are dealt with in KTU 4.90, found in the
Northwest (probably associated with the palace).
Quantities of textiles associated with particular individuals are reported in the palace
archive as well. Lists of individuals taking wool (and the amounts that they have
taken) are recorded in KTU 4.131. A number of other texts record this same kind of
information, but these are oriented towards occupational groups, rather than personal
names. In KTU 4.165, individuals are listed with unmodified numbers. Yet on the
reverse of this same tablet, quantities of garments are recorded. There is no demonstra-
ble connection between the numbers on the obverse and reverse of the tablet. Specific
types of garments received by specific individuals (grouped roughly by occupational
23 Astour 1972, p. 12 n.15.
category) are recorded in KTU 4.188. KTU 4.190 also records the distribution of
kinds of textiles to individuals. All of these texts reflect a clear situation where indi-
viduals took textiles held by the palace. The palace kept track of who took what quan-
tities of textiles. This is clear evidence that the palace distributed secondarily produced
products to individuals, although the rationale behind the distribution is not specified.
From the area designated the Northwest (see note 19), KTU 4.46 lists personal
names alongside various types of textiles (fflmt or f'rt). Note that the form of the text
is simply a name with the class of textile written beside it. KTU 4.52 is similar, but in
this case, the type of textile is a msg.
Wine was also distributed to individuals grouped according to occupational category.
KTU 4.93 is a list of individuals with the quantities of wine that they were given. The
scribe recorded the distribution of wine from the possession of the palace to other
individuals. This was a typical economic activity engaged in by the palace. It also was
a situation that required record keeping, hinting at a logic behind the distribution.
That is to say, the presence of the record means that wine was not given out haphaz-
ardly or as was needed, but that there was some rationale behind its distribution.
The equipment of individuals seems also to have been the subject of administrative
notation. There are texts that seem to keep track of the personal property of indi-
viduals - perhaps the equipment that they brought with them that needed to be dis-
tinguished from royal equipment. In KTU 4.107, the designation yd np!h "with his
equipment" is repeated. Presumably a personal name would have been written before
this statement, but the tablet is not well preserved. In KTU 4.92 the np[ of a sakinu is
noted. The same term, np[, is used in KTU 4.248 in a record of property transference.
The np[ of shepherds is accounted for in KTU 4.624. It is interesting to note that the
equipment listed as belonging to the shepherds are all types of weapons. Tools and
equipment belonging to individuals are also recorded in the syllabic texts. PRU 6 141
(RS 19.112) lists particular items belonging to an individual, including knives, sickles,
and rope. PRU 6 168 (RS 21.199) is similarly structured, listing types of items, a
numerical value, and noting to whom the items belonged.
Without reference to the word np[, KTU 4.627 lists items belonging to someone
(the part of the tablet with the name is broken) who dwells in the house of the king.
Beneath this heading are quantities of items, all described as belonging "to him".
Unfortunately, the tablet is very fragmentary and the actual goods cannot be deter-
mined. The appearance of this term, np[, in these contexts is clear evidence for some
notion of private property. There is a need to distinguish between the property of the
palace and the property of the individual. This may seem like a point that should be
taken for granted, but underlying many assumptions about the economy of Ugarit is
the notion that the palace owned everything.P'
24 See for example Schloen 2001.
148 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 149
The palace administration kept track of transportation and draft equipment/animals
under the control of certain individuals. KTU 4.186 lists people who had some control
over wagons, whether ownership or some sort of functional control. A list of people
with teams of horses is preserved in KTU 4.427. People who possessed oxen are listed
in KTU 4.422. The amounts of oxen possessed by specified individuals are listed in
the syllabic texts: PRU 3 206ff (RS 16.294), PRU 6 118 (RS 18.116), and Ug. 5 14
(17.332). In KTU 4.366, boats Ct.kt) are listed after personal names. Ownership in
these situations is uncertain. All of these types of transportation equipment and draft
animals are associated with personal names. This could mean that these people owned
these items, or it could mean that they had access to equipment understood as the
property of the palace. The presence of records such as these within the palace admin-
istrative archive strongly suggests the latter understanding, that the palace was just
keeping track of who was using which of its equipment. Since all of these kinds of
equipment were relatively valuable, it seems probable that the palace owned these
items, but let individuals use them for a variety of purposes. The sharing of draft ani-
mals is attested in other non-industrial economic situations. Medieval manors and
Early Modern French villages typically shared draft animals communally, in order
to lessen the burden on individual owners, especially given the high costs of upkeep,
versus the relatively inconsistent seasonal cycles of use. It is not always safe to draw
parallels across time and space like this, but given that Ugaritians likely operated under
similar resource constraints, this is a very possible scenario.
Amounts of sheep possessed by people are recorded in KTU 4.616. Note that one
geographic name is also included in this list. The situation when this text was written
is difficult to reconstruct, given that the quantities of sheep listed are quite small. As
sheep husbandry was undoubtedly a major component of subsistence strategies, it is
difficult to understand why the palace would have been interested in recording that
these people (and this one village) each had one, five, or ten sheep. Given the scale of
sheep listed, it is likely that this list represents amounts of sheep delivered to or taken
from the palace. The mention of one town name complicates this text. While it is
possible that the palace recorded the distribution of sheep to this one town, it seems
easier to understand this text as a record of sheep deliveries to the palace.
There are more syllabic records preserved regarding the possession of sheep by indi-
viduals. Frequently this is expressed as: x amount of sheep ina qat PN. PRU 3 188ff
(RS 16.290) and PRU 6117 (RS 17.136) can be categorized as such. In both of these
cases, the amounts of sheep are substantially larger than in KTU 4.616, ranging from
30 to 111. Another expression that indicated the possession of sheep is: x amount
of sheep eli PN. Texts that fall into this category include: PRU 6 115 (RS 17.37),
PRU 6 119 (RS 19.69), and PRU 6 121 (RS 19.141). Similar ranges of amounts are
found in these texts. While similar in form, these different expressions likely indicate dif-
ferent situations. Syllabic texts using the word qat likely indicate people who possessed
sheep, and is equivalent to the use of the Ugaritic bd. Syllabic texts that use the prepo-
sition eli are expressing similar information as those alphabetic texts that use the prepo-
sition 'I, and indicate a transference to or a debt upon the personal name following.
The palace also recorded the weapons possessed by certain individuals. In KTU 4.180,
the obverse lists individuals "without arrows," and the reverse lists individuals with
chariots. In KTU 4.204, various individuals are recorded as possessingweapons of vary-
ing types. Conversely, KTU 4.180 lists individuals who do not possess certain kinds of
military equipment. That the palace recorded situations where individuals did not
possess equipment demonstrates that the normative situation was for these individuals
to possess this equipment. This does not necessarily imply ownership, although the
existence of inscribed arrowheads in other Late Bronze Age Levantine sites could be
taken as evidence that a similar situation existed at Ugarit. Certainly though, these types
of texts reflect a situation where the palace kept records of who lacked equipment in
order to supply it to them.
The distribution of rations is recorded in KTU 4.269. This tablet records the dis-
tribution of rations, for a one-month period, to a specific house (bt). Unfortunately,
the tablet is broken in the section which provides more information on this bt. Note
that the break also allows that bt could be the first part of a geographic name rather
than the word for "house." Whether to an individual house or a larger entity, this text
explicitly describes amounts of cereals given by the palace in a specified month. The
word bpr is typically understood as rations. This translation is somewhat problematic,
given that the use of the word rations carries an implication of payment in subsistence
goods for services. In this case, there is no indication for the rationale behind the
palace's distribution of such goods. Liverani reads this text as a monthly summary of
the products at a particular establishment devoted to the secondary production of goods
derived from animal husbandry (cheese and wool).25 This text, based on Liverani's
reading, indicates how much of each product was left at the establishment or how
much needed to be distributed for the month in question.j"
In the Northwest (see note 19), KTU 4.55, lists personal names (and in a few cases
gentilics) alongside the word dd, referring to some good measurable in dd. This par-
ticular item was either distributed to or received from these individuals.
Occupational Categories
Lists of occupational categories appear relatively frequently in the archives of both
Ugarit and Alalakh. Often, these lists provide no explicitly stated rationale for their
compilation. At the same time, these texts often show remarkable homogeneity in form,
25 Liverani 1989, p. 144.
26 Liverani 1989, p. 129.
150
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 151
often to the extent that a distinct order (possibly ranking) of occupational categories
can be discerned because of the order of appearance of the groups in the lists. For
example, Gray notes that the mryn are always at the top of these lists, and argues that
these groups are best understood as "guilds."27 Rainey similarly understands these
groups as "guilds," artisans that are organized to some degree based on particular
craft specialist skills.r" For Rainey, the best evidence for this kind of organization is
the group payments that are made to these collectives.29
Cutler and MacDonald have put forward a classificatory system for texts dealing
with occupational categories, in their discussion of the question of the presence of
guilds at Ugarit.
30
Cutler and MacDonald suggest the following categories of texts:
"(1) "guild" dues/allocations: (2) "guild" payments issued: (3) land grants to "guilds":
(4) "guild" representatives: (5) lists of individual "guild" members: (6) lists of "guilds"
without enumeration: (7) a special text ("tools of the trade") ... ".3! Many of these lists
take the form solely of lists of occupational categories, without any other types of
information (like personal names or numbers) and without any discussion on the pur-
pose behind the compilation of the list. KTU 4.126 is one example of this form.
With PersonalNames
Often these lists include the names and patronyms of individuals grouped according
to occupational category. One form of this kind of list begins with the heading "tablet
32
of x occupational group." After a line divider, a list of names and patronyms follows,
presumably listing individuals of x occupational group. For example, KTU 4.155 is a
list of builders (brIm) that follows this structure. A list of 'bdm is found in 4.320. And
in KTU 4.134 bdl (merchants) are listed. The amount of bsn (an uncertain occupa-
tional category) in a certain location is listed in KTU 4.542.
A line divider is not always present. KTU 4.215 lists brim, followed by personal
names, patronyms, and dependents. There is no line divider in KTU 4.322, or in
KTU 4.561, both of which are lists of mryn. Sometimes the reason for the placement
of the line divider is obscure. KTU 4.245 is a list of personal names grouped under
the headings of various types of md. While the positioning of line dividers imme-
diately before new subject headings (e. g., before line II) are readily understandable,
the reason for the placement of line dividers (in instances without a subject heading)
remains obscure.
27 Gray 1952, pp. 50-51.
28 Rainey 1962b, p. 166.
29 Rainey 1962b, pp. 166-167.
30 Curler and MacDonald 1977.
31 Curler and MacDonald 1977, pp. 13-14. The problems involved in the use of the term "guild"
as well as the issue of whether or not occupational categories per se existed at Ugarit are discussed in
Chapter Five.
32 The translation "tablet" as opposed to "list" is justified based on the use of this word in KTU 1.16.
Another style otlist lacks the word spr in the headings of the occupational cate-
gories. Instead, the occupational category is stated, and below are listed personal names
and patronyms. In the fragmentary KTU 4.623, mryn are listed. This form can also
be found in KTU 4.286, which is a list of ksd (archers?). The long, but broken,
KTU 4.412 lists more than one occupational category. Each occupational category
(and subsequent list of personal names, patronyms, and heirs) is separated from the
others by line dividers. The list of occupational categories follows the typical order.
The long but fragmentary text KTU 4.183 may belong to this category. KTU 4.277
also groups personal names beneath occupational headings. The order of the various
components of the text is unusual and therefore difficult to interpret. Lists of personal
names under the heading of specific occupational categories are also found in the syl-
labic record. List of names of troops are attested in PRU 6 75 (RS 19.121). Two of
these types of texts were recovered from the trenches at the site designated as the
Northwest.
This kind of document is not limited to the palace. KTU 4.633, from Yabninu's
House (Southern Palace), is a fragmentary example of this kind of text, although only
khnm can certainly be said to be listed there. KTU 4.35 was found on the acropolis,
but follows the normative form of these types of documents found within the palace.
KTU 4.692 was found in the House of Rap' anu and lists individuals under the head-
ing ysbm. The Library of the High Priest also includes a tablet (KTU 4.27) listing
merchants (mkrm). KTU 4.65 lists the names of brtm (plowmen). KTU 4.66 lists
tnnm (archers). KTU 4.485 and KTU 4.545 also fall into this category, although both
lack provenance.
None of these texts give an explicit rationale behind their composition. The form
of the texts is instructive in understanding the hierarchy of information. The record-
keeper organized the tablet according to occupational category. The personal names
are then grouped under these headings. This does not constitute proof that these indi-
viduals were organized as a group of craft specialists, since this text is written from the
perspective of the palace. Rather, it reflects an administrative need to identify individ-
uals who engaged in a particular specialized activity. It also says nothing about the
nature of this specialist labor. It cannot be assumed from these texts that these were
full time occupations, or the only occupations that these people engaged in. It needs
to be understood that the situation of these texts' composition reflects a need, by the
palace, to identify individuals with certain skills or certain assigned tasks.
33
Found outside of the palace, south of the House of Rasapabu was KTU 4.690,
whose first line reads: spr mdm. Beneath this heading are individuals listed along with
total numbers of shekels. Perhaps this reflects a silver debt of some sort or a record of
33 The question of whether or not occupational specialists engaged in their occupational specialty
full time is addressed in Chapter Five.
152
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 153
disbursements of silver. KTU 4.761, found in the House of Urtenu, records distri-
butions of kd (wine) to individuals, under the heading khnm. KTU 4.714, provides:
sprrb <srt, "a list of heads of srt-house staff," with individual names and numerals.
While the heading of KTU 4.288 is formally similar to these texts, the body of
the tablet differs considerably and it thus seems to represent a different situation. The
heading reads: spr blblm, which is the same formula as in the texts above. The trans-
lation of blblm is not entirely clear, but the best argument is that it refers to some sort
of transporter, based on the root *y-b-l.3
4
After a line divider, lines 2-6 each read:
skn GN, "sdkinu ofGN". Line 7 reads: rb ntbt s, "head of sheep paths." Following this
is a line divider and three more lines, listing a geographic name and two references to
textiles. Perhaps this is a list of items in the possession of each of these individuals,
listed as deliverers. This text does demonstrate the difficulties in interpreting texts
solely based on the heading, as the contents of this tablet are not predictable based on
analogous tablets.
A different style of list incorporating personal names and occupational categories
takes the form "x personal name y occupational category." Within this style of list,
the names are not organized according to the occupational group, indicating that this
information is probably secondary for the administrative purpose. KTU 4.332 takes
this form. Line 5, after the line divider, suggests that the major similarity among these
individuals is their location. Parts of the fragmentary text KTU 4.224 follow this for-
mat as well. These texts seem to function as census documents. Since the organization
of the tablet is according to personal name, rather than occupational category, it is
possible to understand these texts as attempts at keeping track of individuals at certain
locations. Had numbers been preserved, it could be assumed that these texts reflected
records of payments or receipts. This understanding is still very possible, although
there is no way of demonstrating this beyond a reasonable doubt.
Another type of list is exemplified by the very broken KTU 4.151. In this text the
personal names are listed first. It concludes with the statement "totaly!bm 31 bnsmlk."
This statement indicates the total number of men of this occupational category. Pre-
sumably the number 31 would equate to the number of names listed above, but since
the tablet is broken, this cannot be checked. Texts like this one demonstrate the palace's
wish to record the total number of individuals engaging in (or capable of engaging in)
specialized labor. This reflects some degree of centralized control over specialized labor
by the palace, but the degree of this control is not apparent from the tablets.
Some of the more complete lists give a better sense of the purpose of compilation.
In KTU 4.214, the lists of personal names are modified by phrases explaining the sit-
uation. Lines 4-5 indicate that the associated names refer to merchants (bdb of a par-
ticular region who have not been assigned a mhr. In Column III, line 1, the heading
34 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 8.
is just merchants from the same geographic area, suggesting that these were merchants
more normatively equipped. Implicit in the existence of such a list in the palace archive
is the notion that it was the palace's responsibility to assign mhr to merchants, or that
the palace felt that it was necessary to keep track of the mhr within the confines of
Ugarit as this was presumably an armed, military group. Geese-herders and their assis-
tants are listed in KTU 4.129. The purpose of this text seems to have been to enu-
merate the number of assistants assigned to specific individuals. In these situations,
the palace seems to be assigning labor to occupational specialists, or minimally, is keep-
ing track of that labor.
Another, somewhat analogous situation is reflected in KTU 4.752, found outside
of the palace, which records: bnsm d it bd rb 'prm, "bnsm who are at the disposal of the
head of the Apiru." This demonstrates that there was some sort of administrative pur-
pose to listing occupational groups working under the head of the Apiru, It also demon-
strates some of the occupational categories that could be involved with this group.
With Geographic Names
The texts consisting of lists of occupational categories (or individuals grouped
according to occupational category) supplemented by geographic information point to
the royal administrator's interest in recording the location and/or place of origin of
occupational specialists. Pardee and Bordreuil's argument that gentilic references may
actually reflect occupational categories, analogous to, as they suggest, the Swiss guards
at the Vatican, cannot be ignored, and must be kept in mind when dealing with this
category of administrative evidence.P Particularly frequent are texts that keep track of
merchants and military personnel (for example KTU 4.33, KTU 4.683, KTU 4.784,
and discussion below). It has been mentioned elsewhere (see Chapter Three) that these
two arenas of economic activity seem to have been linked. Military expeditions, diplo-
matic expeditions, and international trade seem to have been related activities in the
Bronze Age. This issue will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter Eight, but it
should be mentioned in passing that all of these activities were engaged in simultane-
ously, with a combination of palace backing and non-royal elite participation.
KTU 4.683 is a list of the brd in a specific geographic area. Beneath the geographic
name arr a number of smaller villages are listed. The numbers of brd listed for each is
not always preserved, but the preserved amounts range from 30-70. Most commenta-
tors understand this text to reflect the payment of military obligations, to the palace,
by the villages, in the form of the brdclass of military personnel. The geographic region
arr seems to be a larger administrative unit, but without explicit explanation, this has
to remain a suggestion. Troops are similarly kept track of in the syllabic texts found in
35 Pardee and Bordreuil 1992, p. 715.
154 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 155
the palace. PRU 3 190ff(RS 11.830), PRU 3 192ff(RS 15.183), PRU 6 71 (RS 17.432),
and PRU 695 (RS 19.74) list the amounts of troops in specified geographic locations.
Texts that track the location of particular merchants ( b d ~ include KTU 4.96 and
the reverse of KTU 4.86. These texts indicate that there was a relationship between
the palace and this type of merchant. Since the text indicates the location of these
merchants, it may indicate that these merchants operated on behalf of the palace.
Conversely, these texts may simply reflect merchant contacts the palace had in other
parts of the kingdom.
Geographic information about shepherds is also recorded in the palace archive.
KTU 4.103 lists the ubdy-fields of the shepherds. KTU 4.416 lists amounts of fields
belonging to shepherds, without specifying the type of field. The location of origin of
some shepherds is kept track of in KTU 4.374. Since shepherding is a type of work
that is difficult in an urban environment, if shepherds were under the palatial sphere
of influence, they likely operated in other, more rural areas. This kind of relation-
ship may be reflected in KTU 4.374. Found outside of the palace, near the House of
Agapsarri was KTU 4.729, which lists shepherds, according to personal name, who
were from a certain location. Steiner has recently argued that Iron Age shepherds rented
fields in order to provide grazing territory for their flocks, and at the same time allow
them to harvest fodder to enable them to provision their flocks in the winter months.l"
Hopkins argues that there was likely no specialized fodder production in Iron Age
Israel, and shepherds would have been compelled to find means of producing their
own fodder." It is possible that shepherds were in a similar situation in Late Bronze
Age Syria and that these texts reflect records of the land shepherds rented or gained
access to through the palace administration.
Found in the trenches designated the Northwest, KTU 4.54 lists: mrjrglm d bt b?t
mlk, "guards who are at the house of DN."38 The rest of the tablet identifies a number
of individuals, by personal name, patronym, gentilic, and/or occupational category.
Here is clearly a record of where certain people, of a certain occupational category
were stationed in the town.
Lists With Numbers
Frequently, lists of individuals grouped according to their occupational category
include numbers following the occupational designation. Missing headings can make
the texts particularly cryptic. From an analysis of these texts, it is clear that the numeral
could represent different values. Pardee and Bordreuil suggest that the number should
be understood as an amount reflecting that particular occupational category, based on
36 Steiner 2003, p. 115.
37 Hopkins 1985, p. 248.
38 Note Clemens argument, 2001, pp. 317-318, that b'lt mlk refers to a deity. This is the easiest
reading of the text.
analogy with PRU 6 93 (RS 17.131).39 Texts such as KTU 4.87 and KTU 4.99,
which follow this format, cannot be completely understood. Amounts of disburse-
ments may relate to the standard order of occupations in these texts (see discussion
below). As has been noted already, Gray has recognized that the mryn are always at the
top of these lists, and always receive the largest amount of distributions.t" It is inform-
ative that these kinds of texts were administratively useful, even with the absence of
individual names. From the perspective of the palace, it was not always necessary
to distinguish craft specialists at the level of the personal name. These texts do not
necessarily reflect an organization within the individual occupational categories. As
has been stated for similar tablets, since these documents were written from the per-
spective of the palace, and for the palace's own use, they do not necessarily reflect the
self-understanding of the subject of the text.
These texts are also found outside of the palace. KTU 4.36, found on the acropolis,
lists occupational groups and undefined numbers. This same type of text (KTU 4.745)
was found near the House ofAgapsarri. KTU 4.47, found in the Northwest, which may
or may not be associated with the palace, lists occupational categories with numbers.
For the records that explicitly describe the value of the given number, it is possible
to reconstruct the original use of the text. KTU 4.416: 1, indicates that the numeral
represents fields. This text then, was a list of fields held by or granted to certain occu-
pational categories, including mrynm, mrum, 'Irm, tnnm, nqdm, khnm, qdim, and init.
This text provides stronger evidence for some sort of internal organization in each of
these occupational categories. It is hard to understand how this text would have made
sense if the categorization of individuals according to occupational category was made
solely from the perspective of the palace. Since no explanation is given in this text, it
is not clear if the text records a granting of fields to these groups by the palace, or if
it simply represents an accounting of fields possessed by these groups. This text also
seems to support Schloen's argument that even urban dwellers engaged in agriculture.
Here is evidence that craft specialists have access to or possess fields, most likely for
farming. So these craft specialists are not only craft specialists, but engage in some
subsistence-oriented labor as well, unless it is posited that only their families engaged
in working these fields.t!
Equipment and weapons were also enumerated in relation to occupational cate-
gories. In KTU 4.624, the amounts and types of weapons possessed by specific indi-
viduals is recorded. The heading of the tablet explicitly states that the purpose of this
39 Pardee and BordreuilI992, p. 714.
40 Gray 1952, p. 51.
41 A major issue that is often ignored on the literature on craft specialists is that families are units of
production and consumption, not lone individuals (seethe discussion in Chapter One of Chayanov who
pioneered methods of studying the production and consumption activities of the family as opposed to
simply the individual). So from a household perspective, craft specialists almost always have mixed
sources of livelihood.
156
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 157
text is to account for the weapons held or owned by shepherds: nqdm dt kn npsbm. If
these shepherds are working on behalf of the palace, then this record may function as
a means of recording equipment that is removed from the palace.
Other texts record amounts of silver dispersed to individuals. Frequently the indi-
viduals are grouped according to occupation. In some cases totals are given of the
amounts of silver distributed: to occupational groups as a whole. In KTU 4.69, silver
is distributed to specific individuals, grouped according to occupational category, with
totals given for the amounts of silver held by the occupational groups as a whole.
Rainey takes this as a list of payments made to military specialists by the palace.Y
The occupational groups include mryn, mru, mru ibrn, mdrgl, bdl mdrglm, and khn.
KTU 4.71 is similarly structured, but involves different occupational categories. Those
preserved are kbf and 'bd. In these situations it is easiest to understand the distribution
of silver as payment for services. PRU 6 136 (RS 17.240) lists amounts of silver in
association with various categories of occupational worker. Silver, unlike textiles or wine
(other items distributed by occupational category), does not have a ready use-value in
a subsistence economy. Unless it is assumed that these specialists were manufacturing
some sort of item in silver (like jewelry), then the only real uses of silver, from a prac-
tical standpoint, are to trade it to obtain other items or to hoard it as a means of stor-
ing wealth.
KTU 4.396 lists amounts of some precious metal (although textiles are another
possibility) measured in kkr, probably tin, copper, or bronze (based on the typical
usages of kkr), according to occupation group. Unfortunately, the text itself is too
fragmentary to draw any specific conclusions. The occupations that are legible are
bronze-smiths and builders, both occupations that require precious metals for their
craft specialist activities. Note that line 17 indicates a distribution of this item to the
king. This text reflects a delivery of precious metals to the palace and its subsequent
distribution to various groups associated with the palace. It is not clear if the builders
and bronze-smiths are automatically granted these materials due to the nature of their
professions, or whether they would have had to supply some substance in return, or if
they would not have ownership of the products that they created using these materials.
Another form of text that is telling in regards to supplying equipment is KTU 4.53,
found in the Northwest. This tablet records the: mtjrglm d inn msg lhm, "the mrjrglm
without msg-garments." Following this are lists of personal names, and on the left edge
of the tablet are notations about weapons. It is uncertain how these notations about
weapons relate to the rest of the text, if they do at all.
Found in sounding IV; KTU 4.38 is a unique text in that it takes the form of a chart.
The left most column of the tablet lists occupational categories. The three columns to
the right of this, list amounts of flour, silver, and sheep associated with each group.
42 Rainey 1965a, p. 20.
KTU 4.751, similarly lists quantities of foodstuffs according to occupational category.
In this case though, the foods are much more diverse, but the only occupational cate-
gory mentioned is the mrjrglm.
Occasionally, numbers are written out before the occupational category. KTU 4.137
is an example of a text structured in this manner. Most of the occupational categories
listed in this text represent military occupations. According to lines 12-14 there are
163 bnlm quartered within the palace. The same kind of notation structure appears
in KTU 4.138. In this text, numbers of individuals (apprentices and bnsm) assigned
to specific individuals (or from specified regions) are listed. It is safe to assume, from
these texts, that when numbers are written out in front of a noun, those numbers rep-
resent the value of that specific noun, rather than another assumed noun related to the
listed one. The broken text KTU 4.154 also records apprentices (lmd) assigned to cer-
tain individuals, with presumably the same structure. This class of text reflects an
administrative situation where the palace assigns labor to other individuals. Unfortu-
nately the individuals receiving the labor assignments are listed only by personal name,
so it is impossible to identify their relationship to the palace. These texts are interest-
ing as well since the assigned laborers are not described with a name, in distinction
to the individuals who receive the laborers. This is further evidence of a distinction
between unnamed workers and named workers, from the perspective of the palace.
Occupational Groups as Collectives
There are some hints in the tablets of the Palace Archives that occupational groups
had some sort of internal structure or organization. The distribution (or enumeration)
of fields according to occupational category has already been mentioned as possibly
indicative of some internal organization. The evidence for internal organization of
craft specialists is frequently overstated.P but there are some important ways in which
the collective nature of these occupations was manifest. It is useful to look at this
question from the standpoint first put forward by Rainey, that proof of the collective
organization of these groups is implicit in the fact that they receive payments as col-
lectives.v' Following this logic, it is important to identify what economic activities
were engaged in by these groups as collectives, or minimally, what economic activities
were ascribed to these groups as collectives.
A request for resources, made by a group of potters, is preserved in KTU 4.626.
This is explicit in the heading: irst Yfbm, "request of the potters." Following this
are quantities of items. While not all of these objects are identifiable, large quantities
of precious metals are identifiable, and indicate the large scale of this request. The
administrative context of this tablet is clear; an occupational group has requested
43 See Craigie 1982; Gray 1952, pp. 50-51; Rainey 1962b, pp. 166-167.
44 Rainey 1962b, pp. 166-167.
158 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS
159
the disbursement (or acquisition) of resources by the palace. The relationship between
the potters and the palace is not clear. Are the potters here specifically potters that
work for the palace? The potters could also have been semi-attached laborers who
would have had to return payment of some sort as a condition of receiving these
products.
Records of wool distributions are a common text type in the palace archive. In
KTU 4.630, this information is recorded by occupational category. It was not neces-
sary for this scribe to record the names of individuals who took wool. Rather, it was
sufficient to write (for example lines 8-9) that ten house builders took wool. The same
kind of information is recorded in KTU 4.378, which is a "list of shepherds who took
wool." These texts are clear evidence of some kind of redistribution from the palace
to these individuals. Craigie takes this as evidence that shepherds were some kind of
collective, as opposed to a group that was identified as such in the palace record.P
Whether the individuals took wool in payment for services rendered related to the
occupational category, or whether the distribution of wool was done irrespective of the
individual's occupation is unclear, although the former suggestion seems more likely
given the use of the occupational category as the primary referent. These texts come
from the context of the palace administration. However, simply because a certain group
of craft specialists are attested in the palace record does not mean that this group only
existed as a subsidiary group within the palace.t"
The accounting text KTU 4.337 is significantly more complex than the other texts
described in this section. The heading states that this is a "list of the accounts of sbrdnm
(lance-makers, bronze-smiths)," a particular occupational category. In the numerous
lines following the heading, the recorded information describes quantities of items
that were exchanged for quantities of different kinds of items. It also lists deliveries
from named people. The final line, 27, records the total amount of silver (300) that
was presumably used in this transaction. The function of this record is unclear, as the
form is unique. It seems to demonstrate that this group was able to trade a wide vari-
ety of goods, and that they traded these goods as a collective group.
The question of the existence of guilds or organized occupational groups at Ugarit
shall be put off until Chapter Five. What is important for the discussion here is that
occupational categories were administratively meaningful categories for the palace.
Administrative situations were organized around these groups; profession was a mean-
ingful category of administrative thought and activities involving palace and occupa-
tional groups led to the creation of records in the form of tablets.
45 Craigie 1982.
46 For an example of this kind of error, see Craigie 1984, p. 33, where he states that most shepherds
were palace personnel because they appear in palace administrative documents at Ugarit.
Census Lists
Another class of texts detailing information about individuals are the so-called census
texts. These texts take a relatively uniform appearance. Each "household" is set off from
the rest of the text by line dividers. Each entry begins with a personal name, followed
by a gentilic, indicating the place of origin of the preceding person. This gentilic is
never Ugarit proper; the people being censused are always outsiders. After the
gentilic, ,the other members of the household are listed, including wives, children, other
household members, and animals. Texts of this sort include: KTU 4.80, KTU 4.295,
KTU 4.417, and KTU 4.420.
Varying slightly from this form is KTU 4.102. It lists the family members of dif-
ferent households, with the patriarch listed as the final element of each entry. The
broken bottom section of the tablet mentions Alashiya, indicating that this is a list of
Cyprus. Astour argues that this text could be a list of Cypri-
otes hVIng In Ugarit, or It could be a list of Ugaritians who held trade concessions with
Cyprus.V Also varying slightly in form but not in kind of information is KTU 4.360.
Centilics are not provided for each entry, so it is unclear if these individuals were for-
eigners or not. The nature of household composition is slightly different as well as it
includes multiple wives, and bh Rainey suggests that these texts reflect the govern-
ment's interest in family composition for fiscal purposes.t" He suggests that in the case
that a family member defaults on a loan, the creditor may have seized his family, and
hence the palace kept track of this information in case of such a situation.t?
A more difficult text is KTU 4.339. It lists bnsmwho dwell in Ugarit, as well as the
families of those bnim. Sometimes a gentilic is given for the individuals, and in other
instances an occupational designation is provided. Lines 17ff. list individuals who are
under the authority of the king. Sometimes numbers of bnimare listed under a broader
category. The heading of these texts state explicitly what the lists notate. KTU 4.355
is unfortunately broken after the word spr in the first line, but is otherwise well pre-
served and enumerates numbers of bnlm in various geographic locations. KTU 4.367
lists bnsmlk in a particular geographic location. It also indicates the presence of a pot-
ter and twenty teams of oxen. A similar, but more fragmentary text is KTU 4.395,
which notes how many individuals took cereals and how many took textiles.
There are two identifiable goals in the palace administration manifest in these cen-
sus documents. First, the palace kept track of non-Ugaritians, and especially those
non-Ugaritians residing within the confines of the city. It is not clear if this kind of
recording was for tax purposes or for purposes of regulating the movement of for-
eigners. More will be said on this subject in Chapter Eight. The second goal of the
47 Astour 1970, pp. 121-122.
48 Raineyl%5,p.ll.
49 Rainey 1%5a, p. 12.
160
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 161
palace census documents was to record the movement of labor. The ability and the
desire to record the movement of the labor force demonstrates the palace's control over
labor forces outside of the confines of the palace.
RECORDS OF PLACES
Much information revolving around geographic locations is preserved within the
palace archive. This subject will be discussed in detail in Chapter Eight, with emphasis
on the types of economic activities that the palace kept records of that occurred in
areas outside of Ugarit. What follows is a discussion of the genres of those texts where
the primary organizing referent is the name of a geographic location.
Simple Lists
As with personal names, there are lists preserved that record only the names of
geographic areas - without explanation for the purpose of the compilation of
this data. Examples of these lists includer'" KTU 4.119, KTU 4.346*, KTU 4.414,
KTU 4.553, KTU 4.622, KTU 4.629, KTU 4.661, KTU 4.684, KTU 4.685 and
KTU 4.686. Syllabic lists of towns are also attested: PRU 6 96 (RS 19.91) and
PRU 6 97 (RS 19.118). It may be assumed that there was some reason for the com-
pilation of these lists, other than the simple listing of names, and it is most likely that
these tablets were an active part of the Ugaritic administrative system. At the very
least, these lists demonstrate that the palace at Ugarit held some sort of administra-
tive interest in these other areas.
Lists with Unexplained Numbers
Slightly more information is provided in texts listing geographic names with associ-
ated numbers. Unfortunately it is frequently quite difficult to know what the numerical
value referred to. Examples include: KTU 4.73, KTU 4.94, KTU 4.100, KTU 4.267,
KTU 4.303, KTU 4.365, KTU 4.621, and KTU 4.676. Syllabic texts of this nature
are also well attested: PRU 3 189ff(RS 11.790), PRU 3190 (RS 11.800), PRU 3191
(RS 11.841), PRU 3 192 (RS 16.313), Ug. 5 102 (RS 20.207A), and Ug. 7 pi 13
(RS 34.131). Tablets of this type found in non-palatial contexts include KTU 4.5 and
KTU 4.19. Possible interpretations of these tablets are as lists of items distributed to
or received from these village locations. Another possibility is that the lists recorded
50 Texts marked with an * indicate that much of the tablet is preserved. With these texts it can be
confidently asserted that in their original form, they contained only geographic names. With broken
tablets, it is quite possible that other information was simply not preserved.
amounts of goods, labor, or some other quantifiable information at each of these loca-
tions. Without explicit comments on the tablet, it is impossible to be absolutely certain.
Perhaps these tablets reflect and record the service obligations of the towns listed.
KTU 4.95 very certainly records this kind of information. Found in the Northwest,
the body of this tablet lists a geographic name followed by units of time in months
and days. The of the tablet explains these units of time, reading: qrht d tSflmn
t.lrbh, "cities that t.lrbh service." Clearly the information recorded is the dura-
I
tion of time that each city provided in service. Perhaps other texts with palace names
and numbers reflect similar situations, but units of time are only listed in months and
days, making it unnecessary to write the word for month or day.
Information About Fields
There are some hints within the administrative record that the palace kept control
over certain agricultural fields. KTU 4.110 lists the ubdy fields in certain areas under
the control of the sdkin. The nature of this control is unclear; the sdkinu may have
been directly responsible for agricultural production or may have simply been the rep-
resentative of the king in the area under discussion in the tablet. In KTU 4.375 the
amount of in certain regions are noted. In KTU 4.244, information about
vineyards, including their location, quantity, and owner's name, is recorded. It is pos-
sible to reconstruct two different, although not necessarily mutually exclusive, motives
for the recording of such information. From the presence of these tablets in the palace,
it can be assumed that these particular types of fields were under the palace's sphere of
influence, either directly, or through service obligations. The motive then, was either
to keep track of palatial income (either through taxation or the direct production of
agricultural goods), or to keep track of areas to which the palace needed to supply
labor and equipment. In these cases, the former suggestion seems most likely. How-
ever, it is clear from text types that will be discussed later that the palace did supply
agricultural equipment and labor to certain fields.
While fragmentary, KTU 4.139 demonstrates that the palace kept track of certain
amounts of goods in some locations. Unfortunately the text is too broken for thor-
ough reading. It is possible to recognize personal names and the amounts of shekels
listed as present at various gt. The degree of specificity in listing what was at a partic-
ular gt indicates the more direct control of the palace over these locations, and suggests
that these agricultural estates were estates that were actually maintained by the palace.
Information About the Circulation of Goods
Sometimes lists of geographic regions and numbers can be understood to a greater
extent. In the case of KTU 4.113, lines 2 and 3 indicate that the numerical value
162 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 163
refers to quantities of some goods measurable in shekels, most likely silver. There is no
indication in the text itself about whether these amounts of shekels were payments to
or from these villages, or even simply accounting information describing how many
shekels of silver are where (although this latter option does not seem very likely). From
the area designated the Northwest, KTU 4.49 also lists geographic names with amounts
of silver in shekels. KTU 4.48, also from the Northwest, demonstrates a similar prob-
lem, but in this case with quantities of wine. It lists geographic names with numbers.
Line 13 lists that the total of the numbers is 148 jars of wine. Yet the same interpre-
tive problems remain, did these places receive wine or dispatch wine?
There are other texts that are much clearer. In KTU 4.143, the amount of olives
from certain places (including the queens gt) is recorded. The phrase w bd krd bmfm
I mit arb' kbd, "and from GN, 154 (olives)", shows that goods move towards the
palace. In other words, this text records deliveries of olives to the palace, although no
rationale for the delivery (i.e., taxation, sales, palace-owned agriculture) is explicit. The
mention of gt mlkt b rhbn suggests that the latter option is preferable, although sales
or taxation cannot entirely be ruled out.
5
!
The amounts of specifictypes of wine at various locations are recorded in KTU 4.213,
as well as amounts of wine distributed to various occupational groups. The expression
used in this tablet indicates that it functioned precisely as an inventory of amounts of
different types of wine at various locations: x amount of y type of wine at GN. Here
is ample evidence for royal administrative participation in the circulation of wine.
Whether or not these locations were directly controlled by the palace, or whether the
palace was involved in a later stage of wine distribution (perhaps skimming off of the
top of the local producer's surplus) is unclear.
Information About Agricultural Equipment
Agricultural equipment distributed according to geographic region was recorded in
the palace archive. With these texts it is difficult to determine the implied ownership of
the equipment. Was the palace keeping records of the locations of its equipment? Or,
was the palace simply noting which areas have what? In KTU 4.308, the amounts of
teams of draught animals are recorded according to geographic distribution. Similarly,
in KTU 4.380, amounts of human workers and donkeys are kept track of, according
to geographic distribution. Quantities of other kinds of draught animals and human
workers in various locations are recorded in KTU 4.618. Liverani takes this text as a
document recording the allocation of such supplies from the palace to royal esrates.Y
Agricultural tools at eight geographic locations are enumerated in KTU 4.625. The
51 The problem is that it is not clear if gtmlkt should be considered a place name or a term designating
a gt belonging to the queen.
52 Liverani 1989, p. 133.
types of tools include sickles, shovels, pick-axes, hoes, and hammers. Liverani argues
that while local workers manufactured stone tools, bronze tools were produced by
the palace and distributed to thl royal estates.53 KTU 4.625 reflects this situation.t"
Amounts of fodder at various g10graphic locations are recorded in KTU 4.636. Who-
ever is posited as owner of this equipment, If such a concept is even appropriate, these
texts demonstrate the participation of the palace in agricultural production, through
the organization of the distribution of equipment and labor.
Records of this sort have also been found outside of the palace archive. In the
House of Rap'anu, KTU 4.698 lists amounts of donkeys associated with specified
geographic locations. Given that the amounts of donkeys are either one or two, it is
unlikely that these texts record the total amounts of donkeys in the specified regions.
Rather, the numbers must reflect an association with Rap' anu. There are a number
of possible explanations. These may be donkeys belonging to Rap' anu in those loca-
tions. Or they may have been donkeys that Rap' anu either bought from or sold to
those regions.
RECORDS OF COMMODITIES
The notion of commodity may not necessarily be appropriate for the ancient world.
It is used here to refer to those types of goods that are easily interchangeable. That is to
say, one particular jar of wine is just as valuable as its equivalent. There is no special
relationship between these particular objects and their possessors. There are consistent
patterns of types of commodities that are the subject of the Ugaritic administrative
record: cereals, wine, olives, oil, precious metals, salt, and textiles. These are the most
common types of materials that are apparent administratively, and the contexts where
these items are the subject of an administrative record are the subject of the following
discussion.
There are some general problems in interpreting these texts. Pardee and Bordreuil
have noted the difficulties in interpreting texts that list amounts of items without
any verbal form describing the direction of movement. 55 The basic problem is to
determine whether the quantities refer to payments or distributions. 56 Indeed, this is
the same problem that is apparent in many of the administrative documents. The
laconic nature of the tablets prevents full understanding. Perhaps the tablets were
created to help organize a particular administrative occurrence, and once that occur-
rence was concluded, the tablet itself would have had minimal use, without dates or
explanations.
53 Liverani 1989, p. 135.
54 Liverani 1989, p. 135.
55 Pardee and Bordreuil 1992, p. 716.
56 Pardee and BordreuiI1992, p. 716.
164 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 165
Cereals
The redistribution of foodstuffs is traditionally understood as an important compo-
nent of redistributive economies. It is important to look in detail for any evidence that
could be understood as demonstrating that the palace redistributed foodstuffs, gained
from agricultural producers, to craft specialists and other royal personnel. Too often
this role of the palace is assumed apriori. It is essential for this discussion to determine
whether or not this actually was the case.
Perhaps the clearest tablet-types that could be marshaled for this kind of argu-
ment are those that record distributions of cereals in specific months. The syllabic text
PRU 6 101 (RS 19.130) records cereals dispensed in one month. Although broken,
this tablet likely included a list of amounts of cereals distributed to specified indi-
viduals. The distribution of cereals to individuals is better preserved in PRU 6 107
(19.25).
Depending on how the preposition bd is understood, KTU 4.247 records the deliv-
ery of goods from fm) bn bdn to the palace. This is only noted at the end of this large
and broken text, and there may be other economic transactions originally recorded
on the tablet. Most of the items listed on the tablet are foodstuffs of some sort or
another. The reason for this delivery or the status of fm) in relation to the palace is
not described.
Numerous Akkadian texts detail an amount of cereals in relation to a specified indi-
vidual. This could simply be recorded as a number associated with a personal name,
such as in PRU 6 99 (RS 19.09) and PRU 6 109 (RS 19.131). Other times, similar
information is recorded as an amount of a type of cereal eli PN. This is the case with
PRU 6 104 (RS 19.43). Another expression used is: amount of type of cereal qat PN,
as in PRU 3 188 (RS 16.151). Both expressions are used in PRU 6 102 (RS 19.12).
It has already been noted that the palace kept track of the amounts of comestibles
at the numerous gt. KTU 4.271 is a record of the quantities of akl in gt listed by name.
This is also the subject of KTU 4.400, although kd of wine are also listed. It should
be noted that KTU 4.213 records the amount of wine (but not cereals) at particular
gt. This text is understood by Liverani as a record of amounts of wine delivered from
various gt to the palace.57
Related are the palace records that, although not necessarily referring to gt, indicate
amounts of cereals in geographic areas. The amounts of different kinds of cereals in
various locations are recorded in KTU 4.345. It is unclear in any of these situations
whether movement of those goods is implied or whether the purpose of the record is
to note the location of quantities. Similar information is recorded in the syllabic texts,
such as: PRU 6 100 (RS 19.51), PRU 6 105 (RS 19.117), PRU 6 110 (RS 19.88),
57 Liverani 1989, p. 144.
and PRU 6 111 (RS 19.129). In contrast, KTU 4.361 and KTU 4.362 indicate the
movement of quantities of flour.
Liverani has suggested that texts the cereals and other agricultural goods
at particular gt represent annual surnmaries.l" These annual summaries were compiled
before the harvest, and the purpose 'of their compilation was to note how much of
each product needed to be left at each gt for the next year, or how much needed to be
distributed to each gt.59
The sale of goods at the palace is attested as well. In KTU 4.707, comestibles are
noted as having been sold to various individuals. Different individuals trade different
goods, such as textiles, dairy products, and sesame (or sesame oil) for small amounts
of shekels.
There are also tablets that are too broken to glean much information from. They
are still informative when some words are identifiable. KTU 4.211 preserves the term
for a cereal. Likewise, KTU 4.328 preserves the notations of amounts of flour, but no
other information. KTU 4.677 and 4.558 provide similarly meager information. Some
kind of good, measured in sp, is recorded in KTU 4.56, found in the Northwest.
Quantities, where the number is fully preserved, range from 10 to 90. Lines 3-6 note
personal names, and at least the personal name in line 5 can be understood as receiving
the text.
Wine
Broadly speaking, there are four categories of texts relating to wine found within
the palace archives. The first category takes the general form of 'x amount of wine
for y personal name/ geographic name/ occupational category.' KTU 4.230 ends by
totaling the amount of wine distributed, suggesting that the exact quantity of wine
was an important datum. KTU 4.246 begins by stating the particular month when
the wine was distributed. KTU 4.149 also fits into this category. Ug. 5 99 (RS 20.425)
is a syllabic text that lists quantities of wine distributed to (a-na) certain individuals.
These texts clearly reflect distributions of wine from the palace, though whether they
should be understood as rations given for service, payments given for service, or items
that were paid for in some manner that was not recorded is unclear.
The second category of wine text, wine sales, is exemplified by a broken text, con-
sisting of KTU 4.219, 4.220, and 4.221
6
. What makes this text interesting is the
heading, which indicates that these were quantities of wine 'given for silver' - in
58 Liverani 1989, p. 129.
59 Liverani 1989, p. 129.
60 KTU notes that these three texts are actually fragments of one larger tablet. It should be noted
that this is somewhat troubling since 4.219 was supposedly found in a different room than the other
two.
Olives
Precious Metals
Oil
Many scholars of the Ugaritic economy have argued that silver acts essentially as
currency within the Ugaritic economy.V Some tablets have been taken as lists of price
THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF TEXTS 167
equivalencies, using silver as the common frame of reference. In these situations, it
is unclear if precious metals filled the functions of currency; considering precious
metals as hierarchically valued goods is methodologically safer.
63
This does not neces-
sitate that precious metals have the same range of possible uses as all-purpose currency,
but rather that they have an established value in certain set contexts. For example,
PRU 6 155 (RS 19.07), a syllabic text, lists a variety of classes of objects with the value
in silver. This does not mean that silver functioned as currency per se but simply that
silver was used as a means of quantifying the relative values of certain objects.
At this point, it is useful to explore the types of texts that feature silver promi-
nently. KTU 4.373 is the remnant of some kind of transaction. A possible analogy
with KTU 4.219 (and its joins), and the occurrence of the measurement kd, suggests
that this text apparently represents the sales of wine for silver. In both of these texts,
the expression "x item for y amount of silver" expresses the trade of one type of item
for an amount in silver. The palace pays various individuals silver for textiles received
from them in KTU 4.132. It is unclear if silver is playing the role of currency in these
texts, but given the general lack of utility of silver, it is plausible to assume that it
is functioning to mediate exchange. Likewise, the Akkadian expression 'eli PN,' is
used in connection with specified amounts of silver. Silver was exchanged for wool in
Ug. 5 13 (RS 17.465), a tablet from the House of Rasapabu.
Fragmentary texts attest that gold and silver were in circulation, but often it is
impossible to ascertain the purpose of the texts. As with other classes of objects, the
Akkadian expression 'silver ina qati PN' is attested, for example in PRU 3 194ff
(RS 11.839). KTU 4.598 specifies an amount of silver, but the purpose of the record
is not preserved. Similarly, KTU 4.72 records a total amount of silver, with the rest
of the record illegible. KTU 4.577 is quite fragmentary, but from what is legible, it
appears to be a record of amounts of gold. Similar problems are apparent in the syllabic
corpus. Amounts of silver, varying from 4 to 122/3 shekels, are listed according to per-
sonal name in PRU 3 194 (RS 11.787). Similarly unexplained lists of amounts of silver
associatedwith personal names are: PRU 3 198 (RS 16.291), PRU 6 139 (RS 19.139),
and PRU 6 166 (RS 19.99).
A very difficult text involving silver is KTU 4.280. This text records quantities of
silver associated with specific individuals, set out for cuitic uses and 'used up in the
fields.' How exactly this silver was used up in the field is unclear. Perhaps silver was
used for paying laborers, or perhaps it was used to purchase fields. Whatever reading
of this problematic text is correct, it can be said that silver is used in a number of dif-
ferent contexts other than primary manufacturing.
Records of precious metal being distributed for industrial production are also
apparent. An example of this from the syllabic texts is PRU 6 140 (RS 19.92), which
63 See Firth 1967, p. 18.
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
61 Or possibly olive trees, though 20 zt are listed as tribute given by Yabninu in KTU 4.91, which is
easiest to conceptualize as some measure of olives.
62 See for example Stieglitz 1979, p. 15.
Amounts of oil distributed to individuals designated by their location of origin
(i.e., Egyptian, Cypriote) are recorded in KTU 4.352. The quantities of oil are quite
large. Perhaps the listed individuals intended to sell or redistribute the oil in some
other way in their regions of origin.
There are more texts dealing with oil in the syllabiccorpus. PRU 3 187 (RS 16.125)
lists that 143 jars of oil are in the hand of (qat) an individual specified by name and
place. Amounts of oil listed according to name and place (PRU 6 144 (RS 19.38)) and
name and occupational category (PRU 3 199ff (RS 16.257+)) are also attested. Line 9
of Ug.5 99 (RS 20.425) lists an amount of oil distributed to a certain person. Oil is also
listed as eli certain individuals in PRU 3 198 (RS 16.359B) and PRU 6 112 (RS 17.99).
In KTU 4.164, it is noted that there are 370 olives''! in the ubdyofMLK. KTU 4.143,
which has been discussedabove, also notes amounts of olives in certain locations. People
and places are listed with amounts of olives in KTU 4.764. KTU 4.429 lists amounts
of kd ztm associated with specific individuals, although whether these are receipts or
distributions is unclear. Olives are mentioned in passing in other texts as well, but in
these instances, olives are the main subject of the administrative record.
other words, sold. Presumably then, the palace sold wine to individuals, occupational
groups, and noted the information by month of sale and the rate of sale.
The third category of text relating to wine found within the palace administration
notes the quantities of wine at specific locations. KTU 4.397 lists the wine in specific
places. So does KTU 4.213, but this text also specifies the type of wine (plus quantity)
found at each location. Do these texts reflect accounts of royal production centers,
or do they reflect the palace administering production areas that are not directly con-
trolled by the palace? A fourth category of tablet relating to wine, found more fre-
quently outside of the palace archive are those texts that simply list personal names
and amounts of wine. KTU 4. 715 should be understood in this way.
166
168 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 169
records a situation where copper was given to an individual to do work of an unspec-
ified nature (a-na e-pa-ie ta-din) for another individual.
Salt
Two texts found in the so-called "oven" (i.e., in Court V) reflect administrative
records of the distribution of salt. Distributions of quantities of salt to individuals are
recorded in KTU 4.340. Distributions to individuals within the occupational category
of mr' are found in KTU 4.344. Outside of the palace, KTU 4.720 also lists distribu-
tions of salt to named individuals.
Textiles
Textiles seem to have been both bought and distributed by the palace. It can be
quite difficult to identify textile terminology with actual types of textiles, and for
the most part this study does not attempt this kind of analysis. What is of interest
here are the contexts where textiles are featured as a component of an economic
transaction.
The palace bought specific kinds of textiles, as recorded in KTU 4.132. The docu-
ment records the specific type of textile, the amount of the textile, from whom it was
purchased, and for how much. The prices of particular garments (in x amounts of
shekels of silver) are recorded in KTU 4.156. Another text (KTU 4.146) seems to
indicate the price (or value) of specific garments in an undetermined numerical meas-
urement. It must be noted that this text could be a record of specific quantities of par-
ticular kinds of textiles.
Textiles listed by type (as a measurement of quantity) are attested. At least nine (but
probably originally more) different kinds of textiles are listed by quantity in KTU 4.152.
There are 5 different textile or textile manufacturing items listed in KTU 4.206. In
KTU 4.270, there are at least eight, and probably more, different kinds of textiles listed,
with associated quantities. This kind of text is similarly attested in the syllabic script.
Examples include: PRU 3 206ff (RS 15.135), PRU 6 123 (RS 17.328), PRU 6 127
(RS 19.57), PRU 6 129 (RS 19.133A), PRU 6 130 (RS 19,X), and PRU 6 172
(RS.19.140A).
Lists were compiled of individuals who took specific amounts of wool (measured
in kkr). KTU 4.131 is one such list. Total amounts of textiles taken by the bns mlk
of PRT (a GN) are listed in KTU 4.144. Some syllabic texts list: garments qat PN.
Examples include PRU 6 126 (RS 19.28), and PRU 6 128 (RS 19.104).
An interesting series of texts are those that describe the monthly "bringing out"
of specific garments. KTU 4.192,4.193, and 4.316 describe certain specific kinds
of garments brought out in particular months. Widbin believes that there is cultic
significance to these texts.
64
He suggests that the garments are brought out at a spe-
cific time for particular deities. Clemens registers reservations about the cultic desig-
nation of all of these texts. For Clemens, designating KTU 4.192 and KTU 4.193 as
cultic is difficult, since this is based on an odd reading of a Kassite deity, otherwise
unattested at Ugarit. Line 5 ofKTU 4.316 is broken, but seems to read: [y]rb. dbb[],
"month of sacrifice." Clemens argues that this is simply a month name, and any cultic
connection has been lost long ago.
65
If these texts are not cultic, then they may reflect
distributions of textiles in particular months.
An unusual text is KTU 4.168. Thirteen lines are preserved in this text. Lines 5-8
(which are set apart from the rest of the text by line dividers) record a statement that
"when the fabric of the weavers runs out, and in the house of the king, fabric will
be given to them." This is likely an instruction to supply the palace weavers when
they run out of material. Lines 11-13 contain a similar order to provision. In this case
though, 300 ptt garments will be delivered in a certain month for three years. Lines 1-
2 and lines 9-10 record the delivery of smaller amounts of garments to specific indi-
viduals, whereas lines 3-4 record that 130 garments were delivered to the singers (fr)
associated with Athtart.P?
Textiles are certainly evident in the non-royal archives. From the House of Rap'anu
comes KTU 4.705, which lists distributions of textiles to certain people. KTU 4.101,
found in the trenches in the Northwest, is fragmentary, but each line reads: lbl (cloth-
ing) PN b (for) x amount of shekels. The easiest way to understand this text is as a
sales document.
Wood
Records of the circulation of wood as a raw material are attested in the syllabic
texts. PRU 6 113 (RS 19.26) notes the distribution of amounts of wood to the men
of the city of Arutu and the men of the city ofIbnaliya. PRU 6 114 (RS 19.71) is a list
of amounts of types of wood. There is no mention of the reason for the compilation
of this list.
RECORDS OF EQUIPMENT
Within the broader categorization of texts recording the location, possession, and
existence of equipment, there seem to be very different rationales behind the recording
64 Widbin 1985, pp. 142-143.
65 Clemens 2001, p. 431.
66 Smith has pointed out that in KTU 1.4 II: I-I I, Asherah is described as spinning and engaging
in textile manufacture, see Dever and Gitin 2003, p. 558. In a personal communication, Smith has sug-
gested that 2 Kings 23:7 evidently connects garments with Asherah.
170 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 171
of this information. Analysis of these situations is rewarding, since these texts reflect
issues of ownership and access to the means of production, a fundamental issue in the
investigation of economic modalities.
Agricultural Equipment
In all but the Eastern Archive of the palace, records of teams of animals and various
pieces of equipment related to farming were found. The texts indicate different kinds
of interests in regards to this material. Some texts indicate the equipment's location,
and other texts indicate that certain equipment was designated for a specific location.
The same can be said for specific individuals. Some of the lists record distributions of
equipment, and some indicate who has possession of the equipment.
In terms of form, these texts are very inconsistent. Sometimes the kind of animal is
listed first, followed by the number; other times the opposite is true. The same can be
said in cases when the animal is listed in relation to a village or person. Prepositions
do occur, but not always. The use of prepositions may clarify some of the relationships
between the animals and the villages/people. Certainly the use of b indicates locality
and the use of I indicates transfer of the item in question to someone or someplace.
The use of bdin these texts is more difficult to understand. Unfortunately, prepositions
are frequently omitted entirely.
Many of these texts are too broken to be of much value beyond showing that this
kind of record was kept in a certain location. Texts that take the form of lists of agricul-
tural equipment, but do not preserve more specific information include KTU 4.306,
4.470, 4.532, 4.535, and 4.576. Similarly, some of the texts list equipment and amounts,
but no further data, such as KTU 4.585.
There are numerous texts indicating that certain equipment can be found in specific
locations. KTU 4.89 describes amounts of pmdat various locations (either villages or gt).
The amount of oxen at specific locations is listed in KTU 4.231. While most of the
proper nouns are missing in the break, line 10 preserves the word tmtt. This is likely
a geographic name, based on the attestation of rb tmtt twice in KTU 2.38. Amounts
of horses are explicitly listed as "in" (b-J a number of different villages in KTU 4.384.
The amounts are rather vague, with the animals listed simply as plurals in one instance.
The reverse of the text indicates animals controlled by various individuals. The num-
ber of animals at each location is more explicitly mentioned in KTU 4.302.
Lists of animals and equipment under the control of individuals are an important
component of the reconstruction of economic modalities. Identifying who has access
to and control of the means of production is important. Given that the records of this
were found in the palace, some degree of royal control is implied. On the other hand,
individuals in the following texts all seem to have some control over the animals and
equipment. Perhaps these individuals were palace personnel or perhaps they were
borrowing, renting, or sharing palace property. This may be an indication of resources
that were potentially available for service or use. In KTU 4.582 amounts of horses
associated with various individuals are listed. KTU 4.586 also lists teams of animals
possessed by named individuals. As mentioned above, the reverse of KTU 4.384 lists
individuals who possess certain animals. A frequent style of list includes the name of
the individual, followed by the amounts and types of animals. An example of this is
KTU 4.368.
KTU 4.88 combines some of the features mentioned above. It lists that certain
amounts of apn (wheels?) were received from a man named prp. Other amounts of the
same item, the text goes on to list, were given to various other individuals. The end of
the text is broken but it may mention distributions of apn to Egyptians. Another text
that lists equipment distributed by the palace is KTU 4.208 + 9.120.
Similarly, KTU 4.377 combines various kinds of notations about agricultural equip-
ment including oxen, plows, donkeys, and perhaps harnesses. Lines 1-22 list individuals
who possess animal teams (probably oxen). Totals are given in lines 23-26 that do not
add up with the numbers given above, suggesting either a scribal mathematical error,
or that the totals are not related to the earlier lists. Lines 26 and 27 list agricultural
equipment in specific locations, and lines 28-30 indicate donkeys received from people
or places. Lines 31-32 indicate distribution of agricultural goods to specific places, and
lines 33-34 indicate equipment received from the mrynm. This text is compelling
because it hints at a very sophisticated organization of agricultural equipment. The
scribe has listed who possesses certain kinds of equipment, where certain kinds of
equipment are coming from and where certain kinds of equipment are going. This
may be evidence for an amount of palace intervention in the organization of the means
of production. The palace may be organizing the use of shared, agricultural resources.
Perhaps these individuals have borrowed this palace property. More likely, these individ-
uals are working palace lands and this is a record of who has taken how much palace-
owned equipment to engage in harvesting or another agricultural task that requires
specialized equipment only for a brief period of time.
A text worth singling out is KTU 4.422, which was found in the dump of the
palace and consists of 54 preserved lines. A dividing line between lines 1 and 2, indi-
cates that line 1 is a heading. Lines 2-54 consist of two columns of personal names.
Line 1 reads bnlm dt it. alpm lhm, "bnfm who have oxen." This is an explicit statement
of possession. The intent of this list is to notate who owns oxen. The presence of such
a text reflects royal interest in this subject. The problem is determining what the pur-
pose of listing this information was. Did this mean that the palace did not have to
supply these bnlm with oxen, and therefore indicate a situation where the palace
typically is responsible for providing bnim with oxen? Or, did the palace take this
information for reference so that it would be able to marshal the use of these oxen
when necessary?
172 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 173
The presence of these texts in the central palace is indicative of a certain amount of
palace involvement in the means of agricultural production. Unfortunately the pur-
pose for the compilation of this data is never made explicit in any of the texts. Perhaps
at certain times it was necessary to organize larger amounts of agricultural equipment,
possibly related to the agricultural season.
There are a large number of texts that deal explicitlywith teams of animals. One par-
ticular form has a heading "smdm apnt bd PN" (pairs of teams in the possession of PN).
Beneath are lists of the word apnm designated as "for x personal name." Examples of
this include: KTU 4.88 and KTU 4.586. This heading is not always present, even when
the teams are listed associated with specific individuals. Examples include KTU 4.377
and KTU 4.67. KTU 4.136 poses problems for these interpretations of the term smd,
which in this text seems to be some item that could be made in bronze.V This text is
otherwise very difficult to interpret. Quantities of animal teams are also listed according
to geographic region. Examples of these kinds of texts are: KTU 4.89, KTU 4.231, and
KTU 4.302. Frequently the texts are too fragmentary to make much out of, other than
to note that they are lists of smd. This kind of text includes: KTU 4.208, KTU 4.306,
KTU 4.368, KTU 4.532, KTU 4.535, KTU 4.576, KTU 4.582 and KTU 4.585.
Almost the opposite of all of these texts is KTU 4.422, which lists individuals who
do not possess draught animals. The fact that the palace would list this indicates that
the palace must have had some responsibility to provision certain segments of the
population with draught animals under certain situations. There was some obligation
on the part of the palace to provide draught animals, or possibly, all of these docu-
ments reflect the utilization of royal agricultural land. Thus, the palace provided the
equipment because it was the palace's own fields that were being worked on.
There are also texts that deal with horses. KTU 4.470 mentions horses, but this
very fragmentary text provides no further information. On the other hand, KTU 4.582
lists horses and the designation smd. Here smd should be understood as a part of a
yoke, rather than as a pair of draft animals, indicating the interest of the palace in
both animals and equipment. This type of administrative activity may better reflect an
interest of the palace in transportation, which shall be investigated next.
Transportation Equipment
The palace kept some records about equipment that fits into the broad category of
transportation equipment. Chariots, while strictly speaking a form of transportation,
67 The word smdcan be very difficult to understand, as it seems to have quite a large semantic range. De
Moor, 1971, p. 135, argues that while the term initially referred to a "crosspieceof the yoke of a pair of draft
animals," it developed to mean simply a pair of draft animals. While it is frequently impossible to differenti-
ate the particular use in a given context, it can usually safelybe assumed to reflect some sort of administrative
activity involving teams of draft animals. So while the exact circulation of equipment cannot be completely
reconstructed, a general idea of the kind of economic activity being administered can be identified.
are considered with other military equipment. Other land based transportation equip-
ment includes carts and wagons. The fragmentary tablet KTU 4.186 shows that the
palace kept track of wagons. Given the infrequency of palatial records of land based
transportation equipment (of a non-military and non-agricultural nature), it can be
assumed that the regulation of this kind of transportation was not a primary interest
of the palace.
Ships and ship inventories were of importance in the palace administration. One
method of recording information related to nautical issues is to list ships under the
heading "ships of a geographic name." Beneath this heading, ships of various types are
listed. Unfortunately our lexical knowledge of ship technology is limited, so it is difficult
to determine what kinds of ships are referred to. Each ship term is listed in construct
with a personal name. Examples of this kind of text are: KTU 4.81, KTU 4.366
68
,
and KTU 4.421. Inventories of ships were also kept. KTU 4.390 the inventory of
a Cypriote ship in a certain location is recorded. Various commodities are listed.
KTU 4.338 records amounts of silver sent by ship to the king of Byblos. Ship crews
are also inventoried. In KTU 4.394, numbers of people on a ship are listed. PRU 6 73
(RS 19.107A) may be a similar roster of individuals working on ships, but the text as
preserved is relatively cryptic. The payment of silver to various men working on ships
is recorded in PRU 6 138 (RS 19.46), and since this text was found within the palace
it can be assumed that the palace was the party that paid the sailors.
Ships were also the subjects of texts outside of the palace archive. Yabninu kept track
of ships. KTU 4.647 reflects this interest, although it is too fragmentary for much
comment. KTU 4.689, found in the House of Rap'anu is an inventory of ship's equip-
ment. A roster of various ships' crews (KTU 4.40) was found in the Ville Basse.
Military Equipment
Weapons and military equipment are noted in a few palace records. KTU 4.169
lists quantities of specific kinds of weapons. The fragmentary text KTU 4.670 may
have recorded the same kinds of information. Amounts of bows per occupational group
or geographic region are listed in PRU 6 131 (RS 19.35A). PRU 6 133 (RS 19.152)
also lists amounts of weapons, although the rationale for the compilation of this list
has not been preserved.
The palace kept track of chariots as well. In KTU 4.145, eight chariots are recorded
as having "entered" the palace, meaning that the palace gained ownership of them.
The equipment and parts associated with the chariots is also inventoried. Another
text, KTU 4.392, may list amounts of accessories designated for use with chariots,
68 It is an assumption with this text and the next that the first line would have read "anyt GN," if
preserved.
174
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 175
according to del Olmo Lete.s? Others?" see this as a text detailing the distribution of
rations to various groups and that is how it is understood here. Several texts preserve
only the word mrkbt. Examples of this are KTU 4.527, KTU 4.551, and KTU 4.602.
KTU 4.500 also preserves only the word mrkbt, but this tablet lacks provenance.
Chariots were also kept track of in syllabic texts. PRU 3 192ff (RS 12.34+43) list quan-
tities of chariots, between 1-'-3 or 10, held by certain individuals, grouped according to
location.
RECORDS OF LAND
The palace administration kept track of various aspects of landholding for a variety
of reasons. As discussed in Chapter Two, the question of land-ownership can be quite
complicated, and it is assumed here that a hierarchy of rights existed over real estate as
opposed to a simple ownership or non-ownership dichotomy.
General possession of fields is kept track of in the economic texts. In KTU 4.399,
fields are listed associated with certain individuals. Likewise, fields associated with cer-
tain people were also listed under headings of specific geographic regions, as was the
case in KTU 4.424. In KTU 4.282, fields of various sizes are listed in association with
specific people. A unique text, found in the quartier residentiel, lists the houses owned
by various individuals. In KTU 4.750, the location and quantity of houses of individ-
uals who were not from Ugarit are listed. Texts too broken for much discussion
include KTU 4.325, KTU 4.600, and KTU 4.641.
As noted about other kinds of equipment, sometimes it was important to record
that certain individuals did not possess fields. This is the case in KTU 4.298. Texts
such as this are interesting since the act of recording that these people do not possess
fields indicates that it was expected that they would own fields. If it was not expected
that they would own the fields, then the logical record to have written would list indi-
viduals who did own fields. Since the palace was keeping track of this information,
it is possible that it was the palace's responsibility to supply fields, or that the palace
was interested in levying some kind of obligations on owners of such fields. It is very
unfortunate that no information beyond the names of the individuals is given in
KTU 4.298.
Field Transfers
The palace kept track of at least some of the transfers of fields between individuals.
The Akkadian record of the transfer of land is very rich at Ugarit. The most notable
69 Del Olma Lete 1978, pp. 47-51.
70 Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartin 1974, p. 68 and Vita 1996.
class ofAkkadian field transfer texts are those texts that record the donation of land to
certain individuals, on behalf of the palace, usually in return for subsequent service to
the palace. Libolt has dealt with these texts adequately and the reader is referred there
or to the summary of Libolt's arguments in Chapter Two of this work,"! The alpha-
betic texts will instead be the main focus of the following discussion.
The alphabetic Ugaritic material is much more cryptic. Statements of field transfers
are very brief, following the formula "Id x personal name I y personal name." Exam-
ples of this are in KTU 4.222, and KTU 4.425. Other texts may be examples of this
but are too broken to say for certain: KTU 4.223, KTU 4.403, and KTU 4.536.
More difficult to interpret are those texts that include only one personal name. With
the difficult preposition bd, it is unclear whether the individuals listed in KTU 4.357
received fields or became alienated from their fields. Based on the understanding of
prepositions outlined in Chapter Three, it is most likely that bd here indicates the ini-
tial position of the field.
The transfer of property was also kept track of within the palace administration. For
example, KTU 4.222 contains one section with statements in the form "field of x per-
sonal name to y personal name." These statements indicate the transfer of fields from
one individual (or patrimony) to another. A similar construction may also be reflected
in some broken tablets, including KTU 4.223, and KTU 4.259. The broken tablet
KTU 4.638 reflects a slightly different scribal practice, but records the same basic kind
of information. In this text, the notation is in the form "personal name x to personal
name y, field z quantity." In these cases, person x gave z amounts of fields to person y.
The relationship between palace and land is hinted at with these documents.
The palace does not play an explicitly stated role in the transference of land. Since no
justification is given for the transference, and since the palace is recording this infor-
mation, it seems clear that the palace did in fact play a role in the transmission of
property ownership in these cases. Skaist has argued that in these situations where the
king supervised land transfers, even if the king did not actually hold the land, the land
was still under the king's authority, and any transfer required the permission of the
king.
72
Another possibility is that the palace acted as legal guarantor or witness to the
transaction; if this was the case then there is an implicit concession of the power of the
crown by both parties, since the crown is able to enforce that the transaction is fol-
lowed through with. Minimally, the palace recorded who held what property. These
texts could also be understood as recording a situation where the palace was removing
the land from one individual's authority to place under another individual's authority.
If this is the case, it is not clear whether the relationship between the people and the
property is one of ownership or simply the right/obligation to work the land.
71 Libalt 1985.
72 Skaist 1988, p. 156.
176 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 177
It is likely that land designated "Id" was land outside of the city limits proper, but
farmed by urban inhabitants (see Chapter Seven). The palace kept some record when
authority over certain sections of arable land changed. The issue is further complicated by
KTU 4.39, which is this same type of text, but found in the Ville Basse, which is not a
palatial context. Given that this tablet is not securelyassociatedwith a building, one needs
to be cautious in arguing that non-royal officials engaged in this kind of administration.
Perhaps an example of a sale of fields is KTU 4.240, which includes mention of
quantities of silver and fields. Unfortunately, this text is quite broken. The existence of
a text demonstrating the sale of fields for silver shows that land was in fact alienable,
and that it could be bought and sold. Given the broken nature of this text, it is not
impossible to rule out the possibility that this text reflects debts incurred with land as
collateral. If this is the case, a similar situation where land is alienable and has abstract
value can be assumed.
ubdy Fields
Records of specific fields referred to as ubdy fields in the Ugaritic texts were kept
by the palace. It must have been important administratively to keep track of which
fields were ubdyand to whom they belonged. An example of these kinds of records is
KTU 4.389. KTU 4.7 is also such a text, but lacks provenance and is therefore less
helpful in reconstructing the relationships of the parties involved.
A completely different type of informational goal is reflected in those texts describ-
ing the relationship between named individuals and property. Manifestations of this
are the lists of updt/ubdt in specific geographic locations. In both KTU 4.264 and
KTU 4.309, after a heading stating the information mentioned above, a list of per-
sonal names is presented. It can be assumed that this text reflects the need to record
this specific type of property holder (see Chapter Three) by both name and location.
The information is grouped according to geographic region and the goal of this tablet
is to specify these kinds of landholders in reference to their location.
A more difficult text is KTU 4.264, which is explicitly called "a list of updt at the dis-
posal of x personal name." A similar situation in which ubdy refers to people rather than
real estate is KTU 4.309, which is a list of "ubdym in" a particular geographic location.
It is followed by a list of personal names, all but one of which are simple patronymics.
The transfer of such fields was recorded. In KTU 4.103, separate sections are set off
with headings designating "ubdyof x occupational group." Beneath are entries follow-
ing one of two formulas. The first is a simple "field of x personal name." The second
follows a transfer formula "field of x personal name bdy personal name." This second
formula was first recognized as a transfer formula by Heltzer" Similar texts include
73 Helrzer 1982, pp. 28-29.
KTU 4.631, and KTU 4.702. Found in the House of Rap' anu, KTU 4.692 lists these
kinds of transfers for the occupational category y ~ b m .
unt. Records
It should be noted that records of other kinds of fields were kept as well. The
unt. fields also appear in the alphabetic record. In KTU 4.637, the word appears
alongside records of fields and personal names. The broken text is not much more
revealing. More interesting is KTU 4.209, which lists quantities of unt. This other-
wise broken text does not provide more information. This class of field represents
fields that were given to non-royals in exchange for various kinds of service to the
palace (see Chapter Three).
CONCLUSIONS
From this overview of the genres of economic texts used at Ugarit, a few issues are
apparent. First, there is very minimal formal standardization in the economic texts.
There are similarities, no doubt, but there are only limited examples of types of texts
that appear frequently in the exact same form. This seems to reflect a lack of scribal
standardization. That is to say, there were no underlying copying or recording prin-
ciples in terms of the form of the economic texts that a scribe had to uphold. This is
in contrast with the legal documents and letters that do seem to have set forms and
established systems of notation. The difference between the legal tablets and the eco-
nomic tablets in form is related to their difference in function. The legal tablets were
clearly meant to be records of agreements that could be kept for long periods of time
(hence the wide chronological time span of attested legal texts at Ugarit). The eco-
nomic texts, however, were meant as administrative aids, and not meant to be pre-
served for posterity, which is in keeping with van Soldt's argument that these texts
date to the last years of Ugarit's life. Economic texts reflect particular situations, and
are the by-product, in many ways, of specific kinds of economic activity.
On the other hand, it is possible to distinguish consistent situations where eco-
nomic texts were used. While the texts themselves were not identical, there seem to
be many cases where certain economic activities necessitated (or at least were facili-
tated by) the recording of economic texts. There were many situations where this was
appropriate. The movement and activities of people under the palace's sphere of influ-
ence were recorded. Likewise, the circulation of goods were kept track of and possibly
facilitated by the use of economic texts. Economic texts were used in the relations
between the palace and other entities, including individuals (both Ugaritians and
foreigners), occupational groups, and geographic regions. Agriculture was a sphere of
influence that the palace used economic records to organize, both from a production
178 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 179
standpoint and a circulation standpoint. In general, the status of various locations that
were geographically separate from the palace could be reported through the use of
these texts.
Moving beyond the level of the individual text, much can be said about the nature
of economic administration at Ugarit from the analysis of the particular types of tablets
that have been identified. Early studies of Ugaritic administration tended to emphasize
the elaborateness of the administrative framework at Ugarit.?4 Rainey, for example,
saw the palace not as a self-sufficient economic unit but as an administrative centen"
The palace thrived economically by skimming off the top of other producers" Indeed,
from Rainey's description, the palace survived not based on its own production but on
its ability to extract surplus from other primary producers. From a closer examination
of the types of tablets, it seems unlikely that administration of non-royal production
centers was the primary role of the palace. In general, although there are quite a variety
of texts, economic texts found within the palace tend to revolve around military admin-
istration, real estate, the administration of gt and other royal property, and the circula-
tion of goods and labor within specific contexts. These are not situations where the
palace is extracting surplus from other producers, but rather situations where the palace
is organizing its own internal production.
It is difficult to understand the purpose of these texts within the context of the
Ugarit's economy. What role did the tablets play and why are they a by-product of cer-
tain economic relationships? The basic problem for Whitt is the lack of information
recorded on tablets that would make them administratively useful at a later time, such
as dates or consistent types of information.Z? Whitt has attempted to answer these
questions and poses two suggestions for the role of tablets in the Ugaritic archivea"
The first function of the tablets is as means of systematization, even if the tablets are
never looked at again, the very act of recording helps one learn and remember new
data.?9While Whitt's suggestion is possible, there is minimal positive evidence for sys-
tematization within the administrative record. His argument is inconsistent with his
observations on the lack of information on the tablets that would have made them
administratively useful.
The second function of the tablet according to Whitt is to act as a means of
assurance for the parties involved.j" Certainly this second option is the case with
the Akkadian legal documents that were clearly kept for extended periods of time,
but the argument is harder to make for the cryptic alphabetic texts. Land grant
74 See Whitt 1993, p. 284, for more comments on this.
75 Rainey 1962b, p. 110.
76 Rainey 1962b, p. 78.
77 Whitt 1993, pp. 284-285.
78 Whitt 1993, p. 290.
79 Whitt 1993, p. 290.
80 Whitt 1993, p. 290.
texts are an exception, and clearly represent attempts at record keeping. The form
of the texts clearly demonstrates their function as legal documents intended for
later consultation.
Whitt's suggestions for the possible roles of the tablets within the Ugaritic adminis-
trative system suggest an administrative apparatus lacking a formalized or rigorous
structure. This is at odds with the description of the administrative structure outlined
by Widbin. Widbin has noted similar spheres of interests of the royal administration
as those outlined by this study.'" Specifically he notes the following royal administra-
tive spheres of authority: "(1) The internal royal economy... (2) the state-mercantile
system... (3) the military organization ... (4) the organization of the cult." Widbin
describes an administrative system, based on the Eastern archives that is very rigidly
hierarchical, and seems consistent with Rainey's descriptions of the palace as an admin-
istrative center.
The bulk of evidence that Widbin uses to outline an hierarchically organized admin-
istrative complex are the various roles of individuals within the administrative hierar-
chy. Widbin identifies specific roles of the king,82 the queen mother.P the sdkinu,84 as
well as various other officials and supervisors." The evidence he uses to argue for the
specific roles of these officials is not particularly strong. For the lower-level supervi-
sors, Widbin uses texts such as KTU 4.141, where various individuals are listed as bd
a specific PN as evidence for that PN's role as supervisorv". Since the same names do
not recur, and we are not told in the texts the nature of the supervisor's authority or
the purpose of the group being placed under his authority, it is a leap to describe these
individuals as supervisors within the administrative system. The evidence for the roles
of other individuals is similarly weak. In general, Widbin uses the epistolary tablets as
the basis for his reconstruction. This is unfortunate since the epistolary tablets do not
demonstrate regularized, recurring administrative obligations, but rather involve
unusual or noteworthy situations. Letters often demonstrate non-standard situations
or relations with bodies outside of the sphere of Ugaritic royal authority. Thus it is
difficult to argue that the activities that these individuals engaged in regarding these
letters demonstrate their administrative role.
86
81 Widbin 1985, p. 463.
82 Widbin 1985, pp. 383-395.
83 Widbin 1985, pp. 396-398.
84 Widbin 1985, pp. 398-417.
85 Widbin 1985, pp. 416-427.
85b Widbin 1985, pp. 423-427.
86 A noteworthy exception to this observation is the Queen of Ugarit. In her case, the record of her
administrative activities is preserved almost entirely in the form of letters. This demonstrates that while
she may not have engaged in specifically designated economic tasks, she did have personal economic
authority over various people and institutions within the kingdom.
180 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF UGARITIC ECONOMIC TEXTS 181
Schloen takes a very different perspective from Widbin. Schloen's discussion of the
role of the skn demonstrates his general understanding of the royal administration.
Schloen argues that the skn's roles were "broad and ill-defined."87 Power within the
Ugaritic administration was not based on bureaucratic roles but on the relationships
between the particular individuals and the king.
88
It is difficult to find specific evi-
dence for this relationship-based authority within the textual record. What is striking
regarding the material presented in this chapter is the sheer diversity of economic rela-
tionships integrated by (and usually centered on) the palace.
The study of the particular types of economic tablets that were kept by the palace
is informative about this particular question. While more will be said on this topic in
Chapter Six when the textual finds are discussed in relation to their archaeological
context, some general conclusions about the nature of Ugaritic administration can be
reached. From the types of tablets uncovered, it does not appear that the palace func-
tioned primarily as an administrative center, or at least that the bulk of the palace's
economic livelihood came from administrative activity. Administrative activity seems
to have been a side effect of three tendencies: (1) the storage of legal documents for
later reference; (2) the storage of letters received as parts of mostly international cor-
respondence; and (3) complicated economic activities that involve too much detail for
memory. The palace stored the legal texts and it is clear that land was a particular
interest of the palace at Ugarit. Letters reflect ad hoc administrative activity and reflect
unique situations and events. They do not reflect typical duties or bureaucratic activi-
ties, but demonstrate that economic activities were organized around personal relation-
ships. The other category of tablet, and those that make up the bulk of the discussion
in this chapter, are those tablets that keep track of issues such as agricultural yields and
the circulation of goods and labor, issues that were too complicated to organize through
memory. Whether or not these tablets had an archival function is unclear, although it
seems unlikely based on the observations made by Whitt noted above.f" There is no
positive evidence for a standardized administrative system where certain information
was recorded and filed for future reference. These texts were useful for the organization
of a particular administrative situation; the method of use after storage in the palace
is uncertain as the texts themselves lack evidence for a larger level of organization. The
goal rather seems to be to keep things "flowing" in the short term, for example noting
who has and who needs what equipment when.
Even given the lack of evidence available to understand the filing system of the
tablets, the texts provide information on the nature of administrative activities at Ugarit.
From the observations made in this chapter, it is possible to comment on how power
87 Schloen 2001, p. 253.
88 Schloen 2001, p. 253.
89 Whitt 1993, pp. 284-285.
is exercised through administration at Ugarit, an act that is evident in the textual
remains of those activities. The more these administrative systems are used, the more
they reify their own existcnce.P" The administrators (who were using and creating
administrative systems), by exercising administrative authority were exercising power
over the individual workers." That the participants may not understand the act of
administration as a symbolic reification of power does not negate the end result. At
this stage it will be useful to look at economic texts more generally and see what the
analysis of these texts can demonstrate about Ugaritic economic modalities. This shall
be the subject of the next chapter.
90 See Giddens 1984, p. 19.
91 See Foucault 1977, p. 26.
CHAPTER FIVE
ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT:
THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS
As a rule, it seems advisable to adopt far-reaching interpretations
based on difficult Ugaritic texts only if they are supported by
more reliable Akkadian evidence.
Itamar Singer
At this stage in the investigation, it is useful to summarize the evidence for eco-
nomic modalities at Ugarit that can be found in the textual sources. The following
chapter seeks to answer the specific questions asked about the Ugaritic economy at the
outset of this study (see the Introduction). Given the expectations and limitations on
textual evidence described in Chapter Four, some general conclusions can be made
about the evidence for modalities derived from the textual evidence.
WHO ENGAGED IN ECONOMIC ACTION ACCORDING TO THE TEXTS?
From the textual evidence, it is possible to identify various participants and groups
of participants in the Ugaritic economy. The individual (and the household of the
individual) was a basic economic player, attested as such frequently in the adminis-
trative record. Within the administrative record were prominent individuals such as
Yabninu and Urtenu who had control of vast resources and the ability to correspond
with royalty, individuals who were named but who had significantly less access
to resources and authorities, and people who are not named but simply referred to
as bns or with terms such as lmd that explicitly connect them to another person.
Beyond the level of the individual, it is possible to identify two other means of identi-
fying participants in the Ugaritic economy: geographic regions and occupational cate-
gories. Durkheim's conceptualization of the corporate group is descriptively useful here.
Geographic regions and occupational categories are treated like corporations by the
palace administration in that they are treated as monolithic entities, as solitary actors
engaging in economic activities. This is, however, not an emic categorization, but an
assigned status as the evidence comes from the palace archives not from the records of
the occupational category or the local village. It cannot be assumed that these palace-
defined groups saw themselves as such. Finally, the other category of economic actor
that is visible in the Ugaritic administrative record includes those organizations that
kept administrative records. The major force of this record keeping was the palace, but
ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 183
it has also been seen that other (not explicitly royal) groups or people also engaged in
economic record keeping. What follows is a discussion of the concrete evidence for
each of these groups.
The Individual
There are instances of particularly noteworthy individuals engaging in economic
activity. These individuals should be understood as elite individuals within the commu-
nity ofUgarit, given the sizes of their residences (see Chapter Six) and their prominence
in royal correspondence.
1
This is consistent with the actions of elites in southern
Mesopotamia, as described by Zettler and van Driel and discussed in Chapter Two.
2
Both Zettler and van Driel describe situations where wealthy families played economic
roles within the community (in the case of Nippur, through their management of the
Inanna Temple). Courtois and Malbran-Labat have already acknowledged the impor-
tant role played by wealthy, non-royal elites within the community," It is worth inves-
tigating the direct textual evidence for the activities of these elite families as docu-
mented in the textual record.
The House of Yabninu provides a good starting point, as the large size, location,
and textual finds within this structure had led to its initial misnaming as the "South-
ern Palace." Text types include: name lists (KTU 4.619, KTU 4.633, KTU 4.643,
KTU 4.648, KTU 4.649, KTU 4.650, KTU 4.651, and KTU 4.653), debt lists
(KTU 4.634), and information about ships (KTU 4.647). The presence of these texts
within Yabninu's archive demonstrates that Yabninu was able to engage in those eco-
nomic situations, from the perspective of an administrator.
Yabninu is also mentioned within the palace archive, in situations where he seems
to have a high degree of economic autonomy, although constrained by obligations
towards the palace. Large amounts of goods are recorded as being given to the palace
by Yabninu. In KTU 4.91, the goods given by Yabninu include various oils, trees,
olives, tin, and iron. In KTU 4.158, Yabninu's account lists large amounts of silver,
oil, trees, plant products, horses, chariot equipment, precious metals and stone among
other items. Other texts attest to individuals bringing tribute, usually individuals from
outside of Ugarit, as in KTU 4.181. In KTU 4.272, smaller amounts of materials are
recorded as having been brought by a particular individual. The specific types of goods
include copper, milk, tin, and oil.
1 These individuals should not be consideted divorced from their households (i.e., families). While
the administrative record refers to particular individuals, Schloen, 2001, has demonstrated the intrinsic
connection between the individual and the household.
2 Zettler 1992 and van Driel 2002.
3 Courtois 1990 and Malbran-Labat 2000.
Urtenu was another prominent figure. Akkadian tablets demonstrate his important
role in international relations (see Chapter Eight). From the alphabetic texts, he seems
to engage in the circulation of a number of different kinds of goods, including wine,
comestibles, and textiles. Urtenu also participated in long distance trade ventures, along
with partners, that transported materials to Emar.
The scale of economic action available for non-elite residents of Ugarit seems quite
limited compared to the activities ofYabninu and Urtenu, at least based on the textual
record. fu has been stated in Chapter Pour, a distinction should be made amongst these
non-elites (although it is uncertain exactly what would have constituted elite from
an emic perspective), between those that are mentioned by name administratively and
those that are un-named. While this may not reflect a strict social differentiation, from
a practical standpoint, it indicates different degrees of community status. Those indi-
viduals who were unnamed (administratively) acted as laborers, received distributions,
provided payments, and were under the authority of named individuals. Unfortunately
it is difficult to come to strong conclusions about this; it is unclear if this is simply a
contextual distinction. There is no way of determining if individuals who were not
named in one text were named in another, that is to say, to determine whether the
nameless where always nameless. In general, they likely had limited autonomy within
the Ugaritic economy.
Within the groups of named individuals, further distinction can be made based
on the texts that describe individuals as bd (in the hand of, under the authority of)
another individual. Certain individuals played supervisory roles although this strati-
fication was likely fluid and the authority based around the execution of particular
tasks. No doubt, some individuals would have had recurring roles as supervisors. An
emergent system likely developed at Ugarit through this type of process.
Other named individuals played passive roles similar to those unnamed individuals:
acting as laborers, receiving distributions, paying for goods, and other work under the
authority of superiors. These named individuals also seemed able to purchase goods
or make requests for resources. The distinction between named and unnamed may,
in these cases, reflect different textual situations where the name was an important
administrative datum.
184 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS
the agricultural equipment in certain areas (as in KTU 4.89). It is unclear if this
implies that the palace owned this equipment, or needed to know where it would
have to send equipment. There are a number of texts that attest to this relation-
ship, although the reason for the compilation of the list is not made explicit (either
there are only city names, or city names listed alongside a quantity of an unknown
product). Amounts of precious metal, perhaps acting as a type of currency, are
associated with particular villages (as in KTU 4.113).4 A text that lists the name of
the geographic area and an unknown quantity is KTU 4.68, where this number
seems most likely to refer to archers.
Cities are listed in relation to various types of goods. KTU 4.49 lists cities alongside
of amounts of wine (between six and sixteen jars each). It is unclear from this text
whether each city received or sent the jars of wine. Either way, texts like this are
important evidence that the village acted as, or was considered, a discreet economic
unit. Since this tablet was not found in the palace (although its context may have been
disturbed) it may also indicate that the village was a separate economic unit from a
non-royal perspective as well.
KTU 4.95 is also informative of how the village constituted a discreet economic
unit. This tablet records amounts of time (in months and days) that each city provided
some sort of service. While the exact nature of that service is lexically unclear, the
notation of units of time constitutes fairly strong evidence for payments in service as
opposed to goods or abstract wealth.
In conclusion, the textual evidence demonstrates that villages (or other distinct eco-
nomic regions) acted economically in relation to the palace in four general spheres.
First, the palace was interested in the equipment in various cities. Second, the palace
was concerned with military issues relating to other geographic regions, including both
military equipment and obligations to provide military service. Third, the palace was
interested in other economic obligations owed by the regions. Fourth, the circulation of
various goods, both raw resources and goods with added value where kept track of by
the palace administration. More will be said about this in Chapter Eight.
Foreigners at Ugarit
The Geographic Region
There is substantial evidence that individual cities and distinct geographic regions
acted as discreet economic entities. Various texts demonstrate circumstances in which
cities act as an economic unit in relationship to the Royal Palace at Ugarit. Mili-
tary equipment and manpower were recorded by city of origin. Examples of this
include: KTU 4.63, KTU 4.683, and KTU 4.784. Agricultural equipment and
goods are recorded by their presence in various cities. The palace kept records of
Foreigners had explicitly different rights from Ugaritians in terms of their ability to
engage in economic activities. These limitations are attested in the treaties where these
laws are outlined, although one should always be careful to distinguish that these are
legal principles and that they mayor may not have corresponded to actual practice.
PRU 4 103ff (RS 17.130) lists the restrictions and abilities of foreign merchants for
operation within Ugarit. Linder states that this text provides Hittite individuals certain
4 For examples of texts listing just the names of villages, see Chapter Four.
186 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 187
protections within Ugarit, and that this was likely related to the Hittite suzerainty over
Ugarit.
5
More will be said of this topic in Chapter Eight.
Syllabic legal documents provide the best evidence for the role of foreign mer-
chants within Ugarit. Cornelius notes the punishments given to Ugarit in response
to the murder of foreign merchants, as well as the obligations of Ugarit to compen-
sate for goods stolen from the foreign rnerchants.f Perhaps the most notable example
of foreigners engaging in economic activities in Ugarit are the so-called "merchants
ofUra." These merchants were Hittite merchants, who gained a trading advantage at
Ugarit through an edict of King Hattusilis III,? These traders were explicitly under
the authority of the Hittite King and not the king of Ugarit." The prohibition against
trade during the winter months is an interesting constraint placed on these merchants."
Cornelius rightly interprets this prohibition in light of the difficulties of nautical travel
during the winter, and not as a reflection on seasonal/agricultural economic patterns
within Ugarit.!?
The Occupational Category
A contested issue at Ugarit is the nature of the organization (if there is any) of occu-
pational groups. This has been discussed in Chapter Four, but it is important to come
to some conclusions regarding what the textual evidence suggests about this particular
issue. That palace scribes used occupational categories as categories of economic actors
suggests that there was some type of organization of these groups. This is not neces-
sarily evidence of internal administration (within the occupational category) but implies
only that these were meaningful categories for a higher authority.
The first scholars to study occupational categories argued that that organization was
sufficiently regimented that the term "guild" was appropriate. As already mentioned,
Gray suggested that the standard appearance of certain groups of craft specialists
within the administrative record, grouped according to craft specialization demon-
strated the existence of guilds. 11 It should be noted that it is difficult to determine how
far Gray would have pushed the medieval analogy, whether he saw these groups as
directly similar to European organizations of craft specialists, or whether it was a
simple continuance of his use of feudal terminology given a lack of emic terminol-
ogy. Rainey also describes these groups as guilds.
12
Payments were made according to
5 Linder 1981, p. 35.
6 Cornelius 1981, p. 19.
7 Cornelius 1981, p. 18.
B Cornelius 1981, p. 18.
9 Cornelius 1981, p. 18.
10 Cornelius 1981, p. 18.
11 Gray 1952, p. 50.
12 Rainey 1962b, pp. 166-167.
occupational category (KTU 4.71), and the movement of ubdy fields is also listed
according to individuals within specific economic categories. Craigie uses similar logic to
argue that shepherds were organized as some sort of collective within the palace admin-
istrarion.l" These arguments are all based on the administrative practice of recording
distributions to occupational categories. .
Cutler and MacDonald have dealt with the question of whether or not
appropriate term to use to describe these occupational groups in more detail. It is
worth relating their conclusions:
First, there seems to be no indication of any independent action on the part of the
so-called guilds of Ugarit or elsewhere. Secondly, their appearance at all results from the
fact that they are merely named in the highest official archives, those of the palace. They
seem to be simply subjects of the king. Indeed, we gain the impression that the palace
demanded, the palace paid out. It may be, however, that the palace exercised oversight
of the personnel which it employed, and on which it depended economically, and that
there were "non-palace guildsmen" who organized themselves for the purpose of protec-
tion (economically) and made the most of the prevailing economic and fiscal conditions
of their day.14
The argument made by Cutler and MacDonald is that the guilds that seem apparent
in the palace archive are a reflection of the palace archive, and not a reflection of an
internally organized group of specialist laborers. Texts documenting the movement of
ubdy fields and the payment of amounts of silver could simply reflect the palace's
administrative procedures/needs and does not necessarily indicate internal organization
of these groups. Perhaps the texts simply preserve tallies of individual payments.
Schloen has also questioned whether these occupational groups represent formal
organizations or whether the use of such terms reflects administrative practices. Schloen
states that there is simply not enough evidence for any kind of formal internal group
organization to argue that the use of occupational categories reflects anything more
than administrative practice. 15
More difficult to explain, if the existence of guilds is not posited, are texts that doc-
ument situations where the occupational groups seem to be acting as collectives. Lists
of tribute payments are given according to occupational categories. A typical list is
KTU 4.261, in which the individual metal smiths are divided according to gentilic.
There is no evidence that the individuals paid as a collective, however. Each personal
name is associated with a number between 500 and 200, although the substance referred
to by the number is not preserved. The categorization of each individual metal smith
according to gentilic likely reflects administrative or collection practices and does not,
necessarily, imply any sort of internal metal smith organization.
13 Craigie 1982.
14 Cutler and MacDonald 1977, p. 29.
15 Schloen 2001, p. 216.
188 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 189
This situation is greatly complicated by KTU 4.43, found in the area designated the
Northwest. This text records that 1108 talents of copper were brought from Immn, a
royal administrator'", to the nskm (smiths) for tribute (l argmn). From our understand-
ing of tribute, this is exactly the opposite direction of movement that one would expect.
Perhaps it indicates the provision of copper so that the smiths can make the goods,
which is their tribute, and return those goods to the palace. Perhaps the tribute owed by
the smiths was not considered the materials but the labor (or the products with the
added-value provided by specialist work). It is, in fact, not absolutely certain that this
text reflects royal authority, although it is highly likely given Immn's involvement.
Economic activities of individual members of occupational categories are attested.
An account of the sbrdn is preserved in KTU 4.337. The rest of the text details various
sales made to individuals. The purchases are made in silver, for a wide variety of textiles.
The collection of silver from individuals, in quantities from 10-30 per person, is listed
in KTU 4.658. The individuals are subdivided by gentilic, but each paid an amount
individually.
Related to the problem of organization of specialized occupations at Ugarit is the
issue of the nature of the lmdmlisted frequently in the administrative documents. These
lmdm are typically listed in reference to a particular individual. Likely these people are
best thought of as apprentices. Their appearance in administrative lists indicates that
they were bound to particular individuals (such that they could be identified in refer-
ence to those individuals) and that they participated in economic activities along with
the person to whom they were found in reference. Individuals could have more than
one lmd assigned to them, as is shown by KTU 4.138. Education in specialized occu-
pations, then, seems to have been formalized through this institution, and across dif-
ferent fields of activity.
Meaningful occupational categories at Ugarit include md. mryn, 'irm, Inn, mru, Ir;
mrjrgl kzy, psl, Yfb, nqd, khn, qdJ, mkr; nsk, 'bd, init, yq1, kbf, trr; Yfr, mbf, and ksd The
consistent appearance of these occupational categories in the same relative order in the
administrative documents (although not all are always included'") has led scholars to
postulate a fairly regimented hierarchy amongst these groups. The hierarchy implicit
in the order of these groups is not simply a literaryllexical distinction. 18 Vargyas argues
that evidence that this order reflects an actual social hierarchy comes from the consis-
tently higher amounts of goods and land distributed to or received from the groups in
the higher levels of the lists compared to the groups in the lower levels of the lists.19
He has also noted that within these upper levels of occupational specialists, there are
16 See KTU 3.9 for more on this individual.
17 Vargyas 1988, p. 118.
18 Based on the evidence of the order of the occupational categories alone, it cannot be assumed that
this reflects a social order, since it could just as easily reflect a scribal practice.
19 Vargyas 1988, p. 115.
no hints that the positions were hereditary-? High amounts of wealth were accumu-
lated by elite individuals, based on their posts, and not based on the constraints of
heredity.i! There are hints that heredity was a factor in the attainment of such posts,
especially when individuals are listed along with their nbl (heir). Another piece of evi-
dence that further suggests that these lists represent an actual social hierarchy and not
a simple scribal practice are instances where individuals are promoted to a higher rank
by the king, for example in PRU 3 140ff (RS 16.132) where a family is promoted from
the level of qdI to mrynr?
The regularized appearance of occupational categories in a ranked order in lists is
telling, as is the apparent differential degree of access to goods based on occupational
category. This is a situation where kinship itnot the primary identifying trait of
the individual or the primary locus of social c hesion. Instead, this is a situation that
would be expected by Durkheim where the div ... ion of labor co-ordinates the relation-
ships between individual members of a society.23 In the situation at Ugarit, the division
of labor is semi-formalized in as much as a rigid hierarchy recurs, and lying beneath
these texts must have been an implicit shared belief in a hierarchy of occupational rela-
tionships. In other words, since a recurring hierarchy is identifiable not just in the
order of appearance of the occupational categories (which could be taken as scribal
practice), then that recurring hierarchy reflects a societal ranking based on what kind
of work one does, not on who one is related to.
It is interesting to note that tablets listing individuals grouped by occupational
category are not only found in the palace. In the House of Rap' anu, KTU 4.692 lists
members of the occupational category yshm. KTU 4.690 lists the silver debts of mdm
and was found south of the House of Rasapabu, KTU 4.633, found in the House of
Yabninu lists individuals who were classified as khnm. Shepherds are listed in KTU 4.729
in the House of Agapsarri. The non-royal evidence is important, since it demonstrates
that these categories of occupational specialists were not solely grounded in a royal per-
spective. Other members of the community recognized these groups. However, these
high-class figures were still beholden to the monarchy.
It must be concluded that the evidence for the presence of internally organized
groups of craft specialists is limited. Certainly the notation of various ranks within the
groups ii:e., rb, lmd) hints at some degree of internal organization. Texts describing the
movement of goods (whether understood as tribute, requests, distributions, payments)
could just as easily be understood as reflecting the needs of the palace administration,
or non-royal record keeping, as reflecting the existence of guilds. The information
20 Vargyas 1988, p. 115.
21 Vargyas 1988, p. 116.
22 Dijkstra 1999-2000, pp. 87-88.
23 Durkheim 1984, pp. 3, 333.
190 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS
191
from the texts does not preclude the possibility that guilds existed at Ugarit, but it
does not necessitate this conclusion either.
Cultic Officials and the Temples
It is difficult to determine the validity of considering cultic personnel as a sepa-
rate group of economic actors at Ugarit. From the palace occupational category lists, it
seems apparent that cultic personnel were not considered in different terms from those
personnel involved in military, manufacturing, or service occupations. Since it has been
demonstrated in Chapter One that institutions can act as mediating forces upon indi-
vidual economic choice.i" it is safest to consider these personnel separately. It appears
that the evidence from private archives indicates that there were some distinguishing
traits of cultic personnel. Hence, the non-distinctness of this group within the palace
archive may only reflect a particular administrative situation where this distinction was
not so important.
Lipinski has attempted to reconstruct the economic situation of cultic officials
at Ugarit, essentially through collecting information about particular cultic officials,
known by name in the Ugaritic records. He starts with the presupposition that the
cultic officials formed a distinct class at Ugarit that was hereditary and subject to
taboos that the rest of the population was not.
25
This is a difficult assertion to sup-
port though. Particularly problematic is how to understand the regularized appearance
of cu]tic officials in palace administrative occupational lists. Related to this are
instances where individuals are promoted by the king from positions as cultic officials
to other appointments." In general, Lipinski demonstrates that upper level cultic offi-
cials had a high degree of wealrh.F Evidence for this comes in the sale of property.i"
land grants,29 and shepherding activities.t" In other words, the cultic officials at Ugarit
participated in agro-economic activities. Other sources of economic power for the
cultic officials came from palace subsidies'" and from what Lipinski calls "living from
the altar,"32 which refers to the access that cultic officials had to sacrifice meat prod-
ucts after they had been used in the cultic activity. The rank of these cultic officials
was apparently quite high.
33
The most impressive evidence Lipinski shows for this
24 Smith 2000, p. 23.
25 Lipinski 1988, p. 126.
26 For example, the already noted PRU 3 140ff. (RS 16.132) where a family is promoted from the
level of qdJ to mryn, see Dijkstra 1999-2000, pp. 87-88.
27 Lipinski 1988, p. 134.
28 Lipinski 1988, p. 129.
29 Lipinski 1988, p. 130.
30 Lipinski 1988, pp. 132-133.
31 Lipinski 1988, p. 149.
32 Lipinski 1988, pp. 138-140.
33 Lipinski 1988, p. 135.
high ranking is KTU 2.4 where hrsn addresses a skn as "brother," demonstrating an
equivalence in rank between this class of administrator and the cultic official.34
WHAT KINDS OF ECONOMIC ACTIONS WERE ENGAGED IN?
I
'\
Now that the persons that engaged in ecdpomic activities at Ugarit, at least those
that were included in the textual evidence, have.been identified, it is possible to describe
some of the major types of economic activities that were practiced at Ugarit. In gen-
eral, evidence for these types of activities is best found in situations recording the
movement of goods, real estate, or labor. These are textually visible activities because
they involved change, and hence precipitated the recording of the act. Land transfers
and actions revolving around real estate were a major locus of economic activity at
Ugarit. Seemingly related to real estate at Ugarit, although involving other aspects of
life as well, are those activities reflecting or precipitated by obligations owed to royal
authorities. Similarly, it is possible to identify economic activities that reflect cultic
duties, obligations owed to the gods, and ritual centers at Ugarit. Debt and credit rela-
tionships are attested in the economic texts at Ugarit, and are also dealt with in this
section. The last two categories of economic activity are those actions that involve the
redistribution or sale of goods. These activities are not necessarily mutually exclusive,
but since both situations are attested administratively, it is important to discuss them
separately, before determining whether or not they should be considered one type of
activity.
Economic Actions Involving Real Estate
Land was transferable at Ugarit. The most important category of evidence for the
transfer of land at Ugarit are the royal land grants written in syllabic script found in
the royal palace. These texts have been well studied." Royal land grant texts are best
understood as contracts where the palace gives land to individuals in return for certain
services. The land granted is land already in the possession of the palace, as opposed
to land that was simply within the borders of Ugarit. Knoppers is correct in noting
that limitations were placed on the alienability of this land since the palace required
certain services in exchange for the donated land.
36
Often the individuals who received
the land were in fact members of the royal family.
There were other specific occasions when the palace kept track of the movement of
land. Records exist of the transfer of ubdy fields. In KTU 4.103, the transfer of ubdy
34 Lipinski 1977, p. 131.
35 See Boyer 1955; Libolt 1985; and Miller 1980, for full discussion and translations as well as the
corresponding sections of Chapter Two
36 Knoppers 1996, p. 687.
192
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 193
fields is recorded under the heading of specific occupational categories. These fields
are usually referred to in reference to a specific individual, but, there is some evi-
dence that there was a higher level of supervision, beyond the mere individual. In
KTU 4.110, the fields are listed as located in a specific area (ilstm') and under the
control of a particular skn. This same text informs that numerous ubdy fields could
be located at one gt, helping to establish the scale of both the field size and the size
of a gt. KTU 4.631 lists ubdy transfers in art, but some of the transfers are notably
made to qrt (GN or simply a city). Interestingly, these kinds of texts are not only
found in the palace. KTU 4.692 records the transfer of ubdy yet was found in
the House of Rap'anu.
Field transfer records were kept by the palace. Fields, described as "field of PN" are
transferred to certain individuals, normally without any rationale given for the transfer
(KTU 4.222, 4.240, 4.356, 4.357, 4.423, 4.425). It should be noted that fields (Sd)
and vineyards (krm) were classified as different types of agricultural land at Ugarit, as
in Mesopotamia. This is demonstrated in field transfer texts like KTU 4.424.
Other, more static, situations were recorded by the palace. KTU 4.298 keeps track
of individuals who did not possess fields. Unfortunately, information about these indi-
viduals is somewhat lacking due to the fragmentary nature of this text. Individuals
outside of Ugarit could own houses, and some owned more than one house. This is
demonstrated by KTU 4.750, which preserved this kind of information.
There is some evidence that arable land in Ugarit was understood as divided into
categories of arable land, orchards, and house plots, the situation as argued for southern
Mesopotamia by Renger.
37
Of most interest from the evidence of the palace archives are
fields - arable land. Most of the texts involving real estate transactions are referred to
specifically as fields as opposed to houses. Perhaps this reflects the environment of the
urban farmer, whose fields in the country were geographically separate from his home
in the city. Perhaps the texts that simply state the transfer of fields from one PN to
another PN reflect a situation that was less legally important than the transfer of lands
recorded in royal land grants.
While land was apparently alienable at Ugarit, there were limitations on the alien-
ability, or very minimally, that alienability still required the palace to keep track of the
transfer of land. It is interesting to consider this situation in relation to the arguments
made by Fustel de Coulanges, who argued that Greek land was not alienable because
of its relationship to the family hearth and was not based on a specific labor relation-
ship.38 From the textual evidence, there are no stated cultic relationships that bind the
land to particular individuals. The possession of land is based in some cases on a labor!
status relationship with the palace. In many cases this is not evident. However, the
37 Renger 1995, p. 290.
38 Fustel de Coulanges 1980 [1956], p. 62.
very fact that the palace kept archival records of land ownership indicates that the land
was a particular area of economic activity that the palace exercised a high degree of
authority over. Miller's work has helped based on his close read-
ings of the texts themselves. He has demonstrated that often the king is privy to the
transaction, and legitimizes it, but does not actively participate in the transfer.
39
Indeed,
land that is not owned by the king is still transferred under his supervision.f? This
observation is consistent with the observation made by Libolt that there were probably
varying degrees of land-ownership and different hierarchies of rights over real estate."
A statement that someone "owns" a piece of land may be too simplistic and may not
actually reflect the practical situation.
Analyzing this evidence from the perspectives of the models outlined in Chapter
Two clarifies the nature of land-ownership at Ugarit. If one accepts an Asiatic Mode
of Production model, then it should be expected that large amounts of land would
not have been kept track of by the palace authority, as it had no authority over the
village sector. On the other hand, if one follows Schloen's model, then it should be
expected that individual families owned property, and even though there may have
been some limitations, the king still had rights over all property in his role as pre-
eminent pater familias.
42
Whether there was land outside of the palace's authority is
difficult to answer based on texts found predominantly in the palace. It is noteworthy
that land grant texts are mostly found in the palace archive. Unfortunately, the evi-
dence can be read either way, as an indication that all land was recognized as under
palatial authority, or that land outside of the authority of the palace did not require
the drawing up of palace based legal documents to legitimate the transfer. In this par-
ticular situation, the PHM model and the various AMP models are more consistent
than their respective proponents would lend one to believe. Both models posit a situ-
ation where the rights of the king over the land were in possible conflict with patri-
monial or ancestral rights over land. The only difference is the relative authority of
the different types of rights. It can be concluded, then, that land at Ugarit was alien-
able, but this alienability was restricted. The restrictions were manifest in two forms:
the authority of the king and traditional (most likely patrimonial/ancestral) authority.
While it is not possible to establish the exact parameters of these rights given the pres-
ent evidence, this general principle is the most appropriate means of understanding
land ownership at Ugarit.
39 Miller 1981, p. 350.
40 Boyer 1955, pp. 283-293, comments that a dynastic seal is used on land transfer texts, when the
king was privy to the transaction and suggests that this seal acted as the official sanction of the state for
the transaction.
41 Libolt 1985, p. 9.
42 Schloen 2001, p. 231.
43 The term "tribute" is here distinguished from "taxation" in that "tribute" is used for all types of
imposed obligations, whereas "taxation" is used only to describe regularized tribute given in the form of
goods (but not labor).
Economic Actions Involving Obligations Owed to Royal Authority
Evidence for tribute relationships is very important to the study of ancient economy.v'
The imposition of tribute obligations was one of the primary methods through which
centralized authorities compelled domestic producers to produce in excess of their
subsistence needs (i.e.) as a means of negating the drudgery factor identified by
Chayanov). There is significant evidence for this activity in the palace records at
Ugarit. Amounts of tribute (irgmn) in copper are recorded in KTU 4.181. The tribute
comes from specific individuals. Amounts of tribute (argmnm) in silver received from
geographic regions, occupational groups, and individuals are recorded in KTU 4.369.
The tribute (argmn) of copper-smiths is recorded in KTU 4.261. This list is organized
according to geographic region. Under each geographic region sub-heading, a list of
personal names follows. Unfortunately the text does not explain what kind of tribute
is referred to in the numerical values associated with each individual. A further text
mentioning the tribute (argmn) of copper-smiths is KTU 4.43, which was found in
the Northwest. Here it seems that the tribute (1108 talents) was given to the smiths
by Immn, a major administrator for the palace.
Tribute was also given to higher authorities than the king of Ugarit. KTU 4.610
accounts for tribute (argmn) given to the Hittite king. Amounts of silver are listed, rang-
ing from 2 to 152, and each of these amounts is associated with either an occupational
category or geographic name. It is safe to say that this text records tribute amounts col-
lected by royal authorities to be given as a whole to the Hittites. The palace gained trib-
ute from a variety of sources. In KTU 4.369, tribute is listed as coming from merchants
(20, 150,40, and 100 silver), two geographic locations (300 and 100 silver), from shep-
herds (84 silver), and from individuals listed only by gentilic.
Gifts given to the palace should also be considered tribute, although it is often dif-
ficult to understand exactly what the background of the gift is, including the levels of
obligation involved. The subject of KTU 4.91 is a "contribution" (mnb) from Yabninu
(the resident of the erroneously named Palais sud). The exact composition of the mnb
is enumerated in detail.
Other times, the notion of tribute is not necessarily appropriate, as it is not certain
if the rationale for the delivery of the item to the king is based on the relative status
of the subordinate party, or whether it was based on another situation, perhaps a sale
or debt payment. A case in point is KTU 4.548, which lists the delivery of metal or
textiles to the king, from an individual. KTU 4.272 records the quantities of milk, tin,
and copper brought by certain individuals. KTU 4.296 lists quantities of animals taken
from certain locations. The nature of this economic relationship is unclear: is it tribute,
194 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 195
taxation, or sales? There is a similar problem with KTU 4 . ~ i c h describes quanti-
ties of oxen/bulls from specific locations.
There are also records that could be understood better as reflecting taxation. The
difference between these two concepts is minor, since the movement of goods is from
subordinates to superiors. However, tribute does not necessarily go to central govern-
ments, and taxation is much more regularized. Texts involving ilku obligations are
one category. In KTU 4.153, the ilku of shepherds is listed. Individuals are listed
along with the type of garment that they produce. The ilku paid then, seems to have
taken the form of the production of specific types of textiles, indicating that the ilku
was based on either the shepherds specialized skills or specialized access to resources
(i.e., wool). PRU 6 77 (RS 19.32) lists individuals from a specific geographic location
who did not provide their ilku, further evidence that this was a type of service-based
obligation.
The mrjrglm who performed their duties at a certain location (although the location
has not been preserved) are listed in KTU 4.33. Individuals are listed by personal
name, patronym, and/or geographic origin. This tablet demonstrates that the palace
actively kept track of the fulfillment of these duties. The mrjrglm were also the subject
of a tablet found outside of the palace archive. In KTU 4.53, the mrjrglm who lacked
msg-garments are listed, likely indicating that it was sorneone's responsibility to supply
them with these garments.
It is likely that individuals with specialized occupations were also compelled to per-
form some type of military service, although the exact nature of this military service
is not entirely obvious. KTU 4.68 includes the label (as the last line of the tablet),
"tup-pu ERIN2.MES sa GIS.BAN.MES," which is best translated, "tablet of troops
who are archers." The fact that this is written beneath a list of occupational categories
suggests that members of these fairly typical occupational categories were also archers.
More evidence for this kind of obligation comes from texts that record the amounts
of individuals quartered in certain locations. For example, KTU 4.137 lists 163 bnim
quartered in the house of the king. Likewise, KTU 4.163 lists 150 bnimwho live in the
royal palace. These bnim are described as having a number of different occupations, but
most have some military relevance.
Another type of obligation is reflected in KTU 4.95, which reads: qrht d tSSlmn,
"cities that gave payment to flrby." The performance of these obligations was meas-
ured in units of time, months and days, and geographic regions were the providers
of this service. It should be noted that this text comes from the Northwest. As dis-
cussed in Chapter Four, this is the designation that was given to the excavation zone
in the area of the palace before it was identified as such, and thus objects from the
Northwest mayor may not be associated with the Royal Palace.
Based on these texts, it is possible to identify what goods and services the palace
received as tribute, as well as from whom. The palace received precious metals from
196 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE ~ . ~ THE TABLETS 197
geographic areas, as well as individuals within occupational categories. Elite individ-
uals gave other products of varying types to the palace, although there are only a few
instances of this recorded textually. Animals were collected from certain locations.
Whether or not this should be considered tribute is unclear. Labor was provided to the
palace, mostly through ilku obligations. There is some evidence for services provided
by the various villages. Related to labor provisions are the provisions of military serv-
ice to the palace, by individuals as well as geographic regions. The palace also collected
tribute from within the kingdom explicitly to give to the Hittite king.
In general, the tribute situations recorded in the palace records are relatively lim-
ited. This may reflect a situation where the palace actually did not derive much of
its income or subsistence and luxury supplies from obligations. Note that not much
agricultural yield is described as being sent to the palace in explicitly tributary lan-
guage. Agricultural goods that are described as sent to the palace originated at the
various gt within the kingdom, which should be considered directly supervised by
the palace. The other possible interpretation of the minimal tributary relationships
explicitly described textually is that the palace did not need to record the arrival of
tribute items, except in unusual situations.
It is interesting to note how this evidence for types of tribute situations makes
sense given the arguments made by various scholars of the Ugaritic economy. As has
been noted previously, Rainey had argued that the palace was an administrative cen-
ter that gained most of its subsistence needs by extracting the surpluses produced by
subordinate entities within the kingdom.r' While this may have been the case, it is
not supported by the documentary evidence from the royal palace. The types of trib-
ute received by the palace (distinct from the goods received from the various gt) do
not reflect base subsistence needs, but take the form of precious metals, specialized
labor, and military service. Indeed, based on the textual evidence alone, it is difficult
to support Rainey's model of an economy of small-scale producers, producing a sur-
plus extracted by the palace.
Heltzer's Royal Service System offers a better fit than Rainey's model, with the
textual evidence from the archives at Ugarit. Although Heltzer's philological interpre-
tations are wrong at some significant points, his general understanding of the role of
tribute within the economy is not inconsistent with the texts. For Heltzer, there were
two sectors of authority within the kingdom, the communal sector and the palace
sector.t" The communal sector was dependent on the palace sector, and this depend-
ency was expressed through taxes of precious metals, labor, and military obligation.t"
The palace gained income from two sources: its agricultural estates found throughout
44 Rainey 1962b, p. 78.
45 See Heltzer 1988, pp. 10-11 for example.
46 Heltzer 1988, pp. 10-11.
the kingdom, and from obligations by individuals to the palace based on conditional
land-holding, i.e., ilku obligations.47 While some of Heltzer's philological conclusions
cannot be upheld (see Chapter Three), this model for understanding the organization
of the economy does match the evidence found in the texts at Ugarit. The aspects
of Heltzer's model that are supportable by the textual evidence are his adaptations of
Diakonoff's Two-sector model, which argues for two distinct areas of authority, royal
and "free."48 However, the fact that Heltzer's model fits the evidence does not mean
that it best explains the evidence. What is still problematic in Heltzer's interpretation
is that it does not take into account that these situations are situations that should be
expected in a palatial administrative system. In terms of structuring tribute, it would
be cumbersome to describe the payee of the tribute without using language or formu-
las that seem to express "otherness". In other words, the so-called "communal" sector
may only appear to be a separate entity because the recording system necessitates this,
and in fact no conceptual difference between Ugarit and its tribute payers existed from
the perspective of the Ugaritians.
The documentary evidence from Ugarit cannot as easily be marshaled to support
Zaccagnini's adaptation of the Asiatic Mode of Production. In Chapter Two, the dif-
ferences between the AMP models and the Two-sector models were discussed; the major
difference is that an AMP model sees all elements of the society subsumed under royal
authority. To briefly recap Zaccagnini's model, he sees the authority of a superior owner
superimposed over a series of self-sufficient communities, creating a tributary relation-
ship.49 Indeed, while the basic relationship suggested by Zaccagnini seems consistent
with the documentary evidence, the self-sufficiency of the superior owner is not empha-
sized. Given the small scale of the tributary relationship indicated by the textual evi-
dence, the palace could not have been getting the bulk of its income from surplus
extraction.
Schloen also argues that economic authority at Ugarit was rooted in one superior
figure, although instead of using ownership as the metaphor for this social relationship,
Schloen suggests that patrimonial authority was the dominant metaphor. Individual
households would give tax and service to a village elite, who served the king. 50 This
nested series of households, as described by Schloen, could be consistent with the
documentary evidence for tribute at Ugarit, since it is possible that the small scale of
tribute records at the palace reflects only the final stage of the movement of goods
through a series of hierarchical authorities. It is more difficult to understand how a
patrimonial metaphor of authority was used by Ugaritians to understand their eco-
nomic/tribute relationships to elite individuals and institutions. The texts do not show
47 Heltzer 1988, p. 75.
48 Diakonoff 1974, pp. 8-9.
49 Zaccagnini 1987, pp. 23-27.
50 Schloen 2001, p. 254.
198 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 199
that this was an emic conception. Van Driel has expressed concern that distribution of
wages within palaces were not provided in an equitable fashion as could be expected
in a domestic household.f However, van Driel does not provide evidence that house-
hold distribution should be expected to be equitable, and that social ranking would
not be found within the household. It is difficult, though, to understand a tributary
relationship as a manifestation of a household relationship writ large.
Some conclusions about surplus production can be made based on this textual evi-
dence. Clearly various types of obligations were owed to the palace. Although it does
not seem that individual households/agricultural producers provided the palace with
subsistence needs, there are indications of payments in terms of labor. Payments in labor
do not necessitate the production of surplus and it seems unlikely that forced tribu-
tary relationships to the palace were the dominant means of encouraging production
to surplus levels by small-scale producers.
Economic Activities Involving Cultic Obligations
Some economic activities should be considered cultic activities. The analysis of
particular cultic activities is a subject in its own right and can only be dealt with cur-
sorily here. Specifically, situations where the cuitic obligations have particular economic
ramifications are an important category of activity, too large in scope to be presented
in this work. It is apparent that the necessity of provisioning deities (or provisioning
deities through their intermediaries, like cultic officials) was likely a stimulus for sur-
plus household production. This means that the act of provisioning deities was impor-
tant enough to certain households to encourage them to work to produce extra mate-
rials (hence acting as a check against Chayanov's drudgery factor, described in Chapter
One).52 While some of the texts discussed below likely reflect the economic activities
of primary producers (i.e., domestic households) this cannot be ascertained for certain,
as only individual names are presented.
Typically designated as cultic are those texts that record the bringing out of various
textiles in particular months. When a particular month is given in a text, it is not as
clear precisely why that is relevant. That is to say, is the month listed to record that the
activity took place in that particular month? Or, does it indicate a monthly activity?
The broken nature of KTU 4.192, 4.193, and 4.316 make this unclear. All of these
texts reflect the provisioning of cultic institutions with textiles; an in-depth analysis of
these texts lies beyond the scope of this study.53
51 Van Driel 2002, p. 326.
52 Although it is impossible to make accurate estimates of the relative amounts of goods given as pro-
visions to deities in relation to the amounts of goods levied as tribute by the palace.
53 However, see Clemens 2001.
The context of KTU 4.728, the House of the Hurrian Priest, suggests that the text
records unfulfilled cultic obligations. In this case, individuals who did not bring oil are
recorded. Here is a remnant of the internal administration of cultic obligations; the
cultic officials yielded some level of authority over individuals within the community,
compelling them to provide amounts of oil.
Economic Activities Involving Debt and Credit
It is not a surprise that debts are recorded in the palace archive. Individuals typically
held these debts, although there are some texts in which cities held debts. Within the
palace archive, texts detail when silver debts were repaid (KTU 4.226). Debts in terms
of precious metals are recorded in KTU 4.398, which may be a fragment of a larger
legal document. Silver debts are recorded in the very broken KTU 4.197. A brief
notice about the silver debt of one individual is recorded in KTU 4.135. The amounts
of silver owed by individuals, versus the amount of silver paid by those same individ-
uals are recorded in KTU 4.226. Silver debts owed by various individuals are noted
in KTU 4.258. Large sums of some item measurable in kkr are listed as debts in
KTU 4.201. A variety of commodities are listed as debts in KTU 4.225. A list of guar-
antors is found in KTU 4.347. Two broken texts that may describe amounts of debts
that have been repaid are KTU 4.439 and KTU 4.466. Texts recording debts demon-
strate that the palace did make loans to individuals. Whether these loans were made
in silver, presumably so that the individual could purchase something else with silver,
or whether the loans were simply recorded in terms of silver as a means of fixing the
value of the loan is unclear. Whatever the case, this demonstrates the use of silver as
an abstract medium of exchange, as well as the existence of private property inde-
pendent of palace property.
There is little evidence for the recording of silver debts in private households,
although texts such as KTU 4.258 indicate that individuals did accumulate debt. This
indicates that the palace was the largest single locus of loans to individuals, and that the
onus for the record keeping lay with the palace administrators. There is evidence that
the palace was not the only body capable of offering credit. This evidence is manifest
as debt lists found in archives outside of the palace. For example, KTU 4.634, found
at Yabninu's House lists guarantors ('rb), by personal name. The House of Rasapabu
has two associated texts that could be understood as debt texts. KTU 4.690 lists the
silver debts of mdm. KTU 4.262 lists silver debts of various individuals. KTU 4.699,
found in the House of the Letter, is a record of silver debts on ('I) certain people, and
a record of guarantors ('rbn). As with all types of texts, these texts are found in signif-
icantly lesser quantities outside of the palace, but given the presence of debts owed to
non-royals, it must be noted that the palace did not have absolute authority over loans
and credit.
200 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 201
Debts were also sometimes discussed in amounts of kkr (talents). This unit of meas-
urement could refer to many types of products, so its use in this context is not clear.
Likewise, occasional debts in terms of jars (likely wine or oil) are recorded against
certain individuals (KTU 4.283). KTU 4.313 lists debts of oil, in kd amounts.
The language of debt and credit within Ugaritic texts is quite consistent. KTU 4.632
lists amounts of silver upon 'CI) individuals, likely because they have taken various
kinds of tools. This text is notable because witnesses are listed at the end. Perhaps
the acquisition of olives was the occasion for the silver debt incurred that is listed
in KTU 4.386, using the same phrasing. This same kind of expression is used in
KTU 4.123, but in this case it is not just silver that is described as upon ('I) an indi-
vidual. Vessels, amphorae, wine, and oil are all described in this manner. Oxen were
also described as 'l specific individuals, as in KTU 4.768. Oil could also be considered
'I certain individuals. This is the case in KTU 4.381, at least in the second half of
the tablet. Other types of comestibles are described as upon Cl) an individual in
KTU 4.747, which was found outside of the palace, in the south acropolis.
Payments of debts are expressed through the term Ilm, based on analogy with the
Akkadian expression. KTU 4.665 records that 10 units of some good were paid in full.
Unfortunately, the first part of the text is broken and no more information is available.
KTU 4.667 is similar, but preserves a personal name, and a second set of numerical
units. It is clear that amounts of debts are paid in full in this text (i.e., 10 out of 15 are
repaid). The practice of guaranteeing debts is established within the Ugaritic adminis-
trative record. Specific individuals are listed as guarantors for other individuals. In
KTU 4.347, the guarantors are listed according to gentilic.
As Renger has commented, the ability for an individual to enter into debt!gain
credit with real estate is positive evidence for conceptions of private property. 54 While
these situations do not reflect land ownership, certainly the same logic can be applied
to other types of goods, including food products. In other words, subsistence goods
were owned, and not necessarily part of a situation of communal ownership. This
stands in contrast to the AMP models that presuppose communal or village based own-
ership of property. 55 In this important respect, AMP models do not apply to ancient
Ugarit.
Unfortunately the tablets recording debt situations do not state the motivations of
the creditor for entering this kind of relationship. It is impossible from this evidence
to entirely prove Renger's assertion that credit was not extended as a means to facili-
tate production. 56 Given the scale of materials loaned, production facilitation seems an
unlikely goal of the creditors. Renger is most likely correct in suggesting that credit
54 Renger 1995, p. 297.
55 For example, see Zaccagnini 1987, pp. 23-24.
56 Renger 1994, p. 203.
was given as a means of eventually gaining more wealth through hoarding as opposed
to maximizing production and distribution possibilities or by creating patron/client
relationships.V
Economic Activities Involving Redistribution
The issue of rations and distributions is an important one in the study of ancient
economy, since many models are predicated on the assumption that a central authority
distributed food and other products to dependents. It is important to determine the
scale of the palace's provision of subsistence needs, in order to make claims about: who
within Ugarit was self-sufficient, who was dependent on the palace, or more likely
what the balance between these two extremes was. It is also important to note if there
are particular classes of materials or subsistence support that the palace did provide
individuals with, as well as any particular situations where a person was entitled to
palace support.
There are some texts that can be seen as evidence for distributions from a central
authority. The rations given to specific locations for the period of one month are
recorded in KTU 4.269. Amounts of rations distributed over a one month period, to
individuals, grouped according to and described as bnf mlk are
preserved in KTU 4.609. KTU 4.279 is an account of amounts and types of wine
consumed daily for a period of five days.
Better evidence for redistributive economic situations comes from the syllabic texts,
which are more explicit in the description of the movement of goods. The deliveries
of bronze, wool, and other goods in PRU 3 187 (RS 15.43) are explicitly described as:
ii-tu ekallim
lim
a-na PN, "from the palace to PN." PRU 3 197 (RS 16.181) may reflect
a similar situation, since the expression: a-na PN is legible in various parts of the
tablet. Here, silver and oil are the subjects of the palace's distribution.
Some activities are recorded with reference to the month of their occurrence. Both
KTU 4.192 and KTU 4.193 describe the "bringing out" of particular garments in a
particular month. Clemens58 and Widbin
59
interpret these texts as records that reflect
the issuing of garments to deities. A similar situation may be reflected in the broken
KTU 4.316. Other activities recorded as having taken place in a single month include
the delivery of wine. On the basis of these isolated texts, it is difficult to determine
whether this was an expected monthly delivery, or whether there was an adminis-
trative need to record that the activity had occurred in that month. KTU 4.219,
KTU 4.220, and KTU 4.221 (all part of RS 16.380 A) record deliveries of wine in
particular months. In a different format, KTU 4.246 supplies information about the
57 Renger 1994, p. 203.
58 Clemens 2001, pp. 373-375.
59 Widbin 1985, pp. 142-143.
202 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 203
delivery of wine in one particular month. Silver and grain deliveries are recorded for a
particular month in PRU 6 152 (RS 18.270). The delivery of foodstuffs and fodder in
one particular month is noteworthy, in KTU 4.688. What makes this text compelling
is that it was found in the Maison au Porche aColonnes, and may reflect an admin-
istrative situation where a receipt was given along with the delivery to a non-royal party.
It records that eight units of food (akb, and two dd of fodder (akll drkm) were deliv-
ered in a particular month. The small scale of the delivery suggests that this household
received these products in the stated month.
There are a few tablets that directly attest to the redistribution of goods by the
palace. KTU 4.609 explicitly states that it is a: sprbpr bns mlk byrb ittbnm, "a list of
rations of bns mlk in the month of i{tbnm." Following this are occupational groups,
with individual names indicating who exactly received the rations. The organization of
this tablet indicates that the reason for the distribution was likely services performed
according to the given occupational designation. No rationale is actually given in the
text itself.
A more common type of text reflecting redistribution are those stating numbers of
people (listed by occupational category rather than personal name) who took (lqlJ)
amounts of items. KTU 4.630 lists that brt. (plowmen?), brs bhtm (house-builders),
brs qm (wood workers), nsk bzm (arrow smiths?) all took various amounts (ranging
from 4-16) of textiles. KTU 4.41, found in the Ville Basse, uses the same word, lqb,
to describe that named individuals took food (aM. Since this tablet was not found in
the palace, it complicates the understanding of those texts found within the palace,
indicating that redistribution may not be an appropriate way of thinking about this
transaction. Perhaps a sales transaction is a better analogy.
Amounts of goods measured in dd are listed as delivered to occupational groups and
individuals listed by personal name in KTU 4.128 and KTU 4.175. Distributions of
quantities of goods in dd are recorded in KTU 4.387. Outside of the palace, in the
south acropolis, KTU 4.746 records amounts of dd delivered to certain individuals.
The provenance of the text (outside of the palace) may be telling that the palace did
not have a monopoly on this kind of transaction, but the insecure find-spot means
that little can be conclusively demonstrated. Wine was given directly to occupational
groups by the palace, according to KTU 4.216.
Texts such as KTU 4.46 and KTU 4.55 that list amounts of goods in association
with individuals may reflect some kind of redistribution. Since neither of these texts
was found in the palace, and it is not certain whether or not the listed individuals were
givers or receivers, they cannot be used as clear evidence for this kind of interaction.
From this overviewof the textual evidence, a fewsituations where the palace engaged
in redistribution activities can be identified. To start with, there are situations where
the palace distributes items, but the tablets do not specifically describe the individual's
relationship to the palace or the reasons for the distribution. There are texts that
describe distributions to certain groups of people. Distributions are listed as given to
specific occupational groups. More difficult to understand are the texts that describe
the distribution of various goods, including items described as "rations" (bpr) to the
bns mlk. Distributions of various products are made with references to periods of time
in months (textiles, wine, grain, fodder, and silver).
This evidence is particularly important for evaluating Heltzer's Royal Service System
Model. The tablets that record distributions to bni mlk constitute proof for Heltzer
that this group is in fact dependent on the palace.r'' While Heltzer's philological argu-
ments about the meaning of bni mlk cannot be accepted (see Chapter Three), it is
important to recognize that this is a situation where certain individuals are given sup-
plies, likely in exchange for labor. The exact reasons for these distributions are not
explicit in the texts. The fact that the individuals are referred to by their occupational
categories in these situations indicates some sort of labor basis for the rela-
tionship. In other words, because people are listed in these.rxts according to their
occupational category, it is likely because of their occupational category (or at least
related to their work) that they received the distributions/fhe scale of the distribu-
tions is not large, and certainly from the amounts attested textually, the entire city of
Ugarit could not have been supported by a palace-based redistribution system.
Economic Activities Involving Trade or Sales
Explicit evidence for buying and selling is also attested in the royal archive. The act
of selling is usually expressed by the Ugaritic expression x d ntn b ksp "x item that was
given for silver".This expression is a derivation of a similar Akkadian phrase: ana kaspim
naddnum. Libolt understands the use of naddnu in land transfer documents as indicat-
ing transfers of property qualified by payments.v' In KTU 4.274, the sales of amounts
of wine are recorded. Oil sales are similarly described in KTU 4.290. Some kind of
sale is recorded in KTU 4.659, but the text is too broken to understand exactly what
was sold. KTU 4.132 describes sales of colored wool, seemingly from private individ-
uals, in exchange for set amounts of silver. Finished types of textiles were sold for
amounts of silver, or at least the sale was rendered in terms of amounts of silver in
KTU 4.156.
Not all trade records use this expression. Often commodities are described as traded
by the use of the preposition L Donkeys, tin, silver, and wool seem to be traded, or
priced against one another in KTU 4.268. Since this text is broken, the relationship
between these traded goods is not very clear. It is unclear if all of these goods are
traded for silver or if these goods were traded for other goods, indicating a sort of
60 Heltzer 1982, pp. 3, 14.
61 Libolt 1985, pp. 38-39.
204 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 205
barter system rather than the abstract use of a medium of exchange. Sheep are traded
for silver (ina pu-ba-ti) in the syllabic text PRU 3 187b (RS 16.357). Other items
seem to be traded in KTU 4.150, including oil.
The attestation of prices indirectly attests to the presence of buying and selling.
Prices of cattle seem to be preserved in KTU 4.142. For Stieglitz, exchange facili-
tated by currency, was based 'on the exchange of fixed weights of metal.
62
According to
Stieglitz, almost all commodities had a standard rate of value based on a notion of its
equivalent value in metal.
63
Liverani argues that there are certain ways of expressing
price in Ugaritic.
64
According to Liverani, the expression: x ksph(m/n) should be under-
stood as "so many (shekels) is its (their) silver."65 Likewise, Liverani identifies the expres-
sion: b x ksp, as stating: "for x amounts of shekels."66 There is evidence that cattle were
also sold, and that the value of cattle was rendered in terms of silver (KTU 4.142).
Numerous texts attest the sales of wine (KTU 4.219, 4.274).
Various classes of items can be identified as transferred through sales situations in
the palace. Precious metals and textiles were sold for silver according to KTU 4.341,
although the exact purchasers and sellers are obscure in this text. KTU 4.333 is also
obscure, although it seems to indicate the sales of some item measured in dd (probably
cereals) and some item measured in kkr for silver. KTU 4.707 also records a similarly
diverse amount of items traded for shekels. KTU 4.101, found in the Northwest,
records what must certainly have been trade. Each line records that IbI (a type of
clothing) were given to named individuals for varying amounts of shekels. There are
minimal other readings for this text. Slaves may have been sold in KTU 4.659. Here,
this broken text states that individuals purchased (nlql;t) other individuals. The pres-
ence of witnesses at the end of this text indicates its legality.
Also sold at Ugarit was the right to conduct and engage in trade. Various docu-
ments suggest that trading, in certain instances, was an activity requiring royal per-
mission. Scale and location were likely the mitigating factors; it is doubtful that the
palace would have been interested in small-scale trade between farmers within the
city. Large-scale trade, especially at the ports, was of interest. KTU 4.266 is a receipt
of the purchase of some kind of concession related to Ma'hadu. In this document, an
individual acquires (lq1) Ma'hadu for four hundred gold. While it is possible that the
actual port was sold in this transaction, this seems implausible.V It is easier to under-
stand this text as reflecting the purchase of some kind of concession. Astour has sug-
gested that the concession purchased was the right to collect imposts at the harbor
62 Stieglitz 1979, p. 15.
63 Stieglitz 1979, P: 15.
64 Liverani 1989, p. 137.
65 Liverani 1989, p. 137.
66 Liverani 1989, p. 137.
67 The sale of entire cities is attested in texts from Alalakh (see for example Alalakh Text (AT) 52).
for a year.
68
The two cylinder seal impressions attest to the official character of this
document, and likely gave the text a legal weight and the weight of royal authority.
KTU 4.172 is nearly identical. A similar document is KTU 4.336, although in this
case the geographic region is not mentioned. The fragmentary tablet KTU 4.388 was
probably worded very similarly to KTU 4.336, but it is too broken to be certain.
One of the most important texts for understanding the organization of trade at
Ugarit is PRU 6 156 (RS 19.20). This text lists items given to Sukunu for him to sell:
qat Isu-ku-na na-dina-na ma-ka-ri. Items given to Sukunu include cheese, fish, textiles,
clothes, and purple wool. This type of text is not frequently attested, but the impor-
tance of this particular text cannot be understated as it demonstrates a situation where
the palace provides an individual with goods for exchange. Unfortunately, the text does
not record information about the nature of this individual's relationship to the palace,
or any obligations owed to the palace in exchange for t h ~ i g h t to sell.
Linder has argued that KTU 4.43 reflects a similar situarion.v? According to Linder's
understanding, this text records the transfer of copper to I cal merchants after it has
arrived at Ugarit from Cyprus. Linder uses KTU 4.390 and. TU 4.394 as further evi-
dence of this kind of transfer of goods from the palace to the merchants for further
trade, although neither of these texts explicitly lays out this scenario. Rather, these
records held by the palace are simply inventories of ships from Cyprus. Linder draws
this conclusion from the fact that the palace keeps track of these goods, and assumes
a certain level of royal control over the situation. Cornelius similarly sees trade as organ-
izedthrough royal authority?" Although most of his arguments are based on faulty
interpretations made by Heltzer, one observation Cornelius makes is particularly inter-
esting. He notes that in PRU 4 219ff(RS 17.424 C +397B), lines 20-21, the expression
tamkdr sasepiSu (merchants of his feet), indicates a group of merchants directly under
the service of the king."
Rainey has similarly argued that a formal relationship existed between the palace
and certain merchants. The receipt of rations from the palace is the strongest evidence
offered by Rainey.72 Hence, Rainey's use of the term "business agent" reflects this under-
standing of these traders as people who engaged in the acquisition and distribution of
goods, through trade.
Heltzer make a similar suggestion, although Heltzer argued against the translation
of bdl as merchant.?" Heltzer describes the situation where trade is managed through
royal authorities:
68 Astour 1970, pp. 121-122.
69 Linder 1981, p. 33.
70 Cornelius 1981, p. 16.
71 Cornelius 1981, p. 16.
72 Rainey 1963, p. 314.
73 Heltzer 1978, p. 122.
206 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 207
Trade was controlled by the authorities. This centralization of commercial activities
compensated for the lack of capital and goods in the hands of individuals under the
existing conditions. There was also a special state for the.
and management of commercial activities, at least during the penod studied III this
monograph.f
Here, Heltzer argues for a similar situation to that described by Rainey, where those
agents involved in trade worked on behalf of the palace. Heltzer sees the royal authority
as more monolithic than Rainey and Astour, and seems to argue here that private mer-
chant activity was not possible.
The transaction preserved in KTU 4.625 could also be understood as trade. Here,
amounts in shekels of silver are given for a variety of items: sickles, shovels, pick-axes,
hoes, and hammers. Many items like those described in this text have in fact been
retrieved from the archaeological record (see Chapter Seven). This amount of shekels
is likely their price, based on the presence of the word mhrhn. Beneath the heading of
prices is an inventory of amounts of these items at various locations.
There is evidence for trade that was not directly organized by the palace, although
it is not clear if the palace was completely uninvolved in this "private" trade. Cornelius
notes numerous instances of non-royal merchant activity, although, argues that the
king coordinated even these activities.P Other than letters describing situations of
international or inter-city trade (which will be discussed in Chapter Eight), there is a
striking lack of texts from private contexts that can be taken as clear evidence for sales
transactions. There is no positive evidence for private (non-royal) transactions through
sales mechanisms. This does not mean that there were no such transactions but rather
that trade relationships cannot be demonstrated through the textual evidence. There is
a strong possibility that the production of a tablet was not a necessary by-product of
the sale of goods, and that this kind of evidence should not be expected.
Despite the limitations of the textual evidence, some positive conclusions can be
drawn from this material. Items could be traded, and the Ugaritic language has the
means to express this kind of transaction. The classes of goods that could be traded
are diverse, including: comestibles, animals, textiles, precious metals, and possibly the
rights to engage in certain activities. Silver is the most common means of facilitating
trade; in sales situations, silver is usually the abstract form of value in use. There is no
clear textual evidence for a concept of "prices." Given the prominence of this concept
in Mesopotamian legal literature, the possibility that there were prices (and just not
recorded at Ugarit) cannot be ignored. This does not constitute evidence for Neo-
classical price-setting mechanisms, however (see Chapter One). Nor does it constitute
evidence for market-based trade, at least as it is understood through Polanyian terms,
74 Heltzer 1978, pp. 157-158.
75 Cornelius 1981, pp. 16-17.
where the social relationship between those engaging in trade is constituted only for
the duration of the trade activity. On the other hand, it does demonstrate that a
purely redistributive economy (such as posited in temple economy models) cannot be
upheld. Finally, there is evidence that the palace engaged in trade through individu-
als responsible for facilitating such transactions. These individuals are better thought
of as commercial agents than merchants since their clearest motivations seem to be the
accumulation of resources and finished products rather than capital accumulation.
This is consistent with Zettler's conception of economic activity at the Inanna Temple
in Ur III Nippur (see Chapter Two).
Economic Actions Involving Requests
A number of economic activities are attested in the Ugaritic archives involving irlt,
requests. It is not clear what kind of action is going on in these texts. Do the request-
ing groups work for the palace? Or, do the requesting groups have to pay for the e
deliveries at a later (or prior, unmentioned) date. Potters requested a number of r w
materials in KTU 4.626. None of these materials seem to reflect ceramic prod tion
materials. The materials, measured in kkr, are either metals or textiles. The presence of
pttm (flax) suggests textiles are more likely. Requests for human labor are preserved,
such as in KTU 4.370, which involves a request by a certain individual for bnsmlk.
The names of the bnsmlk, grouped according to occupational category, make up the
remainder of the tablet.
This topic of requests has already been discussed in some detail above, in the context
of occupational groups as economic actors, especially in relationship to the possibility
of the existence of guilds. No further comment on this subject will be made here. What
is important to note is that these texts reflect a particular mechanism for procuring raw
materials. It was possible to submit requests to a centralized body (the palace) in order
to acquire goods. This reflects a high degree of centralized organization and control.
WHAT KINDS OF GOODS AND LABOR WERE CONTROLLED OR DISPOSED OF, AND BY
WHOM?
Directly related to the type of economic actions that were engaged in is the ques-
tion of what kinds of goods and labor were involved, and who was involved with these
goods and labor. Silver certainly features prominently, and given its limited utility
from a production standpoint, will be discussed separately from the next category of
goods, precious metals. After the discussion of metals, the issue of the various types of
comestibles that are attested textually shall be discussed. These comestible types include:
cereals, olives (and olive oil), wine (and grape products), and salt. Textiles were also an
important category of product attested in the textual record. Various individuals kept
208 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 209
track of transportation equipment, the subject of the next section of this discussion.
Somewhat overlapping with this category, but worth discussing separately given the
possible different roles in the economy, is military and agricultural equipment. Evi-
dence regarding private property follows this discussion. The last two sections discuss
the issues of types of labor that there is evidence for in the administrative record.
The activities of merchants' are discussed followed by the activities of other occupa-
tional groups.
Silver
Within the palace archive, silver is distributed to a number of different categories of
people. It is often distributed to people listed according to occupational category as in
KTU 4.69 and KTU 4.71. Other times the texts listing silver distributions are not
organized around the occupation of the individuals receiving silver, though this infor-
mation is sometimes present (as in KTU 4.98). Most frequently attested are situations
where silver is listed as distributed to certain individuals (KTU 4.276, KTU 4.280).
Often debt obligations were reflected in amounts of silver (see above).
Silver is frequently the subject of texts found outside of the palace, hence indicating
its wide use. KTU 4.721 and KTU 4.717, both found near the Tablet House, but not
within, may reflect the exchange of goods for silver. KTU 4.212 also records large
amounts of silver having moved into the possession of specified individuals. Geographic
regions are recorded in relation to small amounts of silver in KTU 4.49, found in
the Northwest. Given the small amounts of silver, this text likely records payments or
receipts from/to each village from/to whoever wrote (or had written) the tablet. Amounts
of silver located at certain locations outside the palace was also recorded by the palace,
as is the case with KTU 4.139, further indicating the prominence of silver within
economic situations in the kingdom.
Other Precious Metals
In general, precious metals other than silver are not mentioned frequently in the
Ugaritic texts. There are exceptions to this, however. Copper is frequently the subject
of these administrative texts, in KTU 4.43 for example. In this context, the copper
was brought to smiths, likely as a resource for secondary manufacture. Precious met-
als other than silver seem to circulate for the purpose of production rather than as an
abstract medium of wealth.
As has been mentioned in Chapter Two, Ugarit's close proximity to Cyprus has led
scholars to posit a strong connection between this port city and the circulation of pre-
cious metals throughout the eastern Mediterranean. This model is certainly plausible,
but it must be noted that the textual evidence does not indicate that Ugarit played a
particular role in this enterprise. Likewise, Heltzer's argument that Ugarit prospered
from acquiring gold cheaply from Egypt, and silver cheaply from Asia Minor is pos-
sible, but not shown by the evidence.I? In general, the textual evidence cannot sub-
stantiate the argument that Ugarit acted as the port of entrance for Cypriote metals
to the Levant.
Comestibles
Various cereals were the subjects of economic action. Quantities of cereals were dis-
tributed to individuals by the palace (for example KTU 4.83). Sometimes these food
staples are referred to as bpr as in KTU 4.269. Possibly having a similar semantic range
as the English term "rations;"? bpr were distributed to houses, occupational groups,
and individuals. Monthly totals of emmer are given in line 30, indicating that this may
<.
have been a customary economic action. Similarly, amounts of seed are listed as dis-
tributed to bnim along with bpr in KTU 4.243.
Amounts of foodstuffs, including animals and cereals, are listed in KTU 4.247.
Line 33 may indicate that this delivery came to th
t
palace from a specific individual.
The broken nature of the tablet makes precise ide tification difficult. Deliveries or
confiscations of oxen are listed in KTU 4.749. Flo. r distributions are likely the topic
of KTU 4.328, 4.361 and 4.362. Quantities of some item, measured in rid, are listed
as delivered to individuals in KTU 4.746, a text found in the south acropolis.
Oil was also distributed by the palace (KTU 4.150). Likewise, amounts of olives at
various locations were also recorded by the palace archive (KTU 4.143, KTU 4.164).
KTU 4.429 lists kdm of olives associated with named individuals, but no more infor-
mation is preserved. KTU 4.171 also lists oil distributions to private individuals. Oil
is recorded as having been distributed to particular individuals in KTU 4.352. At
least three of the listed individuals are described as non-Ugaritians (Cypriote, Egyptian,
Ashdodite). The amounts of oil are quite large, ranging from 100 to 148 units" per
person, suggesting that these individuals likely further redistributed the oil, perhaps
via trade, although this is not explicit in the text.
Wine was also a category of product that was distributed. The palace archive kept
track of distributions of wine to particular individuals. In KTU 4.93, it is recorded
that 448 wooden jars of wine were distributed. Each individual listed was given one to
four jars of wine, likely indicating that the wine was distributed for individual con-
sumption. Wine was also distributed to larger institutions, by the palace. In KTU 4.149,
an assortment of individuals, groups of individuals, and cultic complexes receive wine
76 Heltzer 1977, pp. 205-206, 211; 1978, pp. 101-104.
77 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 366, associate this word with Akkadian ipru.
78 In this particular text, the unit of measurement is not recorded. This is typical of texts recording
measures of oil.
210 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 211
from the palace. The amounts of wine are quite small, suggesting that they were dis-
tributed for consumption, rather than as products for these individuals and institu-
tions to sell. A similar situation is apparent in KTU 4.230. Slightly larger quantities of
wine, two to eight jars, are associated with individuals in KTU 4.285, but these num-
bers still suggest distribution for individual consumption as opposed to redistribution.
Wine was also distributed by occupational group, as in KTU 4.216. Numerous texts
attest to the delivery of wine to certain people, groups, or places in certain months, for
example in KTU 4.246.
The sales of wine are also clear from the archival record. In KTU 4.219, sales of
wine from the palace to various private individuals and institutions are recorded. Like-
wise, KTU 4.274 also records the sales of wine. Line 7 indicates that wine has been
sold to the palace, and by extension shows that a non-palatial institution also engaged
in the sales of wine. That this text was found within the palace suggests that one
should not take for granted that texts found within the palace describe only activities
where the palace is the primary actor.
Outside of the palace, wine was associated with geographic regions, although it is
not usually clear whether each region had shipped or received the listed quantities (see
KTU 4.48). Sometimes amounts of wine at specific locations were kept track of by the
palace, as in KTU 4.213. Wine is listed as fine (tb), not fine (l tb), or destroyed (b1q),
probably meaning that the vessel was broken, based on the Akkadian cognate balaqu,?9
A few texts (KTU 4.340, 4.344) record amounts of salt distributed to particular
individuals, although the exact nature of the transaction is not clear. From the Ville
Sud, KTU 4.720 lists distributions of salt to specified persons. While not frequently
found in the archival record, the importance of salt in diet and food preservation
should not be underestimated, and salt acquisition was likely an important subsistence
component of economic activity.
Amounts of food at various locations are recorded in KTU 4.636, including
products that should be assumed to be fodder for animals (drt I alpm). A tablet found
in the southern quarter, KTU 4.790, lists food brought for donkeys, horses, and the
horses of mlk i.trt. Unfortunately, the unclear context from which this tablet comes
makes further conclusions hypothetical.
Textiles
Textiles were distributed by the palace, usually referred to in amounts of kkr
(talents), as in KTU 4.131. In KTU 4.144, textiles were taken by bnsmlk. Sometimes,
the types of textiles distributed were very specific types, probably finished products
rather than raw materials. KTU 4.152 lists a number of types of garments but exactly
79 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, pp. 393-394.
what kind of economic action the text represents is not explicit. The distribution of
finished textile products and raw materials is the subject of KTU 4.168. This text is
particularly interesting in that it details customary transactions. Lines 5-8 describe that
wool will be given to the weavers when they run out. Lines 11-13 describe that a set
amount oflinen will be distributed in a particular month for three years. KTU 4.182
describes a large volume of textile distributions from the palace to various occupational
groups, with some indication that particular distributed in particular
months. Most of the textiles seem to be finished ioducts, but the broken nature of
the text means that some of the nuances are missing, Apprentices (lmdm) and other
specialized workers received textile distributions according to KTU 4.188. KTU 4.205
is too broken to be entirely confident with its meaning, but it also involves the distri-
bution of finished textiles. Shepherds also seem to have received textile distributions,
as is noted in KTU 4.378. In KTU 4.395, bnim receive textile distributions.
Other types of evidence for the circulation of textiles are apparent. Sales of textiles
are recorded in KTU 4.337. In this document, sales of textiles to various sprdn are
recorded, along with other transactions. The textiles were purchased with silver. Textiles
were also sold in non-palatial contexts, as is demonstrated by KTU 4.101. Evidence
for the circulation of textiles also comes from non-royal houses. KTU 4.705 describes
textiles delivered to certain people. KTU 4.46 lists individuals along with quantities of
various types of textiles. There is nothing about these texts that necessitates seeing in
them a sales situation.
Vehicles
Vehicles of various sorts were the subject of a number of Royal Palace tablets,
including KTU 4.67. These texts are somewhat obscure and the philological problems
involved in comprehending what is discussed (in the case of KTU 4.67 the subject is
apnm) hinder attempts at understanding. It seems likely that this equipment should be
understood as agricultural equipment and so is the subject of discussion below.
Chariots were certainly subject to royal administrative attention. KTU 4.145 inven-
tories chariots (and specific parts of chariots) that were brought to the house of the
king. In this text, one individual seems to be in charge of the stockade that issues
this kind of equipment. KTU 4.167 also inventories chariots, but provide much more
specific information about the particular chariots. Chariots and related equipment
(clothing, armor, carts, and horse gear) are dealt with in KTU 4.363. The movement
of chariot parts to other areas is mentioned in KTU 4.392.
The palace archive also kept track of boats, such as in KTU 4.81. In KTU 4.366,
owners (or captains) of boats are listed. KTU 4.421 is conceivably much more of an
important text than it may first appear to be. It is incomplete, but makes mention of
the ship of the king (anyt mlk). This is interesting, because the necessity of labeling a
212 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 213
ship explicitly as belonging to the king (unless this refers to the geographic location m!k)
means that all ships that fell within the Ugaritic sphere of influence did not belong to the
king. It can be assumed then, that ships listed with the word for ship in construct with a
personal name means that that ship belonged to a certain individual. The situation in
KTU 4.647 is not quite as clear. Line 7 states: prk! b'lanyd bdGN. Linder suggests two
possible interpretations: that prk!was the owner of a fleet of ships, or that prk!was the
master of a fleet of ships.8o Either suggestion is possible given the semantic range of the
word b'l. In the non-royal archives, individuals or geographic regions seem most associ-
ated with ships, as with KTU 4.647, from the House ofYabninu. KTU 4.689, found in
the House of Rap'anu is an inventory of ship's equipment. Found in the Ville Basse,
KTU 4.40 lists individuals working on various ships by name, by gentilic, or both.
Military Equipment
Related to chariots and chariot accessories are more general types of military equip-
ment. Lists of this class of equipment are kept within both the palace administrative
system and private record keeping situations. At the palace, KTU 4.169 lists a number
of different types of items. Sometimes the lack of equipment is listed. KTU 4.180 lists
individuals who do not have arrows, so it is assumed that the following names are
either archers or chariot drivers, or some other type of military worker who does not
have arrows but perhaps should.
Small arms were kept track of by both the palace and other archives. KTU 4.204,
found in Room 71 of the palace, lists quivers of arrows and javelins possessed by cer-
tain individuals. The House of the Military Governor gets its name from KTU 4.63
found inside, which records amounts and types of small arms possessed by named
individuals, grouped according to region. The precise function of this type of record
keeping is unclear.
Military labor is also kept track of by the palace, as in lists of brd from certain
geographic locations, like KTU 4.683. This list is more akin to taxation records than
military rosters, as the dominant information recorded reflects the obligations of spe-
cific geographic regions. It was not just the palace that kept track of military labor,
however. In the House of Rap'anu, KTU 4.704 lists individuals who were soldiers.
Here it seems that the purpose of the list was to record the contributions of soldiers
from particular households (i.e., sons or other family members).
Agricultural Equipment
Agricultural equipment was a subject of the palace archives, but often the texts that
record this information are not very explicit. Frequently, they consist simply of lists of
80 Linder 1981, p. 34.
plow teams (for example KTU 4.306 and 4.368). These plow teams are often listed in
association with personal names. This is the case with KTU 4.377, but in this text it
is uncertain whether the individuals own the teams, or have been assigned the teams
by the palace. Other times, the plow teams are listed-irrassociation with geographic
regions (KTU 4.302, KTU 4.618). / (\
Plow teams were not the only kinds of agricultural equipment of interest to the
palace. Horses in specific locations are listed in KTU 4.384, along with other equip-
ment. Teams of horses (or the corresponding equipment) are listed in KTU 4.427.
Amounts of sheep held by individuals in certain villages are listed in KTU 4.616.
Individuals held between one and ten sheep; the town that is listed held 1000.
In other cases, agricultural personnel and animals are listed. KTU 4.380 lists the
number of donkeys and bnsat certain villages. The amounts range from two to ten.
k discussed in Chapter Four, the palace also kept track of bnswho did not have oxen,
as in KTU 4.422. These texts demonstrate that the palace treated agricultural labors
as another form of equipment, from an administrative standpoint.
The palace's general interest in keeping records of agricultural equipment indicates
two possible situations. First, these records reflect the palace's internal administration
of its own agricultural estates. Second, these records could demonstrate the partici-
pation of the palace in agricultural production beyond its direct control, perhaps
through the loaning/renting of certain types of equipment. Expensive equipment and
labor would not have been needed year round on the small agricultural estates and
perhaps the palace facilitated access to this kind of equipment in seasons when it was
required. The scale of record keeping is not particularly consistent with this kind of
situation. Given the paucity of these types of texts in comparison with the estimates
of Ugarit's population (see Chapter Seven), there seems to be far too little agricultural
equipment to be able to supply the entire population. It remains a possibility, although
hardly demonstrated.
At Ugarit there is certainly evidence of agricultural administration from the perspec-
tive of the cultic institutions. KTU 4.29 records assignments of donkeys and bns to
certain cultic personnel. Found in the Library of the High Priest, this text hints at some
sort of internal priestly administration. Likewise, labor assignments to temples or other
institutions may be reflected in KTU 4.15 and KTU 4.16. While not solid evidence,
these texts do suggest that the situation at Ugarit was consistent with that in the south-
ern Mesopotamian floodplain where temples owned and farmed agricultural land.
Private Property
Individuals could own their own equipment. Within the palace archive, lists were
kept of individuals who had their own equipment, perhaps as a means of keeping that
equipment separate from palace equipment. Examples of this are KTU 4.107 and
214 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 215
KTU 4.385. KTU 4.627 is unfortunately broken, but it seems to have been a list of
people (and amounts of their belongings) that dwelt in the palace. The last word on
each line is lh, indicating, with a high degree of likelihood, that the preceding words
were items belonging to individuals whose names were not preserved. All of these texts
clearly demonstrate that there was a difference between property owned by the palace
and property belonging to specific individuals. This distinction, while it may not exactly
reflect modern notions of private ownership, is at least analogous to the modern
notion of usufruct.
A slightly different situation is reflected in a text detailing the equipment of shep-
herds. KTU 4.624 lists the equipment of individual shepherds stating nqdm dt kn
npsbm. The types of equipment listed seem to be military equipment. While this is
not certain, it is certain that these are the same kinds of equipment that are listed in
KTU 4.63. If this equipment is not military, it should be understood in the same light
as the texts already discussed in this section. If it is military equipment, then this text
provides more evidence that the palace kept track of the whereabouts of certain cate-
gories of weaponry.
Merchant Activity
The activities of merchants seem to have been regulated by the palace to some
degree. Merchants dwelling in certain locations are the subject of KTU 4.86 and
KTU 4.96 (for more on merchant activity, see above). It is important to note here that
the palace did record this type of economic activity. There remains the possibility that
the amount of merchant activity preserved in the administrative record does not cor-
respond to the amounts of merchant activity that actually occurred within Ugarit.
General Labor
Often it is unclear exactly what kinds of labor are discussed in the Ugaritic texts. Yet
it should be assumed that when individuals are listed as under the control of another
individual, then this likely reflects some kind of labor. KTU 4.63 is one such text that
lists individuals under the charge of the king, queen, and the skn. Agricultural labor has
already been discussed under the heading of agricultural equipment.
Types of Labor
It is of note that the types of occupational categories that appear in the administra-
tive documents are relatively consistent. The presence of these categories reflects spe-
cific notions of what kind of labor needed to be administered, since these occupations
do not line up with all probable types of labor that were engaged in at Ugarit. More
specific discussion of the types of labor recorded in the Ugaritic administrative docu-
ments can be found above.
WHERE DOES THE POWER FOR CONTROL OF G ~ ~ ~ L A B O R RESIDE? ON WHAT
GROUNDS IS THIS POWER BASED?
These are much more difficult questions to answer based on the evidence of the
economic documents, which tend to lack discussions of rationale.I" The vast majority
of the textual evidence points to the palace as the primary locus of economic power
within the community. This is consistent with Jones' model of the Roman economy,
where most economic power resided in the person of the emperor and related institu-
tions.
82
It is important to be cautious and not overstate the case. Since the bulk of the
textual evidence comes from the palace, it is not surprising that the palace is the most
visible institution. So it is important to not fall into the same trap as the early German
proponents of the Sumerian temple econorny'" Within the palace archive, however,
there is also evidence that points to the agency of other economic actors. The non-
royal archives provide another source of evidence for non-royal economic participants.
The Palace
Perhaps the most obvious textual manifestation of the economic power of the palace
is in its administrative system. As has been concluded in Chapter Four, this power was
unquestioned and recursive. The process of exercising power was rooted in the daily
activities of economic administration. Each time a tablet was created, that power was
enhanced and reified. At this stage it is helpful to discuss those other parties over
whom the palace exercised this form of dominance.
The palace appeared to have the prerogative to keep track of individuals who were
not members of the kingdom ofUgarit. This record keeping is best exemplified by the
census lists that notate the family members and property of people not from Ugarit,
most frequently Alashiyans (Cypriotes). Censuses of individuals listed with gentilics
of areas falling within the Ugaritic sphere of influence, including data about their
families, can also be found (KTU 4.80,4.295,4.339,4.360, and 4.417). A census of
Egyptians was also taken, as in KTU 4.644.
Labor is also kept track of according to the geographic location of that labor.
Individuals, listed by name, are recorded as working at particular gt in KTU 4.307.
In KTU 4.309, individuals, referred to as ubdym, are listed as being located at uskn.
81 The reader should be reminded that power here is understood based on Foucault's analysis
(see Chapter One), and is considered a continual process, Foucault 1977, p. 26.
82 Jones 1964, p. 841.
83 See Gelb 1971; Foster 1981.
216 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 217
KTU 4.355 lists amounts of bnim at particular locations. No attempt is made to fur-
ther identify the individuals. The bns mlk at tbq are recorded in KTU 4.367. These
individuals are variously listed by their name or occupation. Likewise, individuals with-
out any other referential characteristic (like bnf) are listed as present at various gt in
KTU 4.118.
There are instances of the 'locations of specialist labor having been recorded in the
palace archive. In KTU 4.332, individuals are listed, frequently with an occupational
designation. Line 5 reads b qrt, indicating that the following individuals were all at
that particular location. A list of laborers from uskn is preserved in KTU 4.335. All
of these people were described as dt bd, but the text is unfortunately broken at that
point. Based on similar instances of this expression in other administrative documents,
these individuals would all be under the control of a supervisor. The fact that a large
labor force, consisting of individuals from a region within Ugarit's sphere of influence,
but outside of Ugarit proper, could be marshaled is telling of the ability of the palace
to mobilize labor.
The amounts of some commodities at particular locations are also kept track of
within the Ugaritic administrative framework. KTU 4.271 lists amounts of grain at par-
ticular gt, as does KTU 4.345. Records of amounts of a variety of different comestibles
located at particular gt are listed in KTU 4.400. KTU 4.290 may list quantities of oil
sold at or to particular locations or people. The seizure of animals by specific individ-
uals from various locations and various people is recorded in KTU 4.296.
Individuals Within the Palace Administration
Various individuals within the palace administrative hierarchy wielded certain amounts
of power. Different individuals supervised different types of labor. At one level, lmdm
were under the control of individuals (bd + PN), about one to three lmd per person,
as per KTU 4.138. Larger numbers of bns mlk are listed as bd + PN, in administra-
tive texts, like in KTU 4.141, where adn'm controls 58 bnsmlk. Often the role of the
person who the various individuals are "at the disposal of" is unclear. In KTU 4.264,
Mlkyrn has eight updt under his control. Some individuals were able to request a
labor force from the king. In KTU 4.370, a number of bnsmlk were requested. These
bns mlk included house builders, woodworkers, and sculptors.
Other Archives
None of the other archives reflect the same scaleand diversity of economic documents
as the palace archive. It is essential to keep in mind the institutional context that each
of these tablets was found within. Similar looking texts will have very different social
meanings if found in a private archive as opposed to the palace. The houses of the elite
individuals (i.e., Yabninu, Urtenu) do have a variety of texts, but the majority of alpha-
betic texts record evidence
the syllabic texts found at these locations will be discussed in detail in Chapter EIght,
but suffice it to say, there is significant evidence that these elite households had some
authority (although still dependent on royal authority) to engage in long distance trade.
The temples and cultic officials had many receipts and records of movement of goods.
This implies some authority in terms of demanding the receipt of goods from indi-
viduals and geographic locations, but there is no overt explanation for the rationale
behind the receipt of such goods. The authority was mostly likely based in the cultic
function of these institutions. One cannot dismiss the possibility that there may have
been other types of authority that ensured that the temples received the necessary
items (i.e., royal). In other houses, where the number of tablets recovered was small,
it is harder to make judgments about the nature of the authority over the economic
actions discussed in the tablets. For example, the so-called "House of the Military
Governor" contained only one tablet, a tablet listing amounts of weapons in the pos-
session of various individuals. Does this indicate that the individual who resided in
that structure had authority to record this information based on his position in the
military hierarchy? Or, is it just an accident of archaeology that that one tablet was
discovered there? This is a particularly difficult question to answer for tablets exca-
vated by Schaeffer, since stratigraphic control was minimal at best. For the material
excavated later, it is more certain that the findspot is a relevant location for interpret-
ing the text. In general, it can be concluded that the authority held by the non-royal
institutions to engage in economic activities was significantly smaller in scale than the
royal household.
WHAT INSTITUTIONS, STRUCTURES, AND ORGANIZATIONS EXISTED TO FACILITATE THE
CIRCULATION OF GOODS?
The textual evidence describes events where goods circulated and labor was mar-
shaled into productive action. The evidence for institutions of economic facilitation
(i.e., markets, redistribution centers) is fragmentary and indirect for the most part. It
is necessary to reconstruct these institutions based on the descriptions of events present
in the economic records. The palace should be considered one of these institutions,
first and foremost, although it is not argued that this was the primary role of the
palace. Elite individuals seemed to be another instrument through which goods cir-
culated, as were merchants. The relationship between merchants and the palace has
already been discussed above, but in short merchants should be understood as indi-
viduals who facilitated the movement and exchange of goods, as there is little textual
evidence for investment in trade or trade for profit motive, beyond mere resource
acquisition. The Royal Palace sold trading concessions at Ugarit. These concessions
218 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 219
were sold to individuals, although none of the tablets recording the sales give much
information about the individuals who purchased the concession. The cost of the trade
concession was quite high. In KTU 4.336, the price is 220 gold. In KTU 4.266 (and
its copy 4.176), rights to mibdwere sold for 400 gold. Though broken, KTU 4.338
indicates the purchase of a trading concession for some amount of gold, although the
exact amount is obscured by the break.
Transportation
Given that the word blblm can be understood as rransporters.i" then KTU 4.288
is informative about the nature of transportation of economic goods. From the lay-
out of this text, it appears that sknm of certain geographic regions were responsible
for transporting quantities of wool. There were mechanisms in place to facilitate
the circulation of goods. The role of the skn in this process is indicative of the insti-
tutionalization of this component of trade, whereas the role of caravans could be
evidence for formal or informal transportation mechanisms, although the appear-
ance of a caravan in royal administrative records seems more indicative of formal
mechanisms.
Inventories of foreign ships were also kept, although there is no discernible pattern
behind when such inventories were taken. KTU 4.390 lists the inventory of a Cypriote
ship in ATLG. The items listed are quite eclectic. KTU 4.338 lists amounts of silver
on ships, destined for the king of Byblos.
KTU 4.166 (which lists textiles that went out (Yfa) from mifb) demonstrates that
equipment moved between locations. Obviously some sort of transportation is implied.
Indeed, the numerous texts that describe the circulation of goods carry with them an
implicit notion that there must have been some sort of mechanism for transporting
those goods. Unfortunately, there are only minimal direct references to these trans-
portation mechanisms.
Organizations for Which There is No Evidence
What needs to be mentioned at this stage as well are those organizations for facil-
itating the movement of goods that there is no explicit evidence for in the textual
record from Ugarit. Most striking is that there is no textual evidence for anything that
could be understood as a market.P No explicit terminology for marketplace is evident
84 Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 8.
85 In this case, market is understand as the physical location of trade between individuals who do not
necessarily have any sort of formal relationship, as opposed to evidence for price-setting mechanisms
rooted in market activity.
per se. There are numerous receipts for goods, but none of these receipts indicate any
particular physical location of trade, and none of the records-seem to provide informa-
tion to suggest that the individuals engaged in t h e ~ m e n t of goods and labor did
not have some sort of formal relationship. This does not constitute evidence that there
was no marketplace at Ugarit. It does indicate that there were no textual byproducts
of exchange at a marketplace. Scholars should be careful in assuming a priori that there
were marketplaces within the city, although it is difficult to postulate alternative mech-
anisms for the distribution of goods.
Also missing textually is a substantial proportion of the population. The number
of individuals reflected in the textual record comes nowhere close to the estimated
population of the city of Ugarit at anyone time, let alone the population of the king-
dom as a whole (see Chapter Seven for discussion of population estimates). There is
no evidence for how the bulk of the population gained its subsistence needs, let alone
other types of materials, and the surpluses necessary for various types of obligations
such as taxes and tithes. Given the scale of administrative records kept by the palace,
it must be assumed that this larger population was not dependent on the palace for
all subsistence needs. This suggests that the bulk of economic activity at Ugarit is
not reflected in the textual record, meaning that any conclusions about the economic
modalities at Ugarit can only be considered preliminary if based solely on the textual
evidence.
Is THERE EVIDENCE AT BOTH A PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION LEVEL?
Textual evidence for the production of goods (and marshalling of labor) as well as
the consumption of goods is present in the Ugaritic material, although only indirectly.
Evidence for production can be deduced from requests for raw materials by occupa-
tional groups and individuals. Both production and consumption can be deduced
from texts that describe receipts and distributions of materials and secondarily pro-
duced goods. There are no explicit texts that describe either production or consump-
tion; it is the movement of goods that is recorded, which inherently skews the textual
record. The modern reader of the Ugaritic texts is not privy to the life history of any
of the materials in their initial production or in their final use state, but rather in this
liminal period. Archaeologically, the evidence should be exactly the opposite. Objects
will be found either in their production context or in their use context, and only very
rarely in the context of their movernent.t" The comparison of both types of evidence
should provide a more complete picture.
86 Notable categories of exception to this situation are shipwreck finds, which preserve goods and
materials in the state of transportation.
220 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMIC MODALITIES AT UGARIT: THE EVIDENCE FROM THE TABLETS 221
CONCLUSIONS
The textual evidence from Ugarit hints at a socially stratified society. The king and
the royal palace were at the apex of economic life (although not necessarily spiritual
life). A level of non-royal elites is identifiable, even though the elite status of these indi-
viduals (such as Yabninu and Urtenu) seems to have been dependent on their relation-
ship to the palace. Temple elites should also be understood as distinct within Ugaritic
society. Less formal social differentiation can be perceived in the royal administrative
system, with those individuals who are described by name and those individuals who
are described by some other referent, or simply as bns. Another group that should be
mentioned in reference to the palace administration is the large mass of individuals
who play no part in Ugaritic royal administration. Whether they should be understood
as distinct from the other lower status individuals within the administrative record is
not entirely clear.
The Ugaritic textual record provides minimal evidence for private/non-royal/non-
institutional economic activities. There are, for example, no contracts of private sales
that are typical of southern Mesopotamian text corpora. Situations where the palace
approves or wirnesses private land transfers are attested. Other types of texts found
in non-royal archaeological contexts hint at the variety of possible economic activities
available to non-royal citizens at Ugarit. It should be assumed that many economic
activities were engaged in at Ugarit that did not require a textual record, and given the
minimal amounts of non-royal texts discovered (in relation to royal texts), private eco-
nomic activities are not well represented by the corpus.
Based on the textual evidence, the palace appears as the center ofUgaritic economic
life. This is not surprising, given that the bulk of texts were found within palatial con-
texts. One needs to be careful to recognize that fact and acknowledge that the central
role of the palace in Ugaritic economic life does not in itself necessarily reflect a situ-
ation of complete palatial dominance. Instead it reflects a situation where the subject
of palatial record keeping is, not surprisingly, those economic activities relating to the
palace itself.
There are two particularly noteworthy groups that seemed to have depended on
the palace for basic economic activities. Elite individuals and families who engaged in
international trade seem to have engaged in such activities only through the sanction
of the palace. More will be said on this topic in Chapter Eight. Some craft specialists
also seem to have been dependent on the palace, to varying degrees, including the
acquisition of subsistence needs and the acquisition of raw materials. These groups
may have been internally organized (i.e., the use of the term rb in relation to these
groups). As has been stated above, the evidence for these groups comes from palatial
administrative texts and reflects not the occupational group's organization but the
palace's administrative categories and techniques of classification.
There are some aspects of economic life that the-palace seemed to have taken a
significant interest in, given the prominence of t ~ within the palace archive.
Certainly issues of production and distribution are prominent, specifically adminis-
tration regarding comestibles (especially wine, oil, and cereals), labor, and equipment.
Military matters were also dealt with in significant numbers in the archive. Other
areas of economic activity are not dealt with to the same extent, but one needs to be
careful to differentiate what activities were not engaged in by the palace and what
areas of economic activity did not involve tablet production. Unfortunately this kind
of information is not available from the study of the tablets alone.
Evidence for taxation is well represented by the cuneiform archives. Reflected in the
syllabic texts is evidence for particular obligations owed by individuals (see especially
Chapter Three). Taxes and obligations owed and paid by geographic entities and occu-
pational groups are prominent in the archive, and it is noteworthy to stress the mili-
tary nature of these obligations as reflected in the archival records.
The bird's eye view of the Ugaritic economy gained from the textual record is quite
myopic. Given the richness of the textual corpus, one could have expected a more
complete view. Logic dictates that a significantly larger amount of economic activ-
ity must have taken place within the city and the kingdom than is reflected in the
tablets. Careful organization and categorization of the economic texts reveals that only
limited types of economic activities resulted in the production of a textual record. To
gain a more complete picture of the economic modalities of Ugarit, it is important to
now turn to the evidence that can be provided through archaeology. fu demonstrated,
the types of activities reflected archaeologically are different from those reflected in the
textual record.
THE ARCHNAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 223
CHAPTER SIX
THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS:
THE ELITE ARCHITECTURAL COMPLEXES AT UGARIT
Of course literacy had an influence on inventions and on the
division of labour that resulted from their application. But in
itself writing constitutes an important technology requiring a
category of highly trained specialist which has to be maintained
at the expense of the community.
Jack Goody
Just as archaeologists rarely consider the contents of textual evidence they have dis-
covered, philologists frequently ignore the archaeological context in which the textual
evidence was unearthed. It must be remembered that tablets are artifacts and should
be treated as such.
1
In this chapter, the archaeological contexts of the tablets will be
discussed in detail in order to demonstrate what can be learned from the analysis of
the find-spots of the tablets. This can be a difficult venture when studying the mate-
rial from Ugarit, given the poor excavation techniques and insufficient recording
strategies of the pre-1970s excavations.? Even given the case that tablets cannot be
firmly associated with levels and floors, the tablets were found in clusters. These depo-
sitional clusters have been studied as archives, and associated with particular buildings
at the site of Ugarit.
Recognition of the importance of the consideration of tablet findspots has become
widely accepted in the field. As has been discussed in Chapter Two, the lack of con-
sideration of archaeological context led to the creation of erroneous temple economy
models in cuneiform studies. Burns has recently argued that the tablets from Ugarit
should be considered using a contextualist approach," In his Sheffield dissertation, pri-
marily concerned with cultic matters, Burns suggests that tablets are better understood
in connection with other tablets from the same archive first, and only after this com-
parison, in connection with tablets from other archives.' Burns investigates specific
cultic terminology at Ugarit in the context of specific archives at Ugarit, in order to
facilitate the reading of difficult texts. Burns assumes that an archiving principle existed
I Lombard 1995, p. 227.
2 Van Soldt 1991, pp. 49-50.
3 Burns 2002.
4 Burns 2002, pp. 141-143.
at Ugarit, stating: "the collation of documents to form archives is the physical expres-
sion of an intellectual classification (taxonomy) based on context (vocabulary and
genre)."> The following chapter shall investigate the possibilities of reconstructing
archival tendencies at Ugarit, demonstrating that if there was an archival principle, it
was based on significantly different premises than modern archives.
1. ROYAL PALACE ARCHNES: ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT _
<>.
From the French Team's reports, the Royal Palace seems well understood archaeolog-
ically with solid phasing. Closer examination of the published results shows that the
nature of Schaeffer's excavation techniques makes it impossible to derive such certain
phasing from the evidence as preserved. Typically, four construction phases are postu-
lated in the development of the palace, in association with various additions of wings
to the palace." Van Soldt has clearly demonstrated that the evidence for Schaeffer's
phasing is not solid, although he does agree with assertions that the south and south-
west wings were the last to be constructed." Under Yon, the limitations of Schaeffer's
evidence have been acknowledged and an "architectural approach" to the structure that
remains after Schaeffer's excavations has been ernployed.f This approach is exemplified
by Margueron's attempts to reconstruct access patterns in the palace." This effort has
been hindered by the unreliable drawings of architectural features of the palace made
by Schaeffer's team.!" and one needs to be cautious when using plans from the early
site reports.
The current team still follows Schaeffer's initial descriptions of the palace's destruc-
tion around the time ofAmenhotep IV; and its subsequent rebuilding.l! although it has
been acknowledged that the situation surrounding the final destruction of the palace
may have been more complicated than simply having been burnt down.F Schaeffer had
discovered inscriptions with the names of Amenhotep IV and Ammistamru of Ugarit
within the palace.P Amarna letter (EA) 151, dating to this period as well, describes a
fire in the palace at Ugarit. These two pieces of evidence provide a notable synchronism.
Schaeffer suggested that the palace was rebuilr.l" with a final destruction concomitant
with the end of the Late Bronze Age. This general framework, though consistent with
the reconstructed history of Ugarit, is far too simplistic a schema to adequately describe
5 Burns 2002, p. 137.
6 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 9-15.
7 Van Soldt 1991, p. 142.
8 Yon 1997, p. 46.
9 Margueron 2000, pp. 205-207.
10 Margueron 1995, p. 185.
II Margueron 2000, p. 206.
12 Margueron 1995, p. 191.
13 Schaeffer 1952, p. 17.
14 Schaeffer 1952, p. 18.
224 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHNAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 225
the life history of the palace, which would have undergone constant building and
rebuilding. The lack of stratigraphic control is certainly a problem for this study and
prevents a detailed reconstruction of historical change within the period between the
two major palace phases. While some of the dated legal texts allow for this sort of
study, the material culture at present must be assumed to fall into the last years of the
palace's occupation.
Generally the findspots attributed to tablets found in the palace are not trustworthy.
It has been pointed out by a number of commentators that the vertical location of
objects excavated by Schaeffer's team was recorded in relationship to the upper surface
of the tell. 15 Without an absolute benchmark, measurements given for height remain
problematic. Likewise, the horizontal location of objects recorded by Schaeffer is not
particularly trustworthy. Early excavations by Schaeffer were conducted without the
assistance of a grid, but were simply plotted on a contour map drawn up in 1931.
16
A
site grid was drawn up in the early 1950s, according to Schaeffer,'? but the grid used
until 1974 was inaccurate. According to Whitt, north is more than 15 degrees off 18
Even with van Soldt's reconstruction.l? there are too many errors to be able to situate
artifacts precisely within the palace. With uncertain horizontal and vertical axes, the
location of objects within the palace cannot be safely located. Whitt suggests that it is
possible to estimate floor levels of the palace.i" but in terms of securely provenanced
objects found associated with floors instead of fill, there is no way to retrieve this
information.
Given these limitations, it is still possible to reconstruct relative spatial relation-
ships among the artifacts. Tablets were found in clusters, and it is likely that these
tablets, which at some point were deposited together, may have been stored together
in antiquity. The walls of the palace of Ugarit have been preserved to a significant
height, and this acted as something of a control over the horizontal location of the
artifacts. Since the palace had at least two stories, one cannot be certain if a tablet or
object should be associated with the upper room or the lower room. Because of these
limitations, any relationship between tablets, material culture, and architectural features
within the palace should be treated as possibilities and probabilities rather than secure
observations.
There are relatively few luxury items associated with the Royal Palace, presented in
the published reports. It should not be assumed that the palace lacked a significant
degree of luxury items. Rather this is a bias of the reporting techniques. Comments
15 For example van Soldt 1991, p. 49; Whitt 1993, p. 32.
16 Whitt 1993, p. 32.
17 Schaeffer 1957, p. 47.
18 Whitt 1993, p. 32.
19 Van Soldt 1991, fig. 4, 5, and 9.
20 Whitt 1993, p. 33.
such as the following by Schaeffer are typical, and explain the problems inherent in
reconstructing the elite economy of the palace: "Parmi les cendres et les decornbres,
nous avons recueilli aussi quelques fragments de vases en or, des restes de coffrets et
de sieges en ivoire, des ornaments en lapis-lazuli, ainsi que de nombreuses pyxides
en porphyre, agathe, onyx, cornaline et d'autres pierres semi-precieuses.V! This kind
of information hints at the wealth of the palace, yet clearly does not p r o v i ~ e enough
information to adequately study the material. It can be state.d that the material culture
of the palace was elite in nature, as well as international in flavour. Similar problems
are noteworthy regarding other classes of items. For example, Schaeffer recdrds that
bronze weights were a frequent find within the palace.
22
While some of these have
been presented in his publications.P there has been no systematic treatment of this
class of item, one that is particularly important for the reconstruction of ancient
economy.
The locus of funerary activities was in Court II,24 although access to the stone
tombs was gained through Room 28.
25
The entrance to Court II, from Room 38 is
porticoed, with large basalt bases.
26
According to Yon, a small square basin in Court II
was mistakenly called an oven by Schaeffer's team,27 and in fact this basin held water.r"
The main entrance to the palace was the Western Entrance, with its porticoed
doors.i" Other entrances include a small 1.5 m wide door in Room 84
30
and possibly
another, smaller, porticoed entrance leading to Room 55.
31
Margeuron argues that
access to the palace was severely restricted.V and set the king apart from the rest of
society. If Margueron is correct, and there were only three entrances to the palace, one
that led directly outside of the city and two that led into urban Ugarit,33 then this
indicates that the palace's role in the economy of everyday life at Ugarit may also have
been restricted. While the monumental architecture would certainly have presented
images of power and authority to the local population, the ability of the palace to
administer the movement of goods and labor would have been limited. Yon suggests
that there may have been a doorway in the Southeastern side of the palace, especially
given the large amounts of provisions found in this section of the palace.P"
21 Schaeffer 1952, p. 8.
22 Schaeffer 1954, p. 25.
23 See Schaeffer 1%2, for example.
24 Margueron 2000, p. 206; Yon 1997, p. 52.
25 Yon 1997, p. 52.
26 Yon 1997, p. 50.
27 Schaeffer 1954, pp. 21-22.
28 Yon 1997, pp. 50-52.
29 Yon 1997, p. 46.
30 Yon 1997, p. 46.
31 Schaeffer 1955, p. xvii.
32 Margueron 2000, p. 206.
33 Margueron 2000, p. 206.
34 Yon 1997, pp. 46--47.
226 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 227
Room 71 has been identified as the throne room.P This is consistent with Near
Eastern palatial architecture in general, to have a throne room positioned immediately
behind a large open courtyard (in this case Court 1), near a main entrance (here the
Western Entrance).
Royal Palace Archives: Western Archives
The Western Archive of the palace was located in the same vicinity as the Western
Entrance, which was the first part of the palace excavated (beginning in 1939). Texts
found in Rooms 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and WE (Western Entrance) are all considered part of
the Western Archive. Texts found in these rooms were found in their original place of
storage. Since there are no stairs anywhere near this section, these texts may not have
fallen from an upper level, as they did in so many other parts of the palace.f" Schaeffer
divided their findspots into Floor I and Floor 11.
37
Schaeffer's measurements of the
height of these floors immediately raises suspicion, as Floor I is exactly 1 metre
beneath Floor II.38 Do these represent different layers of occupation, different levels, a
collapse of a second story, or just Schaeffer's arbitrary excavation methods? Van Soldt's
analysis suggests that joins can be made between texts found in different floors, indi-
cating that any seeming difference in floor level was caused by the palace destruction
and deposition.V Whitt believes that the rooms of the Western Archive did have a
second story and that that second story connected to the building directly to the north
of the palace, which was identified as an arsenal and stables.t" According to Whitt,
second story storage explains joins between tablets found in different rooms (since the
tablets would have fallen, broken, from above the first floor walls) and the relative height
of the tablet findspots above the floor of the rooms, which he reconstructs as 90 cm.
41
Neither of these pieces of evidence is particularly compelling. Whitt's reconstruction
of floor levels based on Schaeffer's measurements is not convincing given that heights
were measured from the top of the surface layer. Joins between tablets found in differ-
ent rooms assumes that Schaeffer correctly recorded such data, and Whitt comments
elsewhere that this section of the tell was greatly disturbed prior to excavation.F
The current team considers the Western Entrance to be the main entrance to the
palace.v' Schaeffer suggested that the weapons and armour found throughout this
35 Margueron 1995, p. 189; 2000, p. 206; Yon 1997, p. 46.
36 Van Soldt 1991, p. 50.
37 Schaeffer 1955, pp. xi-xii.
38 Schaeffer 1955, p. xvi.
39 Van Soldt 1991, p. 59.
40 Whitt 1993, p. 38.
41 Whitt 1993, p. 41.
42 Whitt 1993, p. 44.
43 Yon 1997, p. 48.
section indicated that it was once used as a guardroom.
44
Schaeffer's suggestion makes
sense, considering the economic texts found in this part of the palace - the lists
of names of individuals, military information, and lists of people and equipment or
payments. The presence of arrowheads and pieces of armour is not strong evidence
for this. Van Soldt sees the scattered equipment as indicative of a battle
45,
which is
consistent with the presence of weapons and armour found throughout the palace,
including other archives.l" Arrowheads and pieces of armour are found throughout
the city of Ugarit, remnants of the battle that destroyed the LB occupation. So while
it is not improbable that the main entrance to the palace from outside of the city may
have been guarded, there is only minimal, epigraphic evidence to support this asser-
tion. The building to the north of the palace may have fulfilled thismilitary function
instead.
Room 3 is referred to as the secretariat'? because of the bronze styli, use for writing,
found there.
48
Rooms 4 and 5 are much smaller - here Schaeffer says the tablets
were all found together.t? These rooms may have been where the scribes (working in
Room 3) filed tablets. 50
The Nature ofthe "U7estern Archive
Tablets of a variety of genres were found in this section of the palace.?' Some general
comments should be made about the composition of this archive. Economic tablets
are by far the most numerous: fifty-five in total, making up, according to van Soldt
75.3% of the contents of the Western Archive,52 which is 9.25% of the entire palace
archive.P The next most frequent group of texts are letters, written to members of the
royal family and the skn, making up 8.2% of the texts found here, by van Soldt's
count. 54 A treaty was found here: KTU 3.1; as were two religious texts (KTU 1.78
and RS 14.15); and four school texts (KTU 5.7; KTU 5.5; KTU 5.6; and RS 12.47).
No organizational scheme is immediately apparent from the types of texts found in
this section of the palace, and the types of texts found here do not suggest any partic-
ular use-function of this part of the palace, although it is important to mention some
suggestions made by previous scholars.
44 Courtois 1979b, p. 1217.
45 Van Soldt 1991, p. 49.
46 See, for example, Schaeffer 1962, pp. 95-101.
47 Schaeffer 1955, p. xi; Courtois 1979b, p. 1218.
48 Schaeffer 1955, pp. xi-xii.
49 Schaeffer 1939, p. 286.
50 Courtois 1979b, p. 1218.
51 Van Soldt, 1991, pp. 50-56, has compiled a list of all texts found in each room.
52 Van Soldt 1991, p. 57.
53 Van Soldt 1991, p. 138.
54 Van Soldt 1991, p. 57.
228 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 229
Most of the categorizations of this archive have been roughly consistent with
Schaeffer's suggestion. Schaeffer initially categorized this section of the palace as a
general finance office for the palace. Schaeffer states: ".. .les Archives Ouest sont prin-
cipalement cornposees de listes enumerant les villes du royaume d'Ugarit, leurs contri-
butions al' arrnee du roi, leurs impots ou leurs fournitures en nature en journees de
travail. II s'agissait done ici, pour ainsis dire, de la tresorerie generale. "55
Whitt argues that this must have been some sort of administrative office.
56
This
assertion is not based on positive evidence, but rather on his argument that officials
removed tablets from this area before the destruction of the palace.V Although one
cannot prove that this was not the case, it is not a strong premise to base an argument
for the function of this archive on. His other arguments are based on the nature of
tablets recovered, which according to Whitt reflect military interests, obligations owed
by villages outside of Ugarit, and occupational obligations.t" Whitt's characteriza-
tion of the scribes working in this office as low level
59
is based on a variety of faulty
premises, most notably the premise that the information preserved in these tablets was
not suitable for "proper accounting. "60 This assumes certain notions about ancient
administrative practices. The differences between ancient and modern accounting
practices have been discussed already in Chapter Four.
It is just as difficult to identity patterns of types of economic texts found in this
section of the palace, as it is to determine patterns amongst all the genres of texts in
this archive. Whitt observed that there are relatively few tablets detailing the move-
ment of goods, found in this archive, especially in comparison to the East and Central
archives.v' This is certainly the case; the lack of texts centred on goods is striking com-
pared to the prominence of this subject in other archives.F It has been suggested by
Yon on archaeological and architectural bases that this entrance was not used for the
movement of goods.
63
Yon's suggestion seems to be born out by the relative lack of
textual evidence for the circulation of goods in this section of the palace.
Some of the administrative texts hint at a possible archival function related to the
proximity of this archive to the main entrance, although given the small numbers of
texts, this should be understood as no more than a hint. While goods did not seem to
move through this entrance, people seem to have. KTU 4.107 is notable in that it
55 Schaeffer 1952, pp. 18-19.
56 Whitt 1993, p. 46.
57 Whitt 1993, p. 46.
58 Whitt 1993, p. 59.
59 Whitt 1993, p. 60.
60 Whitt 1993, p. 63.
61 Whitt 1993, p. 48.
62 The interesting exception to this is KTU 4.93, a tablet that records amounts of wine given to
particular individuals.
63 Yon 1997, pp. 46-50.
probably listed personal names (the personal names would have been on the broken
fragment of the tablet), with a notation that these people had brought their own
equipment with them. As this was found in the entrance, it/may reflect an adminis-
trative tracking of individuals entering the building as well as record keeping that dif-
ferentiated between royal and private property. Census lists. such as KTU 4.80 and
4.102 record people and their property that have moved to While there is not
much evidence for this activity, there is evidence that the of people in and
out of the palace and Ugarit was recorded near the entrance. -,
In conclusion, one must be cautious in ascribing particular administrative functions
to this archive. The archaeological evidence and the textual evidence are ambiguous.
Some activities associated with the Western Entrance can be identified. The frequency
of international and skn correspondence indicates that this may have been the entrance
where letters were received from outside of the kingdom. The letters were likely taken
to the interior of the palace to be read to whichever individual the letter was written
for and this Western Entrance should be seen, instead, as a possible storage area for
this kind of tablet. Texts detailing the movement of people and equipment may also
be related to the entrance. The lack of texts describing the movement of goods sug-
gests that this was a formal reception entrance, and not an entrance that allowed the
movement of goods in and out of the palace. Since most other genres of economic
texts are also attested, it is difficult to make a claim that this archive played a formal-
ized role in the palace administration.
Royal Palace Archives: Central Archives
It is unclear whether this should be considered a coherent archive at all. The Central
Archive consists of those rooms in the center of the palace adjacent to Court IV
64
According to Yon, the tablets found in Courts IV and VI, and the various areas
around them must have fallen from an upper level.
65
Whitt has attempted to recon-
struct floor levels of the Central Archive, with minimal success.P'' Van Soldt agrees that
the tablets found in these courts must have come from up above, as "it is unlikely that
tablets were stored for filing purposes in an open courtyard. "67 This is all made even
more likely by the fact that there are staircases in Rooms 32, 33, 34, and possibly 31.
Any texts found in Rooms 20, 21, 64, 67, 70, and 77 are considered Central Archive
texts that are out of context. Rooms 30, 31, 65, and 66 are generally taken as rooms
that originally stored tablets.
64 Van Soldt 1991, p. 74.
65 Yon 1997, p. 54.
66 Whitt 1993, pp. 137-138.
67 Van Soldr 1991, p. 74. See Whitt 1993, pp. 139-141, for discussion on the difficulties of deter-
mining findspots based on the minimal stratigraphic evidence provided in Schaeffer's final reports.
230 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 231
Whitt has attempted to reconstruct the functions of the various rooms in this
section of the palace, vis a visscribal activity. Rooms with limited access, and evidence
for doors that could have been sealed, make rooms like 65, 66, and 78 good candi-
dates for tablet storage areas according to Whitt.
68
Other rooms with layouts that did
not limit traffic (like 63, 64, and 65) were not likely store-rooms.f? Room 64 is
Whitt's choice for the most probable "office," although the necessity for having been
an office is not demonstrated.?" Whitt, following Callot, has argued that Court VI was
a roofed area, but in fact he provides sufficient evidence for why this is very unlikely:
"It is somewhat surprising that no post holes or column bases were found in Court VI,
for these would have been necessary to support the roof. "71
Since these texts have fallen from their original context, it is difficult to know exactly
how they were filed in relation to one another. General statements can, however, be
made based on their deposition. In other words, texts that were found in Room 31
(while were not necessarily stored there) were likely stored together since they were
deposited in a reasonably close proximity to one another.
Room 62 is not normally considered part of the Central Archive. It had numerous
poorly preserved tablets, suggesting to van Soldt that these tablets were used as floor
fill.
72
More likely is that they should be considered part of the Central Archive that
had fallen from the upper story.
Van Soldt divides the Central Archive into three wings: the northern wing, the
eastern wing, and the southern wing.
73
His attempts to distinguish the materials stored
in the three separate wings are not conclusive. Van Soldt argues that there is consis-
tency between genres of texts found within the three separate sections/" and his
stratigraphic reconstructions are generally convincing.i" Given the general problem
of identifying the rooms that tablets were originally stored in, as opposed to their
findspots, his arguments can only be considered tentative, especially since his best
evidence for genre specific rooms are the large amounts of legal texts found in the
northern wing, but actually recovered from the courryards.I?
Labels found in this section of the palace provide evidence that shipments of
materials were received here. Labels were small pieces of clay with inscriptions or seal
impressions that would have been attached to a container or shipment of items. Whitt
argues that six labels (written in syllabic script) can be associated with Room 64,
68 Whitt 1993, p. 142.
69 Whitt 1993, p. 142.
70 Whitt 1993, p. 142.
71 Whitt 1993, pp. 142-143.
72 Van Soldt 1991, p. 131.
73 Van Soldt 1991, p. 90.
74 Van Soldt 1991, p. 90.
75 Van Soldt 1991, p. 91-95.
76 Van Soldt 1991, pp. 88-90.
although Duly five can be situated there with certainty." These l a b ~ s are: RS 16.125,
RS 16.126A, RS 16.151, RS 16.290, RS 16.400, and possibly RS 1 .370. The well-
preserved labels (RS 16.125, RS 16.126A, RS 16.151, and RS 16290) are cone
shaped, and have holes for string. These labels are typical of a category of label that van
Soldt says: "usually have an inscription concerning a certain commodity in connection
with a certain person."78 In these cases, the labels involve oil, sheep, 'bdm, and some
item measured in KUR. Although these labels are few in number in this room, it
certainly indicates that this was an area where the palace stored goods received from
outside.
The Nature ofthe Central Archive
Van Soldt provides a complete list of tablets, broken down by room, which need not
be repeated here.?? Tablets of all attested genres at Ugarit were found in this section of
the archive, with the exception of literary tablets.P'' Unlike the other archives within
the palace, economic texts were only the second most numerous type of text recovered,
numbering sixty according to van Soldt.P' Indeed, 164 legal texts were recovered from
this section, mostly from Courts IV and VI, indicating that they were found in a
secondary context. 82
It is particularly difficult to ascertain the composition of this archive, given the
stratigraphic confusion in the excavation of this section.P What is compelling about
this archive is the high proportion of texts dealing with land grants, land tenure, and
land issues. Whitt states that a high proportion of these tablets are legal in nature and
written in Akkadian, although the quantifications he provides are based on his own
reconstruction of the archive. 84
Schaeffer emphasized the legal character of this archive in his initial publications
of the excavations of this section of the palace. According to Schaeffer, the Central
Archive is very distinct from the Western and Eastern Archive in terms of administrative
fimction.P Schaeffer describes the identifiable characteristics of this archive: "... elles
ne renferment que des actes juridiques royaux en accadien, revetus du sceau dynas-
tique, et quelques autres texts jusqu'ici rares, concernant les affaires de la couranne."86
Other commentators have noted a similar legal emphasis in this archive.
77 Whitt 1993, p. 151.
78 Van Soldt 1989, p. 383.
79 Van Soldt 1991, pp. 74-88.
80 Van Soldt 1991, pp. 88-90.
81 Van Soldt 1991, p. 89.
82 Van Soldt 1991, p. 89.
83 Whitt 1993, p. 144.
84 Whitt 1993, p. 145.
85 Schaeffer 1952, p. 18.
86 Schaeffer 1952, p. 18.
232 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 233
Whitt has attempted to differentiate the function of the Central Archive from the
other palace archives. He has suggested that precious items are the subject of more
documents in this area of the palace than other areas." Texts dealing with real estate
in the Central Archive are related to issues of inventory.f" Along with these adminis-
trative functions, Whitt argues that this was the section of the palace where the corre-
spondence of the royal family was stored.f" In general, Whitt characterizes this as the
most important archive in the palace, because of the legal material and diplomatic
correspondence found here.??
Some comments should be made about the nature of economic tablets found in
this section of the palace. Every kind of economic text is attested in this section of
the palace, but there are certain types of texts that appear in slightly greater frequency
in this area. Agricultural activities are the topic of at least eighteen texts, ranging in
subject from amounts of seed at certain locations, to more typical lists of agricultural
draft animals and human labor. While most archives have this class of text, the pro-
portion is slightly higher here (compare with three in the Western Archive, possibly
one in the Eastern Archive, possibly five in the Southwest Archive, and possibly three
in the Southern Archive).
Texts explicitly describing sales are also attested in this archive. Goods that are sold
include wine and oil. This is consistent with the labels found in this area that iden-
tify set amounts of these products. Donkeys and precious metals are also mentioned
in sales texts from this archive. It cannot be known for sure if goods were actually
sold from this location, but certainly this central section of the palace should be
understood as an area where sales of such products were organized by the palace.
KTU 4.172 and KTU 4.266, which record the sales of a trade concession at Mahadu,
further suggest that this part of the archive may have been a locus of commercial
activity.
In conclusion, it seems likely that no formalized function should be attributed to
this archive. Commercial activity seems to be attested archaeologically and textually,
and the large courtyards associated with this archive suggest that there may have been
room for this kind of activity. The lack of a close entrance suggests that it is unlikely
that individuals not formally associated with the palace would have had easy access
to this region, arguing against the possibility of a palace "shop" associated with the
Central Archive. The preponderance of legal texts indicates that this area may have
also functioned to store documents over a longer duration of time.
87 Whitt 1993, p. 158.
88 Whitt 1993, p. 158.
89 Whitt 1993, p. 159.
90 Whitt 1993, p. 173.
Royal Palace Archives: Southwestern Archive \
Like the Western and Eastern Archives, this archive is located iery close to a palace
entrance (Room 84). The main rooms identified as the Soujhwestern Archive by
Schaeffer are Rooms 80 and 81, although tablets found in Rooms 82, 83, and 84
were considered part of this archive." Sixty-five Hurrian tablets were found in this
archive.P This entire section of the palace was heavily damaged during the final
destruction of the palace, making reconstruction even more problematic than in other
areas.
93
With this destruction are typical material culture manifestations, such as bronze
arrowheads and pieces of armor, found throughout the palace.P''
Room 81 is the only room from this archive with tablets found in their original
archival context. Van Soldt follows the original site reports, which suggested that
all the tablets found in this room were stacked along the eastern wall, as though they
had been purposefully filed there.
95
Unfortunately, the original site report only
describes this and does not present a detailed map or photograph, so this assertion
cannot be verified. This room is positioned between Room 84 (which provides a
subsidiary entrance to the palace complex as a whole) and Court V
96
Since this room
also gives access directly to a stairwell, it is hard to imagine (from an architectural
viewpoint) that this room really did function as archival storage space in its original
use.
An interesting artifact, found in this room was an inscribed (in alphabetic script)
conical shaped ivory (RS 20.398). Pardee translates the legible portions of the text as:
"sous le pieds de ton maitre [e roi du pays d'Egypte sous .... "97 He understands this
object to be a gift from the king of Egypt to the king of Ugarit, and suggests that
it may be the head of a sceptre.?" Other luxury goods found here were alabaster
(probably calcite) vases and a small pendant inscribed with an Egyptian ankh.
99
These
Egyptian luxury goods suggest that this may have been a storage area for diplomatic
gifts received from Egypt, if not an actual receiving area.
Also found in this room were liver models (in ivory) used in hepatoscopy. 100 Accord-
ing to Gachet, this was consistent with the Old Babylonian tradition of keeping
hepatoscopy equipment in the palace archive.l'" Other equipment may indicate that
91 Schaeffer 1954-1955, p. 153.
92 Whitt 1993, p. 238.
93 Whitt 1993, p. 244.
94 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 99-101.
95 Van Soldt 1997, p. 114.
96 Gachet and Pardee 2001, p. 191.
97 Gachet and Pardee 2001, p. 209.
98 Gachet and Pardee 2001, p. 194.
99 Schaeffer 1962, p. 99.
100 Gachet 1995, p. 247; Gachet and Pardee 2001, p. 191; Yon 1997, pp. 54,148-149.
101 Gachet 1995, p. 250.
this area was used by scribes.
l 02
Bronze tools, beads, weights, and blank cylinder seals
were also recovered, none of which are unique to this section of the palace.l'P It is
important to remember that the material in Room 81 was found in1.5 m thick fill,
substantial enough to suggest that much of the material fell from an upper story.104
Tablets found on the stairs of Room 80 likely came from the floor above.
l 05
Spo-
radic finds of tablets in Rooms 82, 83, and 84 also came from the upper story. As with
many of the areas of the palace, it is difficult to know how much connection there is
between the tablets stored in the upper story and the lower story.
102 Courtois 1979b, p. 1232.
103 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 99-101.
104 Van Soldt 1991, p. 123.
105 Yon 1997, p. 54.
106 Van Soldt 1991, pp. 114-121.
107 Van Soldt 1991, p. 122.
108 Van Soldt 1991, p. 138.
109 Van Soldt 1991, p. 122.
110 Van Soldt 1991, p. 140.
III Van Soldt 1991, p. 122. According to van Soldt's calculations, van Soldt 1991, p. 135, this is only
1.5% of the total amount of letters found in the palace, compared to 42% from the Eastern Archive,
17.75% from the Central Archive, and 17.75% from the "so-called oven."
112 Whitt 1993, p. 244.
113 Schaeffer 1962, p. 51.
The Nature ofthe Southwestern Archive
As with the other archives, van Soldt provides a complete room-by-room list of
tablets found in this section of the palace, and this information need not be repeated
here.l'" Not surprisingly, economic texts make up the bulk of this archive, accord-
ing to van Soldt numbering 121, which he calculates as 74.6% of the archive, sim-
ilar to the Western Archive's.!'" In comparison to the palace as a whole, economic
texts from this archive account for 20.25% of all of the economic texts found within
the palace, which is close to the proportions of economic tablets from the Eastern
Archive and the "so-called oven."108 The next largest category of text recovered from
here were religious texts, numbering 24, and calculated by van Soldt as 14.8% of
the archivel'" and more than 60% of the total religious texts recovered from the
palace. 110 This is consistent with the hepatoscopical equipment found here, suggest-
ing some sort of religious function in this part of the palace. The number of letters,
however, is quite IOW
l 11
, 10, given the international objects found in this section of
the palace.
A major difference between this archive and other archives in the palace is the
lack of legal documents found in this section.U'' Schaeffer suggested that this archive
was in charge of day-to-day administrative workings of the royal econorny.U" The
variety of types of texts led Schaeffer to suggest that this was a central administrative
234 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHNAL CONTEXT OF THE TABL!TS 235
section of the palace, and the area where tablets would be s ~ n t to be baked before later
filing.l
14
It should be noted here that Schaeffer associated the "oven" with this archive
as opposed to the Southern Archive.U?
Problems in analysis of this archive arise when scholars follow Schaeffer's original
suggestion that an "oven" was found nearby. This problem will be dealt with in detail
below in reference to discussion of the Southern Archive. It should be pointed out
here that there is no evidence that the Southwest Archive primarily functioned as a
preparation area for baking tablets.
Given this problem, it is still possible to make some general comments about the
types of economic tablets retrieved from this section of the palace. The economic texts
in this archive detail many activities involving the administration of the kingdom of
Ugarit. Numerous topics regarding the villages and farms outside of the city proper,are
attested in this archive: agricultural labor, draft animals, gt censuses, and tribute infor-
mation. Taken with the appearance of elite international items, it seems that this archive
should be considered one detailing administrative matters outside of the kingdom.
More difficult to reconcile is the archival interest in exterior matters and the reli-
gious equipment and texts found here. While hepatoscopy was likely used in dealing
with international situations, it would not have been useful in basic administrative sit-
uations. It should be assumed that these activities were not connected, and perhaps the
Southwestern Archive should not be considered a unitary archive, but rather a series of
rooms that happen to have had activities involving tablet production in close proxim-
ity to one another.
Royal Palace Archives: Southern Archive
The southern archive consisted of rooms 68 and 69, which are along the south side
of Court V.
116
Many texts found in Court V, were probably initially stored in the archive
associated with rooms 68 and 69, but were secondarily deposited in the courtyard after!
during the destruction of the palace.!'" Court V is an unlikely candidate for a storage
area of tablets, given that it was likely an open area, providing light and circulation to
the southern section of the palace. Its most important feature is a large 8 x 6 m basin,
with a shallow depth of 0.38 m. Located in the southwest corner of this basin was a
tablet container, erroneously described as an "oven" by Schaeffer (see below). Whitt has
suggested that Court V was built later, as an annex for Central Archive tablets, although
his evidence, based on his evaluation of the relative importance of the tablets, is not
114 Schaeffer 1962, p. 91.
115 Schaeffer 1957b, p. 46.
116 Courtois 1979b, p. 1227; van Soldt 1991, p. 97; Yon 1997, p. 54.
117 Yon 1997, p. 54.
236 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 237
convincing.I!" Texts found in the street between the Royal Palace and the Southern
Palace may be associated with this archive as well.U?
The function of Room 68 may very well have been as an archival room in itself.
Whitt is certain that floor levels can be accurately established for this room, and that
some tablets can be associated with floor levels.
12o
It is extremely unlikely that Room 69
ever functioned as a tabletrepository The room is overwhelmed by a large staircase,
composed of three flights of well-preserved stairs. The texts found in Room 69, Court V,
and the outside street likely fell from the upper story during the destruction.P! This
is also the likely origin of the tablets found in the so-called oven.
Labels were also found in this archive. Unlike the Central and Eastern Archives, the
labels found here were of the cylindrical or semi-cylindrical variety.122 These labels are:
RS 17.72, RS 17.73, RS 17.318B, RS 17.361A, RS 17.361B, RS 17.361C, RS 17.364,
RS 17.454, RS 19.75, RS 19.113, and RS 19.113. Van Soldt describes this class
of label as labels for tablets or documents, as opposed to commodities. 123 This type
of label is found mostly in the Southern Archive. Labels such as these are typical of
cuneiform archives. What is interesting is the presence of these labels here, and the
lack of the cone labels that were used with deliveries of goods. This suggests that this
was not an area where goods were received (or stored after receipt) by the palace. The
function of this section of the archive appears to be more purely administrative.
Rooms of the Southern Archive proper yielded bronze arrowheads and fragments
of armor consistent with other parts of the palace,124 most likely a by-product of the
battle that destroyed the palace. ArI axe found here may have been used in battle, or
may have been left in its original context before the site was destroyed, along with the
weights typically found in Ugaritic buildings.V? A large amount of luxury goods were
retrieved from the Southern Archive, including fragments of bronze vessels, Cypriote
vessels, and especially alabaster (probably calcite) vases. 126 The engraved phallus shaped
stone retrieved by the team is intriguing, but does not help identify the relationship
between the architecture of this section of the palace and the kinds of texts kept here.
The so-called 'Oven'
Schaeffer and his team mistook a container filled with tablets for an oven when
Court V was excavated,127 and this mistake has made its way into both popular and
118 Whitt 1993, p. 201-202.
119 Yon 1997, p. 54.
120 Whitt 1993, pp. 199-200.
121 Yon 1997, p. 54.
122 Whitt 1993, p. 217.
123 Van Soldt 1989, pp. 383-384.
124 Schaeffer 1962, p. 101.
125 Schaeffer 1962, p. 101.
126 Schaeffer 1962, p. 101.
127 Schaeffer 1954-1955, pp. 153-154; 1962, pp. 31-37.
scholarly Iiterarure.F" As described by van the material remains conform to
what might have seemed like an oven (especially base, which was covered
by tiny, burnt stones).129 About 75 tablets were found in "the oven", most of which
were written in alphabetic Ugaritic.P" The hypothesis originally put forward by the
excavation team seemed quite compelling at the time: this oven had been destroyed
with its last load of tablets ready for firing.
131
This hypothesis, if accurate, would have
provided a chronological pivot, for all of these tablets could have been dated to the
final days of the palace's existence.
Since its initial discovery in 1954, doubts have been cast upon the veracity of this
suggestion. Yon has stated, "Mais cette hypothese seduisante se heurte a des diffi-
cultes indeniables, et ne resiste pas al'examen."132 Calvet made the strongest statement
against the existence of the oven, stating that the tablets lay in burnt debris and that
no remains of any sort of structure are preserved in the photographic record.P" Singer
has stated that the object was placed there by "squatters after the destruction of the
palace."134 The evidence for an oven is in no way convincing. Tablets were not usually
purposefully baked in the ancient Near East, although some were burnt accidentally in
fires. Baked tablets, as found in museums today, have more likely than not, been baked
by curators and conservators. The tablets found in the oven probably fell from an upper
story and should be considered along with the other tablets found scattered in Court
V.
135
These tablets were actually found within burnt debris, possibly lying against a sec-
ondary wall. Millard states: "Claude Schaeffer's observation that of the way the tablets
were arranged, in superimposed circleswith a large one at the top, could be explained as
the result of inverting a carefully packed basket."I36 Whatever the deposition processes
of the tablets actually were, there is no evidence that an oven or purposeful firing was
involved. Chronological information based on the notion that these tablets date from
the last days of Ugarit is flawed. While these tablets maydate to the last days of Ugarit,
the archaeological provenance is not compelling evidence. Millard's hypothesis is the
most probable, that in fact a basket filled with tablets was overrurned.P?
Court V is described by the current excavation team as: "a room for leisurely pur-
suits."138 The lounging atmosphere of this room is suggested by the basin, although
128 See the comments in Courtois 1979b, pp. 1230-12331; Pardee 2000c, p. 55.
129 Van Soldt 1991, p. 110.
130 Van Soldt 1991, P: 110. In KTU, these texts are easily identifiable (for example see KTU 4.336-
4.415). Their findspot is listed as PC Court V (four); pt. 1331; dep. 2.90.
131 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 37-39,
132 Yon 1997, p. 54,
133 Calvet 1990, p. 40, note 2.
134 Singer 1999, p. 705.
135 Yon 1997, pp. 54-55.
136 Millard 1995, p. 119.
137 Millard 1995, p. 119.
138 Margueron 2000, p. 206.
238 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 239
since this is the only evidence that Margueron provides for this assertion.l''? this func-
tion cannot be ascribed to the room with certainty. Tablets that have fallen into this
area are assumed to have come from elsewhere. The small finds published by Schaeffer
from Court V differ only minimally from other archives. Like the other archives, bronze
arrowheads and pieces of armour were found here,140 consistent with the battle that
destroyed the palace. The bronze sword that was found in the debris is more unusual.l'"
but not inconsistent with the reconstructed history of the palace. A variety of weights,
moulds, and unprocessed ingots were also recovered from the debris;142 neither class of
artifact is unusual in the buildings ofUgarit (see Chapter Seven). The major difference
with other areas of the palace and city is the higher proportion of luxury goods. It is
difficult to determine if this means that more luxury goods were present in this section
of the palace, or more were recorded by the excavation team. Bronze tools and moulds,
as well as unprocessed raw materials (and two blank cylinder seals) were retrieved from
Court V;143 which is consistent with other areas of the palace and site. As will be dis-
cussed below, this does not suggest that this area was a workshop for craft specialists
within the palace.
144
These luxury items include: Mycenaean ceramics and figurines,
Cypriote ceramics, an alabaster (calcite?) vase with the cartouche of Amenhotep III,
and a variety of statues and statuettes.l'P Other items that do not show up in Schaeffer's
published results from other parts of the site include astragali, which typically have a
divination use. The elite status of some of the items provides further evidence that
Margueron is correct in attributing a leisure role to this room.
The Composition ofthe Southern Archive
This is the so-called international archive of the palace, and van Soldt states that,
"almost all the material concerning Ugarit's relations with foreign powers" comes from
this archive. 146 Treaties (almost all of which were found here), land transfer texts, and a
few letters were found in this archive. 147 The chronological range of these texts is quite
extensive, running from the reign of Shuppiluliuma to the reign of Tudhaliya IV:148
Most scholars who have looked at this archive have not considered the texts found in
the so-called "oven" as part of this archive.
149
With those texts added, a very different
139 Margueron 2000, p. 206.
140 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 97-99.
141 Schaeffer 1962, p. 99.
142 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 97-99.
143 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 97-99.
144 Contra Schaeffer; see Courtois 1979b, pp. 1233-1234.
145 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 97-99.
146 Van Soldt 1991, p. 97.
147 Van Soldt 1991, p. 107.
148 Courtois 1979b, p. 1228.
149 A complete list of texts found in each room of the Southern Archive can be found in van
Soldt 1991, pp. 97-106, and for the so-called"oven" in van Soldt 1991, pp. 111-113.
picture of the archive emerges. Since all the texts found in the so-called "oven" were
economic in nature, the Southern Archive has a similar general r.uio of economic texts
to other texts as in the other major archives in the palace. This archive should no
longer be differentiated as an archive of international correspondence, chronologically
distinct from the Central Archive.P? Indeed, the Southern Archive has the same mix-
ture of international correspondence but a slightly larger proportion of economic texts
than in other areas of the palace.
It is difficult to identify any meaningful patterns in the types of economic tablets
recovered from this section of the palace. None of the tablet types stand out as intrinsi-
cally related to the elite material culture found within this section of the palace. Tablets
from the so-called "oven" incorporate all sub-genres of economic tablets, and no types
predominate in statistically meaningful amounts. In the Southern Archive proper, texts
recording debts stand out in greater numbers than in the other archives, and perhaps this
area was involved in the accounting of debts. It seems that the types of economic tablets
stored in this section have no functional correlation with this area of the palace.
Royal Palace Archives: Eastern Archives
The Eastern Archive was revealed after the Western Archive. According to Schaeffer,
preservation here was not nearly as good, since many of the tablets had been dam-
aged in the fire that destroyed the palace.P! The group of rooms which is normally
considered the Eastern Archive includes Rooms 52, 53, 54, 55, and 56. All of these
rooms had tablet finds on two levels. Schaeffer offers an implausible suggestion about
the construction-history of the palace.
152
According to Schaeffer's theory presented in
PRU 3,153 the tablets in the lower levels dated to an earlier use-period of the palace,
and the context where they were found belonged to construction fill (or at least a
destruction layer that had been built upon it). While this is consistent with tablet
deposition in certain other sites and structures (e.g., the Ur III Temple of Inanna at
Nippur), this is not likely to be the situation here. A second story, which collapsed
with the palace's destruction, makes more sense of the evidence, primarily because
of van Soldt's prosopographic observation. Van Soldt's prosopographic studies sug-
gest connections between the various levels, indicating that they must date roughly
conternporaneously.P" This holds with Schaeffer's initial published comments that
the ceramics from both levels were idenrical.l'? Whitt has observed that Schaeffer
150 For an example of this view, see Whitt 1993, p. 222.
151 Schaeffer 1953, pp. 120-121; Schaeffer 1954, p. 23.
152 Schaeffer 1955, pp. XVII-XVIII.
153 Schaeffer 1955, pp. XVII-XVIII.
154 Van Soldt's 1991, p. 72.
155 Schaeffer 1955, p. xii.
240 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 241
published distinctly different measurements for his supposed two floors in this section
of the palace.l'" The lack of final publications and stratigraphic control during excava-
tion makes certainty impossible. So while it is most probable that there is material from
two stories mixed together in this section of the palace, it is impossible to differentiate
between these levels because of the poor recording strategies employed by Schaeffer.
This archive seems to have had two sets of rooms, which stood side by side.
Rooms 52 and 53 adjoin an entrance into the palace, with room 53's staircase allowing
immediate access to the upper story.157 Rooms 54, 55, and 56 cannot be reached
directly by rooms 52 and 53; one had to move through rooms 45, Court III, and room
57 first. The exact connection between the rooms on the upper story is unknowable,
but it is certain that this archive cannot be considered one, homogeneous unit.
Schaeffer identified a garden enclosure in Court III, an interpretation that has
been upheld by the current excavation team.l'" Whitt argues against this, stating that
since the enclosure is only 23 m x 15 m, it is better understood as a holding pen for
animals or other goods shipped to the palace that were inspected or organized.P" It
is unclear why this makes more sense given the small size of the enclosure. Whitt's
suggestion cannot be ruled out given the impossibility of further investigating the
archaeobotanical material from this enclosure. Whatever the function of Court III,
this section of the palace was monumental in appearance. The main entrance to
Court III, through Room 45, is book-ended by porticoes.l'"
Room 44, attached to Court III, provides more evidence for the opulence of this
section of the palace. A kiosk surrounded by porticoes and a bed were found in this
section, further suggesting a non-administrative function to this space.l''! Numerous
ivory objects were found here, including Egyptianizing bed panels
l 62
, an ivory table
l 63
,
and an ivory head.
164
Another Egyptianizing ivory object (an ivory horn?) was found
in Room 86, also adjoining Court III. 165
Conical labels were discovered in this archive. As already mentioned, van Soldt has
observed that these labels typical mention some quantity of a commodity as well as a
personal name.
166
The labels found in this section include
l 67
: RS 15.26 (KTU 6.18),
156 Whitt 1993, p. 84.
157 Yon 1997, p. 53.
158 Margueron 2000, p. 206; Yon 1999, p. 702.
159 Whitt 1993, p. 90.
160 Margueron 2000, p. 206.
161 Margueron 2000, p. 206.
162 For an in depth discussion of these bed panels, see Schaeffer 1954, pp. 51-59, as well as the
images in Schaeffer 1954, pIs. VII, VIII, figure 3, and figure 4.
163 See Schaeffer 1953, pp. 133-140, Figures 7-12 and Schaeffer 1954, pp. 59-61.
164 Yon 1997, p. 53.
165 Schaeffer 1954, pp. 62-63.
166 Van Soldt 1989, p. 383.
167 Labels lacking a KTU number are labels written in the syllabicscript.
RS 15.80 (KTU 6.19), RS 15.154, RS 15.159, RS 15.192A (KTU 6.21), RS 15.192B,
and RS 15.564. Oil, barley, wine, metals and unnamed marerials are the subjects of
these labels, constituting evidence that this was an area. where deliveries from other
areas were stored. There was space for this kind of activiryvin the east and Whitt argues
that the rooms near the Eastern Archive could have functioned as storage space. 168
The close proximity of an entrance also fits the view that this W3:S a shipping and
receiving area of the palace.
Given the large amount of material excavated from the palace, the amount of mate-
rial culture described in the publications as having come from the Eastern Archive is
strikingly small. Typical of finds from the rest of the palace are the bronze arrowheads
and fragments of armour, and these likely represent remains from the destruction of
the palace, rather than material culture components of its use-phase.P? At least seven
stone weights were uncovered in this section, including weights of 5 shekels, 10 shekels,
ninety-nine shekels, and two one hundred shekel weights.V'' Beads were found here,
as were a few luxury items, such as fragments of alabaster vessels.l"! Other notable
items include precious stones and metals in unprocessed form, including lead, lapis
lazuli, and bronze.
172
These unprocessed materials taken with the jewellery mould
found in the vicinity led Schaeffer to conclude that this was a workshop for jewellers
or metal smiths.V" As discussed below, this assemblage of artifacts does not constitute
convincing evidence for the presence of a workshop. The material culture excavated
from the Eastern Archive published by Schaeffer differs little from material culture
found in other parts of the site (see Chapter Seven) and therefore taken by itself does
not provide sufficient evidence for the function of this archive.
The Nature ofthe Eastern Archive
Like the other archives, tablets of numerous genres were discovered in this section
of the palace. A complete list of the tablets from each room has been compiled by van
Soldt.
174
As with all but the Central Archives, economic texts were most numerous.
According to van Soldt's count, 125 were recovered.L" making up 63.5% of the
archive and 21% of the total texts recovered from the palace.V" Next most numerous
were letters (50), which according to van Soldt's calculations constituted 25.4% of the
168 Whitt 1993, p. 90.
169 Schaeffer 1962, p. 95.
170 Schaeffer 1962, p. 95.
171 Schaeffer 1962, p. 95.
172 Schaeffer 1962, p. 95.
173 Schaeffer 1962, p. 95. See also Courtois 1979b, pp. 1233-1234.
174 Van Soldt 1991, pp. 62-71.
175 Van Soldt 1991, p. 71.
176 Van Soldt 1991, p. 138.
242 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 243
archive. 177 The sixteen legal texts, in van Soldt's count make up 8.1% of the archive.l/"
Other genres, including literary texts, were retrieved in much smaller quantities.
Schaeffer's understanding of the function of this archive emphasizes international
relations and administration of the outlying villages.V? He describes the archive:
Dans les Archives Est, par contre [the West Archives]' situees al'entree du palais quand
on venait de l'interieur de la capitale, les listes relatives aux villes du royaume font
defaut: les texts concernent des contrats prives et des letters en majeure partie diploma-
tiques.l'?
This reading of the Eastern Archive emphasizes the diverse geographic regions men-
tioned in the texts of that archive. Other commentators have seen other types of
information as more critical for reconstructing the nature of this archive.
Widbin's thorough analysis of this archive is worth discussing in detail. He has noted
that there were a diverse variety of types of textual material located in this section, but
within that diversity certain patterns are identifiable.l'" These patterns are identifiable
physically, as Widbin sees the eastern and western halves of this archive as distinct. 182
About the distinctiveness of each wing, Widbin states:
The materials of the west wing werelimited largely to domestic legal and epistolaryfor-
mulations and current accounts of assignments and expenditures in non-agricultural ele-
ments of the royal economy...The east wing preserved externally produced materials
designated for long-term storage and current accounts of assignments and expenditures
in the agricultural elements of the royal economy. 183
These differences are not exceptional, but certainly Widbin's observation that agri-
cultural activities were the subject of one wing and not the other is accurate. Widbin
concludes from these observations that this archive was the central economic admin-
istrative area of the palace. 184
Whitt also argues that there is evidence that palace officials attempted to remove
the tablets from this archive for safekeeping before the destruction of the site.
185
The
evidence he marshals for this reconstruction is based on the groups of tablets identified
as groups by Schaeffer, most notably those texts found beneath the stairs in Room 53
of the Eastern Archive. 186 Once again, that tablets were found in groups is not evidence
for an attempt to systematically remove the tablets from the palace.
177 Van Soldt 1991, p. 71.
178 Van Soldt 1991, p. 71.
179 Schaeffer 1952, p. 18; Schaeffer 1954, pp. 23-24.
180 Schaeffer 1952, p. 18.
181 Widbin 1985, p. 359.
182 Widbin 1985, p. 359.
183 Widbin 1985, pp. 359-360.
184 Widbin 1985, p. 362.
185 Whitt 1993, p. 93.
186 Whitt 1993, p. 93.
Whitt sees two categories of tablets in this archive, relating to its general function:
tablets reflecting the affairs of the king, and tablets that are economic in narure.l'" Of
the first category, Whitt observes that international correspondence and correspon-
dence with the tamkaru's are the most prominent. 188 The economic tablets found here,
according to Whitt, do not reflect archival practices at the time of the palace's destruc-
tion, but rather come from fill deposits below the most recent level of occupation. 189
Still, Whitt sees these tablets as representative lof some of the kinds of activities engaged
in by the Eastern Archive.l"? and the function of this archive was to handle day-to-day
activities of the running of the palace.l'"
Some patterns emerge in the make-up of the economic tablets found in the Eastern
Archive. The prominence of correspondence involving the tamkaru's is very compelling
when considered with the numerous administrative texts recording the distribution of
goods. The most frequent class of item listed as distributed here is textiles. Wine and
oil distributions are also recorded. Even chariots are recorded in texts from this archive
as having entered the palace (KTU 4.145 for example). Taken with the commodity
labels already mentioned as well as the architectural layout of the Eastern Archive
(close to a major entrance leading to the city proper and with ample storage room), it
seems highly probable that goods were received and distributed in this archive.
Royal Palace Archives: Room 73 (Bureau annexe)
This room is located to the west of Room 71, the room identified by Yon as the
throne room.
l 92
Her reconstruction of the palace shows no doors to Rooms 73 and 11,
making it difficult to understand how she sees these rooms as relating to other parts
of the palace.l'" Schaeffer had proposed that this section of the palace had been blocked
off before the palace's destruction.V" Indeed, it is uncertain whether the texts that form
this archive should be considered along with the other texts from the palace, given that
this section may have been blocked off before the final destruction of the palace.
The Nature ofthe Archive
Out of the twenty texts found here, all but two are alphabetic Ugaritic, and sixteen
of those are economic.V' Even though the amount of economic texts recovered from
187 Whitt 1993, p. 95.
188 Whitt 1993, pp. 98-99.
189 Whitt 1993, p. 101.
190 Whitt 1993, pp. 102-112.
191 Whitt 193, p. 124.
192 Yon 1997, p. 54.
193 Yon 1997, p. 47.
194 Schaeffer 1957a, p. x.
195 Van Soldt provides a complete list of tablets found in this room, van Soldt 1991, pp. 125-126.
244 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 245
this room is small, a noticeable pattern emerges. Wine and vineyards are the subject of
five texts. Information about commercial agents is also recorded. Given the uncer-
tainty of whether or not this room was actually in use in the final years of the palace's
use, conclusions cannot be drawn safely. There is the possibility that this was an area
used by palace-based commercial agents organized in the circulation of wine.
Royal Palace Archives: Room 90
In the southeast corner of the palace two sets of two rooms could be entered through
Court III. Room 89 contained numerous pithoi, indicating that this was a storage
magazine for the palace.l'" Room 90, which (because of its large 14 x 8 m size and
.. R 89) I . . d . 197
proximity to oom was a so a magazine, contame numerous economic texts.
For this area to have adequately functioned as a magazine, there must have been a
doorway in Court III. If there was not, it seems impossible to understand how this
section of the palace could have been properly used to store large quantities of goods.
The palace floor plan published by Courtois 198shows that the wall on that side of the
courtyard was not recovered, so Yon's suggestion that another entrance may have been
located in this section of the palace is compelling.l'"
This may have been another section of the palace from where the circulation of
goods was organized, especially in light of the proximity of pithoi. KTU 4.381 lists
quantities of oil. Silver debts and lists of receipts from individuals suggest that perhaps
this was an area where individuals affiliated with the palace delivered (and possibly
distributed) oil. Whether these individuals were affiliated only by taxation obligations
or whether they could be considered palace producers is unclear.
Conclusions About the Palace
Before moving on to discuss the non-royal remains recovered from Ugarit, It IS
important to summarize what has been learned by comparing the textual records with
their loci of discovery. One issue that has been made clear is that Schaeffer's attribu-
tions of certain areas of the palace as craft-specialist work areas cannot be upheld.P''
Schaeffer argued that the presence of moulds, weights, raw semi-precious stone and
metal blocks, and bronze implements in Rooms 52 and 56, Court V, and the rooms of
the Southwest Archive indicates that these areas were the workshops of craft specialists
dependent on the palace.i?' This conclusion was further supported by Schaeffer's
196 Courtois 1979b, p. 1227; van Soldt 1991, p. 127; Yon 1997, pp. 46-47.
197 For a complete list of tablets found in this room, see van Soldt 1991: 127-128.
198 Courtois 1979b, pp. 1189-1190.
199 Yon 1997, pp. 46-47.
200 For a summary of this view, see Courtois 1979b, pp. 1233-1234.
201 Courtois 1979b, pp. 1233-1234.
understanding of the occupational groups mentioned in these archives.
202
This theory
cannot be maintained based on this material culture evidence. As will be demonstrated
in Chapter Seven, none of these artifact classes are unusual in the other excavated
buildings at Ugarit. Schaeffer presents no evidence for industrial production in the
palace. He did not publish finds of industrial by-products, such as slag, nor does there
seem to be equipment suitable for generating the amounts of heat necessary to work
metals, as would be necessary in the production of jewellery. Stone carving would be
possible given what has been recovered, but this activity does not explain the moulds
or the raw metals that would have required significant amounts of heat to process. If
there were specialist labourers affiliated with the palace, only conflicting archaeological
evidence to support this claim has been presented by the French Team.
Evidence about the nature of archive keeping within the palace has also been
explored. Generally the analysis supports the common assumption that legal texts
and letters were kept for extended periods of times (and actually "archived"), whereas
economic-administrative texts were not saved for posterity. For the most part, the eco-
nomic tablets do not seem to have been stored in a way that is indicative of archive
keeping. While some general tendencies were apparent in the archives, for the most
part each archive held basically the same classes of administrative texts. As the evidence
produced by Schaeffer's excavation stands, the adhoc nature of the storage of economic-
administrative documents coincides with the generally ad hoc nature of economic
administration in general at the site (see Chapter Five).
Still, some broad suggestions can be offered on what kinds of activities seem to
have transpired in each of the archival areas. The Western Archive, consistent with its
proximity to the Western entrance, contained texts detailing the movements of people
and their own property. Inconsistent with its proximity to the entrance was the lack
of texts detailing the movement of commodities, and it can be concluded that the
Western entrance was not typically used for the receipt or distribution of goods. This
is in stark contrast to the Eastern Archive where the texts and material culture all well
reflect the use of this space for shipping and receiving. Rooms 73 and 90 show similar
tendencies, although the amount of evidence is significantly less. The Southwestern
Archive seems to have a large proportion of texts relating to the administration of the
kingdom outside of the city proper, and it can be suggested that officials responsible for
that kind of activity worked in this area of the palace. The South and Center Archives
defy easy categorization. This is consistent with the general difficulty of identifying
discrete archives in either of these areas. Perhaps there had been some administrative
order to these areas that was not preserved archaeologically (or by archaeologists). As it
stands, no specialized economic uses of these areas are evident.
202 Courtois 1979b, pp. 1233-1234.
246 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHNAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 247
2. NON-PALATIAL ARCHIVES: ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXTS
While the bulk of administrative tablets at Ugarit were found within the royal palace,
numerous other locations on the tell yielded economic and administrative tablets.
What follows is a discussion of the elite buildings at Ugarit, both those that contained
tablets and those that did not, These structures are all non-royal, yet display material
culture and architectural features that are better understood as elite. Non-elite structures
at Ugarit will be discussed in Chapter Seven.
The analysis of these elite complexes will make it possible to evaluate the utility of
Veblen's model of the leisure class (see Chapter One) for analysis of ancient Ugarit.
Two particular aspects of Veblen's work will be utilized. First, is there evidence that
there was a distinct group of individuals at Ugarit (outside of the royalty) that did
not engage in productive labor, and demonstrated this as a means of demonstrating
their economic power?203 Second, do elite groups consume goods in such a way as to
demonstrate this authority, that is to say, can the possession of certain kinds of goods
be taken as a demonstration of status?204
The Residential Quarter
Directly to the Northeast of the Royal Palace complex is a section of the city
referred to by the excavators as le quartier residentiel. The excavated area consists of
large buildings (much larger than the residential neighbourhoods of the centre de fa
ville). The three well-defined structures are divided by two wide (by Ugarit's standards)
roads, which run parallel to one another, roughly north-south.P" These complexes are
separated from the palace by a street (about 70 m long), referred to in the literature
as the "ruedu Palais."206 Within these three large buildings, smaller complexes seem to
have functioned as defined units. As with the residential neighbourhoods, complexes
are not defined by their freestanding walls, but by the connectedness of their interior
rooms.
207
More will be said about the relationships of these structures to those of
the smaller domestic structures in Chapter Seven. Here it is appropriate to discuss the
individual complexes in some detail, since archives are ascribed to these individual
complexes.
Unfortunately, the excavations of this section of the tell were poorly published.P''
The available data is anecdotal, and it is clear that much valuable data has been lost.
The archaeology of this zone, with such rich and large houses filled with archives, is
203 See Veblen 1994 [1899], p. I.
204 See Veblen 1994 [1899], p. 28.
205 Saade 1979, p. 120; Yon 1997, p. 74.
206 Yon 1997, p. 74.
207 Yon 1997, p. 74.
208 Saade 1979, p. 120; Yon 1997, p. 74.
also one of the most confusing. The relationship of the users of these facilities to the
palace and to the rest of the inhabitants of Ugarit remains obscure.
A few alphabetic economic texts were found in this quarter, and are worth dis-
cussing here. The lack of published data on this section of the tell makes specific com-
ments on the relationship between the tablets found in this area difficult. It is taken as
a working hypothesis that these economic texts reflect tablets possessed and/or used
by the inhabitants of these buildings, which should be considered elite, but not nec-
essarily royal.
KTU 4.212 records the movement of silver. One named individual received 1048
units of silver. Another received at least 100, but the tablet is broken where this value
would have been given. The location of specified individuals is recorded in KTU 4.696.
A more unusual text is KTU 4.750. This text lists individuals with their gentilic.
What makes this unusual is that the tablet records how many houses each individual
has and where those houses are located. KTU 4.753 lists personal names with numer-
ical values, but those numerical values are not explained in the text. An inventory of
foodstuffs is listed under the occupational heading mrjrglm. The types of foods are
very diverse in KTU 4.751. Another text relating to occupational categories found in
the same vicinity is KTU 4.752. Numbers of individuals, listed according to occupa-
tion, are listed under the heading: bnim d it bd rb 'prm, "bnim who are at the disposal
of the head of the Apiru." There are a wide variety of individuals, not just military
occupations, listed here. None of these texts are unusual in comparison with the types
of texts found within the royal palace and it cannot be stated with certainty that these
texts reflect non-royal economic activity. This kind of designation is more safely made
in better-understood architectural contexts.
The House of Rap'anu
One firm architectural context is the House of Rap'anu, Rap'anu, it has been deduced
from the documents found in this house, lived during the reign of Ammistamru 11.
209
This house is one of the largest private structures at Ras Shamra, and has incorporated
dressed ashlars in its walls.i!" The house had a funerary structure of two substantial
tombs,211 suggesting that it functioned as a private dwelling.
212
The presence of a stair-
case also indicates that the house had at least two stories.
213
Unfortunately, very little
209 Saade 1979, p. 120.
210 It is not certain if the house originally designated as Rap'anus should actually be considered one
house or two, Yon 1997, pp. 83-87. Saade, operating under a maximalist assumption, calculated that
the total area of the house was 800 m
2
, including over 34 rooms, Saade 1979, p. 120.
211 Yon 1997, pp. 83, 86.
212 Saade 1979, p. 120.
m Saade 1979, p. 120.
Room 5
This room preserved three alphabetic economic texts. KTU 4.698 records amounts of
donkeys associated with a geographic region, likely donkeys received from or sent to the
regions. KTU 4.704 is a list of soldiers. KTU 4.703 is too fragmentary for comment.
Room 4
KTU 4.697 was found in this room. Unfortunately, the tablet is very fragmentary.
What has been preserved are lists of numbers, and likely these numbers were associated
with personal names.
has been published of the archaeology of this house.
214
This is especially surprising,
given the tremendous importance of this building, as noted by van Soldt.
215
This house contained an archive with several hundred tablets.
216
Van Soldt counts
that 68.5 % of the texts (out of a total of 344) discovered in this archive were lexical,
along with three school texts.
217
Also noteworthy is the relatively large amount of
international correspondence, including two letters from Alashiya.P" Given the large
size of the house, as well as the possibility that the structure may not be a single house,
but rather a number of separate houses, it is best to consider the texts on a room-by-
room basis.
249 THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS
(
difficulties with this text (i.e., identifying the types of equipment listed) the purpose
of the text is clearly an inventory of components of a ship. The discovery of this text
in a private archive demonstrates that non-royal individuals had access to maritime
equipment and ships.
The House of the Armourer
A fewalphabetic economic tablets were found in the vicinity of the House of Rap'anu.
KTU 4.700 is a standard list of names. KTU 4.706 lists items delivered to individu-
als, although the fragmentary nature of the tablet prevents any more from being said.
KTU 4.705 notes distributions of textiles to certain individuals.
Uncertain Context
Room 25
Room 25 shares a wall with the House of Rap'anu, but the material may not
reflect activities of this house alone.
219
Given the poor publication of this material by
Schaeffer's team, however, this room is included here. In this room KTU 4.693 was
found, which is essentially a list of geographic names and numbers without any
explanation of the numbers.
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH 248
Room 6
KTU 4.695 is simply a list of personal names. It is difficult to determine what kind
of economic activities or relationships are reflected by this document having been
recovered from Room 6.
Room 7
Found in this room were a typical name list tablet (KTU 4.694) and a typical frag-
mentary, unreadable tablet (KTU 4.701). More interesting is KTU 4.691, which lists
amounts of animals and comestibles. KTU 4.692 is also interesting. The obverse lists
the ubdy Yf!Jm. This is a typical field transfer text. The reverse lists personal names under
the occupational category Yf!Jm.
Across the street from Rap'anus house was a structure designated maison de l'armurier
by the excavators, due to the large number of bronze tools found within it.
220
The
house was at least two stories high, and had features typical of domestic architecture
at Ugarit (see Chapter Seven), such as the two pits in the small court and the attached
tombs.
221
Amongst the metal objects were a dagger, a javelin point (or large arrow),
and a bronze trident.
222
Perhaps the most spectacular discovery was a bronze sword
with Merneptah's cartouche on it.
223
What leads this house to be designated as elite is
the presence of large amounts of bronze tools. These objects, especially the Merneptah
sword, should be understood as high status items, well beyond the means of most
Ugaritians.
Room 10
The only alphabetic economic text found in this room was KTU 4.689, which
seems to be an inventory of a ship's equipment. While there are numerous lexical
House of the Scholar (maison du lettre]
Sharing a wall with the maison de l'armurier is the maison du lettre.
224
Originally this
house (sometimes called simply "L") was considered part of the House of Rashapabu,
214 Saade 1979, p. 120.
215 Van Soldt 1991, p. 165.
216 For a full list of tablets found here, see van Soldt 1991, pp. 165-178.
217 Van Soldt 1991, p. 178.
218 Van Soldt 1991, p. 179.
219 For the development of this room, see Yon 1997, p. 83.
220 Yon 1997, p. 81.
221 Yon 1997, p. 81.
222 Saade 1979, p. 122.
223 Saade 1979, p. 122.
224 Saade 1979, p. 122; Yon 1997, p. 81.
250 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 251
but was identified as separate shortly after.
225
Like many of the other houses in this
area, the maison du lettre had a funerary complex, indicating that it was a domestic
structure as opposed to an administrative srructure.F" Unlike the other houses in this
area, the owner of the house remains anonymous because of the broken nature of the
epistolary texts, which would have recorded the name.
227
An archive was discovered in this building. However, it is difficult to situate the
tablets in their original findspots due to the lack of detailed, published plans.
228
Yon
suggests that these texts, while deposited in the maison du lettremay be better under-
stood as coming from the House of Rashapabu (having fallen from an upper story in
antiquity).229 Most of these texts are lexical or religious, although there are some eco-
nomic, legal, and epistolary texts as well.
230
Van Soldt also notes the high proportion
of exercise texts.
231
Due to the nature of the texts found here, the excavators consid-
ered this to have been the house of a scholar, skilled in grammar and trained in many
scripts.
232
Van Soldt provides a compete list of the tablets found in this structure.P'' The only
alphabetic administrative text to come from this house is KTU 4.699. This text lists
amounts of silver debts upon Cl) individuals, or guarantors pledging Crbn) individ-
uals. The sole syllabic economic text, Ug. 5 14 (RS 17.332) lists personal names
and numbers of oxen. The three letters from this archive are not particularly revealing.
PRU 6 12 (RS 17.451) and KTU 2.35 are too fragmentary for comment. PRU 6 3
(RS 17.455) offers greetings and a declaration of support to the king and other admin-
istrative personnel. The majority of the texts are lexical and religious in nature.P"
House of Rashapabu
Like Rap'anus house, Rashapabu's house was the dwelling of a man who lived during
the reign of Ammistamru 11.
235
Rashapabu is mentioned in Ugaritic texts (RS 17.465)
as an officer in charge of collecting taxes (akil kilrt) from the port of Ugarit.
236
Sharing
a wall with the maison du lettre, this complex consists of two separate buildings. Either
could be entered through the street, but there was no internal connection between the
225 Van Soldt 1991, p. 163.
226 Saade 1979, p. 122.
227 Van Soldt 1991, p. 164.
228 Van Soldt 1991, p. 163.
229 Yon 1997, p. 81.
230 Van Soldt 1991, p. 164.
231 Van Soldt 1991, p. 164.
232 Saade 1979, p. 122.
233 Van Soldt 1991, pp. 163-164.
234 Van Soldt 1991, p. 164.
235 Saade 1979, p. 122.
236 Saade 1979, p. 122; Yon 1997, p. 82.
structures, at least none that was identified by the excavators.P? According to Yon, this
structure is relatively small compared to other buildings in this section of Ugarit.
238
The north building was identified as the private living quarters, and the south build-
ing was a commercial space.
239
Regardless of this, the funerary complex was situated
beneath the south building.
24o
A number of luxury goods were found in this complex.
These objects came from allover - from Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Aegean.
241
The presence of large numbers of international elite goods is consistent with Rasha-
pabus presumed role as harbor master, as he would have had frequent contact with
international merchants and travellers.
Many written documents were discovered in this complex. While Courtois states
that the archive was found in Court 5, one tablet came from under the stairs in Room 2,
and others were found near L, as noted by van Soldt.
242
Van Soldt provides a list of all
of the texts found here.
243
Most of the texts discovered here were legal texts (and some
economic texts); there were no lexical texts, a few school texts, and one medical text.
244
The possibility should also be noted that texts found in the House of the Letter might
have originally been part of Rashapabu's archive.
245
Only a few alphabetic economic texts were identified in this location. KTU 4.255
is a fragmentary name list. KTU 4.297 lists individuals at various locations. Of inter-
est is KTU 4.262, which lists individuals that had debts counted in amounts of silver.
KTU 4.690 may list silver debts. Found south of the House of Rashapabu, the text
reads in line 1: spr mdm. Following this are individual names (listed along with a
patronym or gentilic) and amounts of shekels ranging from two to 230.
Maison au portique
In the same insula as the bdtiment au vase pierre is this large structure (more than
450 rrr') with about 20 rooms, and at least two stories high.
246
Also called the maison au
porche acolonnes, it shares a wall with the maison auxalabatres.
247
The architectural features
of this building resemble those used in the palais royal such as the dressed masonry,248
237 Saade 1979, p. 122.
238 Yon 1997, p. 81.
239 Saade 1979, p. 122; Yon 1997, p. 81.
240 Saade 1979, p. 122.
241 Saade 1979, p. 122.
242 Van Soldt 1991, p. 160. See Courtois 1979b, pp. 1211-12; Nougayroll968, p. 621; Schaeffer
1970, PLATE 1.
243 Van Soldt 1991, pp. 160-162.
244 Van Soldt 1991, p. 162.
245 Lombard 1995, p. 229; Yon 1997, p. 81.
246 Saade 1979, p. 123; Yon 1997, p. 78.
247 Yon 1997, p. 78.
248 Saade 1979, p. 123.
252 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 253
but it also contains elements similar to domestic architecture within the city (see
Chapter Seven), such as pits and cesspools.r'? Since there was no identified funerary
complex, Saade suggests that this was a public building.P? While this is problematic,
the pits and cesspools are domestic features, and the lack of an identified funerary
complex may not be an indicator that this building was public space. However, the
identification of this structure as domestic or public (or something in between) cannot
be made with certainty. The most noteworthy small-finds are the cache of bronze
objects found in room 15, underneath a set of stairs.
251
Only one alphabetic economic text was found in this building, but it is quite inter-
esting given the non-royal context. KTU 4.688 records amounts of rations for the
house and fodder for animals delivered in a certain month, perhaps representing a
record of a delivery made to this house.
Batiment au vase de pierre
This is a roughly rectangular structure, situated in the same insula as the maisonaux
albatres.
252
Room 1 is a large parallelogram, surrounded by smaller storerooms.P" What
is noteworthy about this structure is the presence of a large stone vase, over 1 metre
high, that seems to be a large version of a pyxide vessel.254 Many large kraters were
found in association; Saade suggests that they were used in conjunction with the large
vase.
255
Callot and Calvet have argued that since this building lacks features typically asso-
ciated with domestic structures (i.e., courtyards, tombs, and pits), and since Room 1 is
disproportionately large compared to the rest of the rooms in the building, this build-
ing must have functioned as some sort of meeting area.
256
Based on this analysis, and
the ceramic repertoire found within the building (especially the Mycenaean ceramics),
this author has argued that this structure may have functioned as a meeting area for a
marzibu group.257 Even if this is not the case, this structure should be understood as
an elite, non-domestic structure, given the fine ashlar construction and international
ceramic assemblage.
249 Yon 1997, p. 79.
250 Saade 1979, p. 123.
251 Yon 1997, p. 79.
252 Yon 1997, p. 76.
253 Callot and Calvet 2001, pp. 68-69.
254 Callot and Calvet 2001, p. 68; Yon 1997, p. 78.
255 Saade 1979, p. 123.
256 Callot and Calvet 2001, p. 72.
257 McGeough 2004.
Maison aux albatres
Named because of the approximately 40 alabaster (probably calcite) vases found in it,
this triangular shaped building had around 50 rooms.P" The excavators distinguished
between three sections of this house: the private apartments, the reception rooms, and
the industrial/commercial locations.P" It should be noted that Yon believes that this
house was not a single house.
26o
Rather, the delineations of space varied throughout its
use history, and in the stage in which the excavators found it, it probably contained
numerous, separate spaces.
261
The private apartments, as the name suggests, were defined based on material culture
that could be associated with domestic situations. Access to the funerary complex was
gained through Room 5.
262
This room also contained a broken cartouche that may
have belonged to Ramses IF63 .
Room 8 may have had a bathtub.P" Room 9 contained a well, large cauldrons and
basins.
265
Room 10 was identified as a kitchen, with a circular oven and many domestic
ceramics. Room 12 had a lavatory.266 Recovered from Room 13 were about 70 vases,
3 Mycenaean rhytons, an Egyptian statue, a Baal figurine, and a jewel box.
267
Saade
considers this to be the room of the mistress of the house.
268
A smaller funerary com-
plex was accessible from this charnber.F"
The industrial/commercial complex may have been an area for olive oil prepararion.F"
In Room 14, many olive pits were found, alongside of pithoi and Canaanite jars.
271
Similarly, Room 17 also had many olive pits and about 40 jars.
272
Rooms 15 and 16
had large stone cesspools.F? Two alabaster (calcite?) vases were found in Room 18.
274
Room 19, with stairs, had an alabaster (calciter) vase and a substantial number of
ceramics.F" It has been suggested that this was the residence of an Egyptian diplomat,
or an Ugaritic individual with strong ties to Egypt.
276
258 Saade 1979, p. 123; Yon 1997, p. 76.
259 Saade 1979, p. 123.
260 Yon 1997, p. 76.
261 Yon 1997, p. 76.
262 Saade 1979, p. 123.
263 Saade 1979, p. 124.
264 Saade 1979, p. 124.
265 Saade 1979, p. 124.
266 Saade 1979, p. 124.
267 Saade 1979, p. 124.
268 Saade 1979, p. 124.
269 Saade 1979, p. 124.
270 Saade 1979, p. 124.
271 Saade 1979, p. 124.
271 Saade 1979, p. 124.
273 Saade 1979, p. 124.
274 Saade 1979, p. 124.
275 Saade 1979, p. 124.
276 Saade 1979, p. 124; Yon 1997, p. 76.
House ofYabninu (Southern Palace)
The structure immediately south of the palace has been called various names by
the excavation teams, first petit palais, then Palais sud, and finally la Residence de
Yabninou. The most recent name, House of Yabninu, reflects the current under-
standing that this was not a palace structure, but the private residence of an impor-
tant individual named Yabninu.
277
The building is quite large, more than 1000 rrr',
and the southern edge of the structure was not identified.
278
Access to the building
is gained through the western entrance, leading to Room 211.
279
It is rectangular
in shape, and quite orderly,280 which makes it very distinct from the lower status res-
idences in the quartier residential (see above) and the rest of the site (see Chapter
Seven). The building has features akin to other domestic structures at Ugarit, includ-
ing a tomb (number 213 beneath room 220), as well as pits and cesspools.i'" Porti-
coed courtyard 212, however, is more akin to the courtyards in the Royal Palace,
and the well-dressed ashlars have more in common with the Royal Palace than other
domestic structures. As noted by Yon, this was certainly the residence of high-rank-
ing individual.
282
The material culture found within the House ofYabninu is elite in nature. Note-
worthy are the ceramics found in rooms 216 and 219, which included kraters from
Crete, Mycenaean ceramics, and store jars made of local fabric.
283
An inscribed dior-
ite vessel from Egypt
284
demonstrates Yabninu's international taste, if not his strong
connection to Egypt. Likewise, a pithos jar with five Cypro-Minoan signs
285
con-
nects Yabninu with the Aegean. Zoomorphic alabaster figures, as well as a bronze
statuette, a silver plaque, and various pieces of jewelry286 are further evidence that
elite material culture was present in Yabninu's House before its destruction. The
wealthy funerary material culture, such as the twelve Egyptian calcite vases,287 demon-
strates an elite status within this household. Cylinder seals and scarabs found within
the house are further examples of elite material culture.
288
Other artifacts are typical
of finds from other buildings at Ugarit (see above and Chapter Seven), including
255 254
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
/
THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS (
\
bronze arrowheads and pieces of armor (remnants of the destruction of Ugarit),
weights
289,
grinders, and beads.
290
Tablets found in the House of Yabninu were mostly recovered from the northern
parts of the building.F" According to van Soldt, there are 86 economic documents
attested here, comprising 90% of the corpus.
292
Unusually, in comparison to the
Royal Palace, many of these are in fact in Akkadian and are not alphabetic.j'" Of the
alphabetic administrative documents, there are no genres found at Yabninu's that
are not also found in the palace archive. It is easy to understand why the excavators
initially assumed that this complex was another palace, and another center of royal
authority.
By far the most common types of document in Yabninu's House are name lists.
KTU 4.617 is a typical list of names, with associated numerical values. The first line
of this text indicates its function: bnimdt is[ ]bbib, "bnsm who are [ ] in his house."
Unfortunately, whose house, or what the numerals mean is unclear. KTU 4.619 is
a typical list of names, followed by gentilics. KTU 4.633 lists personal names under
occupational category headings, although the only one preserved is khnm. The loca-
tions of particular individuals are recorded in KTU 4.643 and KTU 4.648. Other frag-
mentary name lists include: KTU 4.649, KTU 4.650, KTU 4.651, and KTU 4.653.
The presence of these types of name lists at Yabninu's House shows that the Royal
Palace was not the only institution that kept these sorts of records. Yabninu was
clearly able, and found it useful, to record lists of names. Unfortunately, none of
these lists provide very helpful evidence concerning the rationale for the list. They
do show that the administrative situation of list making took place outside of direct
royal influence.
Another interesting alphabetic text found at Yabninu's involves ships. KTU 4.647
includes names and places in reference to ships. The text itself is broken, but it at least
informs that Yabninu kept an interest in such issues. Yabninu's House also yielded a
record relating to debts. KTU 4.634 lists individuals who acted as guarantors ('rb),
demonstrating the possibility of non-royal debt accrual. It is clear from these texts that
Yabninu had an interest in commercial activity, since both shipping and the accrue-
ment of debt are attested.
277 See Courtois 1990.
278 Yon 1997, p. 61.
279 Yon 1997, p. 61.
280 Yon 1997, p. 61.
281 Yon 1997, pp. 61-63.
282 Yon 1997, p. 63.
283 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 117-119; Yon 1997, p. 63.
284 Courtois 1990, p. 134.
285 Courtois 1990, p. 136.
286 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 115-117.
287 Courtois 1990, p. 140.
288 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 141-148.
289 Courtois 1990, pp. 134-136, argues that one of these weights (RS 19.208) reflects a unit of
measurement more typical of third millennium Ebla than second millennium Ugarit, indicating Yabninu's
role in international trade.
290 Schaeffer 1962, pp. 115-119.
291 Yon 1997, p. 65. A full list of tablets found within this building can be found in van Soldt 1991,
pp. 150-154.
292 Van Soldt 1991, p. 155.
293 Van Soldt 1991, p. 155.
256
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS
/
257
Northern Palace and Palace-Associated Structures to the North
The region to the north of the Royal Palace was extensively excavated by Schaeffer's
team. The buildings excavated in this region were constructed with similar materials
and in similar styles as the Royal Palace and so were recognized as elite early in the
excavation of Ugarit.
294
Not all of the buildings in this section of the tell were in use
during Ugarit's final days, so one must be careful when drawing conclusions about
these buildings in the larger context of this study.
Northern Palace
North of the Royal Palace, Schaeffer uncovered the remains of another large structure
that he designated a palace.
295
This structure does not seem to have been in use dur-
ing the final phase of occupation, and much of it is very poorly preserved. According
to Yon: ''A la difference de la plupart des autres monuments aujourd'hui visibles sur
la tell, celui-ci n' etait plus utilise dans la derniere phase de l'histoire de la ville, sinon
peut-etre par des *squatters*."296 There is some difficulty in determining the date of the
construction of this structure, but Yon argues for an early LB initial construction.F"
Less than 1500 rrr', it is oriented along the cardinal points.F" The architecture is simi-
lar to that of the Royal Palace, with ashlars, orthostats, and a monumental entrance.P?
Only one alphabetic economic tablet was found in this area. It is a list of personal
names; line 20 gives a total of thirty soldiers. It is difficult to determine whether this
text dates to the period of the Northern Palace's use or whether it is a tablet that had
been disturbed from its original context in the Royal Palace to the south. Here proso-
pographic analysis is not very helpful as not enough criteria are given with the per-
sonal names to allow certain comparison with other texts.
House ofthe Military Governor
This structure takes its name from KTU 4.63, which was found within its confines.
The text is quite interesting. It is a list of people, and the amounts of weapons pos-
sessed by these people. All of the names are grouped according to geographic regions,
and total amounts of weapons in each geographic region are listed. It is may reflect
a census of the military strength of each of the villages or a record of the distribution
of weapons. This kind of text may have been expected within the palace archive; its
location to the north of the palace indicates that it was found in what at very least
294 Yon 1997, p. 56
295 Schaeffer 1970, pp. 7-11.
296 Yon 1997, p. 70.
297 Yon 1997, p. 72.
298 Yon 1997, p. 72.
299 Yon 1997, p. 72.
should be considered a royal area. Unfortunately, given/the poor excavation strategies
under Schaeffer, it is impossible to be certain that the/depositional context was iden-
tical to the storage context.
Other Structures
Numerous other structures are located near the Northern Palace (directly north of the
Royal Palace). All of these buildings are of a high level of architectural sophistication,
and the ashlar construction is consistent with the building materials and styles used in
the Royal Palace. A Hurrian Temple and a guard-house (possibly a stable) are located in
this vicinity, along with a number of other buildings. A building that Contenson's team
called the maison aux fours may have been a possible setting for industrial activity.30o
Not enough of this structure has been published yet to make any firm comment, but
the supposed ovens, pits, store-jars, and stone vats may indicate that this was an indus-
trial area of some sort.
301
A structure designated the batiment au triine de Pierre, is located here, which con-
tained sculpted stone including a representation of a lion.
302
While not much is known
of this structure, the sculpture certainly indicates that this was an elite building, if not
a royal building.
On the northernmost edge of the tell is a building called the residence de fa Reine-
Mere by the French team. Also called the maison aux lingots de plomb (because of the
large number of lead ingots found within), the new name referencing the Queen
Mother is based upon textual mention of her palace's location, which is consistent with
this building.
303
According to Yon, even though the erosion was quite bad, this build-
ing has attributes of both royal (ashlar masonry) and domestic architecture (i.e., tomb
and pits).304
House of Urtenu
Located in the sud-centre excavation area, the House of Urtenu, originally referred
to as the bibliotheque au sud de fa ville, is another elite house, with an important archive.
The style of the flagstone court and the monumental doors are consistent with other
elite architecture, such as the Royal Palace and the House of Yabninu.l'" Unlike these
structures, the walls of the House of Urtenu are constructed of fieldstones, more akin
to non-elite domestic structures (see Chapter Seven). The large subterranean tomb
300 Yon 1997, p. 73.
301 Yon 1997, p. 73.
302 Yon 1997, p. 65.
303 Yon 1997, p. 65.
304 Yon 1997, pp. 65-68.
305 Yon 1995a, p. 436.
258 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 259
covered by ashlars is quite impressive.P" and lends further credence to the view that
this is an elite domestic structure as opposed to a public building.
With its international flavor - the material culture within the house should be
considered elite. A stamp seal with Cypro-Minoan signs was discovered as well as labels
with Cypro-Minoan inscriptions.P" indicating a close connection to the Aegean and
likely a trade relationship. Cylinder seals found here attest to the elite nature of the
srructure.l'" including one that has been analyzed as depicting a maryannu.
309
Stone
and serpentine vessels found here are of high qualiry.l!" and the international ceramics,
including Mycenaean and Minoan.'!! attest to the wealth of the occupant of this struc-
ture. A pair of alabaster items called ''poulies de char' were recovered here.
312
These
were compared with similar objects found in the Tomb of Tutankhamun.t'" and it is
likely that they are in fact components of a chariot. This is further indication of the
elite status of Urtenu from a material culture perspective.
The textual finds from this building are impressive, with about 80 % of the texts
written in Akkadian.I'" The stratigraphic relationship of the texts found in this house
is unclear, partially because of the destruction caused by the construction of a modern
military complex.U'' Calvet suggests that these texts were not discarded but were at
least in storage use during the final phase of the house's occupation.I'" While they seem
to be distributed in two different groups, it is not clear if this is the result of ancient
storage locations or later depositional processes.V? Calvet argues that the tablets exca-
vated in 1994 from a small room were found in essentially their ancient storage area,
even though the tablets were mixed with destruction debris.
318
The other groups of
tablets were found in rooms north of the tomb complex.I'?
Numerous alphabetic economic texts came from Urtenu's House.V" There is a list
of personal names without other designation (KTU 4.760). There is also a list of per-
sonal names under an occupational heading (KTU 4.761), in this case khnm. This text
is interesting because lines 8-11 record that amounts measured in kd (most likely wine)
306 Yon 1997, p. 97.
307 Yon 1995a, pp. 440-441.
308 Yon 1995a, pp. 440-441.
309 Calvet 2000, p. 210.
310 Calvet 2000, p. 210; Yon 1995a, p. 440.
311 Calvet 2000, p. 210; Yon 1995a, p. 440.
312 Yon 1994, p. 441.
313 Calvet 2000, pp. 210-211; Yon 1995a, p. 442.
314 Calvet 2000, p. 210.
315 Calvet 2000, p. 210.
316 Calvet 2000, p. 210.
317 Lombard 1995, p. 232.
318 Calvet 2000, p. 210.
319 Calvet 2000, p. 210.
320 Note that texts designated as coming from the "SW Dump" in KTU, are now understood to have
come from the House of Urtenu.
were distributed to these people. A tablet of personal nr,:es and unexplained numbers
was also discovered, KTU 4.763. KTU 4.759 lists p rsonal names and amounts of
silver in shekels. Unfortunately, it is not clear whether 0 ot the individuals had given
silver to Urtenu, received silver from Urtenu, or owed silverro Urtenu. Other materials
mentioned in this archive include olives (KTU 4.764), as well as goods measured in dd
(KTU 4.788,4.789), qmh (KTU 4.789), and prs (KTU 4.788,4.789). Unfortunately,
none of these texts are well enough preserved to make much comment. KTU 4.762
may record amounts of personnel at certain locations, but this is uncertain. KTU 4.764
lists quantities of textiles, but the portions of the text that would be informative are
not preserved.
House of Agapsarri
The House of Agapsarri is described as a typical Ugaritic domestic residence.V' Iden-
tified within is a tomb, a storeroom with large store jars, and a courtyard,322 all con-
sistent with Ugaritic domestic structures (see Chapter Seven). The material culture
associated with this house, however, is slightly unusual. Noteworthy is a ceramic gob-
let, in the shape of a lion's head, with an inscription of the name of the god Reshe3
23
Two Mycenaean rhtya (conical ceramic vessels) were also discovered.V" Both of these
types of artifacts suggest some sort of cultic activity.
No economic tablets have actually been found within this house, but two tablets
were found associated with it to the north and east. KTU 4.729, found to the north
lists names of shepherds and their assistants from a certain location. KTU 4.745 lists
occupational categories with numerals, in the standard manner that is attested in the
palace archive. While both of these texts deal with occupational categories, it is uncer-
tain what their purpose was in this context.
Tablet House (MT)
The Tablet House was discovered in the ville sud,325 which has been published min-
imally. This area had been destroyed in a fire, and the quality of the excavation and
subsequent publication makes identification of tablet findspots difficult.
326
Indeed,
these tablets cannot be securely provenanced to the interior of the house designated MT.
A complete list of tablets recovered from this area is provided by van Soldt.
327
Most of
321 Yon 1997, p. 110.
322 Yon 1997, p. 110.
323 Yon 1997, pp. 158-159.
324 Yon 1997, p. 110.
325 Van Soldt 1991, p. 182.
326 Van Soldt 1991, p. 182.
327 Van Soldt 1991, pp. 183-190.
260 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 261
these texts are lexical texts; 65% according to van Soldt.
328
Economic texts and letters
are found in equal proportion; ten of each were discovered.F"
The few alphabetic economic tablets found in this house demonstrate activities
outside of the palace administration. As with most of the archives, there is a tablet
with a list of personal names (KTU 4.725) too fragmentary to allow greater under-
standing. Likewise, KTU 4.7'19 is simply a fragmentary list of numbers. Other tablets
from this archive reflect activities involving the circulation of goods. KTU 4.715 is a
list of personal names, followed by amounts of wine. It is unclear whether the per-
sonal names reflect the distributors of the wine or those that received it. Even more
difficult, because it is broken, is KTU 4.716. All that is preserved of this tablet are two
columns. One lists amounts of sheep (1) and the other may list amounts of wine (kd).
KTU 4.721, which was found west of this structure, is fragmentary, but seems to deal
with the sale of textiles and oil for amounts of silver. North of the Tablet House, a
smaller, but similar tablet, KTU 4.717, was found, as was a list of personal names
(KTU 4.724).
Conclusions
The clearest observation that can be made about these non-royal and non-cultic
settings that contained tablets is that significantly less tablets were found there than
in the royal setting. Indeed, keeping administrative records was certainly not a key
component in the economic activities of these individuals. Most of the texts that are
preserved in these areas reflect the recording of the movement of goods, people, and
equipment. Some texts listing debts that were incurred, indicate that private loans
were a possibility at Ugarit. It remains to turn to those elite structures that have been
designated "cultic" and see if a similar situation is apparent.
From what has been analyzed of these elite institutions, there is no evidence of a
Veblen-esque "leisure class". All of the economic tablets point to some sort of pro-
ductive economic activity as opposed to situations where the elites simply subsisted on
pre-existing wealth. From Veblen's perspective, the economic activities in evidence
(associated with land-holding and agriculture) would be seen as parasitical since the
elite seem to be extracting wealth from the productive activities of others without
always engaging in it themselves. Conspicuous consumption was in evidence in terms
of the emulation of royal architecture, the use of tablets, and the presence of luxury
goods. Luxury goods shall be analyzed in depth in Chapter Seven.
328 Van Soldt 1991, p. 190.
329 Van Soldt 1991, p. 190.
3. TEMPLES AND THE HOUSES OF CULTIC PERSONNEL
\
The in-depth analysis of cultic economic activities'lies beyond the scope of this
study. The religion of Ugarit has been the subject of much research and much mate-
rial still remains to be investigated in this regard.P" What follows is a brief discussion
of the religious structures, especially with regard to what their material culture and texts
indicate about economic modalities.
Urban Temples at Ugarit
The temples at Ugarit have been widely discussed in the secondary literature so
only minimal comments need to be made here. On the acropolis, the Baal and Dagan
temples were discovered early in the excavacions.Pl These temples were associated
with their respective divinities based on the steles found within their courtyards.P?
Both temples are set off from the surrounding urban space by courryards.P'' The
Temple of the Rhytons was identified in the centre de la ville, so named because of the
large number of rhyta found within.
334
This building, while integrated into the urban
neighborhood (unlike the Baal and Dagan Temples), has been identified as cultic by
the material culture, which includes a stone statue of a seated deity (E1), a terra-cotta
stand, a small bronze tripod, a stele fragment, and an ivory pyxis.
335
In the zone north
of the royal palace, a temple has been identified, variously called the temple hourrite,
temple ala hache mitanienne, or temple palatial ou royal. The odd layout of this build-
ing and the material culture, including statues of divinities, favors the attribution of a
cultic function to this building.
336
These temple structures show no evidence for economic activity of an industrial!
production nature within. From what has been published of the material culture of
these temples, there is no equipment for production, and certainly the layout of the
buildings limits the possibilities of production. Indeed, the main economic activities
of these structures (perhaps the only) were sacrificial practices. While this topic is
beyond the scope of this project, what is necessary to note is that these buildings were
loci for the circulation of materials, manifest as sacrifice, dedication, or other cultic
activities. If the temples engaged in other economic activities, these activities must
have taken place outside of the temple precincts proper, and would therefore be diffi-
cult to connect with the temples.
330 See Smith 200Ia for an overviewof previous works on the religion of Ugarit.
331 Schaeffer 1933, pp. II9-I24.
332 Schaeffer 1935, pp. 155-156.
333 Yon 1997, pp. 116-124.
334 Yon 1996, p. 415.
335 Yon 1996, p. 4I4.
336 Yon 1997, p. 59.
One of the most important discoveries in the excavations at Ugarit was the Library
of the High Priest, found in 1929, between the Baal and Dagan Temples.W In this
structure were found some of the most important mythological texts from the site,
including the Baal cycle. The building itself, according to Yon, is typical of Ugaritic
domestic space, with its pits, vestibule and stairs.
338
What makes this structure remark-
able is the collection of tablets found within, as well as the large stock of bronze and
stone tools.
339
Seventy-four bronze tools were found, including inscribed implements
that helped lead to the decipherment of the Ugaritic language.
34o
The textual finds are the most remarkable, however, with the religious texts having
been of the most interest to previous scholars of Ugarit. Numerous alphabetic economic
texts were found in this context, although it must be stated that there are situations
where ritual texts may look like economic texts. These texts are important, especially
when considering the context of this archive of a cultic functionary as opposed to an
explicitly royal, merchant, or administrative individual.
There are of course, tablets that have survived only as lists of names, KTU 4.2 and
KTU 4.12. There are also lists of geographic names with associated numbers, KTU 4.5,
and KTU 4.19. Personal names listed under geographic headings are attested by
KTU 4.25, and a tablet (KTU 4.27) noting amounts of individuals, according to
occupational category, in this case merchants (mkrm) were also found. Are these mer-
chants who work for the priest/temple? Or are they merchants with whom the priest
has dealings? Or are they individuals who the temple provides cultic services for? It is
unclear, but there seem to be many possibilities.
A large proportion of the texts from this library are lists of amounts of goods.
Amounts of textiles are listed in KTU 4.4. Amounts of precious metals are listed in
KTU 4.23. Amounts offood-stuffs are listed in KTU 4.14 and KTU 4.34. KTU 4.13
may to be a list of tables, since t.lbn is the only legible word, repeated on thirty-five lines,
until line 36, which preserves a personal name. Here, t.llm is more likely a geographic
name. KTU 4.17 also preserves lists of obscure objects possessed by specified individuals.
Two unusual tablets lists people and workers within houses specified on the first
line. KTU 4.15 lists workers at the House of Ilu. KTU 4.16 lists personal names
under the heading bt Ibn. These people are likely workers, but perhaps they are simply
residents. Another text recording labor was also discovered here. KTU 4.29 seems to
be an assignment of laborers and donkeys to groups of cultic personnel. The High
Priest (or whoever had access to this archive) kept administrative records of labor,
262
Library of the High Priest
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE ARCHIVAL CONTEXT OF THE TABLETS 263
\
indicating a degree of complexity in the organization of labor that made record keep-
ing helpful if not necessary.
House of the Hurrian Priest (PH)
The House of the Hurrian Priest is located in the sud-aeropole, beneath a later Greek
settlemenc'f! and contains two separate archives.
342
The designation "House of the
Hurrian Priest" is somewhat misleading, given that this is associated with only one
part of the building - two rooms in the northeast section of the structure, in two
rooms.
343
In the other section of the building is the House of the Lamashtu Priest.
344
A pit was associated with the House of the High Priest, within which were found
tablets, although it is unclear if they were purposefully deposited here.
345
The bulk of
these texts are religious, although some economic tablets are relevant to this discussion.
Most of the alphabetic economic texts are too fragmentary for comment here.
Some of these texts appear to be lists of personal names: KTU 4.730, KTU 4.731,
and KTU 4.737. More interesting is KTU 4.727, which lists bt PN, perhaps reflect-
ing information gathered at a household level, although the precise information has
not survived. Very interesting is KTU 4.728, which lists the names of individuals who
did not bring oil, likely reflecting a failure to fulfill a cultic obligation. One syllabic
economic text (RS 24.290) is attested in the House of the High Priest, but that text
has not been published. Likewise, the few syllabic economic texts from the House of
the Lamashtu Priest are also unpublished.
Conclusions Regarding Cultic Areas
From examining these cultic areas (or better, archives of cultic officials) from a purely
economic perspective, a number of conclusions can be drawn. The amount of luxury
and elite goods present in these areas is higher than in other non-elite areas (the subject
of Chapter Seven). Some of these luxury items should be understood as production
equipment, most especially the religious tablets, which are best understood as work-
related materials in this context. The administrative records from these complexes
reflect an organization of labor and demonstrate that cultic officials administered non-
religious economic activities. Other significant categories of textual data preserved in
these cultic complexes were documents tracking the circulation of goods, especially food
and textiles. Particularly noteworthy is KTU 4.728, which provides the best evidence
337 Yon 1997, p. 121.
338 Yon 1997, p. 121.
339 Yon 1997, p. 121.
340 Yon 1997, p. 121.
341 Van Soldt 1991, p. 194.
342 Yon 1997, p. 109.
343 Van Soldt 1991, p. 194.
344 Van Soldt 1991, p. 194.
345 Van Soldt 1991, p. 194. A complete list of tablets for both of these archiveswas compiled by van
Soldr 1991, pp. 195-199,204-208.
264 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
that there was some sort of tithe, or an expectation that individuals would bring their
own goods, for cultic practices.
4. CONCLUSIONS
This chapter has sought two major goals: to situate the Ugaritic administrative
records within their material context and to explore elite zones of the tell in general.
Issues of scale are obvious; the material culture and the administrative record of the
royal palace far surpasses that of any other region on the tell. The palace was undoubt-
edly the most important production and consumption center at Ugarit. Unfortunately,
most of these elite areas were explored in the early years of the excavations of Ugarit,
so that scholars are limited by the poor excavation techniques and publishing record
of Schaeffer and his team. Under Yon's guidance, the Mission de Ras Shamra began to
concentrate more on non-elite residences. It is the analysis of this excavated material
that demonstrates the real value of archaeology in the reconstruction of Ugaritic eco-
nomic modalities. That, as well as more in-depth discussion of certain classes of mate-
rial culture, is the subject of the next chapter.
CHAPTER SEVEN
THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
Artifacts are relegated to secondary importance in historical
studies whenever a civilization is literate.
Cyrus Gordon
The texts from Ugarit provide a rich source of information on the economy of that
city in the Late Bronze Age. This is not a novel concept; the utility of these tablets for
this kind of endeavor has long been recognized (see Chapter Two for a survey of this
literature). However, as demonstrated in Chapters Four and Five, the textual evidence
is limited in scale and scope. Most of the tablets come from elite contexts, especially
the palace archives. The textual evidence likewise only provides evidence for economic
situations that involved the inscribing of a tablet. Given the small number of people
mentioned in the tablets and the limited types of economic practices pteserved textu-
ally, it has to be assumed that there were many other activities that went unrecorded,
involving a large number of people who also went unrecorded.
Burns has argued that, for a number of reasons including the poor quality of the
excavations at Ugarit, archaeology has not been utilized to the same extent as textual
evidence in the study of Ugarit.' This has certainly been the case. Even scholars who
have attempted to integrate both types of evidence have tended to use archaeology as
a means to reconstruct the date of tablers.i or reconstruct the archival contexts of the
tablets.' While these are both extremely important endeavors, this is not really an inte-
gration of archaeological and textual data, but rather a use of archaeology to better
understand textual evidence. The analysis of material culture has great promise to illu-
minate areas of economic life that are not preserved in the textual record, and needs
to be treated as an independent source of data.
This chapter seeks to address this problem by investigating the material remains
of the Ugaritic economy. Ugarit has been excavated on and off since 1929, and has
produced a wealth of archaeological data. Unfortunately, the low quality excavation
and publication techniques of the project while under Schaeffer have meant that much
information has been destroyed or (effectively) lost. Still, there is much that can be
1 Burns 2002, pp. 103-106.
2 VanSoldt 1991.
3 Burns 2002; van Soldt 1991; Widbin 1993.
266 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
\
THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 267
learned from the material culture that has been published. In this chapter, a number
of issues that archaeology is particularly capable of informing on shall be discussed.
First, an overview of the environment and resources of Ugarit shall be presented. The
environment provides the basic constraints of economic activity and as such, it is
absolutely essential to an exploration of economic activities. Second, the economic
infrastructure of the city of Ugarit shall be analyzed, to further determine constraints
on economic activity, as well as to better understand the use of space from an economic
perspective. Third, the domestic structures and household assemblages of excavated
materials at Ugarit shall be discussed. Not only will this provide information about a
basic subsistence need (shelter) of a vast, non-elite population at Ugarit, it should also
inform about the material lives of this large segment of the population. Fourth, the
archaeological evidence for industrial/production activities shall be examined. Iden-
tifying production areas can complement the study of domestic structures, where we
primarily gain evidence for consumption. In turn, archaeological evidence for both
production and consumption complements the textual evidence, which mostly pro-
vides evidence for objects in circulation, or the transference of such goods. Fifth, elite
objects will be identified and examined, for what these particular classes of artifacts
can demonstrate, not only about economy, but about status at Ugarit as well.
1. ENVIRONMENT
An examination of the material remains of ancient economy must begin with a
discussion on the resources available in that region. The environment and natural
resources provide the basic constraints on, and possibilities for, economic activity. What
is available for subsistence and production without a doubt influences the economic
possibilities for the local residents. The management of those resources and the subsis-
tence strategies based upon those resource constraints are fundamental to economic
organization. What is not available locally is also compelling information, since if
resources not available locally are desired or required, strategies must be put into place
to acquire these resources.
The Geography of the Syrian Coast
Ras Shamra is located on the Mediterranean coastal plain, and as such is a sig-
nificantly different climate from interior Syria. The coastal plan is separated from
the interior by the Jebel Ansariyah mountain range, which provides a natural cli-
matic division from the drier interior plain." The climate of this region should be
considered Mediterranean.' The soils of this region are typical Mediterranean terra
4 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 4.
5 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 4; Calvet and Geyer 1995, p. 169.
rossa/: Atypical of a Mediterranean climate is the heavy forestation of this region,
although in modern times this area has been effectivelydeforested.? The relatively high
amounts of annual precipitation (in comparison to other "Mediterranean" zones) allowed
the growth of deciduous oak forests, also found in the Mediterranean climates of more
inland regions, including central Iraly." Because of this, analogies between the climate
surrounding Ras Shamra and other coastal Mediterranean cities must be limited. The
environment surrounding Ras Shamra is significantly different from other nearby coastal
cities (for example sites on the Turkish coast) that lack deciduous forests nearby.
The proximity of Ras Shamra to other Late Bronze Age Near Eastern centers further
affects its economic possibilities. Most often noted is Ugarit's close proximity to Cyprus,
providing easy access to this important location of raw resources (copper). Ugarir's
location between Egyptian and Hittite spheres of influence doubtless made it an
important arena for interaction between these two powers. Access to Kassite Babylo-
nia and Assyria was also possible since Ugarit is relatively close to the northern edge of
the Jebel Ansariyah range, allowing overland transportation. In fact, Ugarit was situ-
ated on two ancient "highways": one between inner North Syria and coastal Syria, and
a highway along the Mediterranean that)ed south to Egypt." Ugarit was well situated
for both overland and sea-borne transportation.
Water
Ugarit did not require the large-scale irrigation schemes necessary in Southern
Mesopotamia. Yon gives an average annual rainfall (from Latakia) as 600 mm per year.10
It must be remembered, however, that the sporadic nature of rain in a Mediterranean
environment makes precipitation averages misleading. Single day rainfall totals can,
due to the extremely variable nature of Mediterranean precipitation cycles, account for
almost an entire month's or an entire year's rainfall. 11 Modern rainfall averages for the
Syrian coast suggest anywhere between 600 - 1000 mm of rain annually.12 The nearby
Jebel Ansariyah receives over 1000 mm of rainfall annually, making this a relatively
humid region. 13
De Moor provides rainfall averages broken down by month for Latakia and Jeble
from 1952 to 1968 (de Moor 1971: 259). These figures are perhaps more helpful and
the seasonally distinct precipitation amounts demonstrate the difficulties in using
6 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 4.
7 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 4.
8 Faulkner and Hill 1997, p. 254.
9 Astour 1981, p. 3.
10 Yon 1992b, p. 23.
11 Perry 1997, p. 36.
12 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 4.
13 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 4.
268 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 269
averages based on annual figures for the reconstruction of the ancient Mediterranean
environment. Based on modern precipitation figures, de Moor concludes that there
was a "rainfall deficit" from May to Ocrober.l'' Even though, according to de Moor's
figures, there was an average rainfall of 19mm in September, the excessive heat causes
the water to evaporate, preventing its utilization.l"
From November to March, the water situation is exactly the opposite. This is the
winter, which is described by de Moor as: "a time of heavy rains, overcast skies, and
thunderstorms, at times accompanied by hail."16 The important rains were the "latter
rains", which came after the heavy winter rains, in March and April. 17 According to de
Moor, these were the rains utilized for crop production.l" The situation was likely
more complicated than what de Moor suggests. Cereal crops require longer growing
seasons and would have been dependent on winter rains. Other types of crops, such as
legumes, required a far shorter growing season and would have been dependent entirely
on the spring rains. Complex irrigation was not used in the vicinity of Ugarit, even
given the seasonal precipitation schemes. 19
Numerous rivers supported settlement at Ugarit. To the south of Ugarit was the
nahr ed-Delbe and to the north was the nahr Chbayyeb, neither of which drain more
than 25 km.
2D
Both of these rivers are fed by winter precipitation, but in summer
months they dry up." The excavators discovered a dam on the nahr ed-Delbe, made
of stone blocks.F This dam also likely functioned as a bridge.
23
It is assumed by the
excavators that there must have been a bridge in the north, across the nahr Chbayyeb,
but so far only a modern bridge has been located.P' Given that there were dams/bridges
on either river, it is unlikely that they represented a significant irrigation scherne.P
The two (supposed) structures would perhaps have helped maintain a consistent water
table, in the unpredictable Mediterranean climate, and would have facilitated access in
and out of Ugarit.
26
The presence of such an installation, while not evidence of irriga-
tion, is representative of attempts at organized water rnanagernent.V
14 De Moor 1971, pp. 98; 205. De Moor 1971, p. 64, justifies the use of modern temperature
figures to understand the past, stating: "On the whole the subtropical climate of the Levant has been
fairly stable throughout historic times".
15 De Moor 1971, p. 98.
16 De Moor 1971, p. 141.
17 De Moor 1971, p. 150.
18 De Moor 1971, p. 150.
19 De Moor 1971, p. 205.
20 Calvet and Geyer 1995, p. 170.
21 Yon 1992b, p. 23.
22 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 159; Yon 1992b, p. 23.
23 Yon 1992b, p. 23.
24 Yon 1992b, p. 23.
25 Yon 1992b, p. 25.
26 Yon 1992b, p. 25.
27 Calvet and Geyer 1987, p. 134.
Natural Resources
The agricultural possibilities at Ugarit were typical of Mediterranean climates. How-
ever, it should be noted that forest clearance would have to have been a precondition
for the development of extensive agricultural estates (which was not necessary in other
coastal Mediterranean regions). Typical Mediterranean crops could have been success-
fully grown, such as grapes, olives, and figs.
28
Various cereal crops could also have been
grown without extensive irrigation intervention given that the land was sufficiently
deforested.
Lumber was readily available at Ugarit and in its environs, and the deciduous oak
would have made excellent building material, for homes, for transportation equipment,
and for tools. Wood (and thus charcoal) was available as a plentiful fuel resource,
whereas in areas like Egypt or southern Mesopotamia, timber would have been too
scarce to have been utilized in this manner.
Stone seems to have been quarried from Mqateh, which is just to the north of
Ugarit.i? Yon indicates that remnants of a quarry were found there, and its close prox-
imity to Ugarit indicates that this was a likely source for much ofUgarit's stone.3D Minet
al-Halou, 2 km to the east of Ugarit, was the site of an ancient quarry. Cut channels
in stone there are still visible." The primary stone type is beach rock (calcarenitej.V
Flint tools, however, were made of stone gathered from the rivers surrounding Ugarir.P
Stone, in general, was readily available at Ugarit and in its environs, and certainly was
not a scarce material as it was in eastern Syria and southern Mesopotamia. The ready
availability of stone certainly limited the use of mudbrick as a major construction com-
ponent, and this is in evidence from the material remains of Ugarit, which are mostly
stone.
The combination of extensive lumber resources and abundant stone stands in sharp
contrast to interior Syria and the Mesopotamian floodplain, areas that lack both of
these natural resources. Likewise, the ability to engage in agriculture without extensive
irrigation techniques at Ras Shamra provides a striking contrast with both of these
areas. Some of the crops available for growth in coastal Syria, like olives and grapes,
are also significantly different from those known in Mesopotamia. This must be con-
sidered when analyzing the economy of Ugarit from a comparative perspective. While
the social institutions and languages used in economic practices at Ugarit facilitate
comparison with Mesopotamia, in fact there are very important differences. Each region
has very different scarce resources and plentiful resources, which orients the economy
28 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 4.
29 Yon 1992b, p. 23.
30 Yon 1992b, p. 23.
31 Elliot 1991, p. 12.
32 Elliot 1991, p. 12.
33 Coqueugniot 1991, p. 167.
270 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 271
in different directions. Agricultural management near Ras Shamra does not, from an
environmental perspective, have to be as complicated as in Mesoporamia.s" and the
kinds of crops produced are different. An analysis of Ugaritic economy from the per-
spective of the Mesopotamian economy will be simplistic and misleading given the
radically different situations.
Bitumen came from Kfarie, which is about 40 km to the northeast of Ugarit, sit-
uated in the nahr el-Khebir valley.35 There were a number of uses for bitumen at Ugarit.
Those that have survived in the archaeological record should be mentioned. Bitumen
is used to attach flint blades to wooden handles and the bitumen residue can often be
detected on the surviving flint.
36
Bitumen is frequently incorporated into statuary at
Ugarit.V It also has an architectural function, associated with orthostatsv" since it acts
as a fastening agent and a water-proofing agent. The importance of the availability of
bitumen supplies comes from the utility that bitumen has for integrating stone and
wood technology, two resources that (as has already been noted) were particularly
prevalent in the region of Ras Shamra.
Murex shells located along the coast of Syria would have allowed Ugarit access to
purple dye production.t? Purple dye was most likely harvested in September and
October, according to de Moor, who bases this statement on the accounts of Pliny and
Aristotle.j" Van Soldt suggests that there is minimal evidence in the textual record that
purple dye from murex shells was produced at Ugarit.v' However, he cites the crushed
murex shells from Ras ibn-Hani as evidence that this industry was practiced during
the Late Bronze Age.
42
Conclusions
In general, the Syrian coastal plain provided enough natural resources to allow a
stable subsistence economy, one that did not necessitate particularly sophisticated irri-
gation or farming techniques. Availability of water, timber, and stone resources made
the necessity for outside trade minimal. However, it should be noted that while basic
needs were easily met at Ugarit, the paucity of metal resources required imports to
Ugarit. So while local centers could successively subsist in isolation, desire for metal
products could not be met without outside contact.
34 See Gibson 1974 for an overviewof agricultural problems in the Mesopotamian floodplain.
35 Connan, Dechesne, and Dessort 1991, p. 101; Yon 1995b, p. 274.
36 Connan, Dechesne, and Dessort 1991, pp. 101-102.
37 Connan, Dechesne, and Dessort 1991, pp. 102-103.
38 Connan, Dechesne, and Dessort 1991, pp. 103-104.
39 Akkermans and Schwanz 2003, p. 336.
40 De Moor 1971, p. 87.
41 Van Soldt 1990, p. 346. A possible exception to this may be a ship inventory (KTU 4.144) that
lists argrnn, which could be purple dye.
42 Van Soldt 1990, p. 346.
2. ECONOMIC INFRASTRUCTURE
Infrastructure is essential for complex economic interactions - transportation is a
necessary component of economics, and is often ignored when scholars study the past.
I ~ d e e d , the lack of security and other difficulties surrounding transportation was a sig-
nificanr barrier to the circulation of goods, and acted as a constraint on the exploita-
tion of remote locations. Similarly constraining was speed in transportation. Without
advanced preservation techniques, speed was essential for transporting a variety of
goods, and distance could have been a determining factor in the trade or movement
of certain classes of goods.
The issue of infrastructure creation is a related issue. It is important to attempt to
determine who created infrastructure and what compelled the creation and mainte-
nance of the infrastructure. This can be particularly difficult to determine archaeolog-
ically. However, it is possible to determine to what extent infrastructure was planned
and to what extent it was constructed on an ad hocbasis. What follows is a discussion
of materially visible infrastructure and evidence for infrastructure planning in the
form of roads, ports, and zoning.
Roads
Within the city of Ugarit, streets were not laid out in a regular manner in accordance
with a master plan. Rather, they seem to be secondary to the architecture, constructed
around already built dwellings. It should be noted, however, that the streets in the
quartier residentiel may be the exception to this. The two that have been significantly
excavated run parallel to one another along a north-south axis. Other excavations may
turn up roads that were more clearly planned. The terrain does not seem to have been
leveled for the construction of roads.v' In general, the roads are very inconsistent.
They range in width from 0.9 m to 2.5 m.
44
Minimal space seems to have been left
for public circulation.P although these widths were sufficient for chariots or wagons
to pass.
Access to the city itself was dictated by the fortifications and gates. The monumen-
tal Western Entrance led directly into the palace zone, but according to Yon did not
easily allow traffic into the rest of the city.46 She assumes that goods would not have
been transported into the city from this point, since the roads from the palace to the
rest of the city were too narrow.V This view, however, presupposes that goods were
not filtered through the palace system first. So far, no "market" or other area for goods
43 Yon 1992b, p. 27.
44 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 161; Yon 1992b, p. 27.
45 Yon 1992b, p. 27.
46 Yon 1992b, p. 25.
47 Yon 1992b, p. 25.
272 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY
273
distribution has been identified. Furthermore, Yon has demonstrated that the width
of the roads varies in other areas of the tell, which would typify the lack of space for
public circulation within the city (see above). The narrow roads from the Western
Entrance through the palace to the rest of the city may not be indicative of purpose-
ful attempts to limit access. It is more likely representative of a general lack of interest
in the construction of easily navigable public infrastructure. Roads apparently devel-
oped in relation to pre-existing architectural buildings and not as a purposeful inten-
tion of the body politic.
Another entrance to the city may have been identified. A depression on the tell's
southern slope, oriented along the same northeast-southeast lines to which the bridge
on the nahr ed-Delbeh is oriented indicates that this may have been "the principle
commercial entrance of the city."48 Excavations since 1990 revealed this entrance, which
Yonsuggestswas the entrance used to bring raw materials and commercial goods directly
into the city.49 This entrance allows a large street (grand rue) to run from south of the
city directly into its interior. 50
Ports
Ugarit's major port was Miner el-Beida, situated less than 1 km to the northwest. '!
This bay, about 70 hectares in size, is one of the best shelters on the Syrian coast. 52
It was the sole Syrian port under the Hittite sphere of influence. 53
At Ugarit, the twin temples belonging to Baal and Dagan were likely quite tall
structures in antiquity. Both have inordinately thick foundations as well as the rem-
nants of thick staircases.54 Callot has suggested that these towers would have been
about 20 m in height, and when taken with the approximately 20 m height of the tell,
would have risen approximately 40 m above sea level.55 These towers would have been
spotted from sea well before any of the harbour of Minet el-Beida would have been
sighted. 56 It has been suggested that if another set of towers had been present nearby,
sailors would have been provided with an excellent steering tool.57 Whether or not this
was the case, the two towers would have facilitated sea travel in adverse conditions by
providing sailors with a sign of a nearby port even if this was not their intended use"
48 Yon 1992b, p. 26.
49 Yon 1997, pp. 95, 99-100.
50 Yon 1997, p. 100.
51 Yon 1995b, p. 268.
52 Saade 1995, p. 211.
53 Saade 1995, p. 211.
54 Frost 1991, p.56.
55 Frost 1991, p. 355.
56 Frost 1991, p. 355.
57 Frost 1991, p. 356.
58 Brody 1998, p. 99; Frost 1991, p. 356.
Zoning
There is some evidence that certain areas of Ras Shamra were. devoted to specific
activities, or only limited individuals would have been allowed access. According to the
excavators, the palace zone was clearly differentiated from the rest of the city through
narrow streets, and large, protective architectural features.59 This region was approxi-
mately 10 000 rrr', with the palace taking up an estimated 7 500 m
2.60
The acropolis may have been another zoned area - an area devoted to cultic
activity.v' The structures so far identified in this section of the tell are two temples, the
Bibliotbeqe and the Maison du Grand Pretre.
62
Not enough of this region has been
excavated to determine whether or not other non-cultic buildings were located in this
section, or if there were any architectural features that distinguished this region from
the rest of the city.
Another area that seems to be distinguishable from others is the quartier residentiel.
This zone contained larger houses (both the insula and the divided space inside these
buildings are bigger) with archives and stood in very close proximity to the palace.
Even the streets here seem to have had some greater level of planning, as two parallel
streets have been excavated. The architecture in this section of town is a mix of the
styles used in the Palace Zone and the styles used in the domestic sections of the city.
There is some suggestion that these houses may have been used for both living space
and work space.
The rest of the city seemed to have been highly integrated, and there seemed to not
have been any functional differentiation. Yon states: "Everywhere else on the tell, all
areas excavated up to the present have shown dwellings interspersed with shops, work-
shops, and religious structures."63 The earlier excavators had believed that they had
pinpointed specific artisan's sections of the tell, but the later excavations have not
borne out this identification, other than perhaps oil production centers.v"
The Domestic Sections of Ugarit
One of the major goals of the Mission de Ras Shamra, while under the direction
of Marguerite Yon, has been the exploration of the domestic sections of the site.65
The information that has been retrieved since this new emphasis in 1978, as well as
the interest in publishing previously excavated domestic zones of the city, has been
59 Yon 1992b, p. 26.
60 Yon 1992b, p. 26.
61 Yon 1992b, p. 27.
62 Yon 1992b, p. 27.
63 Yon 1992b, p. 27.
64 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 162.
65 Yon 1992b, p. 19.
274 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARlT1C ECONOMY 275
I
invaluable. It is now possible to extend study of the economic modalities to the larger
lower status population beyond elite activities. What follows is a brief discussion of the
various domestic zones so far investigated that have a bearing on this topic.
Centre de la ville
Located to the east of the quartier residential (discussed in Chapter Six), the center de
la villewas excavated from 1978 to 1994, and spans an area of about 60 m x 30 m.
66
Two major blocks (called Hot nord and ilot sud) have been identified.P? Each of these
blocks consists of numerous separate domestic structures that contain many shared
features (discussed below). Some aspects of one particular block (containing structures
A-G) have been published in Ras Shamra-Ougarit (RSO) 3. This section of the city
consists primarily of domestic structures, and should be considered a residential zone.
A notable exception is a structure called the temple aux Rhytons by the excavators,
which is embedded within the domestic habitation structures of the centre de fa ville. 68
Yon's team has designated this structure to be a temple based on its architectural lay-
out (with parallels at Lachish and Enkomi) and the small finds within the structure.v'
The main room of this structure contains a bent-axis entrance and benches installed
along the sides of the complex" The small finds enumerated by the team include a
small bronze tripod, an ivory pyxis, a stele fragment (too incomplete to be read), a
stone statuette of an enthroned El, a ceramic stand with an image of a priest (Yon sug-
gests that this is the king dressed as a priest), and 17 conical rhytons." Certainly the
lack of installations typically associated with domestic structures (such as the puits and
pUisards) is also evidence for a non-domestic use.
What makes this all interesting is how the temple is incorporated into the insula
complex, and altered accordingly, just as any typical domestic installation is. Sacred
space is incorporated into non-cultic space, and uses non-cultic/domestic construc-
tion techniques and materials. It is clear that this is a cultic structure and that cul-
tic activities went on in this location; this cultic structure is not set off from the rest
of the block by a courtyard or wall. In fact, immediately adjoining this temple is a
building, aptly called by the excavators, the Maison au sud du Temple aux Rhytons.
Mallet and Matoian argue that this building had no cultic function, but in fact
reflects commercial activity rather then religion, given the nature of the ceramic
finds.
72
The stratigraphic relationships between the temple and the building south
of the temple are not entirely clear, but is seems that the southern building cuts
66 Yon 1997, p. 88.
67 Yon 1997, pp. 88-93.
68 Yon 1996, p. 406.
69 Yon 1996, pp. 413-415.
70 Yon 1996, p. 413.
71 Yon 1996, pp. 413-415.
72 Mallet and Matoian 2001, p. 104.
through the temple.P demonstrating the shifting use of space at Ugarit, even between
sacred and profane functions.
Trancbee sud
Excavated between 1959 and 1960, the tranchee sud is a trench of about 5700 m
2
(approximately 190 m x 30 m) oriented roughly northwest-southeast.Z" Within the
dense network of streets, fourteen blocks were isolated by the excavators, but only
flot VI has been fully excavated." Based on what has been excavated (and not destroyed
by erosion), it is apparent that these blocks are shaped irregularly, and are sub-divided
irregularly." Out of the forty-one structures identified within the blocks, thirty-seven
can be considered domestic dwellings."? Out of these thirty-seven, thirteen of the houses
have been completely excavated, and 5 are nearly fully excavated.?" In the middle of
the trench a large open space was identified, referred to by the original excavators as
''place publique" and by Callot as "espace non bati".7
9
Based on the differences in size, quality, and assemblages, Callot suggests that the
houses can be usefully divided into three distinct classes.f" This division is fairly sub-
jective, and Callot admits that it is difficult to differentiate between the two lower
class houses.t' Of the highest quality are the three houses in group 1: Block IV -
House A, Block VI - House A, Block X - House B.82 The middle quality are the
semi-detached houses of group 2: Block I, Block II - House B, Block V - House A,
Block VI - Houses C and D, Block X - House A, Block XIII - Houses A and B,
and Block XIV - Houses C and D. 83 Group 3 are the lowest class of houses: Block VI
- House B, Block XIII - House D, Block XIV - House G.84
Callot argues against Schaeffer's interpretation of sections of the villesud as locations
of specialized craft activities.P For example, Schaeffer had identified a house in Block IV
as a workshop for the production of cylinder seals since six cylinder seals and one out-
line of a cylinder were found in this house.t" Callot argues that this really is not a large
quantity, and there are no other tools found in this structure that would suggest that
73 Mallet and Matoian 2001, p. 104.
74 Callot 1983, p. 7.
75 Callot 1983, p. 11.
76 Callot 1983, p. 11.
77 Callot 1994, p. 199.
78 Callot 1994, p. 199.
79 Callot 1983, p. 11.
80 Callot 1994, p. 199.
81 Callot 1994, p. 200.
82 Callot 1994, p. 199.
83 Callot 1994, p. 200.
84 Callot 1994, p. 200.
85 Callot 1994, p. 189.
86 Callot 1994, p. 188.
276
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
.I
THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 277
this was the location of that activiry." Similarly, House A in Block V was identified
as the house of a stele engraver, because of the stele found there - evidence which
Callot does not see as sufficient.f Metallurgical production is also not in evidence
here, even though metal objects are found in abundance. Callot suggests that this
makes sense given the huge amounts of pollution produced by metal production, and
suggests that like ceramic production, this work must have been done outside of
the city.89
Some other economic activities may have taken place within this section. The major-
ity of houses in this section yielded materials related to textile production.P" Commerce
may also have been engaged in within these houses, although Callot suggests that this
would not be directly recognizable archaeologically." However, equipment that can be
used in commerce may constitute evidence for these practices. The predominance of
weights in the published archaeological assemblage is suggestive to Callot of commer-
cial activities.P Akkermans and Schwartz also see the presence of weights as evidence
of merchant activity, although they add that weights appear frequently throughout
LB Coastal Syria.
93
Other published material culture is important to note. Wealth differentiation is sug-
gested by the varying quantities of luxury toilet objects (such as tweezers, combs, and
razors) discovered in the area.
94
In other words, there was no consistent toilet-kit iden-
tifiable between the different houses, indicating differentiated access to these materials,
personal preference, or differentiated demographic makeup of the houses (especially if
any of these objects can be considered gendered). Objects in metal included a large
amount of needles and pins.
95
Callot is uncertain whether the forty-two uri-inscribed
arrowheads found in the houses were used for hunting or warfare, likewise the spear-
heads (it is argued in Chapter Six that these are in fact remnants of the battle that
destroyed Ugarit), but certainly the fish-hooks were used for food procurement.I"
Figurines, normally in terra cotta but sometimes in metal, were also common finds
in these houses." These figurines were mostly simple female figures, often taken as
cultic, and usually referred to as Hathor or Astarte figurines.
98
87 Callot 1994, p. 188.
88 Callot 1994, p. 189.
89 Callot 1994, pp. 188, 189.
90 Callot 1994, p. 190.
91 Callot 1994, p. 196.
92 Callot 1994, p. 196.
93 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 353.
94 Callot 1994, p. 197.
95 Callot 1994, p. 197.
96 Callot 1994, p. 197.
97 Callot 1994, p. 198.
98 Callot 1994, p. 198.
Ville basse
Located in the north area of the tell, the villebasse was excavated by Schaeffer's team
from 1935 to 1937.
99
Not much has been published of the excavations in this area. It
can be stated that the domestic structures within this region are consistent with those
found in the centre de la ville and the ville sudand further attests to the relative homo-
geneity of domestic zones within the city of Ugarit.
Conclusions About Zoning at Ugarit
It has been demonstrated that some sense of zoning is present within the confines
of Ugarit. The royal zone contains numerous elite buildings, as does the quartier resi-
dential immediately next to the palace area. Temples and a priest's house are somewhat
delimited from the rest of the city on the acropolis. Most of the rest of the city appears
to be dominated by domestic structures consisting of block size tenements and semi-
detached houses, a cramped urban sprawl. Within these domestic zones, various other
activities took place, and it is the investigation of those activities to which this chapter
shall now turn.
3. DOMESTIC STRUCTURES AND HOUSEHOLD ASSEMBLAGES
The importance of investigating the domestic structures in Ugarit for understand-
ing economic modalities cannot be overestimated. At the most basic level, shelter is a
fundamental subsistence need and the investigation of households provides evidence
for how this need was achieved at Ugarit. Beyond this, however, the investigation of
households can demonstrate much about the organization of everyday life from the
perspective of the family. As a fundamental economic unit, the family and the organ-
ization of production within the household is the economic modality that would have
most directly affected the individual during the course of his or her life. The division
of space is not meaningless, but in essence reflects the social orientation of the indi-
viduals within.l'"
Household material culture assemblages also provide modern scholars with evidence
about economic modalities - at this family scale. The material culture preserved
within the site demonstrates some of the materials and objects possessed by the house-
holds at the time of the site's destruction. While only some of these materials are pre-
served, those that are provide a glimpse into the kinds of property that could be pos-
sessed privately, although it does not necessarily tell us the conceptual underpinnings
of notions of ownership. The following section shall discuss the physical layout of
domestic structures with a cursory discussion of the household tomb, followed by a
99 Schaeffer 1936, pp. 137-146; Schaeffer 1937, p. 126; Yon 1997, p. 126.
ioo See Foucault 1977, pp. 143-144.
278 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 279
discussion of the material culture found within the home. Comparison of these two
classes of data shall lead to a discussion of the economic function of domestic space.
The Layout of Domestic Structures
Houses at Ugarit are not defined as freestanding structures, but rather as sections of
freestanding structures with connected roorns.l'" The freestanding structure, called an
insula, is the basis of the household architecturally. While the exterior of the insula
remained virtually unchanged (with the exception of doorways), the interiors were
manipulated and changed. 102 The tearing down or building up of new walls, as well as
the filling in or opening up of doors allowed the interiors of the buildings to adapt to
the changing needs of the residents.l'" Evidence for this process is observable in the
archaeological record. Yon cites, for example, an instance of a large store-jar set into
the ground in front of a blocked up doorway. 104 The placement of the jar in this space
represented an extra, deliberate attempt to indicate the new orientation of the structure.
Houses, then, are considered as such based on the means of access. Areas of the block
that do not allow access to each other, except from outside, are considered separate
houses. This is somewhat problematic, since analogy shows that in modern Syrian
homes, rooms were often connected between levels, and that a house with no observ-
able door may have allowed access from above. 105
Yon has suggested that initially the insula were built as single residences, but that a
population influx at the end of the 13
th
century created a crisis of space, and the larger
houses were sub-divided.l'" For Yon, the insula was the ideal house-type. When first
constructed, each house would have had a courtyard and garden, and a tomb with a
dromos.l'" The population crisis forced the domestic dwellers to share resources.l'"
This population crisis does not properly account for the use of these structures over
time. Schloen's comparisons of the development of the insula with other Mediterranean
urban environments are instructive.l'" The partitioning of the houses could have been
a means of dealing with the growth of families, and subsequent division of land
101 Schloen 2001, p. 329.
102 Yon 1992b, p. 27.
103 Yon 1992b, p. 27. Calor's comments, Galor 2003, p. 44, on Roman and Byzantine domestic
architecture in the Galilee apply to the situation at Ugarit: "Structural alterations are usually the result
of changing communal needs and or the decisions of one powerful individual. In the context of domestic
architecture, the almost constantly changing spaces, intended to accommodate the various tenants and
owners as well as different needs and functions, often result in intriguingly complex architectural entities.
Each tenant, owner, or inhabitant of a dwelling left his own mark."
104 Yon 1992a, p. 115.
105 Yon, Lombard, and Reniso 1987, p. 26.
106 Yon 1992a, p. 114.
107 Yon 1992a, p. 114.
108 Yon 1992a, p. 115.
109 Schloen 2001, p. 329-330.
through inheritance or other situations. I 10 In general, the changing situations of the
living members of the insula provided the stimulus for the consistently shifting spa-
tial orientation, rather than an influx of strangers forcing residents to give up parts
of their homes.
What does come out through Yon's discussion is that there is an underlying ideal
type in the layout of domestic structures at Ugarit. It has already been mentioned that
each house ideally had a courtyard and a tomb. The courtyard was particularly impor-
tant since it provided light for the interior of the buildings, as well as air circulation.
It should be added that a well was also a necessary feature of the household. III The
houses were all likely multi-storied, with stairways near the entrances being the primary
evidence for this. 112 Various storage and waste facilities were also present.l" which will
be discussed below. IIi sum, each home generally consisted of more than one story, was
equipped with water, storage, and waste facilities, as well as semi-public space in the
form of a courtyard with access to a tomb. While not all of the houses had all of these
components, this was clearly the underlying ideal in the use of domestic space.
Given this ideal type of house, there is considerable variation in the division of
space within the differing households. Hillier and Hanson have developed a means of
studying divisions of space (what they call spatial syntax) where a map is created that
measures distance in terms of barriers rather than length and width.U" When one
reduces a sample of the houses to Hillier and Hanson style models (those that have
been fully excavated and have identifiable doors, etc.) the results are strikingly differ-
ent. There seems to be no underlying sense of spatial syntax - almost every house is
unique. What is particularly striking is that none of the actual examples of households
correspond well with the ideal type described by Callot. In terms of spatial syntax
there is a considerable amount of variation. Within Insula 6 of the ville sud, House A
is substantially larger and more complex than House B, C, and D. Likewise, the pat-
terns of access and degree of subdivision within the insula is substantially different,
even amongst the smaller houses (B, C, and D). This is not simply a characteristic
of the ville sud. In the Northern Insula of the centre de fa ville, three houses are fully
identifiable. House G and C are relatively similar in degree of subdivision. However,
the use of space is substantially different since House C centers on a courtyard and
House G does not. Neither of these houses, nor any of the houses in the ville sud
reflect a similar style of subdivision as House B.
The spatial syntax observed here is consistent with the kind of constant alterations
of walls and barriers that has been postulated by the excavators. This kind of constant
110 Schloen 2001, p. 328.
III Schloen 2001, p. 329.
112 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 163.
113 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 163.
114 Hillier and Hanson 1984.
280 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 281
alteration of domestic structures is not unusual for urban environments in the ancient
Near East and reflects the realities of a growing population in an area of constrained
space. That no coherent pattern emerges is not striking given the suggestion that the
internal structures were constantly being altered along with changing life circum-
stances. And given the incredible standardization of construction techniques for the
houses, it seems unlikely that the house builders would construct walls and define
space without any underlying sense of patterned division of space.
The Hillier and Hanson models are instructive not just as a means of verifying the
observation of continuous reconstruction. They also indicate a tremendous disparity
in the degree of spatial differentiation and available space for the inhabitants. Some
Ugaritic inhabitants seemed to have much greater access to space and a greater abil-
ity to control the use of space. The ability to differentiate rooms within a structure
indicates a greater degree of control over surroundings. While we cannot be certain
about the upper stories in any of the houses, it can be assumed that the upper floors
were certainly no larger than the lower floors. Ceramic models of houses depict struc-
tures with a roofed area about half of the size of the lower floor.
ll5
No models of
domestic space directly akin to these block complexes have been found, so any anal-
ogy must be attempted with caution. Akkermans and Schwartz have noted that the
use of domestic space at Ugarit is relatively unique compared to other houses in Late
Bronze Age Syrian sites.!" Nevertheless, Callot's reconstructions that depict more
than one upper story and areas (other than courtyards) equivalent to the lower floors
are convincing. I 17
While the house plans all seem to look the same, considering them from the
framework devised by Hillier and Hanson shows that there is a greater degree of dif-
ference. Statistical spatial averages have been used to predict family size, which helps
account for the fact that the actual space of each house is so different. 118 Yon asserts
that: "Clear social overlapping appeared: the large houses of the rich, small, simple
habitations; and urban craft activities coexisted in the same blocks".119 Indeed, the
initial appearance of similarity of house types in this zone, caused by the similar con-
struction techniques and visual difficulties in identifying the lack of patterns, can
hide the diverse reality of urban development at Ugarit. In fact, the different uses of
space in the households demonstrate a marked social and material differentiation
amongst its inhabitants.
115 For example, see the model home retrieved from Emar, Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 358.
116 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 352.
117 Callot 1994.
118 See Schloen 2001, pp. 332-334 for specific conclusions drawn from this method of analysis.
119 Yon 1997, p. 260.
The Household Tomb
The tombs of Ugarit have been of great interest to scholars of Ugaritic religion, and
indeed the tombs at Minet el-Beida Were the first structures excavated at the site.
l2O
Given the volume of research on Ugaritic religion that already exists, only brief com-
ments will be made about these tombs concentrating on what can be learned of eco-
nomic modalities through their presence. Tombs are found throughout the site, cor-
responding in number to the density of settlement in each particular section. Only
sixteen tombs were identified in the quartier residential, consistent with the large
houses.V! Other smaller sections, with more dense habitations, have a greater number
of tombs: the villesud has fourteen, the ville basse has thirty-one, and the sud aeropole
has more than twenty.122 The tombs themselves varied considerably in size and quality.
Even amongst the relatively homogeneous (though non-uniform) structures in the ville
sud, significant differences can be noted.
123
Some general similarities are worth men-
tioning. Typically, the tombs were constructed beneath the floors of the houses, often
at the same time as construction of the foundations.P'' These funerary structures con-
sisted of an underground tomb connected to a dromos that allowed access to the inte-
rior of the tomb.
125
Indeed, Callot has identified this combination of elements along
with the rectangular plan of the tomb itself as the two elements that every tomb at
Ugarit possessed.V" Callot also notes that throughout the site, tomb walls at Ugarit
preserved niches, although the exact function of these niches is yet to be determined.F?
Entrance to the tomb complex varied, sometimes access could be gained from inside
the house, sometimes directly from the street, and more rarely the funerary structure
was independent of the home.
128
The tombs also varied in dimensions. In the ville
sud the sizes of excavated tombs ranges from 3.5 x 2.8 m to 2.1 x 1.6 m. 129 The qual-
ity of construction also varied, from walls of well-dressed stone, to beaten earth
floors. 130
The presence of tombs associated with the individual household is not only telling
ofUgaritic social structure, but also may demonstrate conceptions of private property.
Accordingly, it is worth again mentioning Fustel de Coulanges' understanding of
120 See Schaeffer 1929. Pitard 1994, p. 20, has notedthat detailed analyses of the tombs of Ugarit
from an archaeological perspective are lacking.
121 Marchegay 2000, p. 208.
122 Marchegay 2000, p. 208.
123 Callot 1994, p. 168.
124 Callot 1994, p. 169.
125 Callot 1994, p. 169.
126 Callot 1994, p. 169.
127 Callot 1994, p. 170.
128 Callot 1994, pp. 175-176; Marchegay 2000, p. 209.
129 Callot 1994, p. 170.
130 Callot 1994, p. 170.
282 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 283
tombs in early Greece. One of his major arguments concerned the nature of private
property in the Classical world. For Fustel, evidence for private ownership of property
(as opposed to communal) comes from the connection of the family estate to the sacred
hearth and the family tornb.P! Land and property was inalienable because possession
of the land was tied to lineage and not to a labor relationship with the state.
At Ugarit, the construction of large funerary complexes, directly into the domestic
structures, demonstrates a strong connection between kinship and property. Indeed,
the presence of a tomb within a certain block lends credence to Schloen's reconstruc-
tion of the social history of the various domestic blocks, reflecting the life history of
a family.132 These tombs were constructed at the same time as the first phase of the
buildings.P" That the tombs were so connected to the households suggests a certain
degree of permanence of residence for the family who inhabits the household struc-
ture. While it cannot absolutely be ascertained whether the same family continually
occupied the tomb over the years of use (although DNA evidence could be marshaled
towards this end), and it is possible that remains were removed or disposed of it shows
that there was at least a high degree of complexity involved in moving completely
from one household to another, or buying and selling property. Marchegay suggests
that those tombs that can be entered from outside of the home may reflect situations
where individuals move from other areas of the site. 134
Another economic factor that should be considered, when discussing the funerary
complexes at Ugarit, is the relationship between the living and dead as mediated
through funerary offerings. It is normally assumed that organic offerings (i.e., food
and liquids) were given to the dead, although these are not well preserved archaeolog-
ically. The large amount of luxury items found within the tombs is well attested, and
these objects are revealing. Items found in significant quantities included Mycenaean
pottery, stone vessels, and calcite luxury items, although most of the tombs were plun-
dered in antiquity.P'' So even though it is not possible to reconstruct exactly what
materials were placed within a tomb, the elite/luxury nature of those objects that did
remain for excavators indicate a significantly higher investment of wealth than the
other domestic assemblages. While the social meaning of the deposition of these tomb
offerings cannot be fully understood, some suggestions can be made. These luxury
items seem to have played a role in identity formation and reflected the living's per-
ception of their dead ancestor's identities. Items such as Mycenaean vessels do not just
have a provisioning role, and so do not imply a belief in the need to bodily sustain the
dead. There is minimal archaeological evidence that the living felt obligated to provide
131 Fustel de Coulanges 1980 [1956], pp. 54-57.
132 See Schloen 200l.
133 Callot 1994, pp. 168-169; Marchegay 2000, p. 208.
134 Marchegay 2000, p. 209
135 Curtis 1985, p. 56.
the dead with sustained amounts of sustenance. 136 The evidence most often cited for this
are the clay drains that seem to lead into the tombs.P? This evidence is problematic
since it is not dear if Schaeffer properly understood the various stratigraphic connec-
tions, in these cases manifest through drains in the buildings on the tell. Pitard makes a
compelling argument against understanding these pipes as libation installations.P"
Household Material Culture Assemblages
There are a great number of problems related to the study of material culture within
its archeological provenance at Ugarit. Artifacts have been published very unevenly.
Schaeffer concentrated on publishing unusual finds or luxury goods, which skews the
publication data. Callot suggests that in the ville sud, while most of the published
ceramics are imports, imported vessels actually make up less than 1% of the attested
corpus.P? Further problems were introduced by the method the earlier excavators
used to triangulate the small finds. Unfortunately, they used the surface of the excava-
tion area as a fixed point, but since the elevation of the site is not consistent, this leads
to what can be a margin of error of around 0.5 m for the published locations of each
object. 140
In general, the material culture assemblages found within the households have some
degree of standardization. The most standard is equipment used in the production of
food. Silos for the storage of semi-processed food materials have been identified, and
are common within the houses.U" These silos are essentially plaster-lined pits dug into
the floor of the structure. Schloen has estimated average capacities for these silos based
on the published material from the centre de la ville.
142
Silo 1069 in House A had an
approximate volume of 0.7 m
3.143
House B had two silos, with volumes of 0.4 m
3
and
0.7 m
3.144
Schloen shows that the silos in these homes varied in amount of people
that could be supported, but that a year's diet was available for individuals ranging
in number from two to six.
145
Beyond the material culture that can be considered
household installations, the artifacts within the homes are relatively consistent and
136 See Pirard 1994, especially29-32, 34.
137 See Lewis 1989, pp. 97-98 for example.
138 Pitard 1994.
139 The current Mission deRas Shamra continues to publish more of the ceramic evidence. Moncham-
bert's 2004 monograph, La Ceramique d'Ougarit: Campagnes defouilles 1975 et 1976, is a good example
of this shift in interest.
140 Callot 1994, p. 186.
141 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 163.
142 Schloen 2001, pp. 335-336.
143 Schloen 2001, p. 335.
144 Schloen 2001, P: 335.
145 Schloen 2001, P: 336. Shloen analyzed the sizes of the silos through Schwartz's methods for
estimating the amount of individuals that could subsist on certain amounts of cereals.
284 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARlT1C ECONOMY 285
some conclusions about household economic activity can be drawn. Tools for food
production shall be discussed below. It should be noted here that equipment for stor-
ing food was integrated directly into the architecture of the buildings.
Water and Waste Management
In Ugarit, cisterns were not used to collect rainwater. Rather they were used to con-
tain water that had been drawn from wells or from rivers.
I46
While there were other
mechanisms for collecting rainwater.lt? the cisterns found in domestic structures could
not have been used in this manner since they were frequently found in areas of the
house that were covered.
Wells were not found in every house at Ugarit, but were found in every block.
These wells allowed water to be extracted directly from the water table.
I48
Since not
every home had a well, this meant that there was differential access to water in the
neighborhoods of Ugarit. If each block constituted a discreet social unit, such as an
extended family, or even had some notion of collective identity, this would not neces-
sarily have been a severely limiting factor for gaining water. However, some notion of
hierarchy is implicit in one household unit having easier access to the water, and the
other households being dependent on that same household.
Cesspools (puisards) are frequently located beneath the stairs within a structure,
somewhat hiding them from view, no doubt to allow privacy and for the general
unpleasant contents of the installations. Calvet and Geyer suggest that the close prox-
imity of the cesspools to the water storage facilities in the houses created a high risk of
pollution.U? Schloen argues that these cesspools were used for all types of waste man-
agement, not just liquid waste management (so are better understood as compost
pits), and that in turn these installations produced valuable fertilizer.P? Schloen's argu-
ment that these were compost pits is based on a number of different premises. First,
he argues that every individual engaged in some kind of agricultural production and
that the storage of animals within the urban environment would have created large
amounts of waste material that would need to be disposed of 151 Second, since many
of these pits were located near water sources, the presence of solid waste of all sorts
would limit contamination of the water sources from waste seeping through the
ground.
I52
Without archaeobotanical analysis of the contents of these pits, neither
146 Calvet and Geyer 1987, p. 133. For information on water management within the royal palace,
as manifest in a number of courtyard basins, see Calvet 1990.
147 Calvet and Geyer 1987, p. 133.
148 Calvet and Geyer 1987, p. 133.
149 Calvet and Geyer 1987, p. 145.
150 Schloen 2001, p. 341.
151 Schloen 2001, p. 340.
152 Schloen 2001, p. 341.
hypothesis can be argued for with certainty. At minimum, it can be demonstrated that
individual households engaged in some degree of waste management with features
built directly into the architectural units.
Stone Tools in the House
The stone tool industry at Ugarit has been well studied in regards to the houses
in the centre de la ville.
I53
Elliot suggests: "The distribution and interrelationship of
ground stone tools and other stone objects at Ras Shamra help indicate activities car-
ried out in the various units within a household."154There is a fair degree of standard-
ization amongst the toolkits found in each of the houses. Elliot notes: "The well
defined buildings A-G at Ras Shamra are thus seen to provide space for grinding and
pounding activities, probably connected with food preparation, and lighter activities
such as spinning wool, sharpening bronze tools (?) with whetstones, as well as to store
certain objects like roof-rollers and sickle-blades."155 Maison G also contained materi-
als for the production of olive oil.
I56
Based on the analysis of the distribution of materials in the centre de la ville, some
interesting observations can be made. All of the houses had tools associated with the
grinding and pounding of materials, most likely foodstuffs. However, the exact assem-
blage differs widely from house to house (even when the artifacts are compared by
room). Does this mean that individuals had a choice about what style of grinding
tools they were able to acquire? Does it mean that there was some sort of outside con-
straints on which grinding tools were available (i.e., availability)? There is a similar sit-
uation regarding textile-manufacturing equipment. Most of the houses in the centre de
fa ville have some sort of textile manufacturing equipment, but the assemblages are
different for each house. No explicit toolkit is identifiable.
Evidence for olive oil production comes from only one household within the block
- maison G. Called the huilerie by the excavators, an olive press, pressing board, and
other processing tools were found in this house.P" Interestingly enough, ground stone
tools were found in significantly less numbers, perhaps indicating that maison G was
a site of more specialized production.P" This could also be a function of the distur-
bance of the structure by a later Roman pit. Since maison G is the only household
with olive pressing technology, was this equipment shared amongst the other occu-
pants within the insula? Was there a hierarchy of access to these materials?
153 Elliot 1991.
154 Elliot 1991, p. 64.
155 Elliot 1991, p. 66.
156 Elliot 1991, p. 66.
157 Elliott 1991, p. 66.
158 Elliot 1991, p. 66.
286 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 287
Other Household Artifacts
Certain artifacts found within six flot in the villesud have been found throughout
the site, so it can be difficult to determine whether their presence here reflects use
in domestic contexts or site formation processes. For example, arrowheads and scales
from armor are found in varying amounts throughout the centre de la vile and these
likely reflect the remnants of the battle that destroyed Ugarit. Stone weights are like-
wise found in great abundance at Ugarit,159 which is consistent with other LB Coastal
Syrian sites. 160 Does this indicate a high degree of individual participation in com-
merce.P" or, does it reflect some other cultural situation that necessitated the posses-
sion of weights of varying sizes, shapes, and materials? At this stage no conclusions can
be argued for with certainty.
The ubiquity of moulds at Ugarit is more difficult to explain. As with the Royal
Palace, moulds for metal production were found in the domestic structures of the centre
de fa ville, but not in association with other metallurgical production equipment. Does
this indicate that many individuals possessed moulds that could be taken to another
location for metallurgical production? Or, is another situation reflected, such as their
reuse for building stone? Whatever the reason for the frequent appearance of this class
of artifacts, it should be noted that the presence of a mould in a household does not
constitute evidence for metallurgical specialization in that household.
Beads are found everywhere, as are pins; since both classes of artifacts are associ-
ated with personal adornment, this is not particularly surprising. Some houses also
had materials associated with textile production (such as spindles). Other houses pro-
vided no evidence for such activities. Does this suggest that some areas of the com-
plex of houses were more available as the space for textile production than others?
Elliott suggests that work associated with looms in modern settings is often carried
out outdoors or in public-space, involving many people.
162
Is this evidence, then, for
common ownership of textile equipment amongst the different households? The other
possibility is that one household within the block engaged in specialist textile produc-
tion and the other houses depended on those producers to supply them with tex-
tiles. This is less likely though, given the observation that some textile manufacturing
equipment was recovered from most homes. In other words, while textile manufactur-
ing activities seem to have taken place in shared space, personal ownership of equip-
ment is indicated by the presence of these artifacts in varying proportion throughout
the houses.
159 At least 550 had been recovered by 1990, according to Courtois 1990, p. 119.
160 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 353.
161 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p. 353.
162 Elliott 1991, p. 67.
Bronze tools were also recovered from the houses of the centre de fa ville, indicating
that smaller households could and did possess materials that required a significant
degree of resource expenditure and specialized production to create. Knives, axes, scis-
sors, and spatulae were found throughout the houses, and likely none of these objects
were unusual material possessions for individuals at Ugarit.
Slightly unusual in terms of its material remains was Hot IV; Place XII-XIII, which
produced seven cylinder seals and a core for cylinder seals.163 This is a large number of
cylinder seals for a small area, especially given that only a few cylinders are found in the
other houses of the centre de fa ville. Hot I, Place I-II had one; flot II Locus 12-16 had
one; flot IV; House B had three; Hot V had three. 164 The "Boutique Sud" in Hot VI con-
tained two cores and House C contained one. While three is the maximum found in
other structures, the seven found in Hot VI is significantly higher. The presence of cores
suggests that these cylinder seals do reflect actual living space since it seems unlikely that
the dead were interred with unfinished cores and that even though it is often difficult
to separate funerary and domestic remains at Ugarit, this is not the case here.
Function of Domestic Space
The basic functions of the tombs and courtyards have already been discussed above.
What still needs to be addressed is whether or not the functions of other parts of the
household can be determined. Callot and Yon suggest the obvious function a house
provides in terms of living space and privacy.165 While they suggest that this took place
mostly on the ground floor,166 Schloen suggests, based on ethnographic analogy, that
the primary living and sleeping space was reserved for the upper floors. 167 The ground
floor, in Schloen's view was the primary locus of cooking and craft activities.v" Storage
can also be assumed to have been a function of some domestic space, and Callot sug-
gests that it took place on the ground floor.
169
Using House C in insula XIV as an example, Callot suggests functions for each
of the rooms in this particular house. Room 1 is the entrance hall, where Callot says
fresh water was kept and feet could be washed.F? Underneath the stairs, Callot'"!
suggests, is the location of the lavatory, which Schloen172 more broadly defines as a
163 Callot 1994, p. 220.
164 Callot 1994, p. 220.
165 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 163.
166 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 163.
167 Schloen 2001, p. 320.
168 Schloen 2001, p. 320.
169 See Callot 1994 151-156.
170 Callot 2000, p. 202.
171 Callot 2000, p. 202.
m Schloen 2001, pp. 340-342.
288 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 289
compost heap. Room 5, the only room not adjoining the courtyard, and therefore
without light, was the storage area.
173
Nearby, Room 6 (attached to both the store-
room and the courtyard) is the kitchen.V" The other rwo ground floor rooms represent
the rooms from which merchandise was sold.
175
Callot further postulates private quar-
ters in the upper stories. It seems that these room divisions are a little bit too neat
to represent the actual ancient living patterns. There is no need to postulate clear-cut
divisions of space into functional units. It is likely that domestic activities overlapped
one another and took place in many parts of the house.
Given the habitation function of the house, is there any evidence for other activ-
ities? There does not seem to be any evidence of specialized craft activity in the
domestic units.V" As has been described above, there was no space for industrial
production beyond the household level. Indeed, the kinds of equipment found
within the house (see above) make better sense in terms of inner-household food
production and consumption rather than production for surplus. Under Schaeffer, the
excavators had believed that they had identified areas of specialized producrion.I?"
However, Callot has demonstrated, in the case of metallurgy, that the by-products
of industrial production (i.e., slag) were not in evidence in these areas and that the
supposed concentration of metallurgical moulds was not concentrated within a single
structure. 178
The production of oil seems to have been confined to a particular location (prob-
ably due to the nature of the necessary equipment). The difficult issue is whether the
use of those production facilities represented communal ownership (or use) to meet the
needs of the producers, or whether it represented a commercial/craft specialist activity
in which the members of that household gained their subsistence from the production
of surplus olive oil.
Comparison of the distribution of stone tools within the house does indicate the
possibility of different uses for each room. It must be remembered, as Elliott points out,
that artifacts may be stored in rooms other than the rooms in which they were to be
used - thereby skewing the record.V? In terms of food processing, the assemblages of
some of the rooms of the houses in the centre de fa ville suggest their function as pro-
cessing areas. For example, Room 1040 (in Maison A) contained three mortars, a quem
and rubber, four grinder/pounders, two pestles, a palette, and many other rools.l'" The
presence in this same room of numerous store jars indicates that cereals (or other
173 Callot 2000, p. 202.
174 Callot 2000, p. 202.
175 Callot 2000, p. 204.
176 Schloen 2001, p. 323.
177 Schaeffer 1960, p. 190; Schaeffer 1963, p. 127.
178 Callot 1994, pp. 186-188.
179 Elliott 1991, p. 65.
180 Elliot 1991, pp. 64-65.
substances) were ground and packaged in this roorn.l'" Similarly, numerous artifacts
used for processing were found in Maison C, near an oven. 182
Callot suggests that merchants used portions of their homes to sell commodities.P"
Two classes of evidence suggest that this is a reasonable hypothesis. In Callot's recon-
struction of a typical home, large store jars are located near the entrance allowing easy
access by visitors.184 On the other hand, this could be explained as providing easyaccess
to the member of the household responsible for filling the store jars from outside of
the house. Second, the ubiquitous presence of weights throughout the households
indicates the possibility of trade in domestic settings. Neither of these pieces of evi-
dence is completely convincing. However, given that no physical market-place has been
identified at Ugarit, the possibility that goods were traded out of the home should be
considered a possibility.
Issues of Private Ownership
The lack of certain types of artifacts and functional installations in all homes does
not preclude the occupants of the houses lacking in materials from engaging in those
kinds of activities. As Schloen states: "Large households serve to pool labor and capi-
tal, making possible investments in productive resources that a nuclear family could
not afford."185 Indeed, it is probably safe to assume that a given item found within an
insula may have been available (although there may have been a hierarchy of access
rights) to other households within the insula.
It is probable that these urban dwellers owned many of their own tools. Sickle
blades found in the home indicate that farmers brought their tools home with them,
rather than keeping them at the fields in which they would have been used. Metal
moulds may even have been owned individually, and brought to the metal worker
when a tool was needed.P" Or, it could be postulated that those houses in which
metal moulds were found were the homes of metal smiths, who kept some of their
tools at home but did not engage in the actual craft production at home. Similarly,
stone weights seem to have been universally possessed throughout Ugarit.
Artifacts that were certainly possessed at the household level were those stone tools
relating to food production, such as pounders and grinders. Without a doubt, ceramics
were possessed by individuals or households. Detailed information about the make-up
of the ceramic corpora from the households is not available as of yet. Textile production
181 Elliott 1991, p. 65.
182 Elliott 1991, pp. 65-66.
183 Callot 2000, p. 204.
184 Callot 2000, p. 204.
185 Schloen 2001, p. 338.
186 Schloen 2001, p. 323.
290 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 291
equipment may have been possessed at the household level, although differing concen-
trations of retrieved materials may suggest communal ownership of such equipment
by the block.
Artifacts recovered from funerary contexts also attest to private ownership, although
from the group funerary complexes at Ugarit it is unclear whether these artifacts should
be associated with the individual or the family. Since artifacts deposited in funerary
settings are permanently removed from circulation, these items should best be under-
stood as the property of the dead.
The Relationship to 'Elite Households'
There are significant differences among the many houses at Ugarit. It has already
been mentioned that the great majority of domestic structures bear minimal resemblance
in terms of actual division of space, even though it is possible to identify an ideal type
of house. But there is a significant disparity as well between non-elite residences and
those residences in which archives were kept or found. While still vaguely based on the
insula as the primary construction unit, non-elite houses are not internally divided to
anywhere near the extent of the smaller homes. There seems to be some organization
of the neighborhoods, with wide, parallel streets in some cases. On top of this, the
material culture assemblages are drastically different, with non-funerary luxury goods
found in far greater numbers. The differences are significant enough to make further
comparison important. This subject was the focus of Chapter Six, although luxury
goods themselves are discussed at the end of this chapter.
4. INDUSTRIAL EVIDENCE
Schaeffer argued that certain areas of Ugarit were oriented towards industrial pro-
duction, and that certain zones reflecting craft specialists could be identified. For
example, in the ville sud, Schaeffer believed that he had found an artisan's workshop
on account of the moulds, weights, glyptic materials, and statuettes.l'? As has been
discussed above, these artifacts are consistent with domestic assemblages and do not
constitute evidence that craft workshops were localized in these particular areas. The
current Mission de Ras Shamra argues that Schaeffer's interpretations of such zones
as industrial, or as workshops, cannot be upheld.l'" From what has been recovered
of Ugarit so far, there was no space in the city devoted explicitly to craft production.
Indeed, industrial production must have been integrated directly within other struc-
tures or have been engaged in outside of the city proper. Indeed, there does not
187 See Schaeffer 1961-1962, pp. 190-191; Schaeffer 1963, p. 127.
188 For example, seeYon 1997, p. 260.
seem to have been any sort of formal "factory" space. What follows is a discussion
of production activities that can be identified at Ugarit through the archaeological
materials.
The Urban Farmer
Schloen argues that whether or not an individual engaged in specialized craftsman-
ship, the individual likely engaged in agriculture of some form or another as well. He
states, "In premodern urban societies professional specialization does not preclude
agriculture."189 Schloen points to a number of material culture finds indicative of the
urban population's participation in agriculture. The high number of flint blades (with
the silica sheen associated with cereal cultivation and bitumen residue for attaching
handles) is evidence that these individuals engaged in farming.
190
Other tools indicative
of farming for Schloen are stone tools, silos, olive oil production equipment, animal
husbandry equipment, and compost pits to create fertilizer.l'" Animals were kept in
the house, as evidenced by the installations Schloen identifies as watering troughs as
well as compost pits. 192 These urban dwellers would walk out to their fields, but chose
not to live near them. 193 Schloens suggestion is quite plausible. Most compelling is the
ubiquitous presence of flint blades with silica sheen, and the lack of other indications
for production activity. Indeed, it seems very plausible that all families in the popula-
tion engaged, to some degree, in agricultural production for subsistence. This is con-
sistent with the lack of textual evidence recording the distribution of cereals from a
central authority, or sales texts describing the purchase of cereals.
Urban Olive Oil Production
The importance of olive oil production to the economy of Ugarit has long been
recognized due to the prominent role of olive oil in the administrative texts, but until
recently it had been assumed that this production took place outside of the urban
environment.l'" One olive oil production facility, identified within the domestic occu-
pation zone (House G in the centre de fa ville), has already been discussed above and
these facilities are easily identifiable.l'" There seems to have been at least one oil pro-
duction facility associated with each block. In the ville sud, at least seven oil press
189 Schloen 2001, p. 335.
190 Schloen 2001, p. 335.
191 Schloen 2001, p. 335.
192 Schloen 2001, pp. 338-341.
193 Schloen 2001, p. 342.
194 Callot 1987, p. 197.
195 Callot 1987, p. 209.
292 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 293
installations have been identified.l'" Each zone consists of three discreet work areas:
an open courtyard (often containing store jars); a paved stone area (for crushing the
olives); and an area containing the press and related equipment.l'" Equipment associ-
ated with the oil press includes the basin (which has a slight depression in the center
and a small draining canal) and the anchors to weigh down the beam of the press.l'"
The appearance of this kind of equipment within a structure with these specific archi-
tectural features allows these structures to be designated as oil production facilities
based on analogy with olive oil production in other times and places. 199
What is particularly interesting about Callot's archaeological observations is that
these production centers are located in every block. Some sort of communal activity
is reflected by the presence of these materials in one section of each block, as it is
unlikely that one olive oil specialist lived in every block (although there could have
been some sort of internal household division of labor). It can be argued from this
evidence that specialized production of olive oil was in fact engaged in throughout the
city, by a variety of people.
Household Construction
The construction of domestic buildings was standardized at Ugarit and was a special-
ized occupation, requiring specific tools and knowledge.P? Yon sees the br; bhtmand
the ban bttati as this profession.i''! KTU 2.70 (discussed in Chapter Eight) demon-
strates that specialists could be hired by private individuals to repair and construct
households. Working with the insula as the basic unit, rather than the individual house,
the house builders would lay foundations up to 1.8 m deep for the entire insula,
although the foundations would often run along the slope of the terrain.
202
The walls
were constructed to accommodate the uneven terrain.
203
196 Callot 1994, pp. 191-194. These oil production facilities are associated with Block I, Block N -
House A, Block V - House A, Block VI - House D, Block X - House B, Block XIV - House D,
and Block XIV - House G.
197 See Callot 1987, p. 202, figure 7.
198 Callot 1987, pp. 208-209. Callot, 1987, pp. 202, 210, has suggested that the term gt refers
to these oil presses, which were often actually owned by the palace. Likely this suggestion is based on
the use of the Hebrew cognate in later contexts. However, study of the Akkadian texts and the uses of
this word in Ugaritic texts make Callot's suggestion unlikely, and this word should be understood as
"agricultural estate." For more on this, see the discussion in Chapter Three.
199 Callot 1987, p. 203. For a discussion of olive oil technology from the Iron II, see Gitin 1995.
200 However, Banning 2003, pp. 8-9, has argued that in the Neolithic, what he calls a "vernaculararchi-
tecture" developed, thereby limiting the builder'sconceptions of what constitutes a house and how it should
be built. Given the textual evidence for the existence of house builders, as well as the very standardized
construction techniques, it is argued here that while an architectural vernacular may have existed amongst
most residents of Ugarit, only a specialized fewwere trained in the skillsto act upon that vernacular.
201 Yon 1992b, pp. 29-30.
202 Yon 1992b, p. 30.
203 Yon 1992b, p. 30.
Stone was the basic construction component of all of the houses.P' Most of the
stone in a given structure was unshaped, but wall bases, door jambs, and various key
pieces were shaped.
205
Timber was also an important component in house construe-
tion.
206
While much of the timber has not been archaeologically preserved, the use of
wood can be presumed from the presence of bedding marks.
207
Yon assumes that wood
was expensive and as such was used conservatively in the construction process.F" This
seems unlikely given the abundance of wood in the vicinity of Ugarit (see above).
Unlike other areas of the ancient Near East, it seems that mudbrick was not frequently
employed likely due to the availability of stone.
209
Stone Industry
For the most part, the stone tool industry at Ugarit is consistent with other known
stone tool industries in Late Bronze Age Levantine contexts. Elliott states: "Ras Shamra
reflects the common and widespread character of the Late Bronze Age ground stone
industry of the Levant, with many artifacts of identical function and similar form
appearing at sites in Syria and Palestine." 210 The homogeneity of this corpus of mate-
rials suggests some sort of common cultural understanding of how to manufacture
these tools, as well as a common understanding of what tools need be made and what
they are used for. Does this suggest craft specialization in terms of stone-tool manu-
facture? It seems the answer to this is both yes and no, depending on the type of
stone tool.
Some tools, like grinders, can be used with minimal artifactual processing - that
is to say, they can be used in the condition in which they were found. As for the
flint industry (especially the production of sickle blades), the evidence seems to sug-
gest that these items were not produced by craft specialists. Coqueugniot argues that
the local materials (gathered from nearby rivers), and the relatively low technologi-
cal sophistication of debutage techniques, indicate that the flints were crafted at a
domestic level.
21l
Craft specialists did not engage in the manufacture of the sickle
blades, found so frequently in the domestic structures. These people made their own
tools (of this form) and were not dependent on the production and exchange of
surplus in order to gain access to flint tools.
204 Yon 1992b, p. 30, Callot and Yon 1995, p. 164.
205 Yon 1992b, p. 30.
206 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 165; Yon 1992b, pp. 30-31.
207 Yon 1992b, p. 31.
208 Yon 1992b, p. 31.
209 Callot and Yon 1995, p. 165.
210 Elliot 1991, p. 67.
2ll Coqueugniot 1991, p. 167.
294 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 295
On the other hand, moulds and mortars (tripodic and ring-base) seem to require
more skills and labor in order to produce. It seems likely that more complex stone
materials were crafted by someone with superior knowledge. Some stone vessels are
composed of material not found in Ugarit, indicating an international trade in raw
materials.F'? In general, trade in raw materials is relatively invisible, except in the var-
ious LB shipwrecks that have been excavated.P" Nevertheless, it is assumed that there
was international circulation of raw materials. The question then becomes, how did
each household acquire these kinds of raw materials and specialized stone tools?
Seasonal Limitations on Production and the Organization of Production
The seasonal climatic patterns at Ugarit most likely contributed to the particular
development of industrial production and organization at Ugarit. Mediterranean cli-
mates produce very distinct seasons; so distinct that this acts as a limiting factor on
production. It is possible to reconstruct the times of the year when certain kinds of
activities were possible at Ugarit. This reconstruction, in turn, has ramifications for
understanding the organization of industrial production.
It is no surprise that agricultural production was heavily dependent on seasonal
cycles. It is important to consider the precise seasonal patterns of agricultural produc-
tion in any attempt to reconstruct ancient economy, as these conditions have wider
ranging affects. Rains that fall in March and April are important for the growth of
crops that are harvested later in the summer.P" indicating that a peak of agricultural
activity must have taken place around this time in order to prepare the crops. Various
crops had different harvest times: the barley harvest began in mid-April-l'': the emmer
harvest began in rnid-Mayr'l'' and grain harvest was complete by mid-june.i'? Various
secondary activities (such as winnowing) took place after this final harvest period,
particularly in July.218 After this period, minimal agricultural production was possible;
suggesting that if farmers were indeed full-time farmers, there was a considerable
period of time of non-productive activity. Indeed, plowing was impossible until after
some degree of rain had returned given the parched ground.P?
The grape harvest occurred later than the harvest of various grains. This still would
not have provided full-time farmers with full-time labor. Grapes that were consumed
212 For example, Caubet 1998, p. 106, cites the presenceof anorthosite in some stone vases as evidence
of trade in stone from the Baltic.
213 Bass 1998, p. 187.
214 De Moor 1971, p. 150.
215 De Moor 1971, p. 195.
216 De Moor 1971, p. 195.
217 De Moor 1971, p. 122.
218 De Moor 1971, p. 213.
219 De Moor 1971, p. 222.
were picked between June and August.P" According to de Moor, grapes that are used
in wine making require a higher sugar content, and would not have been picked until
September, leaving wine production activities to September and October.V'
Animal husbandry was also affected by seasonal patterns, although human manip-
ulation can playa more important role in the breeding activities of animals (by facili-
tating access between male and female animals) than seasonal temperatures. The long
days of late spring and early summer generally tend to increase the sexual activity of
sheep, according to de Moor.
222
Cattle breeding is more influenced by human activity,
since contact between males and females at any time of the year can lead to an increase
in sexual activity; as well as access to better grazing materials. De Moor argues that at
Ugarit these conditions would have been best in mid-March to mid-April, and that
in general,223 the largest herds of cattle would have ideally existed during the prime
grazing months of March and April.
224
De Moor is incorrect in his understanding of
the role that humans play in animal husbandry. In fact, humans cannot influence the
season in which animals breed; rather the human role is to provide or limit access to
breeding parmers.F" Whether or not de Moor's reconstruction of the times of year of
intensified animal husbandry activities is correct, even given his incorrect assumptions
about the human role, it is important to recognize that in this kind of production there
would have been significant spikes in the intensity of labor required in this activity.
De Moor has argued that even construction was limited by Ugarit's climate.P" The
major seasonal constraint at Ugarit for this kind of activity was amounts of precipitation,
since too much and too little both negatively affected the ability to engage in con-
struction. De Moor argues that the summer months are too dry and it is too difficult to
dig the foundations of buildings.P" The heavy rains of the winter months (November
to February) also make it impossible to excavate mud foundations according to de
Moor.
228
Indeed, de Moor identifies the optimal time for construction as March and
April,229 De Moor's arguments are not satisfactory, as most of the construction at Ugarit
incorporated stone and timber; mudbrick was not a primary building material. The
major limitation that excessive rain (or an excessive lack of rain) would bring would
have been on the excavation of a foundation and even this would likely have been quite
minimal. Other types of building activities could have occurred throughout the year.
220 De Moor 1971, p. 78.
221 De Moor 1971, p. 78.
222 De Moor 1971, p. 122.
223 De Moor 1971, p. 123.
224 De Moor 1971, p. 147.
225 Personal communication, Calvin Tams.
226 De Moor 1971, p. 112.
227 De Moor 1971, p. 112.
228 De Moor 1971, p. 121.
229 De Moor 1971, p. 153.
296 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 297
Still, seasonal constraints may indicate that it would not have been feasible for a full-
time construction worker to participate in full-time labor. A more likely constraint,
however, would have been the lack of need for full time house builders.
The conclusions that have been drawn about the temporal organization of pro-
duction activities suggest that the idea of full-time occupations may have been alien to
Ugarit. While activities such 'as metallurgy and ceramic production could have taken
place at any time other than the rainy season (it would have been difficult to produce
enough heat in those wet conditions), it seems more likely that individuals participated
in various kinds of economic activities depending on the time of year. It is unlikely
that individuals would have spent large periods of time throughout the year engaging
in no activity at all. The model of labor organization that should be assumed is one
that allows individuals to have engaged in a variety of economic activities. Indeed,
Schloen's conception of the urban farmer seems more likely given this. Most Ugaritians
engaged in some degree of food production, whether it was grain cultivation, viticul-
ture, or animal husbandry, as well as some sort of artisan activity or other kind of labor.
Likewise, it seems very probable that the palace would have marshaled large labor
groups on a seasonal pattern, and would likely have only needed large groups of labor
(provided from the greater population) at certain times of the year, depending on the
production cycles.
Conclusions About Industrial Production
Three levels of industrial activity are evident in the archaeological evidence at Ugarit.
Production in the home, production by the block or neighborhood, and production
at the city level are all evident, although some of the evidence is not direct. This sug-
gests a highly integrated economic life, involving all residents of the city, involving
varying degrees of specialized skills.
At the household level, food production activity is very evident. Most secure is the
evidence that cereals were processed in the household, evident from the stone toolkits
found in each residence. Less secure is the evidence that every household engaged in
some sort of agricultural activity and animal husbandry. While there is no direct evi-
dence, the sickle blades and equipment associated with animal care found in each home
makes this likely. One problem is that there is minimal preserved equipment for stor-
age, other than the silos. The silos seem only able to preserve small amounts of cereals,
not the amounts that could be assumed to have been produced through full-time,
specialized farming. However, given the lack of published ceramics, and storage space
apparent in the homes, it is likely that other methods of storage were also utilized.
Neighborhood or block level production is also evident. This scale of production
basically involves the use of tools that would not have been needed year round or con-
stantly. More expensive equipment, like olive oil production equipment, and textile
production equipment were concentrated in certain sections of each domestic block.
Likely these kinds of activities were engaged in communally; all of the block residents
likely had access to this equipment, although there may have been a hierarchy of
access rights.
At the city level, evidence for specializedactivity is also clear. Houses were constructed
using homogeneous techniques and materials, indicating that some sort of standard-
ized training was involved, although the nature of that training is not recoverable. The
presence of moulds throughout the site suggests that some sort of metallurgical work
was engaged in, but the scale and organization of this work is unclear since no work-
shops have been identified.P? The stone tool industry seems to have been similarly
standardized given the standardized forms used, as well as the standardization with
stone tools found throughout coastal Syria at this time.
231
If stone tools were produced
at the household level, it is unlikely that there would have been such regional stan-
dardization. Similar arguments can be made based on luxury items found at the site.
While there is minimal archaeological evidence for the production of elite goods at
Ugarit, the presence of these goods at the site, and the identifiable Syrian style of many
of the artifacts suggest local production. These luxury goods shall be discussed in detail
in the following section.
5. PRESTIGE GOODS
Generally, publications of the archaeological material have concentrated specifically
on prestige or luxury items. The aesthetically appealing nature of these artifacts as well
as their intrinsic interest has led to significantly more analyses than the many utilitar-
ian goods that one assumes were recovered at Ras Shamra. These objects are, however,
very important in understanding economic modalities at Ugarit. It is essential to under-
stand what constituted an elite or luxury item, as well as who had access to them, how
access was gained to them, and what the social significance of these objects was to the
people of Ugarit. The following section seeks to outline some classes of prestige and
luxury goods that are attested from the Ugaritic archaeological record, and to answer
the questions established above about the social and economic significance of these
types of objects.
Some general comments can be made about the general social meaning of prestige
goods. The defining factor that makes an item a prestige item is that there must be
some sort of restricted access to the item. This can be purely economic in nature;
gaining access to the item may entail a significant expenditure of labor or resources
and thus limit most individuals from being able to make such a commitment. There
230 Chanut and Dardaillon 2000, p. 222.
231 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, p, 353.
298 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 299
may be other factors that restrict the circulation of such goods, however. Religious
values may prevent individuals without specialized cultic knowledge or cultic ranking
from being able to engage with the object. Similar arguments could be made for royal
products. So while the nature of the restriction may vary, the fact of restricted access
is fundamental to defining an object as a prestige item.
Luxury goods are related,' but not necessarily the same. A luxury good is a good
with minimal or no utilitarian value. The value of the object is derived from its social
significance, which could range from purely aesthetic value to being fundamental
in the construction of an individual's identity. Usually no single meaning should be
implied for a luxury item; rather these objects have multiple meanings in multiple
contexts.
Veblen's notion of conspicuous consumption is important in this discussion of
prestige and luxury goods. According to Veblen, rank and status within society is
signified by the display (and assumed possession) of objects with important cultural
meaning, usually bereft of productive value.
232
The act of possessing an item of this
type makes a statement to the possessor and other members of the community. Knapp
has argued that exotic items carry particular status-related meaning since the acqui-
sition of the item required travel to distant locations or connection with someone
who had traveled.P" Durkheim calls this kind of mediation of human relationships
through objects "negative solidarity", and argues that these kinds of relationships only
manifest remporarilyP" It would be assumed then, that the display of such prestige
goods would have to have been continuous for the object to signify the same message
about the possessor.
Marion Feldman's important argument has been mentioned in Chapter Two, but
it is important to address some of her key arguments before discussing the various
elite goods at Ugarit. In her 1998 Harvard dissertation, Feldman argues for a partic-
ular artistic style that she deems an "international koine".235 She bases this argument
on the analysis of ten artifacts from Ugarit that demonstrate aspects of styles from
many regions of the Late Bronze Age Mediterranean, most notably Egypt. The inter-
national characteristics of the style are blended into a new form. For Feldman, one
of the most important social meanings of these pieces was in the connotations of
leadership that they demonstrates" and that their presence in elite contexts at Ugarit
reflect attempts by local leaders to define themselves as rulers in an international con-
text.
237
The particulars of these items will not be discussed here. It is, nevertheless,
232 Veblen 1994 [1899], pp. 28-29.
233 Knapp 1998, p, 195.
234 Durkheim 1984, pp. 74-75.
235 Feldman 1998, p, 111.
236 Feldman 1998, p. 176.
237 Feldman 1998, p. 332.
very important for this study to acknowledge her conclusions. Feldman identifies a
particular class of luxury item (artistic pieces designed in this international koine) and
demonstrates that one of the motivations to acquire such items was to assert identity
and status. More will be said about international economics in Chapter Eight. The
process of mediating status through objects should not be assumed to be simply an
international activity, but it should be understood as a process occurring within Ugarit,
at the local level.
Cylinder Seals
Directly related to identity are cylinder seals. These are artifacts that required a
substantial degree of skill to create and it is likely that access to them was restricted
through expense or social rank. An international style is apparent in the cylinder seals
found at Ugarit, mostly Mitannian, although other regional variations are apparent as
well.
238
Monroe has noted that other than the royal cylinder seals, the glyptics recov-
ered from Ugarit cannot be characterized as distinctly "Hittite" and that in general the
individual could choose from a wide variety of motifs.P? Inscribed, non-royal, seals at
Ugarit were inscribed in the alphabetic script.
24o
Numerous cylinder seals have been retrieved from private contexts.e'" Amiet has
suggested that these seals were not actually used for sealing.
242
This supposition is not
entirely borne out by the evidence from the tablets. Monroe recognized that RS 34.134
(RSO 7 31), a letter between private individuals, requests that a seal be used to guar-
antee the goods being shipped.
243
While this does not constitute strong evidence that
private individuals used seals with great frequency, it does suggest that the possibility
that a large number of individuals engaged in sealing practices at Ugarit cannot be
ruled out. On the other hand, the presence of so many cylinders seals attests that these
were a class of luxury items popular at Ugarit and an item that individuals likely
desired to obtain, possibly as a demonstration of elite status.
Military Equipment
Certain classes of military equipment can safely be categorized as elite items. These
types of items directly reflect the status of the possessor. While it is unlikely that there
was as strict status based hierarchy within the military as in Republican Rome, where
238 For a summary of the artistic motifs identified on seals from Ugarit, see Monroe 2000, p. 64
(Table 3.2).
239 Monroe 2000, p. 65.
240 Monroe 2000, P: 64.
241 Monroe 2000, p. 63.
242 Amiet 1995, p. 240.
243 Monroe 2000, p. 69.
300 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 301
rank in the military was directly connected to socio-economic status within the city,
there are certain individuals that seem to have an elite military position that is not
necessarily based on birth. The clearest evidence for this is the class of military special-
ists known as the maryannu. That this was a rank bestowed by the king is clear from
PRU 3 140ff (RS 16.132), where the king promotes an individual to this occupational
category.
The type of military equipment most commonly associated with the maryannu is
the chariot (see Chapter Three). There is some material culture evidence for chariots
at Ugarit. Depictions on Mycenaean vessels found at Ugarit demonstrate the high
status nature of this weapon, since it is depicted as an artistic motif (see below).
Alabaster pommel yokes, possibly used in chariots, have been found allover the tell
and unfortunately it is impossible to distinguish particular provenances for chariot
possession from this data.
244
A pair was found in the House of Urtenu,245 and it has
been suggested that Urtenu may have been a maryannu. It should be noted that these
alabaster pieces may not actually be chariot parts (although the French Team has iden-
tified similar components on the chariot in King Tutankhamun's Tomb), but may
actually be doorknobs.
Chariots were not the only high status weapons found at the site. The maison
de l'armurier was one structure with significant quantities of weapons. The weapons
included a dagger, a javelin point or large arrow, and a bronze trident.
246
Most notable
is the bronze sword, with the cartouche of Merneptah.P'" This Egyptian style sword
must certainly be categorized as an elite item, given its international character.
There is archaeological evidence that military power was concentrated in a building
near the palace. Directly to the north of the palace was a structure called the forteresse,
which was a large tower that protected the western entrance to the city.248 Associated
with this building were two structures, designated the arsenal.
249
This military might
was centered on protection of the palace and would have been a visible, powerful
symbol of the military strength that lay beneath the authority of the king.
It is more difficult to be certain about the social meaning of other weapons found
throughout the site. Since the city was destroyed violently, remnants of armor scales
and bronze arrowheads and lance-heads are found in most regions. These weapons do
not demonstrate certain areas where individuals possessed these weapons, but rather
reflect the remnants of the battle that destroyed the city.
244 Caubet I99Ib, p. 265.
245 Yon I995a, p. 439; Yon I997, p. I70.
246 Saade I979, p. I22.
247 Saade I979, p. I22.
248 Yon I992b, p. 26.
249 Yon I992b, p. 26.
Stone Vessels
Stone vessels were found in great quantities throughout Ugarit. The vast majority of
these vessels were Egyptian or Egyptianizing styles.
250
The Egyptian vessels discovered
all fall into one of three categories. First, there are those vessels, normally quite small,
associated with personal hygiene.
251
Cosmetic vases or oil flasks (for cosmetics or
perfumes) were the majority of the stone vessels.
252
Caubet also indicates that larger
Egyptian vases were also discovered, that would have been used for the transport,
storage, or serving of beer, wine, or oil.253 The third category of Egyptian vase is those
vessels with hieroglyphic writing on them. It is interesting to note that other than two
vessels found in the maison d'albdtre, no stone vessels with royal cartouches were found
outside the context of the palace. This suggests that access to these vessels was restricted,
and was available only to those within the royal sphere.
Vessels from Cyprus are also attested. It is often difficult to differentiate these ves-
sels though, especially given that stoneware seems to have been one of the art forms in
which the eastern Mediterranean koinewas employed.P" The form that can be strictly
identified as Cypriote in origin are stone skeuomorphs of bilbils,255 though this does
not mean that that kind of vessel was actually manufactured in Cyprus. It is also pos-
sible to identify forms from the Aegean and locally made forms.
256
The distribution of stone vessels across the tell is interesting. In general, the Palais
Royal had a very diverse assemblage of forms, in contrast to the relatively stereotyped
forms found in other parts of the tell.
257
While it is impossible to know what was
originally found in many of the sanctuaries, the sanctuary of the rhytons had 21 stone
vessels.P" The other major locus of stone vessel deposition was the family tomb. Most
of the excavated stone vessels were found in tomb contexts.P? and it is supposed that
many that were found in the living quarters of residences were actually disturbed from
their primary tomb contexr.F" It is difficult to know what religious meaning can be
inferred by the presence of stone vessels in funerary contexts. Were the permanent-
seeming qualities of the stone vessels important to those that provided the grave goods;
i.e., were the stone vessels skeuomorphs of objects in other media that could last for
250 Caubet 1991a, p. 218.
251 Caubet 1991a, p. 209.
252 Caubet 1991a, p. 209.
253 Caubet 1991a, p. 209.
254 Caubet 1991a, p. 218.
255 Cauber 1991a, p. 214.
256 Caubet 1991a, p. 215.
257 Caubet 1991a, p. 216.
258 Caubet 1991a, p. 217.
259 Caubet 1991a, p. 217.
260 Caubet 1991a, p. 217.
302
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 303
eternity? Was the elite nature of the objects meaningful? Perhaps this class of objects
was intended for funerary use as opposed to living use.
The relative frequency of stone vessels in royal contexts and the relative paucity of
stone vessels in domestic contexts are instructive, indicating a disparity in the access to
luxury goods. Furthermore, it is interesting that this disparity was overcome in terms
of funerary contexts. Even so, the forms available for tomb use seem to have been
more restricted then those available to the palace. While the restriction of forms in
a funerary context may have a religious or cultic basis, it may also reflect differential
access to luxury goods based on wealth. The presence of these vessels in funerary con-
texts may reflect a kind of conspicuous consumption, where elite goods are used as
identity markers for the dead individual.
Mycenaean Pottery
Mycenaean pottery has been found throughout Ugarit, Minet el-Beida, and Ras ibn
Hani. While about 2200 (sherds and whole vessels) are known from sites throughout
Syro-Palestine, the total number of finds in the excavations in and around Ugarit
is about 496.
261
This high proportion may be more related to the long period of con-
tinuous excavations at Ugarit and Schaeffer's assumed special interest in Mycenaean
pottery.262 Defining Mycenaean pottery is difficult in general. The publication team
decided to consider Mycenaean any pottery which made in the style of pottery in the
LH II-III Argolid, whether or not the pottery was actually produced there.
263
All of
these factors may make the Ugaritic corpus seem to have a high total number of
Mycenaean sherds relative to the rest of the Levantine corpus.
Whatever the relationship to the rest of the Levant, it is interesting to note that
Mycenaean sherds were found in every excavated area of the site.
264
Due to Schaeffer's
general confusion in regards to differentiating funerary and living contexts, and the
fact that most of the tombs had been robbed in antiquity,265 it is unclear how much
of the Mycenaean material came from each type of context.
266
In general, there is a
high probability of contamination in either context.
267
The prominence of this mate-
rial within the Ugaritic corpus is indicative of generalized access to these materials. In
other words, luxury may not be a good descriptive handle for the place of this pottery
261 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 67. Van Wijngaarden came to similar results in terms of relative amounts of
Mycenaean vessels, independent of the French team. However, van Wijngaarden 1999, p. 11, believes
that poor recording and excavation strategies have resulted in less Mycenaean ceramics being recovered.
262 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 67. Note however that the amounts of Mycenaean pottery found at the site
had led to the initial suggestion that Ugarit was a Mycenaean colony, Astour 1973, p. 25.
263 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 67.
264 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 68; van Wijngaarden 2002, p. 43.
265 Van Wijngaarden 2002, p. 70.
266 Yon 2000, pp. 6-7.
267 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 68.
in Ugaritic society, since there is minimal evidence of its restricted use and van Wijn-
gaarden has argued that it is necessary to rethink the traditional understanding that
Mycenaean ceramics reflect aristocratic lifestyles.
268
There may be restrictions in its
use-context, which in any case have been obscured by the poor excavation strategies.
Van Wijngaarden believes that even though Mycenaean pottery was relatively com-
mon at Ugarit, it was still an important component of the people of Ugarit's "social
strategy of display."269
Out of the 496 samples, 118 are known to have come from the Palais Royal.
270
While this statistic may be skewed since the Palais Royal was more fully excavated
than other areas of the tell, it is still indicative that much of this material was used in
a palatial context. About ~ of the Mycenaean pottery excavated at Ugarit came from
funerary complexes.v" Still, Mycenaean vases typically make up a small percentage of
the pottery found within a given tomb. Yon illustrates this using a house in the ville
sud as an example. Within that tomb, according to Yon, 79 vessels were found. Most
of these vessels were made locally, while about 25 were Cypriote and only 2 were
Mycenaean.F? Yon points out that it is often difficult to determine if tombs have been
disturbed.F" If in fact most of the other Mycenaean material came from funerary con-
texts, there may be an interesting correlation between elite goods and funerary culture.
Perhaps this luxury material was of such value that it was saved for funerary uses, and
as such, did not have the same kind of circulation life as it did in palatial context.
Perhaps acquiring elite grave goods was an economic goal within an individual's life,
or an economic obligation for the ancestors of the departed. Van Wijngaarden has
noticed that Mycenaean pottery appears in funerary contexts along with other imported
goods,274 and imported goods may be a general category of object used in funerary set-
tings. In all but five tombs (four of which were at Minet el-Beida), Mycenaean pottery
appears in relatively similar patterns with other vessel types.
275
Mycenaean pottery appears in domestic settings at Ugarit, with some forms restricted
to elite household contexts. Van Wijngaarden has argued that kraters, used for mixing
liquids, are limited to elite households.V" It must be pointed out again that any vessel
found in a house may actually have come from a disturbed tomb.
277
The House
of Yabninu had Mycenaean pottery in its confines that Yon describes as ordinary.F"
268 Van Wijngaarden 1999, p. 8.
269 Van Wijngaarden 2002, p. 71.
270 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 68.
271 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 68.
272 Yon 2000, p. 7.
273 Yon 2000, p. 8.
274 Van Wijngaarden 2002, p. 70.
275 Van Wijngaarden 1999, p. 12.
276 Van Wijngaarden 1999, p. 15.
177 Yon 2000, p. 8.
278 Yon 2000, p. 8.
304
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 305
As well, a unique piece with horses and a "master of animals" motif was also discov-
ered here.
279
Yabninu's House is demonstrably elite (see Chapter Six), and the presence
of such pottery within the confines of this household indicates the elite nature of
Mycenaean ceramics.
The cultic setting of Mycenaean ceramics must also be noted. Only the temple of
rhytons has provided information on this subject.
28o
Out of the 17 rhyta discovered
there, 12 appear to by Mycenaean.f" These objects appear to have been used for offer-
ing libations, as were other unusual vessels from this context.
282
This particular type of
vessel does not seem to have been recovered from non-cultic contexts.
283
Yon divides the forms of the Mycenaean ceramics into four functional groups.284 The
first group consists of vessels used primarily for rransportation.Y' In total 251 stirrup
jars have been identified and 63 three-handled piriform jars have been identified.P"
The second functional group consists of those ceramics used not for transportation
but used in domestic contexts.P" Not only would these objects have played a utilitar-
ian role in the use-context, but they would also have been markers of status.
288
Most
of the forms of Mycenaean pottery at Ugarit fall into this category, which would
include kraters, cups, kylikes, chalices, bowls, alabama, and flasks.
289
The third func-
tional group of Mycenaean ceramics includes those vessels used in cultic contexts -
i.e. rhyta.
29o
As of 2000, 84 rhyta had been identified.F" The fourth category is the
category of figurines of which psi figurines are common.P''
Van Wijngaarden notes that only the rhyta and the figurines can be described as
having a "particularized" function; Mycenaean ceramics at Ugarit seem to have been
chosen for aesthetic or social purposes rather than specific functional purposes.
293
Stirrup jars are an exception. Van Wijngaarden suggests that this class of ceramic was
desirable for the high quality of oil that would have been contained within, as opposed
to the vessel itsel2
94
De Mira, in a response to van Wijngaarden, brings up the problem
279 Yon 2000, p. 8.
280 Although van Wijngaatden 2002, p. 64, considers the ceramics found in the House of the Hurrian
Priest and some of the possibly religious structures at Minet el-Beida, detailed information is not available
for these areas.
281 Yon 2000, p. ro.
282 See Yon 1997, p. 151.
283 Van Wijngaarden 1999, p. 19.
284 Yon 2000, pp. 11-17.
285 Yon 2000, p. 11.
286 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 71.
287 Yon 2000, pp. 12-14.
288 Yon 2000, p. 12.
289 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 71.
290 Yon 2000, pp. 15-17.
291 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 71.
292 Yon 2000, p. 17.
293 Van Wijngaarden 2002, p. 65.
294 Van Wijngaarden 1999, p. 14.
that Mycenaean ceramics are not mentioned in the epigraphic record, and thus that the
value of Mycenaean vessels came not from the ceramic itself but from its contents.F"
This is likely, but not necessarily accurate. As has been discussed in Chapter Three,
it is possible that some units of measurement may actually simply refer to the vessel
class. Or, it is possible that the exchange of Mycenaean ceramics was not seen as an
important subject for the palace administrative system. It is difficult to determine how
far an argument from silence can be proven.
Worth noting is the prominence of chariot imagery in the Mycenaean pottery at
Ugarit. Hirschfeld suggests that this was due to "the originality and liveliness of their
composition."296 Certainly she is correct in her observation that these materials are
very aesthetically pleasing. But it seems probable that there are other elements that
make the chariot an appropriate subject for decorated pottery. Consistent with other
Levantine sites, is the co-occurrence of Mycenaean vessels with Cypriote ceramics.
Hirschfeld suggests that there is just as much Cypriote pottery that has remained
unpublished from the site.
297
This is indicative of the wide access to foreign goods
available at Ugarit. More is said of Ugarit's relationship with Cyprus in Chapter Eight.
Tablets
Tablets and texts should also be considered prestige items. Indeed, since tablets were
only discovered in select locations at Ugarit, restricted access to such items is easy to
demonstrate. Unlike Mesopotamia, where sites such as NuzF98 have demonstrated that
individuals of varying status possessed tablets, there is minimal evidence suggesting that
lower status individuals at Ugarit had access to writing technology. Indeed, the paucity
of tablets outside of elite contexts indicates that writing and tablet creation played a
different role in Ugaritic society. While the Ugaritic alphabet may have made literacy
much easier than the Akkadian syllabaries, it appears that the creation of tablets played
a far less substantial role in the lives of everyday Ugaritians than in Mesopotamia
proper. The subject of tablets as elite items is too large for discussion here. This issue
is dealt with in substantial detail, however, in Chapter Six.
6. CONCLUSIONS
As should be clear from this brief survey, archaeology provides different kinds of infor-
mation about economic modalities at Ugarit than the textual record. Archaeology pro-
vides a much fuller picture of non-palatial economic activity than the palace-centered
295 De Mita 1999, p. 26.
296 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 72.
297 Hirschfeld 2000, p. 69.
298 For general information on the nature of the Nuzi family archives, see Morrison 1993.
306 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH THE MATERIAL REMAINS OF THE UGARITIC ECONOMY 307
textual evidence. This is not surprising; what is surprising is that the utilization of
both data sets is so infrequent, even when the research questions that are asked neces-
sitate the use of both types of data. The following conclusions shall summarily answer
some of the basic questions posed to the textual data in Chapter Five, evaluating the
separate type of evidence provided by archaeology.
Who Engaged in Economic Action?
From the archaeological evidence presented above, different scales of economic
participation can be identified.P'" Economic action is engaged in by the individual,
by the household, by the insula, and by city-wide occupational groups. Individual and
household activity can be identified through the specific types of material culture
found universally in houses. It is difficult to differentiate archaeologically between
these two scales of participation. Food production activities are the clearest activities
engaged in at the household level. Similarly, the presence of tombs within the house-
hold demonstrates the existence of private property, but it cannot be ascertained whether
the grave goods were possessed individually or communally.
Beyond the household is the block. These neighborhoods seem to share certain
kinds of resources, including wells, textile manufacturing, and oil production equip-
ment. It is unclear if other equipment was shared between the separate households
within the larger block complexes. Sharing production equipment indicates economic
connections of some significance involving a certain degree of social connectedness.
Most likely Schloen is correct in assuming that the inhabitants of a single block are
members of the same extended family, but this may not always have been the case.
The existence of occupational groups, or specialists with similar training is in evidence
from the material culture. Consistent features in house construction and stone tool
manufacture attest to the presence of groups with similar training working throughout
the city. There is no evidence for workshops or specialized areas of residence or pro-
duction for these groups. Other than the artifacts and buildings produced, these spe-
cialists are invisible archaeologically.
What Kinds of Economic Activities Took Place?
The most evident activity that took place, within every household, was the pro-
duction of food. Every household had materials for food preparation, in the form
of stone tools such as grinders. Schloen is likely correct in asserting that every indi-
vidual participated in some sort of agricultural production or animal husbandry.
The evidence he cites, sickles with silica sheen and animal care facilities within the
299 Note, however, that elite activities are dealt with separately in Chapter Six.
houses, lends credence to this theory. Olive oil production at the level of the block
further demonstrates the existence of food production activities within the city of
Ugarit.
Textile manufacturing also took place at the domestic level. While there are many
texts detailing the distribution of textiles, it seems that the individual blocks engaged
in some degree of textile manufacture. Spindle whorls and loom weights are found fre-
quently enough to attest to this activity. The presence of these materials within each
block further suggests that this was not a specialized activity, but an activity that was
nearly universally engaged in.
Evidence for specialized craft activities is apparent, mostly based on the artifacts
produced. The consistent and homogeneous materials and styles of house construction
indicate that construction specialists were present within the city. Likewise, stone tools
consistent with other coastal Syrian forms indicate that the residents of Ugarit had
access to the work of these craft specialists, who probably resided within Ugarit. Metal
artifacts have a demonstrable Syrian style, and were likely produced at Ugarit. Moulds
for jewelry and metal tools found at the site suggest that metal was produced at Ugarit,
even if no production facilities have been identified.
Where Does the Power to Engage in Economic Activity Reside?
It is clear from the archaeological remains at Ugarit that individuals had signif-
icantly different ranks and power to engage in economic activity.30o For the most part,
elite power is discussed in Chapter Six. Some observations have come from this chapter,
however. Certainly luxury goods are evident at Ugarit, and access to these goods was
somewhat restricted at the site, to elite households and possibly the dead. As well,
certain types of artifacts reflect the application of specialized skills, thereby limiting
the ability of individuals to gain access to these materials.
Within the neighborhoods of Ugarit, there also seems to be differential access to
production equipment. The exact manifestations of restricted access cannot be recon-
structed, and likely differed from household to household depending on the personal-
ities of the individuals involved. However, since some households had direct access to
wells, tombs, and industrial equipment, it must be assumed that hierarchies of owner-
ship did exist within Ugarit.
One sphere of economic action to which individuals seemed to have near universal
access was measurement. Weights are found throughout the site. This suggests that
individuals were able to weigh materials on their own, which would facilitate trade and
exchange without an intermediary specialist. The weights seem to follow a consistent
300 The power to engage in activity is similar to agency; here, Foucault's definition of power as a con-
tinual process is assumed, Foucault 1977, p. 26.
308 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
standardized system, based on the shekel, indicating some sort of overarching authority
to determine what constitutes a set weight.
Infrastructure can be identified, such as roads. Yon's team has identified the southern
entrance as the major entrance for goods and resources. For the most part there does
not seem to be any overarching attempt by the palace to create, sustain, or dictate the
evolution of roadways or household construction. Certain zones seem to have had
restricted access for construction, such as the acropolis, royal zone, and quartier resi-
dential. There is no strong evidence for royal authority (or obligations upon the royal
authority), from an archaeological perspective, over construction within the city.
What Institutions Facilitated Circulation?
There is limited archaeological evidence for institutions that facilitated the circulation
of goods at Ugarit. As already noted, the palace does not seem to have provided or
participated in the creation of infrastructure such as roads to facilitate trade. There is
no evidence that any area of the city was set-off for merchant or trade activities (like a
suqor a marketplace). There is some evidence that commerce might have been engaged
in in certain residences. Indeed, "shops" may have existed at Ugarit, but this evidence
is by no means clear archaeologically.
The neighborhood block seems to have facilitated some circulation of production
equipment, if not produced goods. Relationships mediated through kinship or co-
residence facilitated the shared use of resources, seemingly unrelated to royal authority.
Indeed, the household and the urban block seem to have been the dominant institutions
for the provisioning of subsistence needs: food, water, and clothing. Olive oil, produced
in the neighborhood would have had a number of uses, for food production and for
lighting. Once production equipment was acquired (probably from specialists), the block
seems to have been a self-sufficient economic unit. This self-sufficiency, however, was
limited to subsistence needs. Luxury and elite goods, apparent in the funerary structures
within each block would have to have been acquired through exchange or redistribution,
and could not have been produced by the block (based on the equipment found within).
At this stage, the economic modalities within the city of Ugarit have been well
explored, through both texts and material culture. As is clear from this chapter, much
of the material culture found at Ugarit arrived at Ugarit through the Late Bronze Age
Mediterranean trade networks. The next chapter shall explore the city of Ugarit's
economic relationships with other areas, the hinterland of its kingdom and other
regions beyond Ugarit's borders.
CHAPTER EIGHT
ECONOMICS BEYOND THE CITY
AB for the distribution of lands at home; so also to assign in
what places, and for what commodities, the subject shall traffic
abroad, belongeth to the sovereign. For if it did belong to pri-
vate persons to use their own discretion therein, some of them
would be drawn to gain, both to furnish the enemy with means
to hurt the commonwealth, and hurt it themselves, by import-
ing such things, as pleasing men's appetites, be nevertheless
noxious, or at least unprofitable to them.
Thomas Hobbes
So far, this examination of the economic modalities at Ugarit has focused on eco-
nomic situations and relationships within the city of Ugarit. Economic activities within
the kingdom, and with other Late Bronze Age kingdoms have not been dealt with in
detail, even though there is significant evidence for these situations. This chapter shall
seek to address economic modalities involving Ugarit and the rest of its kingdom, as
well as Ugarit's associations with other LB polities. The following discussion addresses
two major issues. The first issue is the palatial administration of Ugarit's kingdom,
especially of the other villages within Ugarir's sphere of influence. The second issue
dealt with is Ugarit's relationships to other Late Bronze Age powers, especially as man-
ifest through trade.
A useful way of addressing both Ugarit's relationship to the rest of its territory and
other Late Bronze Age states is through the notion of core and periphery. The use of
these terms has varied considerably in sociological and anthropological theory, since the
rise ofworld systems theory. It is important to note that a world systems approach is not
followed here. Rowlands accurately characterizes the world systems! understanding of
these concepts: the core (the center in his words) has access to better infrastructure for
economic production, whereas the periphery is dominated by external powers for the
purpose of acquiring resources. Rowlands argues that a better means of understanding
1 Rowlands 1987, p. 4. Rowlands presents an adapted form of Wallerstein's World Systems Theory.
World Systems Theory as proposed by Wallerstein, depends on the core creatinga monopoly on manu-
facturing and capitol so that the periphery becomes dependent. Since technology in the ancient Near
East was easily transferable and required far less capitol, Rowlands suggests that production was in fact
multi-centric and so for World Systems Theory to have utility for the study of the ancient Near East, it
must be adapted to account for this.
310 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 311
these concepts is to take the core as a group of "net consumers of resources" and the
periphery as groups "constrained to meet demands for surplus product."2 While these
are not the only approaches for studying core and periphery, it is appropriately and
heuristically useful for this analysis of economic modalities at Ugarit.
Two sets of core-periphery relationships will be discussed in this chapter. Core-
periphery models are heuristically useful as starting places but, especially in consider-
ation of the second set of relationships, are limiting. Yet these limitations help to point
to useful avenues of inquiry beyond simple core and periphery questions. In the first set
of relationships, the textual evidence was created by the palace, from the perspective
that this was the core of the state. The palace was the center of authority; the other
villages were the periphery. In the second set of relationships, the conceptions of core
and periphery are more fluid, depending on the perspective of the individual who
inscribed the tablet. In trade relationships, the composer of the tablet viewed their
own polity as the core region, and the trading partner as a peripheral agent. However,
this fluidity was not the case with the Hittite relationship to Ugarit. After Ugarit was
subsumed under Hittite authority, the Hittite empire became a center of authority and
Ugarit was simply a peripheral kingdom under the authority of the Hittites. In this sit-
uation economic power and legal authority stemmed from the Hittite kingdom. Appli-
cation of core-periphery models to these Hittite-Ugarit relationships also demonstrates
the weakness of core-periphery models in general and demonstrates that alternative
approaches are also necessary ro fully investigate this complex set of relationships. The
relative paucity of Hittite language tablets and Hittite artistic motifs and material cul-
ture at Ugarit indicates that Hittite culture may not have dominated Ugarit beyond
military and political might. An investigation into the precise limits of Hittite domi-
nation will be provided below.
Using this core-periphery model as a starting point for understanding the power
that underlies the economic modalities between the city of Ugarit and other areas,
it is important ro acknowledge Liverani's contributions to understanding international
relations in the Late Bronze Age. As has been discussed in Chapter One, Liverani has
suggested that Polanyi's modes of integration (reciprocity, redistribution, and market-
trade) should not be understood as ancient economic realities, but rather as ancient
means of understanding economic relationships.I There is no need to summarize
Liverani's argument again here (but see Chapter One for a more complete account).
However, three major issues will be addressed in this examination of economic modali-
ties beyond the city, based on Liverani's observations. At the most basic level, an attempt
will be made to identify what exactly the nature of the transaction was. After identi-
fying that some sort of economic activity took place, it is important to understand
2 Rowlands 1987, p. 5.
3 Liverani 2001, p. 7.
where, how, and why goods or labor was transferred. It is not just important to recog-
nize what happened, but it is equally important to make some attempt to understand
how the participants in the economic situation understood the circumstances. Finally,
it is necessary to examine how the participants desired the economic transaction to be
understood by others.
1. WITHIN THE KINGDOM OF UGARIT
There is significant evidence from the palace archive at Ugarit that the palace
wielded economic and legal control over a territory that varied in size depending
on the political and military circumstances of the time. In the last years of Ugarit's
existence (the period of interest in this examination), Ugarit was a vassal state ofthe
Hittite empire, yet directly controlled-territories so designated by Hittite authority. After
moving from under Egypt's sphere of influence to the Hittite sphere of influence, the
Hittites established the borders of Ugarit's kingdom in a treaty." This border changed
according to various situations, and these shifts in geographic influence are preserved
in a variety of treaties.?
Justification for Ugarit's control of the areas within its border stemmed from two
sources: the Hittite legislation/arbitration of that region as belonging to Ugarit and
historical precedent since Ugarit had controlled these areas from earlier times. The rest
of this section will examine the relationship between these outlying areas of the king-
dom with the capital of Ugarit, mostly as manifest through royal authority. This is
a large topic, and only those aspects of this relationship relating to, or rooted in, eco-
nomic relationships will be examined in detail. First, evidence from the palace admin-
istration will be considered. Second, the correspondence of royal authorities and private
individuals will be brought to bear on the subject.
The Administration of the Periphery
Bordreuil has argued that an organizational system for the periphery is identifiable in
the palace records, as manifest through the use of Ugaritic names that reflect districts:
ar, 17 and fpn.
6
These names, according to Bordreuil, refer to larger areas of authority
within the kingdom of Ugarit. Van Soldt agrees that ar (he vocalizes it arruwa) reflects
an actual politically delimited region, and that these region lay to the south and south-
west of Ugarit.? The other "districts" identified by Bordreuil, are, according to van
4 Drawer 1968, p. 10; Klengel 1992, p. 133-135; Singer 1999, p. 639; van Soldt 1997, p. 683.
5 See Drawer 1968, pp. 10-19; and Singer 1999, p. 639 for a summary of the history of the Ugaritic-
Hittite political relationship.
6 Bordreuil 1984.
7 Van Soldt 1999, pp. 76-767.
312 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYOND THE CITY 313
Soldt, simply terms used to refer to towns in certain areas of the kingdom and do not
reflect an actual administrative entity," Van Soldt concludes that while there was an
administrative division of territory within the Ugaritic city-state system, there was no
term for this kind of division (like province)."
It is another class of evidence that van Soldt uses to make a more compelling case
for the existence of administrative divisions. Van Soldt recognized that the order of
town names listed in administrative documents is relatively standard and reflects an
ordering based on geographic location.!" According to van Soldt's count, there are over
110 texts that give information about more than one toponym, and that 70 percent of
the attested toponyms come from long lists. II Further analysis of the economic records
of the regions (as identified by van Soldt), which is presented below, demonstrates that
at least from the perspective of the palace, various sub-groups of the kingdom (based
on geographic criteria) may have been part of the palatial administrative system. In
the recording of economic-administrative data, hints of some further organization are
present, although not explicitly laid out.
At this stage it is important to discuss what types of administrative information
were collected by the palace in relation to the periphery. Certain patterns of types of
information are clearly reflected in the Ugaritic administrative apparatus, in relation to
towns and areas outside of the city proper. The palace kept track of certain types of
information about the kingdom, indicating some sort of vested interest and authority
in regards to these particular matters. These types of data can be divided for analytical
purposes into six categories of interest: agriculture, labor, trade, commodities, military,
and taxation. Of course these categories are not fixed and firm, and there is substan-
tial overlap.
In terms of agriculture, the palace recorded certain types of information in relation
to the periphery. The location of particular types of fields (krm, ubdy, fbr) was recorded.
Likewise, field transfers in locations outside of Ugarit were of interest to the palace
administration. However, both of these types of information are preserved in only a
few texts. The type of information that appears most frequently concerns animal
resources for agricultural work. These tablets take the form of lists of oxen teams and
donkeys at particular locations. These texts suggest that Ugarit administered an agri-
cultural hinterland, a fact that is hardly unexpected for an urban center in antiquity. 12
Labor was another type of information monitored by the palace. Lists of personal
names reflect this, but the types of labor defined are ambiguous. Census and personnel
lists provide similar types of information. Ration lists can be more informative, as
8 Van Soldt 1999, pp. 769-770.
9 Van Soldt 1999, p. 773.
10 Van Soldt 1998, p. 716.
11 Van Soldt 1994, p. 364.
12 See Webet 1976, p. 48.
often these lists are related to occupational categories. Houses are kept track of, which
are an indirect source of information on labor, or at least the infrastructure upon
which labor is dependent. While many occupational groups are kept track of outside of
Ugarit proper, there are a few categories that stand out. Records of bnim are certainly
the most prominent type of record (see Chapter Three for discussion of this term).
Other occupational groups that are mentioned are craftsmen, metal smiths, and shep-
herds. Yet these groups are mentioned in very few texts relating to the periphery and
do not seem to have been a major part of the administrative superstructure. General
labor, in the form of bnim, however, is recorded in significant amounts.
Certain types of trade activities were kept track of by the Ugaritic administration.
Merchants, and especially the location of merchants, are mentioned in a few texts, but
not many. The locations of ships, and the location of origin of ship crews (i.e., sailors)
were also recorded in isolated instances. If blblm can be considered transporters of
some type 13, then the record of these types of individuals in the administrative record
could be considered a manifestation of an interest in trade. Guarantors were also kept
track of since they would have to be locatable.
Only a few kinds of commodities are frequently tracked in the Ugaritic administra-
tive system in relation to the periphery, perhaps suggesting that economic activities
involving other commodities were not monitored to the same extent. Quantities of
wine, oil, cereals, textiles, and wood were recorded by Ugaritic scribes; whether these
goods were coming, going, or staying in one place. No overarching recording structure
can be identified though. The mention of these commodities in texts is almost random,
and likely there was no systematic recording of this data.
Few types of military records were kept by the palace. A census list of weapons is
attested from a private archive. Soldiers (brd) are listed as coming from certain towns
within the kingdom. Likewise, guards (mrjrglm) are recorded according to geographic
region and by whether or not they have performed their ilku dues. The recording of
military groups seems to reflect taxation rather than a military-administrative frame-
work. While the purpose of the monitoring of weapons here is not entirely clear, the
most likely rationale is for supply purposes. That is to say, from the fragmentary texts
available, it seems that the palace was interested in ensuring that enough supplies were
available. Another possibility is that the palace was exercising control over the amounts
of weapons available. However, it seems unlikely that such a degree of control could
be marshaled over the periphery.
The payment of certain kinds of taxes and obligations was recorded by the palace
authority. Tribute of all sorts was recorded, as was tribute that was specifically des-
ignated as being owed to the Hittite king. It seems that the palace at Ugarit would
collect the tribute from the outlying areas, and provide it in bulk to the Hittites.
13 This is likelygiven that the root of this word is *w-b-l, del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 2004, p. 8.
314 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 315
This is reconstructed from the existence of texts at the Royal Palace that record the
amounts owed by each region to the Hittites. The palace recorded this information
while organizing the payment of the obligations. Ilku obligations were tracked, as were
payments made by towns as a whole (see KTU 4.95 for example). Amounts of shekels
located in certain areas are listed in the palace archive, although the exact reasons for
the tracking of this information varied.
Given that these types of information were collected, some comments can be made
about the economic geography of the kingdom of Ugarit. By necessity this discussion
must be considered incomplete. It is possible to describe the manifestation of certain
economic situations in relation to particular geographic regions, as attested by the
textual evidence. Unfortunately, however, the accidents of the preserved record-keep-
ing system make any conclusions somewhat arbitrary. It can be stated with certainty
that if a particular kind of economic activity was documented from a certain area,
then that kind of activity can be associated with that region. However, if an eco-
nomic activity was not recorded as having taken place in a certain region, it does not
mean that that activity did not take place there; it may simply not have been
recorded.
The size of the kingdom that was the subject of the administrative topics discussed
above is not controversial, since the evidence is so well laid out in the Hittite treaties.
Based on these treaty texts, van Soldt has been able to argue that the size of the king-
dom of Ugarit was approximately the same as that of the modern Syrian province of
Latrakiyeh.l" The kingdom bordered the kingdom of Siyannu in the south, the Alawite
chain of mountains in the east and the Jebel el-'Aqra in the north.'? Astour makes a
similar characterization, suggesting that the total size of the kingdom was approximately
2200 krrr', characterizing it as a "wealthy but second rate state." 16
It is quite difficult to estimate the sizes of these towns, since very little information
is preserved, none of which is descriptive.'? Van Soldt has attempted to compare the
sizes of the villages by comparing the amounts of taxation ascribed to these locations in
the administrative documents, assuming that to some degree taxation was proportional
to size.
18
He acknowledges that there are many problems in this method, including
the obvious argument that size and wealth are not always related, and his suggestions
can only be considered preliminary until the toponyms can be safely identified with
actual sites in Syria.'? His general conclusions are worth citing:
14 Van Soldt 1994, p. 374.
15 Van Soldt 1994, p. 374.
16 Astour 1981, p. 4.
17 Van Soldt 1999, p. 749.
18 Van Soldt 1999, p. 749.
19 Van Soldt 1999, p. 750.
Summing up ... [in] the mountainous northern and northeastern provinces of the city-state
of Ugarit only small villages were situated, that in the center of the state, with its hilly
countryside, the towns were generally bigger, and that the really large towns have to be
sought in the fertile plains to the south and southeast of Ugarit.
20
These conclusions make sense given the geography of Syria. This information is some-
what limited in that it only provides a relative scale of sizes. For the purposes of this
analysis, further description of the actual sizes of the villages is not necessary. However,
it should be noted that there is no evidence that any of these villages were even
remotely close in size to Ugarit.
Various attempts have been made to associate the toponyms from administrative
documents to actual sites within Syria." While these attempts have been successful in
identifying some of the toponyms, much remains uncertain and will remain so until
coastal Syria is archaeologically examined in more detail. Van Soldt's approach is more
useful for the type of analysis attempted here. By comparing the standard order of lists
of villages in administrative documents with the descriptions of borders given in the
Hittite treaties, van Soldt has been able to construct a relative map of these villages
within Ugarit.F So while exact locations of villages are left uncertain, the general
vicinity of the village has been established, and geographic groupings of villages have
been identified by van Soldt and located in an actual, physical environment. Van
Soldt's groupings are utilized below in order to examine the economic geography of
the palace's relationship to these peripheral areas.
Groups 1, 2, and 3 are located in the north. The cities classified as Group 1 by
van Soldt were located in the Northeast of the kingdom of Ugarit, with numerous
villages used in the treaty texts to describe the Northern border of the kingdorn.P
Van Soldt's second group of villages, which he classifies as "The Northwest" are
located at the northernmost extreme, bordered to the east by Group 1, and to the
west by the Mediterranean coast.
24
This division is further subdivided. Van Soldt calls
three cities (Ubusu, Ma'duhu, and Masibat) Group 2a because they never appear in
treaty texts, are somewhat south of the rest of Group 2, and as van Soldt states:
"group 2 is a coherent group with which these toponyms are rarely mixed."25 Group 3
(The Lower Mountains) is slightly more problematic than the other groups, as the
order of the villages is not always consistenr.r" It is less clear, because of this, whether
or not this group of villages was considered an administrative group or not. The actual
20 Van Soldt 1999, p. 760.
21 For example: Astour 1969,1970,1981; Bordreuil1984, 1989; and Saade 1990.
22 Van Soldt 1994, p. 378; 1998, pp. 716-743.
23 Van Soldt 1998, p. 734.
24 Van Soldt 1998, p. 732.
25 Van Soldt 1998, p. 731.
26 Van Soldt 1998, p. 729.
316 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYOND THE CITY 317
location of these villages can be safely identified as located south of Group 2, and in
the mountainous area north of the Nahr el-Kebir and Hrasbo.F
Groups 4, 5, 6, and the Metropolitan District are located in the center of the king-
dom. Van Soldt differentiates Group 4 (The East) from Group 5 (The East 1) and
Group 6 (The Center) even though their close proximity led the scribes of Ugarit to
not consistently differentiate' these groups.f This makes it difficult to suggest that any
of these groups reflects an ancient, emic administrative grouping. The mixing of the
towns in groupings suggests that this organizational scheme was unofficial, possibly
ad hoc, and at very least not rigidly fixed. The geographic location of these villages is
relatively straightforward, however, located to the east of Ras Shamra. Van Soldt locates
the villages of Group 5 (The East 1) to the east and south of Ras Shamra, south of
Group 4.
29
Given the non-uniform listing of villages in this group, these results should
be considered preliminary. The locations of villages within Group 6 (The Center) are
quite secure. Virolleaud had identified certain toponyms in this group with actualloca-
tions as early as 1940.
30
This region runs west of Groups 4 and 5, up to the Mediter-
ranean Coast, including Ras ShamraY Villages in what van Soldt calls the Metro-
politan District are not frequently mentioned in the Ugaritic administrative record.F
There are three major villages in this category: mahd, rii, and Jlm.
33
The southern and eastern border is represented by Groups 7 and 8. It should be
noted that this border shifted when control of Siyannu was ceded, according to the
terms of the treaty between Murshili I and Niqmepa.r' Groups 7 and 8 are identified
for the period after Siyannu is removed from Ugaritic control. The collection of towns
labeled Group 7 by van Soldt run up to the eastern and southern borders of the king-
dom of Ugarit.P The villages of Group 8 (The Southwest) are located in the region
up to the southern border of the kingdom of Ugarit and the Mediterranean Sea.
36
When van Soldt's identifications of administrative regions within the kingdom of
Ugarit are compared with the administrative texts involving these regions, some general
observations on the nature of peripheral administration can be made. However, due to
the small sampling of textual evidence no over-arching picture of administration can be
drawn. Indeed, when only one text mentions an activity occurring in one area, it is very
difficult to make generalizations based on that small amount of evidence.
27 Van Soldt 1998, p. 730.
28 Van Soldt 1998, p. 728.
29 Van Soldt 1998, p. 726.
30 See Virolleaud 1940, p. I4l.
31 Van Soldt 1998, pp. 724-725.
32 Van Soldt 1999, pp. 771-773.
33 Van Soldt 1998, p. 771.
34 Klengel1992, p. 135.
35 Van Soldt 1998, pp. 722-727.
36 Van Soldt 1998, p. 719.
There are texts that indicate that some kind of administrative activity took place
that was roughly consistent with the boundaries identified by van Soldt. KTU 4.244
lists vineyards only in Area 1. Likewise, KTU 4.301 lists teams of oxen only from
Area 1. KTU 4.302 lists teams of oxen mostly from Area 2, although one town from
Area 3 is included. KTU 4.48 lists wine only from towns within Area 5. It is also
interesting to note that Rapanu seems to have had an interest in the donkeys found in
villages in Area 6 (KTU 4.697). These texts demonstrate that information was col-
lected based on some geographic sensibility that roughly lines up with the divisions
identified by van Soldt.
On the other hand, there seems to be a significant degree of standard economic
administration amongst all of the regions. All of the regions owe tribute to the Hittites
(KTU 4.610), and provide military servicemen called mdrglm (KTU 4.33). Animal
labor is recorded for all areas, and the combinations of areas attested in individual
texts (other than those detailing Areas 1 and 2) do not indicate any over-arching, geo-
graphic based administrative practices. In all but areas 1, 3, and 5, houses owned by
specified individuals are tracked in KTU 4.750.
Within the textual evidence for peripheral administration, connections between
Groups 3,4,5,6,7, and 8 stand out. Texts such as KTU 4.355 record labor throughout
this region. Soldiers (brd) from these same areas are recorded in KTU 4.784, and
KTU 4.683. In general, amongst other texts, there is a much higher overlap of villages
from separate areas (amongst Groups 3-8) than Groups 1 and 2. Since the sample of
evidence is very small, it is difficult to make firm conclusions, but it is possible to
suggest that the administration of the northern areas was at a slightly different scale,
or operated through different administrative principles, than the areas closer to Ugarit
proper.
Some comment should also be made about how these administrative regions are
manifest in non-royal tablets. KTU 4.27 was found in the Library of the High Priest
and records merchants in Areas 4, 7, and 8. Given the location of these areas, this
could represent typical locations of merchants, along trade routes, or it could simply
reflect the personal contacts of the individual who compiled the list.
Finally, KTU 4.63 needs to be discussed. This is the weapons census from the
so-called Military Governor's Residence. The geographic locations mentioned include
villages from Areas 5, 6, and 7. Each of the entries lists individuals under a geographic
heading along with an enumeration of weapons possessed by the listed individuals.
These areas are quite close together and may reflect direct military control over indi-
viduals in these particular regions.
Now that the administrative texts have been discussed in relation to van Soldt's
regional divisions, it is still uncertain whether or not these divisions were a formal
part of the administration of Ugarit's periphery. On the one hand, a few of the texts
line up well with van Soldt's proposed divisions. It also seems possible to distinguish
318 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 319
between administration in the north, in the center, and in the center and southern
areas. However, no names are present in the Ugaritic textual evidence for these regions,
and it seems likely that if there were any formal divisions, some sort of name should
have been attested. As well, when the textual evidence coincides with van Soldr's geo-
graphic distinctions, this may better reflect a geographical sense behind the attempt to
collect information, ratherthan any adherence to a geographic division of Ugarit's
territory. At this stage, it is best to conclude that while van Soldt's divisions of ter-
ritory adequately reflects the locations of the villages mentioned, there is no indica-
tion that formal subdivisions of the kingdom were in use, from an administrative
standpoint.
Given the lack of formal administrative-territorial divisions within the kingdom
of Ugarit, it is possible to make some conclusions about the economic relationship
between the core and the periphery of Ugarit. Administration seems to have been on
an ad hoc basis. While the sample size cannot be taken to reflect the actual scale of
administration while the palace was in operation, there is little sense of systematic
record keeping. There are some patterns in terms of the roles that can be identified for
the core and periphery. The core, meaning the royal palace, seems to have supplied
labor and agricultural equipment to outlying regions. The periphery provided taxation
in the form of tribute (in the case of KTU 4.610 to be sent to the Hittites) and in
military service, all of which was recorded by the palace. As well, the movement of
various commodities was recorded. There is no apparent pattern in the types of infor-
mation recorded relating to the movement of commodities, so it should be assumed
that there were no systematic structures in place to facilitate this (at least that required
the production of a tablet). On the other hand, the kinds of activities that took place
in the periphery seem relatively standard, at least as reflected in the palatial record.
Does this mean that all regions within the kingdom engaged in the same types of
economic activities? Or does it reflect the fact that only certain kinds of activities were
of interest to the palace? In general, the relationship between the core and periphery
from an economic perspective reflected a situation where the core dominated the
periphery, but also allowed significant autonomy in the operation of day-to-day eco-
nomic practices.
Within these administrative documents, there is no language of justification for
the type of economic domination that took place. There is nothing surprising about
this as these documents were created for the palace's own use, and were not intended
for access by subordinate groups. However, there is an implicit justification of domi-
nation by the administration of this activity. The continued practice of administering
peripheral areas, recording the receipt of tribute and distribution of material inher-
ently justifies the domination of the region by the palace at Ugarit. When an act occurs
so frequently that it becomes unquestioned, from a practice theory perspective, the
domination is most successful.
Correspondence
Letters provide a unique kind of evidence for the reconstruction of Ugaritic eco-
nomic modalities. Implicit in a letter is the distance between sender and receiver. As
attested at Ugarit, it should be assumed that economic practices that required the
composition of a letter did not necessarily require the creation of a letter if both par-
ticipants were in close proximity to one another. At the same time, the letters from
Ugarit preserve non-standard events. That is not to say that the economic situations
were unusual, but rather that these economic transactions were not routine, or at least
required the sending of a letter to initiate them. This is different from the administra-
tive documents that seem to record routine or expected events. Many letters have been
identified in the Ugaritic corpus, too many to allow detailed discussion of each here.
37
What follows is a discussion of some of the major roles and types of economic situa-
tions that are implied in the letters from Ugarit.
Transactions Involving the Palace
The role of the palace as an agent for receiving taxes has already been discussed in
much detail and need not be explored in more detail here. Of interest here are situ-
ations where the palace did not take materials, but rather supplied other loci of insti-
tutional authority. The relationship between palace and temple is certainly one of
these areas in which the palace provides economic support for some sort of institution,
although the exact nature of the power relationship between these two types of insti-
tutions is unclear. In KTU 2.26, the king of Ugarit writes to a particular court official
about provisioning the Temple of Damal with timber. The king gives detailed orders
that timber is to be taken in specific quantities from specific cities, but that these cities
will be paid for the logs directly by the palace. Implicit in this text are two economic
situations: the palace can supply temples with economic goods but does not have to;
and the palace seems obliged to pay for resources acquired from other cities, even
those cities directly within the Ugaritic sphere of influence. In KTU 2.71, Talmiyanu,
who is perhaps a member of the royal family, gives permission to an underling to dis-
tribute certain amounts of food.
While the evidence from one text may appear to be somewhat anecdotal, in actual
fact this letter is very telling about the nature of economic transactions involving the
palace at an inter-city level. The king is involved in this situation, even though no mate-
rials leave the palace or go to the palace. Rather, he facilitates the movement of goods
from one group (specificcities) to another group (the Temple of Damal). Assuming that
this transaction was actually carried out, it was not the king that arranged the transfer
, 37 For more on letters at Ugarit, see Ahl 1973; Kristensen 1977; and Pardee 2002c. For a complete
list of the correspondence involving the king, see Yamada 1992.
320 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 321
of goods. Rather, he delegated these responsibilities to an official, who theoretically
arranged the actual transfer. This individual did not act on his own, however, but
required explicit instructions from the king. The necessity of having the king write a
letter to resolve this situation may indicate that there were no formalized or standard-
ized modes of transferring property between the temple and outlying cities, and that
the palace had to act as an 'intermediary in this exchange.
In some instances, royal authority at Ugarit seemed to facilitate economic transac-
tions. That is to say, the palace acted as an intermediary to arrange for the movement
of goods, although itself seeming to gain no tangible economic benefit from the trans-
action. Perhaps the most substantial example of this are the numerous land transfers
that seem to not involve the palace, economically, but certainly involve the palace as a
legitimizing force. These land grant texts take a variety of forms (as has been discussed
in Chapter Four). One class of texts simply lists the transfer of a field from one indi-
vidual to another (KTU 4.222 for example). In these situations the role of the palace
is not entirely clear, but certainly it operates as an intermediary force for transferring
the land between different individuals. Skaist argues (as has already been discussed)
that even if the king did not directly hold the land, the transfer of land still required
his authoriry." Miller has made a similar argument, that even if the king does not
actively participate in the transfer, he is still privy to it, and his authorization legitimizes
the transaction.P? The appearance of a royal seal on legal tablets further suggests the
king's role as a legitimizing agent.
Transactions Between Private Citizens
There is textual evidence demonstrating economic transactions between private
citizens residing in different towns, or regions within the kingdom of Ugarit. In these
texts, problems of language are particularly difficult for reconstructing the exact nature
of the economic transactions, since there seems to be no separate way for expressing
"giving" from "selling." Even given these problems, these letters provide excellent evi-
dence that a variety of economic transactions took place between individuals, residing
in different parts of the kingdom.
Monroe has argued that the language of these texts emulates royal styles of corre-
spondence.f'' Familial terminology, and polite requests for the delivery of certain goods,
was used, according to Monroe, as a means of: "maintaining trust and facilitating the
exchange of goods."41 The formulas and expressions used in Bronze Age epistolary texts
should not be understood as royal, especially given its usage in private contexts. The
distinctive language should be understood first of all as the language of correspondence
38 Skaist I988, p. I56.
39 Miller 1981, p. 350.
40 Monroe 2000, pp. 151-152.
41 Monroe 2000, p. 151.
and secondly as the language of international trade. It is evident, from the texts that
shall be discussed below, that non-royal individuals had access to these kinds of relation-
ships and contacts. It seems that it was not royal status that allowed this access, but
wealth and international reputation (which, however, could have been gained through
royal connections) that allowed this access.
In KTU 5.10, a brother requests from his sister (although it is not clear if this is a
biological relationship or a relationship of parity that is described by this terminology)
ten 19 of olive oil and 3 19 of another type of oil. Along with this letter, the brother has
sent an unknown good and a piece of linen. It is not clear what is going on in this
text. If the two main players are, in fact, siblings, this text may indicate a reciprocal
exchange in which the goods are being transferred without economic obligation. On
the other hand, this text may be akin to international trade documents in which goods
are traded, although the quantities of items traded are on a much smaller scale. This
may in fact represent a sales agreement in which the linen and other item had been
sent, but that the oil functioned as the payment for that good.
Perhaps the author of this letter is also the author of KTU 5.11, as both authors are
named Uzzinu. In KTU 5.11, Uzzinu asks his father to send him two bpn garments.
Also of interest in this letter is Uzzinu's description of his living accommodations. He
is living in a private home, which provides him with bread and wine for three shekels
of silver. Unfortunately, the exact terms of the statement are not discussed so it is
unclear if this three-shekel payment is made daily, monthly, yearly, or only once. But
more important than this issue of scale is the fact that it attests to private lodging for
an individual, likely from another town, and that foodstuffs are provided in exchange
for silver, in other words, for a fee. Not only does this indicate the existence of some
kind of money-exchange system, it more indirectly suggests the presence of some
degree of private income accumulation based on the provision of services and goods.
It also demonstrates that sufficient infrastructure existed to facilitate individual, non-
royally organized travel.
Another letter between private citizens, KTU 2.70 describes an economic situation
in which individuals are hired to repair a house. Here is absolutely compelling evi-
dence that private citizens could hire members of an occupational group to engage in
specialized craft activity, without going through the palace. This same letter also states
a master's obligations to provide his servants with food, and that a servant will bring a
bpn garment to the master. This letter attests to private citizens providing some sort of
payment or subsistence to other individuals engaging in labor on the supplier's behalf
In order to be able to support laborers, through payment or provision, it would have
been necessary for these private individuals to have been able to accumulate some level
of surplus.
Private transactions must have occurred frequently at Ugarit, given the existence of
letters such as those described above. As has been stated above, the creation of a letter
322 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 323
suggests some degree of distance between sender and receiver. It can be assumed from
this that trade and the circulation of goods, as well as networks to facilitate communi-
cation and transportation must have been available to the private individual. It should
be assumed that since private transactions were possible between individuals resid-
ing in different villages, similar private transactions must have been available to individ-
uals residing within the same town.
Conclusions
There is a considerable lack of standardization in economic activity in the periphery.
While the administrative texts reflect standardized interests and practices, there is no
evidence of formal taxation structures or a formal calendar of obligations. From a
Liveranian perspective, it is difficult to reconstruct how either party (palace or village)
understood the economic transactions, although redistribution/ debt-service is the most
likely candidate.
Non-administrative economic activities are similarly non-standard. These activities,
as evidenced through the textual data were conducted on an ad hoc basis. No formal
market activities are identifiable within the kingdom. Indeed, all economic activities
are cognitively constructed as reciprocal relationships, and all activities are conducted
with all parties having a personal relationship with one another. There is no evidence
for faceless, market trade with supply and demand price-setting mechanisms. There
may have been a hierarchy of value on certain goods, but this hierarchy seems to have
been negotiable and constructed by the individual parties. It is now important to deter-
mine whether or not economic activities beyond the borders of Ugarit were conducted
in a similar manner.
2. BEYOND THE KINGDOM OF UGARIT
Ugarit's position as a trade entrep6t and international port is often repeated in the
scholarly literature. So far this study has concentrated mostly on the modalities of eco-
nomic activity within the borders of Ugarit. However, it is essential to remember that
Ugarit did not exist in a vacuum, and external economic activities were in fact of para-
mount importance. The remainder of this chapter shall sketch out some of the major
issues in Ugaritic external economic relations and discuss what can be inferred from
this evidence about international economic modalities.
a) Modes of Transport
Of utmost importance for economic relationships between parties living at a distance
from one another is transportation. There must be methods in place that allow the
conveyance of goods and labor between these regions, and the ability to gain access to
these means of transportation certainly acted as a limiting factor on economic activity
between Ugarit and other regions. The geographic location of Ugarit has already been
discussed (see Chapter Seven); suffice it to say, Ugarit was well positioned for both
sea-born and overland transportation. Some general comments on who had access to
each of these methods of transport are provided below.
Nautical
Scholars have long recognized the importance of nautical transportation for the
economic success of Ugarit.
42
A typical comment on this issue is Cline's, which calls
Ugarit the "principle outlet to the Mediterranean from Syro-Mesopotamia.tf The
location of Ugarit and its ports has been discussed in Chapter Seven and needs not be
reiterated here. Likewise, much work has already been done on the subject of ships
and boats in use at Ugarit. This information will not be repeated here.t" What will be
discussed here is the question of who owned ships, who had access to ships, and who
had access to nautical transportation, for economic activities.
It is difficult to determine the level of state control of shipping at Ugarit. Without
a doubt there was a royal fleet. Numerous texts mention the royal fleet or ships owned
by the king.
45
The size of this fleet is debatable. KTU 2.47 is a request for the outfit-
ting of 150 ships,46 which if this was the fleet of Ugarit, would have been quite large.
Lambrou-Phillipson cautions that this is simply a suggestion that 150 ships should be
built, not a record that 150 ships were built and concludes that this text cannot be
used to determine the size of the royal fleet.47 Yet the importance of this text should
not be underestimated. It demonstrates the scale of the Ugaritic fleet - that it would
have been reasonable for 150 ships to have been ordered, as opposed to 15 or 1500.
Other texts that describe ships of the royal fleet (KTU 4.81 and KTU 4.366) discuss
approximately 15 ships. However, there is no reason to believe that these texts reflect
the entirety of the fleet at any given moment, but rather are texts that discuss certain
ships within the fleet. As it stands, there is not enough evidence to determine the size
of the royal fleet. A number somewhere between 20 to 150 ships is reasonable, but
there are further difficulties in identifying a royal fleet per se.
42 For a maximalist interpretation of the nautical power of Ugarit, see Linder 1981. For a discussion
of maritime trade routes, see Cline 1994, pp. 91-93.
43 Cline 1994, p. 50.
44 See Monroe 2000, pp. 92-100; Sasson 1966; and especiallyWachsmann 1998. The well-known
Ulu Burun shipwreck and the Cape Gelidonya wreck will not be discussed here. However, see Linder
1972 for a comparison of the many similarities between texts listing ship cargoes from Ugarit and the
cargo recovered from the Cape Gelidonya wreck.
45 For example KTU 2.38 and KTU 4.421.
46 Lambrou-Phillipson 1993, pp. 163-164.
47 Lambrou-Phillipson 1993, pp. 164-166.
324 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 325
Singer suggests that there was no distinction between Ugarit's commercial fleet and
its military fleet.
48
This is consistent with the more general difficulty of distinguishing
between public and private in large scale-shipping ventures. As has already been dis-
cussed, merchants seem to have played what Cline calls "a double role," both as mer-
chants and as diplomats.t? More difficult to determine however, is whether or not
private citizens were able to own ships at Ugarit. The alphabetic texts are cryptic about
this issue. Monroe has demonstrated that a private citizen could "own" a ship.l" Line 9
ofPRU 4 17ff (RS 16.238+254) declares that a ship belongs to Sinaranu and is free
from any claim.>! While this does not inform us about the scale of private ownership,
it at least attests to the possibility of this. Cline is probably correct in positing that the
palace, middlemen, and wealthy merchants could all sponsor maritime trade.Y
Overland
There is explicit evidence for overland transportation of economic materials in
the textual record. However, there is minimal information on the exact logistics of
the caravan trade.P Routes of travel have been identified based on the textual evi-
dence. KTU 2.36 discusses caravans from Egypt and their routes through Syria,
mentioning Ugarit, Nuhasse, and Qadesh. Singer suggests that this fragmentary text
reflects a complaint on the part of the Ugaritic king that these caravans were bypass-
ing Ugarit, depriving the city of trade opportunities, as well as customs dues.l" Since
Ammistamru II had the power to deny passage of horses through Ugarit between
the Hittite and Egyptian kingdoms (see PRU 6 179 (RSL. 2)), this must indicate that
such a trade existed. Documents from private archives also mention caravan trade:
PRU 6 14 (RS 19.050); PRU 6 16 (RS 22.006); and RSO 7 33 (RS 34.173).55 The
caravans of Shipti-Baal are discussed in more detail below.
b) Major International Relationships
Ugarit's relationships to other major powers seem to have been constituted quite
differently given each particular situation. With Hatti, Ugarit definitely plays a subor-
dinate role, although Ugarit adopts very few Hittite cultural practices. The siruation
with Egypt is almost exactly the opposite. Ugarit is also subordinate to Egypt, but this
subordination is manifest in terms of deference to the status of the Egyptian king and
48 Singer I999, p. 659.
49 Cline I994, p. 85.
50 Monroe 2000, pp. I03-I04.
51 Monroe 2000, p. I04.
52 Cline I994, p. 85.
53 Monroe 2000, p. 79.
54 Singer I999, p. 674.
55 See Singer I999, p. 675.
the adoption of numerous aspects of Egypt's material aesthetic, as opposed to a military
based or legalistic based subordination. Ugarit's relationship to Cyprus is also complex.
In a letter from Niqmeda III to Cyprus", the Ugaritic king refers to the Cypriote king
as "father", clearly a sign of subordination. Yet there is little other evidence indicating
that Ugarit was formally subordinate to Cyprus. Perhaps the use of the term "father"
demonstrates that Cyprus was a world power, like Hatti or Egypt. Other polities are
treated as equals ofUgarit, and it is more difficult to determine if coercion of any kind
played a role in the construction of economic interactions. Each of these situations is
discussed below.
Hatti
Arguably, Ugarit's most important economic relationship, at the time of its destruc-
tion, was its relationship to the Hittite empire. Textual evidence in the form of treaties
demonstrates that the Hittites directly controlled Ugarit, and provides significant infor-
mation about the nature of this imperial control. Attacks on Ugarit's southern king-
dom, especially Siyannu, led Ugarit to eventually enter into a treaty relationship with
the Hittites, for military protection.57 This particular treaty, between King Niqmaddu
ofUgarit and King Shuppiluliuma of Hatti, established tribute obligations upon Ugarit
and set out the northern border of Ugarit.t" The tribute obligations (preserved in
PRU 4 80ff (RS 17.382 + RS 17.380)) involved the delivery of 500 shekels of gold,
as well as gold and silver vessels to the king, queen, and higher officials.59 From this
point on until the fall of Ugarit, Ugarit remained dependent on the Hittites.P" It is
important to mention though, as Klengel has,61 that there was no explicit guarantee on
the part of the Hittites to preserve the current royal dynasty at Ugarit, nor was there
any similar guarantee of support on behalf of Ugarit.
A more formalized vassal relationship is indicated by the treaty between Murshili I
and Niqmepa.F This treaty is preserved in fragments of three Akkadian copies at Ugarit
(see PRU 3 89-101 and PRU 4 54ff (RS 17.344)).63 As opposed to the treaty between
Niqmaddu and Shuppiluliuma, this treaty did not include any tribute obligations.P"
The major components of this treaty are political and military as opposed to economic.
Established at the coronation of Niqmepa, the agreement compels Niqmepa to appear
56 Ug. 5 2I (RS 20.I68).
57 Klengel I992, pp. 132-133.
58 Klengel 1992, p. 133.
59 Singer 1999, p. 635.
60 For a history of Ugaritic-Hitrite relations during this period, seeAstour 1981, pp. 10-26; Klengel
1992, pp. 133-151; and Singer 1999.
61 Klengel 1992, p. 134.
62 Klengel 1992, p. 135.
63 Singer 1999, p. 639.
64 Klengel 1992, p. 136.
326
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 327
frequently at the Hittite court, extradite fugitives, and report hostile persons.v' However,
given that tribute obligations are later lessened upon Ugarit because of the removal of
Siyannu, as requested by Niqmepa in PRU 4 82 (RS 17.382+380), it is dear that
tribute remained an important aspect of Hittite-Ugaritic relations. In this same letter,
Niqmepa requests the ability to decide on his own whether or not to provide Hittite
messengers with gifts.
66
Singer suggests that the tribute was collected yearly and was
given directly to the Hittite elites.
67
If Knoppers is correct, then KTU 3.1 is an item-
ized inventory of tribute sent with the tribute from Ugarit to Hatti.
68
The tributary relationship between Ugarit and Hatti was not static. Texts later than
the treaty between Murshili I and Niqmepa indicate that the specifics of the tribute
were negotiable. In PRU 4 150ff (RS 17.059), the Hittite King, Ini-Teshub, allows
the Ugaritic king to pay 50 mina of gold instead of soldiers and chariots to battle
with Assyria. King Ibiranu ofUgarit did not please his Hittite overlords; in PRU 491
(RS 17.247) his not having appeared at the Hittite court is mentioned. In Ug. 5 30
(RS 20.255A), an Ugaritic king is told to come aboard a Hittite vessel with tribute of
gold, silver, and precious stones. Castigations against Ugaritic kings for not paying
sufficient tribute are frequent; whether or not these should be understood as anything
other than formulaic statements is not dear.
The international correspondence has preserved much information on the nature
of this relationship. As is typical of Late Bronze Age international correspondence,
the language used to describe economic transactions is obscure regarding the nature of
the transactions, yet it explicitly identifies the relative difference in power and status
between the parties. Often the correspondence mentions tribute being given to the
Hittites and ndr
69
given in return to Ugarit. This is the case in both KTU 2.13 and
KTU 2.30. Here, dominance and subordination are formalized, almost codified. The
power relationship is purposefully and explicitly constituted by the Hittites, and agreed
to by the Ugaritians. At the same time, the system of dominance is conditional, predi-
cated on particular actions on both ends. Economic power is explicitly constructed.
Given the apparent explicitness of Hittite domination, it now remains to discuss the
material. Food was one of the most important Ugaritic exports to the Hittite empire,
and features prominently in the international correspondence. Singer describes Ugarit
as an entry point of grain for Hatti.7 Grain is mentioned in KTU 2.39, although the
exact nuances of the situation are lost in the breaks of this tablet. Food from other
65 Klengel 1992, pp. 135-136.
66 Klengel 1992, p. 136.
67 Singer 1999, p. 650.
68 Knoppers 1993.
69 Pardee 2002c, p. 92, translatesthis word as "vows," stating that it: "refers to the Hittite king's reaction
to the gift he had received, either abstract (he would make vows to the gods of Hatti and Ugarit) or con-
crete (reciprocal gifts to Ugarit in return for their military aid)".
70 Singer 1999, p. 648.
locations was transmitted to the Hittites through Ugarit. In Ug. 5 33 (RS 20.212),
the transmission of food from Mukish to the Hittites is described as a life and death
matter,"
Precious metals were also important items of tribute. Gold is mentioned in KTU 2.36
as an item of tribute, but few details are given. Other miscellaneous products were
also provided to the Hittites by Ugarit. In KTU 2.36, purple and red dyed textiles
are discussed. Pardee understands this text to state that the king of Ugarit does not
have enough of these items for the Hittites, according to the terms of the tribute
relationship.F
Beyond mere commodities, Ugarit was obliged to send military personnel to the
Hittite empire and at the same time, was incorporated into the Hittite sphere of pro-
tection." COS 3.450 (RS 94.5015) preserves discussion, and possibly a disagreement,
about the provisioning of military personnel. Ugarit was protected by the greater mili-
tary might of the Hittites. At the same time, Ugarit's sovereignty and ability to protect
itself was undermined by the transference of its armed personnel to the Hittite military.
Given all of the evidence for the unequal economic relationship between Ugarit and
the Hittite Empire, there is minimal evidence that the Hittites had anything but a
political hegemonic relationship to Ugarit. Singer has commented on the surprising lack
of Hittite cultural influences on Ugarit, given Hatti's political dominance.Z" Hittite
does not seem to have been an important written language at Ugarit. Hittite weight
standards were not used;75 neither were Hittite glyptic motifs used outside of royal legal
rnaterials.?" The lack of Hittite material culture at the site, and the significant lack of
Hittite artistic forms emulated in elite culture at Ugarit indicate that control over the
site was rooted more in military and security rather than hegemonizing economic
elites within the site. The reason for providing tribute to Hatti was straightforward: to
protect Ugarit's borders using the military superiority of the Hittites. If Ugarit did not
remain faithful to its Hittite allies, the Hittites could use force (and did so when Ugarit
rebelled against Murshili II along with other Syrian stares).'? This is a very different
type of power than that exercised by Egypt over Ugarit.
Egypt
Before Ugarit was brought into the Hittite empire, there were very strong connec-
tions between the Syrian city and Egypt. Most of the evidence for the political history
of Ugarit dates to the period after the reconstruction of the palace, by Niqmaddu II,
71 Klengel 1992, p. 149; Singer 1999, p. 716.
72 Pardee 2002c, p. 97.
73 Beckman 1992, p. 45.
74 Singer 1999, p. 650.
75 Monroe 2000, p. 57.
76 Monroe 2000, p. 65.
77 Beckman 1992, p. 45.
328
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 329
after its destruction by fire, mentioned in el-Amarna Text (EA) 151.7
8
Prior to this,
Ugarit seems to have been affiliated with Egypt, perhaps under its control during the
time ofThutmosis IV
79
Ugarit's correspondence with Egypt is attested in the Amarna
Letters (see EA 45, 46, 47, 49), and Ugarit is mentioned in passing by other letter
writers (EA 89, 151). Early scholars of Ugarit had assumed that Ugarit had at one
time been under the direct control of Egypt, especially based on the possibility that
Ugarit is mentioned in the Karnak reliefs.
80
This has come under attack in recent
years, and it is now thought that Ugarit, while still having close ties with Egypt, was
never directly ruled by Egypt, and that there is no significant evidence to substantiate
this claim." Singer describes the situation well:
'Independence' is perhaps too modern a political concept to describe the status of a rela-
tively small ancient Near Eastern state, but an autonomous status with strong Egyptian
influence could be the best way to describe Ugarit's position before its submission to
Suppiluliuma I. 82
By the period examined in this study, Ugarit had been under the authority of the
Hittites for some time. However, ties to Egypt remained particularly important. It is
interesting to consider the manifestation of those ties, given that Egypt never directly
ruled over Ugarit.
Ugarit certainly had an economic relationship with Egypt, even while under the
Hittite sphere of influence. The treaty between the Hittites and the Egyptians after the
Battle of Kadesh in 1284 is frequently cited as the event that allowed the resumption
of Ugarit's trade relationship with Egypt.
83
Singer suggests that since an equivalent
amount of objects have been recovered from Ugarit with a Ramses II cartouche as with
an Amarna pharaoh cartouche, that this further corroborates that ties with Egypt were
just as strong under Hittite domination.r' Ugarit's favorable geographic position (see
above) certainly contributed to Egypt's favor of the city for economic transactions.
Both overland (PRU 6 14: 19-29 (RS 19.50)) and sea trade (PRU 6 116 (RS 17.64))
from Egypt to Ugarit are attested textually.85
In KTU 2.38, the King of Tyre wrote to the king of Ugarit about ships that had
been wrecked on their way to Egypt. These Ugaritic vessels had been dispatched by
the king of Ugarit to Egypt. The cargo of these ships consisted of grain (for Egypt)
and provisions (for the sailors). RSO 14 1 (RS 88.2158) indicates the types of cargoes
sent by Egypt to Ugarit: textiles, ebony, and precious stone in large quantities.
78 Klengell992, p. 130.
79 SeeAstour 1981, pp. 15-17 for discussion on this issue.
80 For example, see the account in Drawer 1968, p. 10.
81 Singer 1999, p. 626.
82 Singer 1999, p. 627.
83 Astour 1981, p. 24; Singer 1999, p. 673.
84 Singer 1999, p. 673.
85 Astour 1981, p. 25.
There is textual evidence for particular economic activities engaged in by Egyptians
at Ugarit. Egyptians are attested as having lived at Ugarit. One Akkadian text details a
land donation from the king to an Egyptian (PRU 3 149 (RS 16.136)). In KTU 4.352
Egyptians receive quantities of oil. Egyptians receivewine from the palace in KTU 4.230.
PRU 3 19 (RS 15.011) describes an Egyptian that released individuals for 400 shekels.
A similar Egyptian interest in human resources is apparent from Ug. 5 126ff (RS 20.021),
which mentions that the Egyptians released an individual, but not his possessions.
Pharaoh Merneptah's refusal to send Egyptian sculptors to construct a statue of Baal at
Ugarit (RS 88.2158) is not on the basis that this kind of activity did not take place,
but rather that they are currently busy, and will be sent later. This certainly indicates
that foreign craftsmen could be sent to Ugarit, and that these craftsmen were under
the power of the king, not private individuals.
The Egyptian presence at Ugarit is also manifest in the large amounts of Egyptian
or Egyptianizing material culture found at the site. Even though Ugarit was under the
Hittite sphere of influence at the time of the city-state's destruction, very minimal
Hittite material culture has been recovered from the site. Yet numerous elite Egyptian
artifacts have been recovered from the site, a testament to the aesthetic influence of
Egypt. From a cultural standpoint, Egypt held a hegemonic relationship over Ugarit,
even though it lacked direct political control of the Syrian city. The scale and perva-
siveness of the objects does not necessarily reflect an unequal exchange relationship.
However, in many ways, the high level of visibility and prestige/value of these Egyptian
objects is more important, indicating an imbalance in cultural relationships between
the two regions. There appears to have been a high degree of culture hegemony over
Ugarit, manifest in the elite tastes at the city. Higginbotham has described a similar
situation in Canaan proper during the Egyptian Nineteenth Dynasry.'" Calling her
model an "elite emulation model", Higginbotham argues that: "Political units at some
distance from a prestigious culture tend to view it as the center of civilization and power.
By linking themselves to such centers, local rulers are often able to enhance their own
status and authority."87 This very much corresponds to the situation at Ugarit during
the period of interest to this study. On the other hand, as Singer points out, even
though the bond with Egypt was "economically lucrative and culturally influential",
these ties did not protect Ugarit from the hostile intentions of other Syrian states.f"
Cyprus
Without a doubt, Ugarit's economic relationship with Cyprus was of great impor-
tance. The close proximity, approximately 105 km away, allowed for relatively rapid sea
86 Higginbotham 1996.
87 Higginbotham 1996, p. 155.
88 Singer 1999, p. 627.
330 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 331
travel between the two.
89
Scholars have long acknowledged that the trade relationship
between the two regions was quite significant. Cypriote trade in the Late Bronze Age
is a complicated topic given the uncertainty surrounding Cyprus's relative standing
amongst other Bronze Age polities. Likewise, the types of exchange involving Cyprus
that are attested are particularly difficult to understand. Liverani has demonstrated
some of the "irrational" elements in Cyprus's exchange activities.?" Perhaps the prime
example of this can be found in EA 40, which documents an exchange event with
Egypt, where both polities send each other ivory."! Given that Cyprus has no native
ivory resources, one must assume that from a rational economic perspective, this
exchange would have caused a net loss for the Cypriotes involved.F Nevertheless, the
exchange occurred, indicating that economic profit was not necessarily the driving
force behind Cyprus's exchange relations and that Cyprus actively traded goods and
resources that had been acquired elsewhere.
The economic relationship between Cyprus and Ugarit is usually not portrayed
by scholars as particularly problematic. As has been mentioned above, based on the
use of patrimonial referents, Cyprus was the dominant partner. Astour's recognition
that Ugarit sent food to Cyprus, and that Cyprus provided Ugarit with copper and
Mycenaean ceramics is in line with most mainstream scholarship on Ugarit.
93
How-
ever, it needs to be noted that there is minimal evidence for the import of raw or
unworked copper from Cyprus.l" Analysis of copper found on Crete has suggested
that that copper was derived from local sources.i" but it should be noted that copper-
sourcing is a particularly controversial issue at present.l" Similarly, the ox-hide mould
found at Ras ibn-Hani'? further complicates the model of copper as a solely Cypriote
import. Fine furniture is requested by an Ugaritian living in Cyprus in a letter from
the Urtenu archive.l" It is also suggested that Ugarit exported to Cyprus items from
the rest of the Near East.'? As evidence, Singer cites RSO 7 35 (RS 34.153), a text where
horses are given to a Cypriote.l'" Less compelling for the theory that Ugarit facilitated
89 Astour 1981, p. 28.
90 Liverani 1979b.
91 Liverani 1979b, p. 22.
92 Liverani 1979b, p. 23. Although there is always the possibility that the ivory traded was not
necessarily equivalent; perhaps the elephant tusks sent from Cyprus had some sort of added value or
secondary manufacture that was not expressedin the textual sources.
93 Astour 1981, p. 28.
94 Cline 1994, p. 60.
95 Cline 1994, p. 90.
96 For more on this controversy, and especially on the problems of sourcing using lead isotope analysis,
see Budd et a11995a; Budd et a11995b; Gale and Stos-Gale 1995; Hall 1995; Muhly 1995; Pernicka
1995; and Sayre et a11995.
97 See Bonni and Lagarce 1997, p. 412.
98 Malbran-Labat and Bordreuill995, p. 445; Singer 1999, p. 677.
99 Singer 1999, p. 676.
100 Singer 1999, p. 677.
the movement of items from areas other than Ugarit are Singer's texts demonstrating
amounts of oil given to Cypriotesr''" neither KTU 4.352 nor Ug. 5 21 (RS 20.168)
indicate where the oil in question was produced.
Found within the palace archive at Ugarit were numerous census texts, listing men
from Cyprus living at Ugarit, and detailing the families and households of these men
(i.e., KTU 4.102, and KTU 4.360). These texts have already been discussed in Chapter
Four. To repeat the features that are salient to this discussion, these census texts list
Cypriotes residing in Ugarit and record the number of household members and ani-
mals that have accompanied the individuals in question. No comments are preserved
to explain the reason why these Cypriotes were living in Ugarit. There is ample evidence
that individuals from Ugarit lived at Cyprus, or at least spent substantial amounts of
time at this location.
Another interesting situation involves the rb mand, chief of the harbor of Mahadu,
writing from Cyprus. While KTU 2.42 and KTU 2.43 are broken, it is clear that this
individual is attempting to buy boats from Cyprus on behalf of the king of Ugarit. 102
This demonstrates that Cyprus was a location that manufactured boats and sold them,
and that these boats were desired by the Ugaritic king. It also indicates the ad hoc
trade relationship between the two regions; there was no formalized system in place by
which boats were automatically brought to Ugarit to be sold. The boats were first
commissioned by the buyer.
Ura
That enclaves of foreign merchants lived and operated in various Mediterranean
cities during the Late Bronze Age is well known.
103
Particularly instructive as to how
these foreign merchants were integrated into Ugaritic society are the perceived prob-
lems with the merchants from Ura who operated in the city. Ura was a small Cilician
city on the Mediterranean coast.l?' According to Klengel, individuals from Ura acted as
"commercial agents" for the Hittite king, lOS a position that is followed by Lernaire.P"
Goods were shipped from Ugarit to this coastal city, and then transported across the
Taurus Mountains to the Hittite mainland.l'" For example, Ug. 5 33 (RS 20.212)
describes 500 measures of grain shipped from Mukish to Ura, and destined for the
101 Singer 1999, p. 677.
102 Lipinski's 1977 translation of this text suggests that the author of the letter is an Egyptian merchant.
Knapp 1983, pp. 38-40, criticizesLipinski's interpretation of the letter as based on a misunderstanding
of Ugaritic epistolary formulas. Knapp's improved reading, Knapp 1983, p. 39, suggests that the sender
of the letter was a Cypriote merchant.
103 See Cline 1994, p. 107.
104 KlengelI992, p. 138; although see Lemaire 1993.
105 Klengell992, p. 138.
106 Lemaire 1993, pp. 228-229.
107 Klengel 1992, p. 138.
332 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 333
Hittite state. The growing economic power of these foreigners at Ugarit raised concerns
with Niqmepa who complained to Hattushili III. lOB The basic problem was that these
merchants were gaining too much real estate in Ugarit and too many Ugaritians had
become beholden to them. 109 The Hittite king responded by establishing rules for the
economic behavior of the merchants of Ura while at Ugarit, in a long text, PRU 4 103ff
(RS 17.130).u
0
These merchants were allowed to operate in Ugarit during the favorable
months. They could not buy real estate, nor gain it from individuals who could not
otherwise pay their debts. Debtors and their families could, however, enter into the
service of these merchants. III
OtherMajor City-States
The Kingdom of Arnurru'V was located to the southeast ofUgarit and is mentioned
frequently in the international correspondence. Both diplomatic and economic relations
are identifiable from the textual record. In RSO 7 88 (RS 34.124), in the context of
a diplomatic affair involving an Amurrite princess, Yabninu brings 100 shekels of gold
and mardatu textiles to the court,l13 seemingly on behalf of the king of Ugarit.
The king ofTyre refers to the king ofUgarit as his brother (RS 18.031) indicating
a degree of parity in the relationship between these two states. Tyre and Ugarit had an
economic relationship that is attested textually. In KTU 2.38, the King ofTyre writes
to the king of Ugarit to inform him that the Ugaritic ships that had been dispatched
to Egypt, had been wrecked off of the coast Tyre, but that much had been salvaged of
the cargo and crew, and the boats had been moved to Acco. On a less friendly note,
the King ofTyre wrote to Ugarit in PRU 4219 (RS 17.424) to complain about the
high customs dues imposed by the harbor-master at Ugarit.
Relations with Siyannu-Ushnatu were more hostile than with Tyre. Siyannu bordered
Ugarit directly to the south, and until the treaty between Murshili II and Niqmepa, had
been part of the greater Ugaritic kingdom (see above). Singer goes so far as to call the
situation an "economic war".114 Difficult diplomatic relations are indicated by an edict
ofTudhaliya IV (PRU 4 291(RS 19.81)) that solved a marriage dispute.U'' At a more
directly economic level, PRU 4 161 (RS 17.341) lists a number of aggressive economic
acts by Siyannu, including: theft, illicit trade, damage to vineyards, and the attack of
a dimtu by babiru under the control of Siyannu. 116
108 Klengel 1992, p. 137; Lemaire 1993, pp. 229-230.
109 Klengel 1992, p. 137; Singer 1999, p. 660.
110 Duplicates of this text include PRU 4 103ft' (RS 17.461) and PRU 4 102ft' (RS 18.03).
111 See Klengel 1992, p. 137.
lIZ For more on the history of Amurru, see Singer 1991.
113 Pardee 2002c, pp. 90-91.
114 Singer 1999, p. 664.
115 See Klengel 1992, P: 142.
116 See Klengel 1992, p. 142-143.
c) Elite Economic Actors Within Ugarit
Now that some of the economic modalities of international relations have been
discussed, it is useful to look at some examples of how individuals were able to oper-
ate within the context of these modalities. Numerous important economic actors
have been identified at Ugarit, and for some individuals, it is possible to sketch out
preliminary biographies. This is not the goal of this investigation. Instead of detail-
ing all of the major "players" as it were, three individuals have been selected to exem-
plify the types of economic participation that an elite individual could engage in at
Ugarit. These exemplary individuals are the queen, Yabninu, and Urtenu. The close
connection between these individuals and royal authority is predicted in the center-
periphery model of Rowlands, which emphasizes that royal power often dominates
mercantile capital. 117
The Queen
There is a great deal of epistolary material directed towards, and written by, the
queen of Ugarit. Unfortunately, since she is often unnamed in the correspondence, it
is unclear whether these letters all involved the same person or not. Regardless of the
specific identification of the queen, the nature of this correspondence makes it possi-
ble to address some of the economic situations that a queen of Ugarit was able to par-
ticipate in. It cannot be demonstrated that any particular queen actually engaged in
all of these activities. It is at least possible to identify the economic modalities of this
office.
I I B
The queen received imports directlyfrom high-level officials. COS 3.45Z (RS 94.2479)
is an inventory of items shipped by a governor of an unnamed location to the queen.
The materials sent include cereals, oils, vinegar, and olives. Numerous other texts
attest to queens receiving large imports of varieties of items, such as PRU 3 182ff
(RS 16.146+161). Indeed, all of these items are sent to queens, described as the queen
and it seems that the office of queen allowed a certain degree of economic activity. Other
letters indicate that the Queen had certain diplomatic duties or was able to receive
certain diplomatic honors.
Yabninu
One of the prominent figures in the Ugaritic international correspondence is Yabninu.
Yabninu is the inhabitant of what was once called the Palais sud, due to the similarities
in architecture and text genres with the royal palace. Indeed, initial interpretations of
Yabninu's role at Ugarit emphasized his connection to the palace. Courtois considered
117 Rowlands 1987, p. 6.
118 See Singer 1999, p. 696 for the most plausible reconstruction of the identities of various queens
at Ugarit.
334
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH ECONOMICS BEYONDTHE CITY 335
him a regional governor,119 and Lackenbacher calls him "le grand administrateur".120
Closer analysis of the evidence suggests that Yabninu held no official position in gover-
nance,121 and he is best understood as a private, although wealthy and well connected
individual. In this capacity, Yabninu engages in a variety of activities, typically involv-
ing long distance trade and international relationships. Pardee describes Yabninu as,
"one of a relatively small number of important personages who were deeply involved
in the distribution of resources in the city-state and worked both within the royal
administration and in a capitalistic fashion on their own."122 Pardee's statement is some-
what problematic, given his use of the anachronistic term "capitalistic". A slightly more
cautious reading can be supported by the texts, where Yabninu works in affiliation
with the palace as well as attempting to gain wealth at a personal level. The evidence
that Yabninu had a formal role in the palace administration is slight and likewise, the
problems with the utility of the term "capitalism" for the study of the ancient world
have been dealt with in Chapter One.
Numerous texts demonstrate that Yabninu had access to significant amounts of
resources. KTU 4.91 records the "gift" given by Yabninu to the palace. The "gift" is
quite extensive, including 1400 jars of oil, 600 jars of some kind of perfume, and
numerous other specializedproducts. In KTU 4.158, the "account" ofYabninu is listed.
In this case, the palace seems to have given him a number of products. Although the
text itself is cryptic, it is probable that these products were entrusted to Yabninu in
order for him to distribute or trade them on behalf of the palace.
Yabninu also seems to have engaged in behavior expected of international diplomats.
In RSO 7 88 (RS 34.124), a letter from the king to the queen mother, the king writes
that Yabninu has traveled to Amurru. Yabninu takes 100 shekels of gold and mardatu
cloth (which is typical of the kinds of items associated with Yabninu in other texts)
and is also described as having taken oil in a horn and pouring it on the head of the
Amurru princess.V" Whatever the exact significance of this act was, clearly Yabninu
was operating in a capacity beyond that of wealthy merchant or entrepreneur.
Yabninu's residence is evidence of his prominence in the city of Ugarit. This resi-
dence has already been discussed in Chapter Six, but to briefly reiterate, the building
lies directly to the south of the palace and was constructed in a similar monumental
fashion. Comparing the textual evidence with the archaeological, Yabninu was clearly
an important individual (both in wealth and royal connection) within the city ofUgarit.
He lived in close proximity to the palace and seems to have engaged in ventures in
association with the palace. At the same time, from the administrative perspective of
119 Courtois 1990, pp. 108-110.
120 Lackenbacher 2000, p. 23.
121 Monroe 2000, p. 314.
122 Pardee 2002c, p. 91.
123 Pardee 2002c, p. 91.
the palace, Yabninu is construed as an "other". Yabninu holds an account and gives a
gift to the palace, indicating that he is tied to the palace but not part of its internal
administration. Yet while on merchant ventures, as evident from his trip to Amurru,
Yabninu engages in both trade activities and diplomatic activities. Indeed, he was both
an independent agent and a representative of Ugarit's royalty.
Urtenu
Urtenu and the extremely important archive that was discovered in his house have
already been the subject of discussion (Chapter Six). The material culture of the house
is elite: many Egyptian or Egyptianizing objects, stone artifacts, and possible chariot
pieces. The range of international connections held by Urtenu are further indicated by
the Cypro-Minoan materials discovered in his house, that have already been discussed
in Chapter Six. The textual evidence indicates that like Yabninu, Urtenu was heavily
involved in international commercial ventures. Unlike Yabninu, Urtenu's archive indi-
cates trade situations more explicitly, some of which shall be discussed in this section.
A letter to Urtenu from one of his associates, COS 3.45LL (RS 94.2284), demon-
strates some of the trade relationships in which Urtenu engaged in. Jars of some sub-
stances (including wine probably) had been sent alongside of the letter to Urtenu.
Furthermore, Urtenu is described as having sent particular textiles to the author of
this letter. It seems to also be a request for further transactions, involving purple wool,
and the payments that may be made for this wool. 124 Understanding lines 24-34 is a
problem. Within these lines, references are made to silver that was sent by Urtenu,
and an offer of bpn garments is made to Urtenu in exchange for wine.
Urtenu seems to have been an important personage in a trade caravan between
Ugarit and Emar. Headed by Shipti-Baal'P, who was a son-in-law of Queen Tarelli,126
Urtenu participated in a trade caravan with numerous other Ugaritians. The adminis-
trative practices surrounding this caravan are attested in RSO 7 30-36. Letters such as
RSO 7 30 (RS [varia 26]) take the form of what Monroe has called the "royal model
of exchange."127 Royal models of exchange are emulated here, between private citizens.
Given the preponderance of this type of exchange language, perhaps characterizing it
as "royal" is misleading. Rather, it should be understood as an international language
of exchange, akin to the material culture international leoine posited by Peldman.F"
Urtenu, then, should be understood as a wealthy commercial agent, involved in a
number of long distance trading ventures.
124 See Pardee's translation in 2002c, pp. 113-114.
125 SeeVita 1997 for a discussion of why this individual should not be considered an Egyptian, even
though an Egyptianizing seal with his name in hieroglyphs was found at Ugarit.
126 Singer 1999, p. 658.
127 Monroe 2000, P: 151-152; see above.
128 Feldman 1998.
336
3. CONCLUSIONS
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
This chapter has demonstrated that economic activities extended beyond the walls of
the city of Ugarit and that the nature of economic modalities was constituted differ-
ently within the kingdom then outside of the kingdom. Within the kingdom ofUgarit,
most of the available evidence comes from the textual record of the administration of
the periphery by the palace. However, a number of letters between private individuals
demonstrate that, given enough access to wealth, private individuals engaged in trade
and commercial ventures with other villages in the kingdom. Outside of Ugarit, these
private individuals were able to participate in similar ventures. These ventures seem to
have been in collusion with royal authorities and normally involved diplomatic actions
as well. All of these situations seem to have been organized on an ad hoc basis. There is
no evidence that permanent trade patterns or relationships were in place. Rather, indi-
vidual desires and circumstances led to the establishment of a commercial venture and
determined what products were sold or bought.
CHAPTER NINE
CONCLUSIONS:
A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES
Man is an animal that makes bargains: no other animal does
this - no dog exchanges bones with another.
Adam Smith
A commodity appears at first sight an extremely obvious, trivial
thing. But its analysis brings out that it is a very strange thing,
abounding in metaphysical subtleties and theological niceties.
Karl Marx
In this investigation of the Ugaritic economy it has become apparent that there was
no economy per se. "Economy" as a distinct subsection of society is an imposition of
18
th
century concepts and in some ways is more misleading than helpful. What has
been referred to as "economy" here, should best be understood as the emergent effect
of a network of contingent exchange relations, not a thing in and of itself There are
no hard (or even soft) edges that can be outlined as "economy", yet none of this is to
say that economic activities did not take place. It is simply that the old questions
asked of Ugaritic economic activity are misplaced. The question should not be what
kind of economy Ugarit had. Nor should it be whether or not private trade existed, if
private trade was typical, or if private trade was marginal. The evidence presented in
this study indicates that the palace and others were immersed in multiple exchange
relations. While some were more prominent textually and some were more common
in practice, multiple forms of exchange relations co-existed. The significant question
to be asked then is: how did the palace and others derive political and economic dom-
inance through the coupling of distinct networks of exchange relations?
In determining how this economic dominance was derived, it has been made clear
that no one mode of exchange was in fact exclusive to the various actors. Market-
trade, reciprocity, and redistribution (better understood in the Near Eastern context as
debt patronage) were open to all actors to some extent. Modes of exchange were not
systemic totalities. The mode of exchange itself was not exclusive or exclusionary nor
did access to a particular mode of exchange lead to dominance. What is more impor-
tant is how the particular economic actors (especially the palace) converted their own
nodal position within this emerging network of exchange relations into political and
economic advantage (i.e., power). No mode of exchange set the tone for the rest of the
338
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 339
"economy" as may be argued by a structuralist Marxist, but neither can the actions of
these agents be explained solely through rational profit motive frameworks.
Investigation centering on the type of mode of production has been shown to be the
wrong approach to ancient economic life. What should be investigated is how the pow-
erful attempt to shape and perpetuate given exchange networks. To some degree, these
attempts can be seen as larger strategies where agents that can operate across more net-
works are able to gain greater economic power. Here is where the issue of the palace truly
should be addressed. The palace was not "in control" of the economy as naive readings
might suggest. The palace was an individual economic agent, relatively more powerful
than other agents. However, because the palace was situated at a nodal point for so many
exchange networks and social relationships (through, for example, juridical authority
and military authority), it was significantly more powerful than the other economic
actors. So it is not a question of a different type of economic control that the palace
wields but it is a question of a different scale of economic control. Here then, crypto-
feudal models, Two-sector models, and patrimonial models run aground in the study of
economic practice, as shall be demonstrated below. Viewing the palace as one economic
actor among many allows questions about economic power to be addressed. Where are
the crucial control points in the network? How are different networks of exchange artic-
ulated? What specific strategies convert this collection of exchange relations into power?
These questions can best be answered through the Network-based model articulated
in this work. The Network-based model allows economic activity to be studied without
assuming that particular modes of exchange constitute systemic totalities, and it avoids
an essentializing approach to economic activity. Economic action can be successfully
mapped out from the perspective of many of the economic players.
What follows are some concluding remarks about previous models used to explore
the economy ofUgarit. Some remarks relate to methodological problems (such as how
to integrate textual and archaeological data), but most relate to previous characteriza-
tions of the Ugaritic economy as a fixed totality. Following that, the Network-based
model will be outlined in brief, and conclusions based on its application to the Ugaritic
material shall be presented. This will lead to a re-evaluation of the Polanyian approach
to non-industrialized economies and modes of production. Taking the conclusions
from the application of the Network-based approach in light of the new critique of
the formalist-substantivist debate, conclusions about how economic actors were able
to perpetuate political and economic authority will be presented. Most importantly,
in the case of the palace, it is demonstrated that this power was not gained through
top-down administration but through a haphazard arrangement of the receiving and
distributing of goods. This constant arrangement and re-arrangement facilitated the
creation and emergence of social relations between the various economic actors at
Ugarit. Finally, some implications for Near Eastern studies in general and suggestions
for further research shall be outlined.
1. INTEGRATING TEXTS AND MATERIAL CULTURE
Textual evidence, as manifest at Ugarit and the ancient Near Eastern world are
archaeological artifacts in and of themselves, as opposed to the many texts from the
Classical world and the Biblical texts that have been preserved in literary forms since
antiquity. Tablets are found in archaeological contexts, during archaeological excava-
tions, and are initially retrieved as artifacts. Even if looted, tablets still go through the
same initial recovery procedure as artifacts. Other than a few scholars, the analysis of
tablets rarely ever starts with the same type of analysis given to material culture.
1
At the same time, textual and artifactual data must also be understood on their own
terms, from within the context of the very distinct methods that have been developed
for analysis. Material culture cannot act as a simple check against textual evidence
or vice versa. This naive use of archaeology continues to plague Biblical Archaeology,
where archaeology is used to either "prove" or "disprove" the Bible.
2
Dever has recently
argued that the Biblical text can be checked through archaeology by identifying "con-
vergences" between the two datasets." While this is at a surface level appealing, it is
still no different from the approach of G. Ernest Wright who used archaeology as a
means of better understanding the Bible. There are no simple "convergences" between
these types of data. There can be "convergences" between analyses of these types of
data, but this is an interpretative convergence, and never occurs without significant
prior interpretation. The search for "convergences" between material culture and text
has plagued the study of the Ugaritic economy from earliest efforts." With these
methodological considerations in mind, the basic conclusions of this examination are
presented here.
2. A RE-EVALUATION OF MODELS OF NEAR EASTERN
At this stage it is useful to offer some conclusions about the relative utility of
some economic models (outlined in Chapter Two) that had been developed with the
specifics of the Near Eastern world in mind. The following conclusions do not argue
that any model is right or wrong; instead, the conclusions are intended to evaluate
the relative utility for the various models in the investigation of Ugarit's economy at
the end of the Late Bronze Age. Evaluations and conclusions will be offered on the
following models, all of which were outlined in Chapter Two: temple economy, crypto-
feudal models, Two-sector models, the Patrimonial Household Model (PHM), and
semi-institutional house models.
I See for example Zettler 1996.
2 See for example Shanks 1999.
3 Dever 2001, pp. 85-93.
4 P e r h a ~ s the clearest misuse of this "convergence" methodology was Schaeffer's application of it to
understandmg the nature of guilds at Ugarit. This issue will be discussed in detail below.
340 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 341
Temple Economy
The Ugaritic evidence has upheld the criticisms of the traditional temple economy
models.P The palace at Ugarit was the most prominent economic power; from the
administrative evidence, temples held minimal economic authority over the general
population at Ugarit compared to the power of the palace. In Frankfort's model of the
temple economy, he suggests that the economic authority of the temple was justified
on the grounds that the gods owned all of the land within their sphere of influence."
No evidence for the existence of such an understanding is apparent in the Ugaritic
materials. Frankfort's model also requires that all citizens perform labor for the god,
and that the temple organized all productive labor, for all classes of individuals'? Once
again, there is no evidence for this scale of temple economic activity at Ugarit.
Pollock has offered an adapted model of the Mesopotamian tributary economy for
the fifth and fourth millennia. fu described in Chapter Two, Pollock understands that
most primary economic production on the floodplain took place at the domestic level,
with a larger institution funding itself mainly from extracting surplus from these pro-
ducers, as opposed to producing on its own.f While this may be a valid interpretation
of the fifth/fourth millennium evidence from Mesopotamia, this model does not fit
well with the Ugaritic evidence." The archaeological evidence for domestic produc-
tion does suggest a high degree of standardization and shows that most household
producers had direct access to (if not ownership of) the means of production. How-
ever, Pollock's model does not fit well with the administrative evidence. While there
is much evidence for the palace taxing the population, this evidence is meager in com-
parison with the administrative materials recording the direct production activities of
the palace. Direct production, from a quantitative perspective, appears to have been a
much more important means of providing income for the palace.
Some conclusions can be made about the economic practices of the Ugaritic temples.
Cultic officials participated in numerous activities that could be considered economic.
There is no room to discuss the economic aspects of cultic activities here, although
offering and sacrifice can be understand well from a Maussian gifting perspective. In
terms of production, Lipinski has identified property sales and grants as well as shep-
herding as significant economic activities of the temples.l? Given the preponderance of
land related activities, some level of agricultural activity can also be assumed. KTU 4.29
records labor (human and animal) assigned to temple lands. Based on other texts from
5 Foster 1981; Gelb 1969, 1971; Zettler 1996.
6 Frankfort 1970, p. 44.
7 Frankfort 1970, p. 44.
8 Pollock 1999, p. 79.
9 Pollock never claims that this model should be used for the second millennium or for Ugarit in
particular. This discussion is simply meant to evaluate the comparative utility of this model.
10 Lipinski 1988, pp. 129-133.
the Library of the High Priest, it is possible to conclude that the acquisition of goods
was important to at least some cultic officials. Lists of goods were found within this
complex including: precious metals (KTU 4.23); textiles (KTU 4.4, KTU 4.10); and
foodstuffs (KTU 4.14, KTU 4.23, KTU 4.34). When we add to these the records of
merchants, (KTU 4.27) it is clear that the temples engaged in the circulation of goods
in a secular realm of economic activity. The scale of activity, however, is certainly not
equivalent to that of the palace. Indeed, these records should be seen as a minor aspect
of the administration of the temple complexes, as opposed to a larger scale system
involving all of Ugarit. So, while there is substantial evidence for the economic activities
of the temples, this evidence does not support a temple economy model per se.
Crypto-Feudal Models
fu discussed in Chapter Two, one of the first types of models used to understand
Ugaritic economic activity were feudal models. The works of Gray, Boyer, and Rainey
best exemplify this model. 11 In varying degrees these authors compare the societies
of Ugarit and medieval Europe. In brief, feudalism is best understood as a system of
social organization that connects people with vertical ties (rarely horizontal) through
oaths of loyalty and vassalage. Theoretically, each individual can understand his place
(or hers indirectly) in terms of who is subordinate to him and towards whom he is
obligated. This system creates a radically decentralized form of government, and was
the key organizing principle of Europe between Rome's fall and the rise of absolute
monarchies. At this stage some conclusions can be offered about the utility of this type
of model for the study of Ugarit.
Boyer's 1955 discussion of land grant texts is the basis of his discussion ofUgaritic
feudalism. The provisioning of land grants in medieval Europe was one of the primary
means through which a lord could guarantee the military assistance of a knight or
lower-level lord. Boyer interprets the land grant texts with this model in mind,
although military assistance was not the major contribution of the vassal; rather spe-
cialized labor or payment was.12 The specifics of the categories of texts in Boyer's model
have been criticized and will not be further criticized here.P The land grant texts do
demonstrate that in some situations land could be given by the palace on the condi-
tion of the provisioning of service. There are two major flaws in interpreting this kind
of text through the lens of medieval feudalism: the significantly smaller scale of
authority reflected and the absence of serfdom.
On the question of scale, there is minimal evidence that these land grants were a major
means of social organization at Ugarit. There are only about 83 certain published land
11 See for example Gray 1952, Boyer 1955, and Rainey 1962.
12 Boyer 1955, p. 294.
13 Libolt 1985, p. 6; Schloen 2001, pp. 216-218.
342 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 343
grant texts from Ugarit, and these span from the reign of Niqmaddu II (ca. 1370 BCE)
to the end of Ugarit's LB occupation. The authority of the king of Ugarit does not
seem to be derived from the agreement of the vassals to enter into service for him. The
new landholders in the land grant texts did not start out as individuals with holdings
outside of the sphere of the king's authority. They were individuals who already had a
place in Ugaritic society, under the domination of the king, and were simply entering
into a more specific economic relationship with him. It needs be mentioned that these
land grant texts are better understood as credit-debtor relationships rather than as oaths
of fealty.
What is likewise non-feudal about these land grants is the lack of any evidence for
serfdom. Of primary importance in the organization of medieval feudal society was the
inalienability of land from the small-scale producer (the serf). While the serf could agree
to give a significant proportion of his produce to the lord, as well as tie his lands to a
larger manor (involving other serfs all under the authority of a lord), the serf himself
could not be removed from his land. It was these ties of the serf to the land that charac-
terized medieval feudalism, and since there is no evidence for this situation at Ugarit, it
is better to not use feudal models to understand these land grant texts. Once again, a
credit-debt model seems to better fit the specifics of the situation as well as avoids the his-
torically specific problems of using a model derived from a particular historical period.
Conclusions about the feudal interpretations of Gray and Rainey can be made
together as the problems and strengths of both scholars' work are similar. Rainey,
like Boyer, sees land grant texts as feudal grants of property. 14 Criticism of this type
of understanding has already been offered above. Gray describes Ugaritic society as
feudal, as opposed to tribal.P Patrimonial authority will be discussed below, but cer-
tainly there is evidence that at the very least kinship was a dominant ordering prin-
ciple at Ugarit. For both scholars, the income of the palace was gained primarily
through exactions on their feudal subjects, with the authority from those exactions
derived from the king's role as a feudal lord. 16 As has been demonstrated above, the
administrative evidence from the palace suggests that that administration revolved
around the palace's own production centers, as opposed to simply being a system set
up to organize the exaction of tribute.
While these issues are problematic, the most substantial difficulties in Gray's and
Rainey's models are their understandings of guilds and the relationship between guilds
and the king. Both interpret the occupational specialists found in administrative texts
as guilds. I? These guilds were organizations of craft specialists within Ugaritic society
and provided the palace with various products. There are two fundamental problems
14 Rainey 1965, p. 15.
15 Gray 1952, pp. 50-52.
16 See especiallyRainey 1962, p. 78.
17 Gray 1952, p. 50; Rainey 1962, p. 166.
with this thesis. First, medieval guilds originated with the urban merchant classes, who
banded together to fight for rights to trade without additional obligations imposed
by the landed nobility. It was the lack of place in traditional medieval society, and
especially in the feudally constituted relationships, that led to these organizations of
merchants. Only later, did artisans band together using this mercantile model. It is
difficult to reconcile this historically specific situation with that argued for by Rainey
and Gray. Indeed, guild is a radically inappropriate analogy for the situation, since
these so-called guilds are organized directly as part of the royal administration. The
second problem is perhaps even more problematic, that the supposition that there
were guilds at Ugarit was based on faulty evidence, an issue that shall be discussed in
more detail later in this chapter.
Indeed, these crypto-feudal models are more problematic than useful in interpreting
Ugaritic social and economic organization. While oaths and tributary relationships did
connect the villages within the kingdom and Ugarit to the Hittite empire, this system
operated at a much higher scale than feudalism. The king at Ugarit did not gain his
economic or political authority through the offering of land grants in return for service.
Rather, this was simply another economic possibility for some members of Ugaritic
society. It was far from the dominant organizing principle that feudalism was in medieval
Europe.
Two-sector Models of Society
Marxist models for understanding Ugarit are complicated and diverse. Asiatic Mode
of Production models (AMP)I8 are not useful in the investigation ofUgaritic economy
given the environmental and archaeological evidence presented in Chapter Seven.
There is nothing that suggests that the royal palace had a monopoly on hydraulic
technology and subsequently it cannot be argued that this was the economic basis
of palatial authority. The Marxist models most used in the investigation of Ugarit are
Two-sector models, derived from Diakonoff's identification of two distinct (and coin-
cident) relationships between people and land.!" This model was discussed in detail
in Chapter Two, but as a brief reminder, this model posits two separate sectors. One
sector is patriarchal, where land is alienable; the other sector is under royal author-
ity, where the alienability of land is limited.P The scholars most associated with this
model in the examination of Ugarit are Heltzer and Liverani. Some conclusions about
the utility of this model, especially as interpreted by these two scholars shall now be
provided.
18 Modern interpretations of this theory are best exemplified by Wittfogell957.
19 See Diakonoff 1974.
20 Diakonoff 1974, p. 8.
344 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 345
Out of the approximately 1000 texts (alphabetic and syllabic) surveyed in this work,
only a small portion can be best explained through this model and no text necessitates
positing a Two-sector model. Indeed, the many texts recovered from outside of the
palace context but within the city of Ugarit are very difficult to understand from a
Two-sector perspective. There are some types of texts, found within the palace archive
that could be successfully explained through a Two-sector approach. Texts that are essen-
tially a list of villages would be good candidates to support a distinction between the
royal capital and the traditional village sector, and there are between 10 and 30 texts-!
that could be considered structured like this. There are 29 texts where it is evident that
the primary identifying referent for an individual is the geographic region of origin.
These types of texts support the notion of the Two-sector, but cannot be considered
strong evidence as such. The institution of the gt is one of the primary pieces of evidence
in the Two-sector perspectives, and their identification of this as a royal agricultural
production center has been upheld in this study. There are 42 texts that feature this
institution in clear contexts. So out of approximately 1000 economic texts, letters, and
contracts, the Two-sector models really can be used to understand only about 100,
with any degree of certainty. Scholars working from a Two-sector perspective would
disagree with this, counting some other classes of texts as evidence, but as shall be
demonstrated below, this evidence cannot be upheld.
The most criticized aspect of these models, especially Heltzer's interpretation, are
not the models themselves but the philology used in their support. Much of this issue
has been dealt with in Chapter Three. The term bnsmlk has been particularly problem-
atic. Both Heltzer and Liverani provide problematic interpretations of this expression
as "royal servicemeo''P and "non-possessors of the means of production,"23 respectively.
For both scholars, this is the best evidence for exclusive sectors of society, and bnsmlk
is a social designation for subordinate members of the royal sector. In Chapter Three,
it is concluded that this understanding of the term is unlikely and Rowe's reading of
this expression as debtor terminology is mostly accepted.i" Likewise, Heltzer's inter-
pretations of various terms relating to landholding (especially ilku, pilku, and un!) were
proven faulty in Chapter Three. These are important criticisms of these models, since
they demonstrate that Ugaritic uses neither social designations nor property designa-
tions to distinguish between these two sectors. This observation does not show that
the model is not useful, but it does weaken its utility as a model for interpreting emic
conceptions of economic activity.
21 It is difficult to give absolute counts for these texts, as many are fragmentary so it is impossible to
know how many are simply pieces of the same tablet, or how many are missing fragments that would
otherwise alter the interpretation of the tablet.
22 Heltzer 1999, p. 424.
23 Liverani 1989, p. 127.
24 Rowe 2002, p. 17.
More problematic for the utility of this model is the identification of the boundary
between these two sectors. Where does royal authority end and where does traditional
patrimonial authority begin? A simple bifurcated model of society prevents an under-
standing of the complexity of relations between the various groups at Ugarit. It is dif-
ficult to understand how elite non-royal figures at Ugarit (like Yabninu and Urtenu)
fit into this model. Similarly, cuitic institutions hold land and authority, yet are not fully
demarcated from palatial administration. It is difficult to distinguish who at Ugarit
or in the villages of the kingdom (all taxed and administered by the palace) falls out-
side of royal authority.
The distinction between royal and non-royal is apparent in the Ugaritic administra-
tive record, as should be expected. This expectation does not arise from the entrenched
difference between royal and non-royal authority. Rather it derives from the perspective
of administration. The palace administration records were written from the perspective
of the palace. Authorial voice should be assumed to be the palace. Given a conception
of self there must also be a conception of "otherness,"25 and this distinction is expressed
administratively. The treatment of non-royal groups as "other" in the administrative
record should not be construed as reflecting strict social boundaries, but rather as rep-
resentative of the palace voice. From the palace's perspective, there were two sectors,
the sector directly controlled by the palace and the sector not controlled by the palace.
However, there is no evidence that all members of society held such a formalized con-
ception. The scholars who have used Two-sector models have mistaken representation
for reality. There was not a strict distinction between royal authority and non-royal
authority. Rather, royal authority was one of many types of authority, but it happens
to be the perspective from which most of the textual evidence has been preserved.
As an heuristic device, the Two-sector model has considerable value. It can be espe-
cially useful in identifying distinctions between palatial authority and authority derived
from other internal Ugaritic institutions. It can be useful in helping detect sub-altern
voices and economic situations within Ugarit. By looking at how difference is explicitly
constituted along these lines, there is a great possibility to enhance modern understand-
ings of Ugarit. At the same time it is a mistake to postulate a rigid division of society
in two halves, as there is no evidence that this distinction was as concrete as made out
by Heltzer and Liverani.
The Patrimonial Household Model (PHM)
Another useful model for studying Ugarit, and at the same time a model that runs
the risk of smoothing out alternative possibilities of economic organization, is David
Schloen's Patrimonial Household Model (PHM). Without a doubt, Schloen has created
25 See Ricoeur 1992.
346 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 347
a useful model for understanding much of the organization of Ugaritic society (as sum-
marized in Chapter Two). Much of the evidence for the economic modalities at Ugarit
reflects patrimonial authority. It is easiest to understand the archaeological evidence for
domestic, non-elite production in the residential sections of Ugarit through Schloens
PHM. The shared means of production (and presumably shared division of labor) as
well as the shifting use of space likely coincides with the patrimonial organization of
such activities. Patrimonial authority (in practice and as metaphor) is also evident in the
administrative record. In practice, the identification of individuals within the adminis-
trative record is often primarily through patrimonial referents (in at least 126 admin-
istrative texts). In the international correspondence, patrimonial metaphors are also
invoked, although it is impossible to identify situations of this in the administrative
texts (if there were any) given the paucity of data.
26
Terminology such as brother and
father help economic actors situate themselves and their relative authority in relation
to other economic actors (see Chapters Two and Eight) 27.
In comparison with the Two-sector models, the PHM accounts for a significantly
larger amount of texts found at Ugarit. As has been stated above, out of approximately
1000 texts, the Two-sector Models can only strongly explain about 100 texts. The PHM
model well explains most of the international correspondence and Schloen would argue
that it could be used to explain much of the legal literature. If one also counts occu-
pationallists where individuals are listed with patronymic referents (approximately 22),
field transfers where patronymic referents are used to describe the fields in question
(approximately 15), census texts indicating the members of various households (approx-
imately 6), or any text using the formula "house of PN/king/queen" (approximately 7),
then the PHM can convincingly account for about 150 texts. If one also includes any
text where any variation of the patronymic formula "x son of y" is used to describe an
individual (that have not already been included), then the number becomes significantly
higher, close to 300. This is much higher then the Two-sector models, but it must be
stressed that only the correspondence and the formula "house of x' can be convincingly
best understood through the PHM. Indeed, there are numerous problems associated
with the application of this model in an economic study, which shall be discussed
below.
Most importantly, patrimonialism is not the only referent for social location and eco-
nomic authority, in practice and in metaphor. Routledge's criticisms must be recalled.i"
26 It is also difficult to determine when patrimonial metaphors were used in correspondence. Certainly
in letters between the royal courts this was likely the case, but in the correspondence within Ugarit,
given the limited prosopographical data available, family referents may actually refer to biological family
members.
27 For example, see KTU 4.399 where the use of bn in line 8 is used to express membership in an
organization as opposed to literal biological son-ship.
28 Routledge 2004, pp. 129-130.
Routledge, in his discussion of Iron Age Moab, notes that the PHM model essentializes
social categories, and has the potential for obscuring other factors in the constitution of
other social relarions.i" At Ugarit, it is possible to force most situations into the PHM
model, especially given the views of Schloen that the PHM reflects an ideal type that
in actual practice is affected by the interplay between fact and symbol.I" Given the
power of this model, it is important to be explicit in identifying some of the non-
patrimonial situations and metaphors used by Ugaritians to understand and justify
economic relations.
Numerous referents for individual identity (as economic participants) are derived
from situations outside of the family. The use of occupational categories to identify
individuals should not be understood as patrimonial. The approximately 22 texts where
names are listed beneath an occupational heading (for example KTU 4.69) demonstrate
that during the compilation of these lists, occupation provided the primary referent
for constructing economic interactions, not patrimonialism. The economic authority
of the mryn, in evidence by their consistent priority in lists of occupational categories
and higher amounts of payments (see KTU 4.69 for example), shows that members of
occupational categories had differing status in relation to other occupations, as opposed
to status based distinctions (based on ranked kin groups). It is possible to argue that
patrimonial authority lies at the basis of these distinctions, arguing that the family
provides the limitations and possibilities for entering certain occupations. However,
from an emic perspective, that is not what is presented administratively and this dis-
tinction should be treated as a legitimate ancient understanding.
Similarly, the approximately 33 lists of personal names organized around geographic
names, or names where a gentilic is used to help specify the individual, indicate that
geography/place of origin are important tools for the understanding of economic relations
(for example see KTU 4.295). Here it is possible to force these geographic referent
situations into a patrimonial model by assuming that the geographic referent serves to
locate the patrimonial household of the individual in question. However, the simple
fact remains that it is not the household that is referred to at this scale, but the village
or region.
Other economic situations lie outside of patrimonial authority and are best understood
by means other than through the PHM. In KTU 4.35, a field is transferred (in line 24)
to a dr khnm (association of priests) as opposed to an individual. Here, an organiza-
tion constituted by members of a certain occupation receives property. Also outside of
the household is the use of the term adrt (see Chapter Three) meaning "pre-eminent."
Used in census text KTU 4.102, this term further clarifies some individuals' standings,
not through position within the family, but through relative status within society.
29 Routledge 2004, pp. 129-130.
30 Schloen 2001, p. 359.
348 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 349
Likewise, both bupfu and maryannu are used to indicate the standings of individuals
within society without reference to the family.
Situations are also evident at Ugarit where authority is not justified through patri-
monialism but through bureaucratic positions. Weber distinguishes between societies
where power is manifest through kinship and societies where power is manifest through
bureaucracy.'! However, both types of authority are identifiable at Ugarit, without evi-
dence for contradiction or conflict. As discussed in Chapter Two, numerous scholars
of Mesopotamia have connected the act of administration with bureaucracy.V If this
can be upheld, then certainly the palace archive is appropriate evidence for the power
of bureaucratic authority. If one follows Weber's own terminology, and bureaucracy is
understood as power derived from training and the holding of offices, then bureau-
cratic authority is also evident at Ugarit.
33
Texts like KTU 4.141 list individuals who
are under the authority of one specified individual. Similarly, officials like the skn (see
Chapter Three) may derive their authority from their relationship to the king,34 and
the authority of the king may be based on patrimony, but the authority granted to the
skn as representative must be understood as bureaucratic. There are a number of texts,
dealing with the skn that suggest evidence for bureaucracy per se. At least four admin-
istrative texts use the office of skn as the primary referent for the individual, rather
than his familial connections. Three more administrative texts refer to the bt skn rather
than the house of a PN. There are at least 14 legal texts where the office of the skn is
used as the expression of the individual's authority (as opposed to a familial title like
father to indicate power). In at least nine letters, the title skn functions as the primary
identifying marker of an individual involved in the correspondence, although in some
of these, familial metaphors are used in tandem."
The last economic relationship that appears to be constituted outside of the family
metaphor that will be discussed (although not the last that could be identifiedf") is
debt and credit. As discussed in Chapter Three, Rowe's understanding of the expres-
sion bnf mlk as individuals in debt to the king shows that economic relationships are
31 Weber 1978, p. 215.
32 For example Civil 1999, p. 35; Hunt 1991, p. 150; Michalowski 1991, p. 56, and Morony 1991,
p.5.
33 Weber 1978, p. 215.
34 Schloen 2001, p. 253.
35 See van Soldt 2002, pp. 820-822.
36 Gender certainly plays a role in the structuring of economic relationships at Ugarit. The sheer
dominance of male actors in the administrative record (all but one certain instance) indicates that there
were gendered conceptions of work. Likewise, the role of elite women is minimal, although the actions
of the queen are well attested in the correspondence. At the household level, it is assumed that women
were active participants in economic activity, but without recourse to ethnographic and historical analogies,
it is difficult to delimit the nature of women's economic activities. The topic of economics and gender
would constitute a monograph of its own and is worth further study in detail. Likewise, age could also
be seen as a limitation and determining factor in economic relationships and activities, but the lack of
evidence precludes the possibility of such study at this time.
defined and organized according to debt.37While debt and credit may be extended by
patrimonial authority and between patrimonial households, it is the obligation created
by credit/debt that constitutes the economic relationship. The organization of the rela-
tionship is entirely based on the fact that one party is indebted to another party.
Schloen's PHM is a valuable tool for the study of Ugaritic economics. Patrimonial
authority played an important role in the organization of economic relationships. It is
important to recognize, however, the limitations of this model and not use it as a means
of essentializing the complexities of economic relationships at Ugarit. The value of the
PHM will become clear though in the discussion of the last set of models for the study
of the Near Eastern economy - the semi-institutional household models.
Semi-Institutional House Models
The co-existence of kinship and bureaucratic authority has been recognized at Ugarit
and in other Near Eastern settings. Gelb's work on Mesopotamia has demonstrated
the existence of large public households, institutions described in patrimonial terms
but that function as larger organizations.V Gelb's studies show relative bureaucratic
standardization within these institutional households, most noteworthy what he calls
"the Mesopotamian ration system."39 Zettler's analysis of the Ur III Temple ofInanna
at Nippur depicts an institution that is organized along both patrimonial and bureau-
cratic lines. Within the institution are bureaucratic offices, which are transformed into
hereditary offices,40 exactlythe opposite of the situation one would expect using Schloen's
PHM. Zettler's analysis of the institution over time demonstrates that the organi-
zation was relatively stable, run by local elites who accumulated wealth and status
over rime.'"
Similar situations have been identified at Ugarit. Courtois' recognition that the South-
ern Palace was actually non-royal but run by a local non-royal elite named Yabninu'?
indicates that institutions similar to the Nippur Inanna Temple operated at Ugarit.
While Yabninu's House has similar types of texts as the royal palace (see Chapter Six),
the authority Yabninu wielded was neither royal, nor bureaucratic. Rather, he was a
wealthy, local elite. The excavations of Urtenus House have led to the recognition of
a similar situation, with another individual. At Ugarit some elite families operated out
of large households, run at an institutional scale. Power was both bureaucratic (in terms
of household administration) and patrimonial (with the head of household the most
37 Rowe 2002, p. 17.
38 Gelb 1979, p. 11.
39 See Gelb 1965.
40 Zettler 1992, pp. 211-213.
41 Zettler 1991, p. 114.
42 Courtois 1990.
350
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
CONCLUSIONS: ANETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 351
powerful figure). Accordingly, such family operations cannot be seen as solely bureau-
cratic or patrimonial, but a mixture. These households accumulated wealth and status,
yet cannot be understood through feudal models, Two-sector models or the Patrimonial
Household Model.
3. A NETWORK-BASED MODEL (NBM) OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES
The Two-sector, PHM, and semi-institutional household models are valid tools for
understanding the economic modalities at Ugarit. However, all three are problematic
since none of them allow for the complexity of economic relationships within Ugarit
and tend to oversimplify (if not essentialize) the situations. What shall be presented
in conclusion is an alternative model for investigating ancient economics, purposefully
constituted as a non-monolithizing apparatus for making understandable the extremely
complex reality of ancient economic life. This approach is referred to as a Network-
based model (NBM), since the economic modalities are primarily understood from the
perspective of a network.
It is argued in Chapter One that traditional methods of economic analysis, derived
from the scholarly discipline of economics, cannot be used to understand ancient eco-
nomic modalities without some adaptation. Supply and demand curves cannot really
be drawn up in the case of Ugarit. Even if these were meaningful categories of ancient
economic thought (which is very arguable), the evidence needed in order to apply
these models is lacking. On the other hand, an economy as a whole is too complex to
be understood as a single entity. A "bird's eye view" is not really possible without sim-
plifying the data.
The Network-based model (NBM), first outlined in the Introduction, is valuable since
it allows economic action to be studied on the macro-level without positing systemic
totalities or essentializing economic action. Working under the assumption that the evi-
dence that has been preserved only hints at the actual variety of economic practices that
occurred, a Network-based approach views the economy as a non-linear adaptive system,
which is self-organizing within certain limitations. It assumes that a network involves
certain norms (if not actual rules) that govern the interactions at each node of contact
and that some degree of power relationship is manifest at each node of contact, but that
power is not necessarilymanifest in the same way at each node.
The bulk of the analysis from the Network-based perspective takes place at the
nodal points of economic action and at the connections between these various nodal
points. The study of individual nodes of economic contact can be quite productive.
Each node should be understood as a situation of economic interaction between dis-
crete groups.43 Even if those groups do not normally see themselves as distinct, from
43 Here, a Two-sector model could be applied without having to postulate the existence of two
rigidly segregated groups.
this perspective the parties should be understood as separate. Yet it is assumed that there
is some social connectedness between the two groups, even if that social connectedness
is only temporary, manifest to facilitate the economic action. For even if the agents do
not know one another personally, the interaction will be framed through some sort of
social role-playing.
After identifying discrete groups engaging in an economic interaction, the next step
should be to determine the nature of the economic interaction. Two separate "natures"
should be looked for: the nature of the actual interaction and the nature of how that
interaction is understood by the separate parties. A variety of interpretations are pos-
sible, using many of the perspectives that have been suggested throughout this study.
Is there competition involved, or reciprocity, or both? More important for this level of
study is descriptive analysis, which involves describing the transfer of goods or labor.
The other level of interest is the determination of how each party understood the
interaction. At the outset, framing becomes an issue, since, as has been discussed in
Chapter One, the way that an interaction is framed at the outset determines how the
agents proceed.v' Framing is identifiable in antiquity in a number of ways. Language
is of course a limitation, as are the material possibilities available for each agent.
As Liverani has suggested.v Polanyi's modes of integration well reflect ancient views of
economic situations, and while imperfect, this is a useful heuristic device for the mod-
ern interpreter.
It is also important to attempt to understand the motivations for the interaction.
Intrinsically related to this are the power relationships that are manifest at each node
of contact. Beyond the level of interaction at a single identifiable node, it is important
to attempt to identify what modalities connect the separate nodes of economic activity.
It is necessary to understand how the separate groups that interact at a node of activity
are able to meet. What facilitates this encounter? This can be difficult to identify, as
the basic guiding principles may be principles that are completely unquestioned by the
agents, so this is where structuration theory and practice theory can be of utility.
The connections between various groups, as mediated through economics, lie at
the heart of the investigation of economic modalities. Durkheim has suggested that an
urban society is connected through the Division of Labor (DOL) ;46 or, if connected
simply through objects, Durkheim describes this connection as negative solidarityf?
Weber distinguishes between open and closed groups, and this distinction should be
useful in an investigation of the ancient world. Weber (and his later followers such
as Stager and Schloen) also sees kinship, or ideal models of kinship, as a primary
mechanism for tying people together.
44 Kahneman and Tversky 2000a, p. 9.
45 Liverani 2001, p. 7.
46 Durkheim 1984, pp. 200, 205.
47 Durkheim 1984, pp. 74-75.
352 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 353
4. ANETWORK-BASED MODEL (NBM) OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES APPLIED TO UGARIT
Other Royal Authorities
Non-elites Outside
Ugarit's Sphere of
Influence
Local Non-elites
o...u . ~ Exchange Through an Intermediary
o
Non-elites within the Kingdom
~ - - - - - - - - - l ~ ofUgarit
but outside of the city
... ~ Direct Exchange
E&es within the Kingdomb uu.uu
ofUgarit
but outside of the city
a) Non-Royal Elite Residents of Ugarit and Royal Administration
Much has been discussed about the various types of non-royal elite economic activ-
ities at Ugarit in this study. Very specific evidence, mostly in the form of epistolary
and account texts demonstrates some characteristics of the nature of these interactions.
Elites were able to engage in long distance commercial activities, and while engaged in
these activities, had access to resources of the palace (see Chapter Eight). Indeed, it is
Discussing the Royal Palace Administration is useful for understanding a number of
important economic situations at Ugarit. However, this is somewhat of an artificial
category, as the category "Royal Palace Administration" better reflects a category of
evidence (tablets and material culture retrieved from the palace) rather than a single
entity. Indeed, so far this study has demonstrated the ad hoc and non-formalized nature
of royal administration (see Chapter Four), and it must be understood that the Royal
Palace Administration was a flexible category, likely fluid in its self-perception and its
outward manifestations. This may seem like a distinction without real difference. Con-
ceptually it is very important, since the imposition of a hierarchic bureaucratic struc-
ture on an ancient institution drastically redirects the analysis in a specific direction.
What follows here is a discussion of situations where an entity constituted as the palace
administration interacted with a parry that was explicitly not constituted within the
palace administration.f
The wealth of data that has been analyzed in this study so far facilitates an adap-
tation of a Network-based model as an heuristic device for viewing the economy
from a broader, synthetic perspective. Compared to the Two-sector Models and the
PHM, the Network-based model can successfully explain all of the classes of texts
recovered from Ugarit (as opposed to the approximately 100 and 300 respectively of
the other two dominant models) without smoothing over and hiding difference or
forcing data to fit. It is now useful to demonstrate this approach in explicit detail.
The concluding discussion is organized around a discussion of various parties involved
in economic interactions, and the NBM for Ugarit is summarized in Fig. 9.1. Each
group is discussed in relation to its interaction with another group in order to identify:
the nature of the interactionfs); the perception of each party about the interactionfs);
the motivation of each party for the interactionis): and where and how power is man-
ifest in the interaction(s).
A. Interactions Involving the Royal Palace Administration
Fig. 9.1. A Network-based model (NBM) ofUgaritic Exchange Relationships
48 In many ways this is akin to the use of Two-sector models that is described earlier in this chapter.
354 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 355
likely that they would in fact exchange palace-owned goods (see Chapter Four; see
KTU 4.158 for example). While engaging in commercial relations outside of Ugarit,
these individuals could act as representatives of the palace in diplomatic engagements.
However, when back in Ugarit, these individuals were considered distinct from the
palace administration. This situation is most formally indicated by the fact that they
offered tribute to the palace, as opposed to transferring goods without formal acknowl-
edgement, which would symbolize the work of one segment of a whole (see KTU 4.91
for example).
Indeed, the evidence for the nature of the interaction directly reflects each party's
understanding of the nature of the interaction. As Monroe has noticed, the interactions
between these groups are described in the terms associated with the international royal
models of interactions.t? The exchanges are described as gifts, and in fact there is no
evidence that the provisioning of tribute to the palace was anything but voluntary. In
actual fact though, the presentation of offerings was likely anything but voluntary; it
is best understood as part of a Maussian total system of gift-giving, where the actors
are compelled by the social obligations inherent in giving.
Power is held by the palace in these situations, although the palace seems to encour-
age the understanding of the tributary relationship in terms of gifting and privilege.
The elite are entirely dependent on the palace to engage in these interactions, for it
seems that their ability to engage in trade outside of Ugarit is facilitated by the per-
sonal relationships of the palace with specific foreigners.t" It is likely the elite actors
could not simply conduct trade, but rather required the formal relationships between
the states as a type of ideological infrastructure.
The motivations of each group in these situations are relatively transparent. At a
base level, both parties hold the desire for resource accumulation. The desire to acquire
other goods, or to trade currently held goods, seems to lie at the basis of the interac-
tions. Both parties gain resources and luxury items from the interaction. This should
not be conflated with capital accumulation, however. There is no evidence that the
resources are further employed to generate more profits. Rather, it seems that the goods
themselves are the desired outcome. As a result, terms such as capitalist and entrepre-
neur may seem appropriate on a surface level, but in fact they do not accurately reflect
the situation.
There is an ideological component to these interactions as well. Certainly the elites
who were able to participate in these interactions held a high status within Ugarit, a
status that is directly manifest in the material culture.P! Mycenaean ceramics, cylinder
49 Monroe 2000, pp. 151-152.
50 These international economic actors were also dependent on the palace to arrange the legal mecha-
nisms for the international visits. Chapter Eight discusses the textual evidence for these legal mechanisms,
such as PRU 4 I03ff (RS 17.130).
51 For a full discussion of elite material culture, see Chapter Seven.
seals, and Egyptianizing artifacts would all have seemed exotic and impressive at Ugarit,
cosmopolitan though it was. The luxurious material culture of these elites no doubt
reflects an archaeologically intangible conception of status within the community. Sim-
ilarly, Feldman's argument that these elite international luxury goods present an ideology
of kingship and authority must be considered a motivating force of the palace.
52
Having
these goods demonstrates the status of the palace within the community, both at Ugarit,
and on the international level.
b) Non-Elite Residents of Ugarit and Royal Palace Administration
Unfortunately the evidence for economic interactions between non-elite residents
and the palace administration is particularly one-sided. Indeed, only the palace's take
on these interactions is preserved directly. However, it is possible to make educated
inferences on the non-elite conception of these interactions. It is important to make
sure that it is understood that this evidence is indirect and a number of presupposi-
tions must be incorporated.
The most significant evidence for economic interactions between these two parties
comes from the palatial administrative texts. In these texts, non-elite economic activities
of a number of types are preserved (see Chapter Four for a full discussion). Non-elites
generally provide labor for palace production (for example KTU 4.122). These non-
elites likely provide goods of some type, although there is minimal evidence for this.
The palace, on the other hand, seems to playa part in acquiring necessary raw mate-
rials for productive activity (for example KTU 4.626), and some of the actual means
of production (for example KTU 4.380). Ownership of the goods produced in these
interactions is not clear.53
The perception of these situations is not explicitly discussed in the texts, which is
telling in itself. A straight-forward reading of the texts indicates that the parties saw
the relationship as inherently redistributive. Goods and labor move only in two direc-
tions: to and from the center. No language of exchange or gift giving is used. It seems
that this relationship was framed as almost "natural" behavior. Indeed, by organizing
economic activity in this manner, the palace is at the same time, reifying its right to
organize in this manner (see Chapter Six). It was likely the perception of both parties
that this relationship was "natural" and unquestioned. 54 The relationship was not framed
in a manner that would have allowed other conceptualizations of the situation.
The unquestioned nature of this relationship intrinsically relates to the motivation
of the non-elites to continue to participate in this system. Following Giddens and
Bourdieu, the act of participation creates a negative feedback loop. The perception
52 Feldman 1998.
53 In KTU 4.626, for example, textile manufacturers suggest certain goods, but no mention of payment
(if required) or explicit comment on the ownership of the end product is provided.
54 See Bourdieu 1977.
356 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 357
that daily life has remained constant, and the continued practice of those same ways
of life, motivate the continuance of such patterns of behavior. From the palace's per-
spective, it seems unlikely that there was any Machiavellian attempt to keep control
of the non-elites through these economic activities. While the palace probably did
not question the appropriateness of the constitution of the relationship, there is no
evidence that the relationship was created as a conscious means of exercising domina-
tion, even though this was the end result.
At the same time, other motivating factors are likely, although the evidence is some-
what ambiguous. Texts noting the distribution of materials to individuals suggest that
these non-elites gained some commodities and goods from the palace, including food-
stuffs (for example KTU 4.636) and textiles (for example KTU 4.144). However, all
of the published private houses at Ugarit showed evidence that production equipment
for both of these classes of goods was available at the domestic level. Resource and
labor accumulation was certainly a motivation of the palace, and was likely a motivation
apparent to the administrators.
Other obligations tied non-elites to the palace in an economic relationship of sub-
ordination. The land grants that have been preserved indicate that land was bestowed
upon individuals in return for certain types of specialized labor (see Chapters Four and
Five). This kind of system of obligation certainly limited individual choices, and helped
the palace to control or orient certain kinds of specialized craft activities. However, the
relative scale of royal land grants is not clear. Do the preserved texts reflect a maximal
amount of land based obligations, or was this preserved evidence just the tip of the
iceberg?
Power was held by the palace, even though non-elites theoretically held power because
of the palace's reliance on their subservience, labor, and resources. However, there is
no indication that any sort of Marxist class-consciousness was present at Ugarit, and
the actual power of non-elites likely did not manifest in any practical form. These
non-elites likely did not substantially question the authority of the palace and it is in
this non-questioning that the power of the palace resided. The act of administration
controlled and limited individual actions and choices.
c) The Peripheral Kingdom of Ugarit and the Royal Palace Administration
Interactions between the royal administration and the kingdom of Ugarit have been
discussed in detail in Chapter Eight; so only cursory mention will be made here. Based
on the available evidence, the palatial administration of the periphery was entirely
concerned with the flow of resources - human and material. Human and material
resources, in this interaction, are moved from one place to another. The perception
of this situation by the periphery is not preserved. It should be noted that no evi-
dence indicates trade or reciprocal relationship on the part of the palace. All terminol-
ogy is entirely redistributive. No justifications ever seem to be provided (for example
KTU 4.683). Both parties receive resources, and resource accumulation was clearly an
important motivation for this relationship.
The motivation for this relationship and the constitution of power in this particular
relationship is derived from the military power of the palace, backed up by the greater
Hittite military authority. The treaty texts demonstrate that the Hittites had the right
to transfer authority over certain regions between particular kingdoms (for example,
see PRU 480 ff (RS 17.382+380); for a complete discussion see Chapter Eight). This
was a relationship of both duress and security. Military power enforced the obligations,
but the marshalling of that military power as a force to provide security against other
states also may have made this relationship desirable.
B. The King of Ugarit
It may seem somewhat odd to differentiate the king from the palace authority, and
inappropriate if Ugarit is viewed fully from Schloen's perspective. However, it is con-
ceptually safer to keep these categories separate whenever possible. There are economic
situations where the king acts independent of the palace administration. This separa-
tion does not negate the fact of the palatial administrative dependence on the king,
but rather acknowledges a more complex manifestation of these two parties.
a) Non-Royal Elites and the King
Not much needs be added here from what was said above about non-royal elite inter-
actions with the palatial administration; however, a few points need to be clarified about
the nuances of the economic relationship between elite and king. Some of the epistolary
texts demonstrate that there were definitely elite individuals who took orders directly
from the king (see Chapter Eight for more thorough discussion). These "administrators"
dealt with the king directly, and required his advice or permission before facilitating
the movement of goods (for example KTU 2.26). Whether these elites should be for-
mally considered part of the palace administration is not clear; perhaps it is best to
consider them as elites who were affiliated with the palace, unless a title such as skn is
attested.
It is difficult to determine, based on the textual evidence, the amount of inter-
national contacts that non-royal elites had that were based on the king's personal rela-
tionship to other kings. It is not clear if the initial network connection was based on
the king's personal status amongst other international powers or if this related to
Ugarit's standing in general.
It is possible to hypothesize about the king's motivations for facilitating international
trade through local elites. Resource accumulation was most definitely a goal of these
interactions. Particularly noteworthy, however, is the provisioning of the Royal Palace
with international luxury goods (see Chapters Six and Seven). Based on Feldman's
358 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 359
reading of these objects, all of them reflect some notion of kingship and demonstrate
the status of the king as king. Receipt of these goods in international exchange settings
demonstrated the king of Ugarit's "royal-ness" to an international audience. The actual
possession of these objects made a similar statement within the city of Ugarit itself
b) Non-Elite Residents of Ugarit and the King
For the general populace of Ugarit, these symbols of kingship, manifest in material
culture, doubtless conveyed a message of authority. Along with the monumental palace,
the material manifestations of kingship reflect a degree of authority and symbolic
power that was certainly felt by non-elite Ugaritians. It is unclear how much day-to-day
contact this group would have had with the king; without a doubt it varied as non-elite
really reflects a status vis d vis others at Ugarit, but does not really reflect a group that
would have understood itself as such. One particular issue is worth mentioning in this
context: the question of the relationship between the king and the bnsmlk.
The bnl mlk are the one non-elite group for which there is textual evidence about
the nature of their relationship to the king. If one follows Rowe's suggestion? that the
bnsmlk were individuals with a debt obligation to the king (see Chapter Three), then
even more can be said about the relationship between the king and non-elite individ-
uals. It was possible for non-elite individuals to borrow or incur debt from the king.
Their debt was repaid through the performance of service to the king. Possibly goods
in kind may also have been used to repay the debts, but we lack the evidence for this.
C. Non-Royal Elites at Ugarit
The relationships between non-royal elites and the palace administration, as well as
with the king have already been discussed above, and need not be returned to here.
The relationship between these non-royal elites and foreigners shall be discussed below
in Section E. Here, the focus shall be on the economic interactions amongst non-royal
elites, and the interactions between non-royal elites and non-elites residing within
Ugarit.
1. Non-Royal Elites and Other Non-Royal Elites
There seem to have been many situations where non-royal elites interacted eco-
nomically within Ugarit. The best-preserved interactions of this type are commercial
ventures and exchange situations. The caravan dossier from the House of Urtenu
attests to a network of elite individuals working together to facilitate resource exchange
through long distance trade (see Chapter Eight). Likewise, the exchange of resources
is well established through the epistolary documents, where individuals request and
55 Rowe 2002.
send specific types of goods amongst one another. There is minimal evidence to sug-
gest that this kind of interaction was competitive. Profit motive was not explicit. The
resources are not traded so as to gain abstract profit, but rather to acquire desired goods
not otherwise available. There does not seem to be a set standard of prices; indeed the
value of the goods sent seems to be determined by the receiver who sends back an
appropriate gift.
The perception of these interactions is framed in terms of reciprocity. Monroe has
referred to this as the Royal Model of Exchange.t" but its prominence amongst non-
royals indicates that this may not be the most appropriate way of describing this situa-
tion. All of the evidence for exchange (or commercial team ventures involving exchange)
seems based on personal relationships. There is no formal marketplace where exchange
occurs described in the texts (see Chapter Five). Nor is there any evidence of anonymous
sales, that is to say, sales between individuals who lack a pre-existing social connection.
This could, however, be a function of the types of evidence preserved, as letters are more
typically sent between known-parties. Other means of exchange between parties that do
not already know one another may have existed, but the activity did not create any types
of material evidence that have so far been identified.
The motivations for these activities seem to reflect the desire for resources and possi-
bly status within the community. The goal of these situations, from an economic per-
spective was certainly the acquisition of resources. Friendships and personal relationships
may also be connected to the desire to participate in these interactions, although given
the prominence of resource circulation, from the perspective of this study, resource
accumulation should be understood as the primary motivating force.
The issue of power in these interactions between non-royal elites is complex. On the
one hand, there is no explicit hierarchy amongst these individuals. That is to say, there
do not seem to be fixed class differentials amongst these individuals that predetermine a
power relationship. On the other hand, it is possible to see in certain situations (i.e., the
caravan dossier of Urtenu discussed in Chapters Six and Eight) that hierarchy is present
and that certain individuals wield greater influence than others. There seem to be two
major sources for this power: royal affiliation and wealth. The power of royal affilia-
tion is evident in the prominent position of Shipti-baal in the trade caravan at Urtenus
House, given Shipti-baal's royal affiliations and his position as the head of the venture.
Likewise, Yabninu's prominence in royal affairs and seemingly close ties to the royal fam-
ily most likely allowed him certain privileges within the kingdom, although these are not
explicitlyevident in his relationships with other elites. The power of accumulated wealth
must also have been important, although this is also not explicitly evident. It is safe to
assume that the greater access to resources one had, the better the position to engage in
exchange activities, even those activities formally constituted in terms of reciprocity.
56 Monroe 2000, pp. 151-152.
360 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 361
2. Non-Royal Elites and Non-Elites at Ugarit
Evidence for economic interactions between individuals from these two groups come
from two major sources: tablets found within elite architectural structures that mention
individuals who may be considered non-elite (see Chapter Six), and the luxury goods
found in funerary contexts within private, non-elite domestic structures (see Chapter
Seven). Based on this evidence, there seem to be two major types of interactions between
these groups: the fulfillment of obligations based on cultic or credit issues and the
exchange of goods.
Evidence for the fulfillment of obligations is hinted at in texts found in elite structures
(residences and cultic buildings) listing the receipt of goods from various individuals
(KTU 4.788). That these individuals should be understood as non-elites is an assump-
tion; not enough prosopographic evidence is supplied to allow reconstruction of many
individual biographies. However, it is safe to assume that at least some of these indi-
viduals were of significantly lower status than the elite individuals with whom they
were interacting. In these texts goods and/or labor are listed as provided to the elite
individual (KTU 4.34), or for cultic activity (KTU 4.728).
Two different motivations should be assumed for these interactions. Cultic offerings
reflected motivations/obligations towards the divinity, or payment for cultic services.
The non-elites' motivations were likely the desire to have cultic needs fulfilled, whether
out of feelings of personal preference or an understanding that these activities were nec-
essary. Power, in these situations was held by the divinity, although mediated through
the cultic officials who engaged in the appropriate ritual activities. Fulfillment of
obligations in non-cultic situations seems to reflect debt relationships. Indeed, credit
seemed to have been a possible means of acquiring goods at Ugarit. The problems of
credit and the escalation of debt is a complaint brought against the merchants of Ura
(see Chapter Eight). Debt lists are also attested in the palace administration and private
residences (for example KTU 4.262). Without a doubt, entering into debt reflected, at
some stage, the desire to accumulate resources or circulate goods.
The circulation of goods and resources affiliated with credit/debt relationships
relates to the second type of evidence for elite and non-elite economic interactions
--'- the luxury goods found within domestic funerary contexts (see Chapter Seven).
The non-elites who possessed these goods must have gotten them from somewhere.
Given the international style of these artifacts (for example, Mycenaean ceramics
and stone vessels) and also the well attested engagement of non-royal elites in inter-
national trade, it is most likely that non-elites gained access to these items through
elites. While there are no texts recording sales of Mycenaean pottery (for example),
trade is the most likely candidate as the means of access. So it should be assumed
that there were exchange interactions between these two groups, revolving around
luxury goods.
Motivation for the receipt of these luxury goods, through trade or debt relationships,
seems to have been to fulfill funerary needs. There may have been other contexts of
use for these luxury items in non-elite settings, but as they have been preserved, these
items are found in association with the dead (see Chapter Seven). Power was held
entirely by the elites who could acquire these objects. It is not clear how value for
these objects was determined and if supply or demand played any role in the transac-
tions. However it was manifest in specific situations, power seems to have been rooted
in economics in these cases, as opposed to ideological or "naturalized" values.
D. Non-Elite Residents of Ugarit
The economic interactions of non-elite residents ofUgarit have alreadybeen discussed,
other than interactions with foreigners and amongst themselves. Those interactions
amongst individuals who could be categorizedas non-elite shall be the subject of this sec-
tion. Given the lack of textual evidence for these kinds of relationships, conclusions about
these situations are based mostly on the material remains from non-elite contexts. The
contexts at Ugarit that can be safelydescribed as non-elite are private residences. Within
these households, access to resources can be reconstructed with some degree of certainty.
It has been demonstrated in Chapter Seven that production resources were shared
amongst the residents of domestic households sharing single blocks. Some of the shared
resources, such as hearths, are located in what can be understood as communal space
- courtyards within the blocks. However, production equipment (like textile and
olive oil production gear) and subsistence equipment (like wells) are located within
the confines of individual domestic structures in the block. This means that certain
individuals had greater ease of access to this equipment. There is no way of knowing,
given the present state of evidence, if this acted as a constraint on other individuals'
access to this equipment. However, that is the most plausible conclusion to draw. The
relevance of this is that it demonstrates the presence of ranking, at least from a practical
perspective, of production amongst non-elite units. It is further plausible that a division
oflabor within the household existed (see Chapter Seven). However, the investigation
of this goes beyond the scope of what has been investigated thus far.
It is not overly difficult to suggest the motivations of these economic interactions.
For the most part, they revolve around meeting subsistence needs. These kinds of activ-
ities were likely relatively conservative, with day-to-day work learned through day-to-
day activities. Once again, this is a situation where Bourdieus Practice Theory is par-
ticularly informative, as it may be assumed that for the economic participants, notions
of ownership and division of labor were at least somewhat naturalized. Power in this
context was likewise "naturalized." Schloen's Patrimonial Household Model remains
germane. Although each domestic situation was unique, a basic patrimonial under-
standing of power can be postulated.
362 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 363
E. Ugarit's International Relationships
It would be remiss not to implement the NBM of economic modalities on interac-
tions between Ugarit and other international powers. Especially given the importance
scholars have placed on Ugarit as a center of international trade, this particular avenue
of research should not be overlooked. Most of this material has already been discussed
in Chapter Eight, but it is useful to sum up this discussion here within the context of
other economic interactions at Ugarit.
Textual evidence from Ugarit makes it very clear that, at least during some times of
the year, foreigners (individuals deemed as non-Ugaritians by the Ugaritians) resided
within Ugarit. Census lists of Cypriotes are attested at the palace (KTU 4.102). Letters
describe merchants from Ura (see Chapter Eight) and requests are made for craftsmen
to be sent from Egypt (RSO 14 1 (RS 88.2158)). By ancient Near Eastern standards,
Ugarit was a cosmopolitan city.
In instances where a reason for these peoples' presence in Ugarit is identifiable, that
reason is entirely economic. It should be mentioned, however, that the census lists
that record Cypriote families and property present at Ugarit do not explain why those
people came to Ugarit (see, for example, KTU 4.102). Two basic kinds of activities
can be identified: trade and specialized craft activity. Both of these can be considered
a type of resource acquisition. Indeed, the benefit of these activities was resource accu-
mulation, especially of prestige goods, or specialized goods that could not be produced
at home.
In the case of craftsmen being sent to Ugarit, conclusions can be drawn from the
request made to the Egyptian court (RSO 14 1 (RS 88.2158)). While craftsmen were
not sent (at least the pharaoh had turned down the request for the moment), the
negotiation of this transaction is telling about international requests. The correspon-
dence uses the language of reciprocity, with the king of Ugarit taking a subordinate
role. These laborers are requested and referred to in the same way that other interna-
tional goods were exchanged: the Ugaritic king asked for them from the Egyptian
king, and the Egyptian king decided whether or not to supply them.
The merchants who came to Ugarit to engage in exchange activities reflect a differ-
ent situation. While there may have been some pre-arrangements made to trade cer-
tain goods, it seems that these individuals came with a wide variety of goods, which
they exchanged for various things, including real estate and credit (see Chapter Eight).
One needs to avoid drawing too close parallels to market-exchange in this situation.
No physical market place has been identified; no price-setting mechanisms have been
recognized; and there is no evidence for whether or not these merchants had a social
relationship with the people with whom they traded.
It is difficult to determine how either party perceived the interaction between foreign
merchants at Ugarit and local residents. No texts survive to describe this activity. Firm
evidence for where power was manifested in these relationships is likewise difficult to
find. A number of variables can be safely assumed. On the one hand, the international
merchants had access to significant enough quantities of resources to make the trip,
and therefore had some economic clout. The desirability of exotic and foreign goods,
and the difficulty in gaining access to these resources through other venues, may also
have given foreign merchants at Ugarit a degree of power. The complaints of the grow-
ing indebtedness of Ugaritians to merchants from Ura attest to this. On the other hand,
the activities of foreigners at Ugarit were circumscribed, and the subsequent restrictions
on the merchants of Ura after complaints were made informs about that situation
(PRU 4 103ff(RS 17.130)).
F. Conclusions and Summary
From this overview, it is clear that the Network-based model sufficiently allows for
the complexity of exchange situations at Ugarit without smoothing over differences.
Unlike prior models applied to Ugarit, the Network-based model considers the palace
as simply one of many economic agents, not the sole economic agent. When one looks
at the larger picture created by the application of the Network-based model, some pat-
terns become readily apparent. These patterns of exchange are portrayed in Figure 9.1.
In this figure, all of the possible exchange patterns are depicted. It should be noted
that this chart demonstrates all of the exchange patterns attested at Ugarit but does
not reflect the relative frequency of these exchange relationships.V
A quick glance at the chart shows that the sheer number of possible exchange relation-
ships cannot be accounted for in any of the previous models that have been applied to
Ugarit. A Two-sector approach would greatly simplify the exchange possibilities and
would disguise the important role that elites, residing in various locations, play in the
economic activities at Ugarit. Similarly, given the diversity of exchange relationships,
the nested social relationships of Schloen's PHM are not apparent in this sphere of
activity.
What is readily apparent is that the palace, by far and away, engages in more differ-
ent types of exchange relationship than any other type of economic actor participating
in exchange at Ugarit. At least seventeen different exchange relationships/situations can
be identified for the palace. When the relative scale of activity is taken into account,
the sheer dominance of the palace is apparent.
Given the relative dominance of the palace, it is not complete dominance. As is
apparent, numerous types of groups participate in exchange relationships without
involving the palace in any way. Likely these kinds of activities would go unattested
archaeologically so one should assume that in actual practice at Ugarit, there were more
57 Figure 9.1 also simplifies the relationship between king and palace, for ease of demonstration.
364 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 365
of these kinds of activities than can be reconstructed now. In terms of scale, it is safe
to reconstruct that elite actors would still have had access to more exchange relation-
ships than non-elite actors.
From the summary in Figure 9.1, it is also apparent that elites of all types acted as
intermediaries in exchange relationships to a significant extent. While it is likely that
these elites required some support from the palace (military, financial, symbolic), this
would have been a primary means of accumulating wealth and/or status. Elite activities
were the dominant mechanisms for the circulation of goods, and the only group that
acted as an intermediary in an exchange relationship. Elites, acting as middlemen,
would have had access to a variety of goods and services, at least for a limited duration,
and would have had substantial possible avenues for profiting from this position. In
contrast, there are only limited situations where the elites act as the end receivers in the
exchange relationships, so it should still be understood that royal agents acted as the
driving forces for exchange. Elites, while participating in the conveyance of a variety
of goods, were almost parasitic (in the Weberian sense) in skimming profit (in terms
of finances or status) through the exchange activities of royal palaces.
5. THE FORMALIST-SUBSTANTIVIST DEBATE
Chapter One has dealt in detail with the history of the formalist-substantivist debate.
There it was concluded that while the use of formalist (Neo-classical) models is not
necessarily incorrect for the study of the ancient economy, there are substantial diffi-
culties in their implementation. First, there is the basic problem of sources. Although a
significant amount of evidence has been explored in this study, the amount and types of
available evidence are inappropriate for the application of formalist models. Second,
formalist models assume too much a priori about ancient economic motivations and
organizations. It is possible that ancient economic actors followed the same impulses as
modern economic actors, but this is unproven. Formalist models, however, do not allow
these assumptions of "sameness" to be tested. Third, recent economic theorists (such as
Kahneman and Tversky) have demonstrated the importance of understanding economic
action within the context of the participants' culture and individual decision-making
processes.They have demonstrated that economic action is not entirely based on rational
decision-making processes, but is influenced by a variety of factors external to the actor.
So while the formalist approach has been rejected on both practical and theoretical
bases, the utility of the substantivist approach needs to be discussed in relation to the
evidence from Ugarit. In Chapter One, it is argued that Polanyi's basic thesis, that the
economy is embedded within society, is valid for the study of the ancient world.t"
What is left unanswered is whether or not Polanyi's "forms of integration" (reciprocity,
58 Polanyi 1957, p. 250.
redistriburion, and market exchange) are useful analytical tools for investigating Ugaritic
economy. 59 What follows is a discussion of the evidence for each of these forms of inte-
gration found in the Ugaritic materials, followed by conclusions on the utility of this
conceptual framework.
Starting with reciprocity, there is textual evidence for this activity in the Ugaritic
textual record. At a surface level, the best evidence for this pattern of behavior comes
in the various letters dealing with economic matters, discussed in Chapter Eight
60.
An example discussed in that chapter is KTU 5.10, which records the giving of items
between individuals referring to each other as "brother" and "sister". Although the
language of the transaction is reciprocal, it is argued by Liverani and Monroe that
while these transactions use the language of reciprocity they in fact detail profit-seeking
exchange situations.v' However, since the buyers and sellers (in the case of KTU 5.10
the "brother" and "sister") know each other and are of relativelyequal status (as evidenced
by the use of equivalent although gendered familial terminology), this interaction would
still conform to Polanyi's reciprocity pattern of integration. Economic self-interest, as
defined by Polanyi, is discouraged, so that the self-interest involved in these transac-
tions is typically obscured by the language of the text. Economic actors are pretending
not to act out of economic self-interest, but out of generosity, even though the actors
are actually acting out of self-interest and not out of generosity.62
Redistribution is also in evidence at Ugarit (see Chapter Five). Texts detailing the
distribution of goods from a higher status figure to a lower status figure (or vice versa)
make up a significant component of the corpus of economic records.v' The most explicit
of these texts are those that record the distribution of rations by the palace (for example
KTU 4.243, KTU 4.269 and KTU 4.609). KTU 4.361 and KTU 4.362 record distri-
butions of flour to individuals, presumably from the palace. KTU 4.361 is explicit in
stating that the flour was distributed by the skn official. Wine distributions to a variety
of individuals and groups, presumably from the palace, are recorded in KTU 4.149,
KTU 4.216, and KTU 4.230. KTU 4.378 lists shepherds who took textiles. Takers of
wool are listed in KTU 4.131 and KTU 4.188 lists other individuals who took finished
textile products. KTU 4.261 provides evidence of redistribution from a subordinate to a
superior institution. Here, the tribute of various occupational groups is recorded.
59 See Polanyi 1977, pp. 39--42 and Chapter One.
60 At least 20 letters, in both alphabetic and syllabic script, and three administrative texts use the
language of reciprocity.
61 Liverani 2001 and Monroe 2000.
62 See Liverani 2001 for more on this.
63 At least 56 administrative texts from the palace, and ten from private residences can be taken as
evidence for redistribution. Four of the texts from the palace are clearly texts detailing the distribution
of foodstuffs to palace workers. Other texts from the palace are not as clear. Any texts recording the
movement of goods between individuals or groups of different status, without any rationale for the trans-
action given were taken as possible evidence for redistribution.
366
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 367
Indirect evidence for redistribution activities can be found in KTU 4.213. This
tablet records amounts of wine at various locations. It is probable that this list was
compiled to facilitate plans for the subsequent redistribution of wine. KTU 4.263 lists
merchants and quantities of a good measured in prs and ltb (likely grain). It can be
presumed that these merchants received these quantities of goods from the palace.
However, even if the situation is the opposite of what is postulated, it still presents
evidence for redistribution as it records subordinates providing a larger institution with
products.
Redistribution is also evident in non-palatial institutions. KTU 4.688 records the
distribution of rations, but was retrieved from a private household. This demonstrates
that redistribution cannot be characterized as a pattern of integration where the palace
acted as the sole superior institution. At Ugarit it seems more likely that this form
of integration was replicated at varying scales and varying levels of authority. This is
consistent with the heterarchical approach argued for in Chapter One, where power is
manifest in different ways, in different scales and in different situations. It shall be
argued below, however, that the emic conception of redistribution in the ancient Near
East appears to have been more akin to debt patronage. From a practical standpoint,
the results of debt patronage and redistribution are similar, but the motivations for
and justifications of the respective modes are quite different.
Polanyi's third pattern of integration, market-exchange, is also evident at Ugarit.
64
To reiterate the discussion from Chapter One, exchange involves a situation where
both parties are more concerned with the gain that each will receive from the trans-
action rather than a social relationship, even though a social relationship is in fact
implied in the transaction. The clearest manifestation of this pattern of integration is
trade. Exchange at Ugarit is evidenced through complex sets of data, and in some ways
is one of the most problematic topics of this study. Textually and archaeologically
there is very minimal evidence for market-exchange. In the textual record, there are
some tablets that mention the sales of goods, but the exact medium of sales (where
and how trade is facilitated) is never explicit.
At the same time, the scale of redistribution identifiable in the palatial records could
not support the entire city, and it is impossible to reconstruct a situation where all
the residents ofUgarit were directly dependent on the palace, in a grand redistributive
scheme. Likewise, from an archaeological perspective, it is clear that everyone had access
to standardized tools and labor, as well as luxury goods, but no marketplace is safely
identifiable. The ubiquity of moulds and weights could be understood as evidence for
widespread trade. However, centralized redistribution cannot be ruled out based on the
archaeological evidence alone. The absence of textual evidence for complex redistributive
64 At least 21 administrative texts can be taken as clear evidence for market-exchange, either because
prices of goods were listed or the expression "x good was given for y amount of silver" was employed.
schemes involving these kinds of goods points towards trade as a better explanation. Here
the texts and archaeology point to a complex situation, where ancient trade likely was
not analogous with trade in the modern world and the existence of formal marketplaces.
As mentioned in Chapter Five, trade is expressed in Ugaritic by the expression x ntn
b ksp "x item that was given for silver". Various documents recording the sale of
goods at Ugarit have been preserved that incorporate this expression. KTU 4.219 and
KTU 4.274, for example, list sales of wine. In other tablets this expression is not used,
but, nonetheless, these tablets preserve accounts of exchange. KTU 4.707 records
exchanges made by individuals for various goods. KTU 4.659 may be a record of the
purchase of slaves. Strong textual evidence for the existence of trade comes in the
form of texts detailing the sales of trade concessions (KTU 4.172, KTU 4.266, and
KTU 4.336).
According to Polanyi, this form of integration involves price-setting mechanisms.P
Prices are in evidence in the texts from Ugarit. However, the rationales behind the estab-
lishment of prices are uncertain. There is no evidence that price-setting mechanisms
rooted in marginal utility determined prices. KTU 4.132 explicitly gives prices of a vari-
ety of textiles. The prices (in shekels) of finished textiles are recorded in KTU 4.146.
Although it cannot be stated with certainty, KTU 4.142 likely gives prices for cattle.
Silver frequently acts as the standard through which value is expressed at Ugarit. The
evidence remains unclear about its use as a form of currency, although it likely did not
act as money per se (see Chapter One for more on this distinction).
At Ugarit there were individuals whose primary occupation was the procurement
and exchange of goods. Both bdlm and mkrm have been discussed in Chapter Three.
In neither case does it seem that the primary goal of these workers was the accumulation
of capital. Rather, they seemed to be responsible for dispersing certain goods and gain-
ing other goods. At no time is there evidence that any sort of profit is reinvested to
make more profit. The situation is slightly different with some of the elite individuals.
As discussed in Chapter Eight, texts from Urtenu's House demonstrate that he and
others invested in a trade caravan that terminated at Emar.
Archaeologically, trade is manifest at Ugarit through the variety of international goods
discovered at the site (see Chapter Seven). It is very difficult to explain the presence of
large amounts of Cypriote and Egyptian (or Egyptianizing) artifacts at Ugarit without
postulating the presence of international trade. International trade is also in evidence
textually. Textually, letters describe these commercial ventures. There is a high degree
of personal connection amongst all of these contacts. Indeed, this trade must be under-
stood as a trade network, as opposed to the anonymous market based trade that is
bereft of social relationships, posited by Neo-classicists. Likewise, this trade was con-
stituted on an adhoc basis, and likely each exchange was uniquely constituted.
65 Polanyi 1957, p. 254.
368 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 369
In sum, the evidence at Ugarit demonstrates that all three of Polanyis patterns of inte-
gration can be identified at Ugarit. Market-exchange seems to be the least visible pattern
of integration that is employed. Redistribution and reciprocity are visible to about the
same degree, given the difficulties in precisely identifying redistributive activities. How-
ever, no pattern can be identified as dominant. It would be a misnomer to identify Ugarit
as a city characterized by trade given the prominence of redistribution. Likewise, it is
readily apparent that the Ugaritic economy did not operate through the palace taking all
goods and subsequently redistributing them. At the same time, the expected Structuralist
Marxist perspective, that redistribution was the mode of exchange that served to articu-
late or define all other modes of exchange (in other words, a "Social Formation") cannot
be upheld either. From this perspective, all types of Polanyian modes of exchange could
be identified but one of the three patterns would be distinctly dominant. The evidence
does not point to a systemic totality; it suggests that these modes of exchange are in fact
the emergent effect of contingent networks of the exchange relationships themselves.
What then is the validity of Polanyi's substantivist model to the analysis of the econ-
omy at Ugarit? Based on these conclusions, the answer seems to be two-fold. First,
classifying economic activities as one of these patterns helps to identify the power rela-
tionship involved in the activity. Second, it can be useful (as argued for by Liveranil-?
to see how the parties involved in the transaction viewed the activity. Liverani has
demonstrated that not only do people tend to understand economic activity in cate-
gories roughly consistent with Polanyi's, but that they describe those actions differently
depending on the circumstances.V This substantivist model, then, allows one to under-
stand the power involved in the transaction as well as the way the economic actors
interpreted (and described) the transaction.
There are some aspects of economic activity that the Polanyian models are not well
equipped to help interpret. The issue of debt and credit is particularly problematic, as
debt relationships can be understood equally in all three categories, depending on the
circumstance.f" At least for the ancient Near East, it seems more appropriate to see
Polanyi's category of "redistribution" as a type of debt or credit relationship. Debt rela-
tionships seem to be the primary means through which larger economic actors gain
resources and distribute resources through other ventures. Indeed, significant evidence
for debt patronage has been identified at Ugarit, and while the end result of debt
patronage may have been "redistribution", this is not the emic means used to understand
that process. Numerous texts attest to debt relationships that existed at Ugarit.
69
Debts
66 Liverani 2001.
67 Liverani 2001.
68 Here it is important to recall Renger's observation (1994, p. 203) that offering credit was not a
means of investment, but a means of hoarding wealth.
69 At least 28 administrative texts explicitly describe debt relationships, and if one includes redis-
tributive texts under this category, that number could be increased to 90.
defined in amounts of silver are recorded in: KTU 4.135, KTU 4.197, KTU 4.258,
KTU 4.266, and KTU 4.398 for example. Debts defined in other terms are recorded
in KTU 4.201 and KTU 4.225. If Rowe is correct, then the term bns mlk refers to
individuals in debt to the king.7 The numerous mentions of these individuals in the
palace archives (see Chapter Three for a complete discussion) demonstrate that the palace
actively used debt as a means of marshalling productive labor and/or gaining com-
modities. Debt was an important component of economic life at Ugarit; in order for
Polanyian models to be useful, this form of integration must also be considered.
Polanyian models further do not assist in identifying the purposes of wealth accu-
mulation. Formalist models tend to see capital accumulation and investment as pri-
mary driving forces. Polanyi's driving force, cultural contexts, are too reductionist to
be of value. Capital accumulation cannot be rejected out of hand. The debt relation-
ships described above may reflect drives for capital accumulation. However, based on
Renger's criticisms, it is more likely that debt was a means of ensuring a secure flow of
goods and labor. This then, is one of the primary methods of gaining economic power.
The flow of goods and labor from one sphere of life are guaranteed and this then facil-
itates the use of these resources in other contexts. Here, an alternative motivation to
capital accumulation is offered, roughly based on the ideas of Veblen discussed in
Chapter One. Prestige goods provided the owner with the ability to alter his or her
status within the local community. Chapter Seven details many of the luxury goods
found at Ugarit, mostly in elite or funerary contexts. It is likely that the drive to gain
these goods lay at the foundation of many economic activities. Certainly this was an
important goal in many situations, a goal that is obscured through Polanyian analysis.
The conclusions presented here about the efficacy of Polanyian models are mixed.
On the one hand, his patterns of integration can be helpful in identifying power rela-
tionships as well as the emic perspectives of the actors themselves. On the other hand,
more complicated economic activities, such as debt or conspicuous consumption, are
obscured through the slavish application of these models. Now that Polanyi's system of
investigation has been critiqued in light of evidence from the Network-based approach,
it is important to identify, in particular, the various loci of economic authority at
Ugarit.
6. SUBSTANTIVE ECONOMIC AUTHORITY AT UGARIT
As argued in Chapter One, there are a variety of possible bases for power (in the
Weberian sense) in economic relationships and situations. Throughout this study,
economic relationships have been investigated using the tools of social theorists
(i.e., Bourdieu, Gramsci). In some ways, this may seem at odds with the more localized
70 Rowe 2002.
370 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 371
and historically specific approach employed in the Network-based approach, but this
is in fact not the case. The large body of social theory available about how power rela-
tions are structured can well be used in tandem with the Network-based approach.
A theoretical base derived from anthropology and sociology helps understand larger
strategies of power accumulation, especially across the various nodes of economic con-
tact. Indeed, using the insights of social theorists about generalized patterns in human
behavior, it is possible to identify the emergent systems of economic authority through
the Network-based approach. At Ugarit, the palace in particular seems to have engaged
in a larger strategy for accumulating economic power. As has been stated previously,
the palace's position at the nodal point of a variety of exchange and social relations
allowed it to wield a significant degree of economic clout. The palace had the ability to
extract, transfer, and employ resources over a wide range of networks, and in so doing
articulated socio-economic relations where the palace was dominant. What follows is
a summary of some specific ways that the palace was able to perpetuate economic
dominance. These global strategies were not created through top-down administration
but through a haphazard arrangement of economic actions. So it should not neces-
sarily be viewed as a conscious strategy, but rather as an emergent system.
Power Through Debt
Debt acted as a means of controlling labor and resources in the ancient Near East.
Steinkeller has identified situations where credit was extended when there were no
means of paying back the 10an.
71
He concludes from this that loans were made to gain
control of land and labot.? The evidence at Ugarit does not allowevaluation of debtors'
ability to repay loans. It does, however, demonstrate that debt provided a valuable
means for the debtor to control land, labor, and the flow of goods, much in the way
that was recognized by Steinkeller.
The clearest manifestations of debt-based power relationships are instances of loans
extended to individuals, from other individuals or larger institutions. The evidence for
individual debt has already been presented above, and needs not be dealt with again.
Debts in amounts of silver and amounts of commodities are both attested in the
Ugaritic record. Records exist that record the repayment of the debt (for example
KTU 4.667). Other tablets list guarantors of individuals who had become indebted
(see KTU 4.347 for example). If Rowe's theory that the bnsmlk were individuals who
had entered into a debt relationship with the king is accurate, then this demonstrates
a situation where the creditor gained control of productive labor. As Rowe noticed,
every attested situation of the bni mlk involves these individuals engaging in some
71 Steinkeller 2002, p. 110.
72 Steinkeller 2002, p. 113.
kind of labor or performing some service for the king,73 The ability to extend credit
or loans was not limited to the palace, as texts listing guarantors have been found in
Yabninu's House (KTU 4.634), and in the House of the Letter (KTU 4.699). A list of
silver debts (KTU 4.262) found in Rashapabu's House further attests to the ability of
non-royal individuals to extend credit at Ugarit.
Debt and debt relationships are apparent at the city and state level as well. The
various treaties and impositions put on Ugarit by the Hittites have been discussed in
Chapter Eight (see for example KTU 4.610). While these situations are not extensions
of credit, tribute obligations tie the subordinate to the superior through compulsory
payments of goods and or labor (in these cases military). Ugarit initially entered into
the treaty situation as a means of gaining military security from the larger Hittite
empire.Z" Ugarit's entry into the tributary relationship was structured as voluntary and
thus should not be seen entirely as an example of the coercive force of the Hittites.
Similar tributary relationships existed between the city of Ugarit and the villages
within its borders, discussed in detail in Chapter Eight.7
5
Uniformity in production is
apparent at the inter-village level within the kingdom. From the viewpoint of the palace
administration, the same types of goods and labor seem to have been extracted from
most of the outlying villages; there does not seem to have been any kind of division of
productive activity on a regional scale. The palace did not organize production specific
to each village, but rather seems to have assumed that the same kind of productive
activities were engaged in at each village. By creating a tributary, debt-based relation-
ship, the palace was able to gain access to these goods and this labor without directly
intervening in local production. The palace does not directly intervene in produc-
tion in these villages. Rather, the palace is situated in a node of political relation-
ships between the various villages and as such is able to transfer resources from one
network to another.
Similarly, tax collection and the imposition of tax obligations can be seen as an
institution of indebtedness, but on a more massive scale. Evidence is present in great
quantities that the Royal Palace engaged in tax collection. Yet there is minimal evi-
dence for the infrastructure of tax collection and it is uncertain whether the palace
directly taxed its subjects or participated in some form of tax farming in collusion with
local elites. Some organization of taxation is apparent, in terms of whose taxation was
recorded together. Occupational groups were taxed and geographic regions were taxed,
and from an administrative perspective were considered associated units. Individuals
were likely also taxed, paying through labor. However, the evidence for this is not usu-
ally expressed in terms that definitely point to taxation. Local elites gave tribute to the
73 Rowe 2002, p. 6.
74 Klengel 1992, pp. 132-133.
75 For a discussion of the specific texts, see Chapter Eight.
372
KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 373
palace, and while the terminology used for these situations does not explicitly reflect
taxation, the nature of the activity should be considered as such. Since there is very
minimal archaeological evidence that has been recovered from Ugarit that points to
taxation activities, this textual evidence is particularly important.
Power Through Practice
The utility of the theoretical perspectives of Bourdieu and Giddens for the study
of Ugarit has been demonstrated throughout this work. Both scholars argue that the
practice of everyday life reifies and strengthens pre-existing social and political condi-
tions.
76
At a certain point, actions that are engaged in on an everyday scale are no
longer questioned, no matter how arbitrary the structure of these activities may be.?7
Two manifestations of this at Ugarit are especially apparent (although this is not to say
that these are the only two): palatial administration and domestic production.
The palace administration has been discussed at length in this study, due to the
wealth of information available on this topic. The production and circulation of goods,
the flow of labor, and the distribution of equipment are all issues dealt with by the
palace. The complexity and scale of economic administration engaged in by the palace
suggest that these kinds of administration (discussed in detail in Chapter 4) worked on
an everyday scale. The power of the palace to administer and regulate was likely not
questioned, and the continued action of administration reaffirmed this power. This was
likely one of the most effective means of control that the palace had available to it.
Domestic production techniques and organization were likely equally unquestioned.
Chapter Seven detailed the standardization of the domestic means of production at
Ugarit (including agricultural equipment, textile production equipment, stone tools,
weights, and moulds) as well as the relative standardization of the organization of space.?"
Domestic production was manifest in practically the same manner in each lower-
status block, with each block sharing similar resources. The production activities in
which each household participated were likely not questioned (even to the extent of
what tools were used); likely the organization of ownership of the means of production
was similarly unquestioned.
Power Through Hegemony
Gramsci's elaboration of the concept of hegemony has been discussed in Chapter
One. According to Gramsci, hegemonic power involves manipulating (consciously or
76 See Bourdieu 1977 and Giddens 1984.
77 Bourdieu 1977, p. 164.
78 To clarify, while each individual house has a unique layout, rhere is a general consistency in terms
of certain types of room function and installations.
not) the values of non-elites to become consistent with the values of elites."? This
theoretical perspective clarifies a certain observation about Ugaritic material culture.
From a material culture perspective, Egyptian elite goods are found in great abundance
at Ugarit. The conclusion that can be drawn from this is that a culturally hegemonic
relationship existed between the two regions. However, from a textual perspective it is
very clear that Ugarit was incorporated into the Hittite empire and that the Hittites
held political and military dominance. The interpretation suggested in Chapter Eight
(based partially on Feldman's understanding of the cultural significance of these luxury
goods) is that Egyptian elites did hold a certain degree of hegemonic authority over
Ugaritians. Egyptian art and styles were the art and styles of elites. Leadership and
authority were communicated through Egyptian media. So while Egypt had no polit-
ical or military authority over Ugarit, the elites still relied on Egyptian modes of com-
municating status and subsequently relied on Egyptian commercial imports (or local
imitations). The status and power of elite individuals at Ugarit (including the king)
was communicated to other members of the community using Egyptian materials and
symbols of power. Egyptian and Ugaritic relations are not the only example of hege-
monic power situations at Ugarit; certainly local elites were brought under the hege-
mony of the palace. However, the Egyptian-Ugaritic example adequately demonstrates
the way that this type of power was manifest at Ugarit.
Power Through a Monopoly of Force
For the most part, military and coercive authority has been neglected in this study.
This oversight is justifiable based on Weber's argument that economic action is by defi-
nition peaceful action.f" However, it would be remiss to not mention one of the eco-
nomic methods for controlling military power within the kingdom - the monopoly
of military power through the control of the distribution of weapons and the demand
for the provision of military forces from the villages and possibly occupational groups.
By regulating military force in these two ways, the palace maintained a monopoly of
force within the kingdom of Ugarit. This is essentially an economic type of control as
it reflects a control over equipment (weapons) and labor (military service obligations).
The palace's monopoly on force allowed it to engage in economic activities otherwise
unavailable for other economic actors at Ugarit. For example, coercive force allowed
the palace to guarantee land transfers. Likewise, the palace could support risky foreign
ventures, otherwise too dangerous for the independent economic agent. From an eco-
nomic perspective, the palace could maintain a military force because it was able to
transfer resources derived from other networks into this particular arena.
79 Femia 1982, pp. 27-28.
80 Weber 1978, p. 63.
374 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 375
Weapons are tracked in many texts found within the palace administration. These
texts tend to take two forms: notations about chariots and their equipment (KTU 4.145,
KTU 4.180, and KTU 4.392 for example) and notations about who has what weapons
(KTU 4.624 for example). Perhaps the most interesting of these tablets is KTU 4.63
found outside of the palace, in an elite residence designated The House of the Mili-
tary Governor (see Chapter Six). The relationship of this house to the palace is not
clear, in spite of the name given to the house by the French team. The text itself is a
detailed list of individuals organized by region of occupation that notes how many
bows and shields each person has and gives a total amount of bows and shields for
each region. This is a relatively detailed record of the military equipment throughout
the kingdom - recorded at the level of the individual, attesting to a high degree of
control over military equipment.
Likewise, as discussed in Chapter Eight, villages were required to provide individuals
for military service to the palace. Numbers of soldiers (brd) from particular regions and
villages within the kingdom of Ugarit are listed in tablets like KTU 4.683. Similarly,
KTU 4.179 lists quantities of the same type of soldier (brd), but in this text they seem
to be supplied by occupational groups. The text may also record amounts of certain
occupational specialists performing military service. Texts such as these demonstrate
the palace's ability to mobilize troops from throughout the kingdom. While strength-
ening the king's own military, this kind of mobilization perpetuates the economic con-
nection between the palace and non-royal groups.
7. Loci OF PALATIAL ECONOMIC AUTHORITY AT UGARIT
Now that some of the mechanisms through which economic power was manifest at
Ugarit have been identified, it is important to turn to some of the specific institutions
through which the palace and others were able to gain, store, and transmit resources
in its overall emergent strategy. The most important social and economic institutions
and situations that facilitated the transmission of resources between networks were:
areas of production at Ugarit; the institution of the gt; class and status; and occupa-
tional groups (perceived as guilds in prior works).
Production at Ugarit
Production at Ugarit seems to have occurred at two distinct levels, the state-level and
the household level, with the possibility of a third level.81 Production at the state level
is well attested by the administrative apparatus as manifest textually (see Chapter Four).
81 The possibility that occupational specialist collectives would have constituted a third level will be
dealt with in the discussion of guilds at Ugarit.
The domestic scale of production is attested best archaeologically, especially through the
relative uniformity of material culture related to production within the household. There
is minimal evidence for production at the semi-institutional level.F The administrative
apparatus from these houses center on trade, tribute, and debt. Likewise, the archaeology
of the large houses has not revealed evidence for production equipment, like the non-elite
houses. So it is safe to talk about palace level production and domestic production.
As stated above, the evidence for palatial production (and circulation) is found in the
textual record. To briefly reiterate the conclusions reached in Chapters Four and Five, the
palace produced wine, oil, cereals, and probably textiles. Evidence for the distribution
of these items to specific individuals is readily apparent in the palace archive. Archae-
ologically, a less complete picture of palatial economic activities emerges. Minimal evi-
dence for production has been recovered, although this may reflect poor excavationstrat-
egy rather than a problem inherent in the evidence. Distribution may be reflected in the
large pithoi and the identifiable access routes in the palace. Archaeological remnants of
production are lacking, but this is consistent with the textual record. Palace-based pro-
duction activities seem to have taken place at gis, discussed in the following subsection.
Identifying non-elite production activity in the textual evidence is somewhat prob-
lematic since it involves making assumptions about which individuals mentioned in
these texts were not elite. Generally though, it seems safe to say that non-elites engaged
in production activities, both specialized, agricultural, and undefined labor (directly
for the palace). Archaeologically, non-elite activity is quite easy to identify, Uniformly,
these people engaged in subsistence agriculture and/or subsistence agro-pastoralism.
Textile and secondary food production are amply attested in the archaeological record.
Weights may indicate that non-elites engaged in trade or could hire labor (as do the
presence of standardized stone tools and standardized house forms). Moulds likewise
attest to the possibility that non-elites could hire specialist workers. However, it also
suggests that some degree of specialist activity was engaged in by household members,
along with subsistence agriculture, textile production, and secondary food production.
Now that the scales of production at Ugarit have been identified, it is helpful to review
what was actually produced at Ugarit. Agricultural production was the most substan-
tive industry at Ugarit. The production of cereals is mostly attested indirectly, through
texts recording the distribution of cereals, for example PRU 6 101 (RS 19.130).83 Cereal
production is also identifiable archaeologically, especially through the ubiquitous pres-
ence of sickle blades in domestic settings. 84
82 Cultic elites, however, from the textual evidence, seem to have organized production to some degree.
KTU 4.27 demonstrates that cultic elites had trade contacts throughout the kingdom. Cultic activities
should also be considered a type of specialized labor, although the specifics of this are too broad to be
discussed here.
83 More will be said about cereal production texts relating to the gt below.
84 See Coqueuniot 1991.
376 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 377
Cereals were not the only agricultural commodity produced at Ugarit. The pro-
duction of wine is well known from Ugarit.
85
The best evidence for this is textual, once
again mostly in texts recording the distribution of this good, except for texts detailing
practices on the various gt.86 Olives were grown (see KTU 4.164, KTU 4.429, and
KTU 4.764), and olive oil was produced from this crop. Once again, the textual evi-
dence for the production of olive oil is mostly indirect, based on texts recording the
distribution of this commodity (such as KTU 4.352).87 Archaeologically, there is excel-
lent evidence for olive oil production. At least one olive oil press was found in most
domestic blocks, indicating that oil was produced on a domestic scale." Texts discov-
ered in the palace also indicate that the palace distributed (and likely produced) salt
(see KTU 4.340 and KTU 4.344). A similar text (KTU 4.720) found outside of the
palace may indicate that salt was produced outside of the palatial context as well.
Textiles were also produced at Ugarit. The materials necessary for the secondary pro-
duction of textiles have been discovered in the domestic zones at Ugarit (see Chapter
Seven). Textile manufacture by the palace may be attested by the many distribution
texts (see Chapter Four).89 Occupational specialists involved in textile production have
been identified in the palace record (kbfm and ksdm), but the specific work done by
these individuals is not clear.
On a smaller scale, metallurgy, woodwork, and stonework all were in engaged in
locally at Ugarit. Ugaritic words for metallurgical workers and craftsmen of various
sorts are attested. Texts detailing the distribution of raw materials for these industries
have been identified, for example the records of the circulation of wood in PRU 6 113
(RS 19.26) and PRU 6 114 (19.71). Likewise, production equipment for this kind of
work has been discovered archaeologically, as has evidence for standardization of these
industries (see Chapter Seven).
The Institution of the gt
As mentioned above, there is minimal evidence for production within the confines
of the palace at Ugarit, yet there is significant textual evidence detailing production.
The most likely loci for royal production were the agricultural estates known as gt
(Akkadian dimtu). This term and its interpretations have been discussed in Chapter
Three. It is now possible to make some conclusions about the nature of the gt and what
kinds of production activities took place on the gt's. There is no evidence that this
85 See Zamora 2000.
86 For more on rhe specific rypes of texts, see Chapter Four. In brief, the text rypes attesting to wine
production include distribution lists (like KTU 4.230) and sales texts (like KTU 4.219).
87 See Chapter Four for a more specific discussion of these rypes of texts.
88 See Chapter Seven and Callot 1994, pp. 190-194.
89 Examples of these kinds of textile distribution texts include: KTU 4.131, KTU 4.144, and
PRU 6 126 (RS 19.28).
institution was exclusivelyroyal, but since all evidence for this institution comes from
palatial records, the following discussion certainly reflects a royal institution. Analogous
non-royal institutions may have existed, but as there is no evidence for them, any
suggestion could only be hypothetical.
Since no gt has been identified archaeologically (and hence excavated), any
reconstruction of the specific activities at a gt is based entirely on textual data. The
palace administration tracked the labor resources at these estates, through census
texts. KTU 4.122 lists individuals at a specific estate. KTU 4.297, KTU 4.307, and
KTU 4.320 list individuals present at a number of gls. More specific labor resources
(including draught animals) are also recorded, for example KTU 4.618. The names
of commercial agents (bdl) at a specific gt are recorded in KTU 4.96.
Labor resources are not the only interest that the palace administration had in the gls.
KTU 4.636 records ration supplies (cereals) at gt's throughout the kingdom, noting to
whom these resources were allocated as well. KTU 4.243 lists similar information but is
not restricted to gls. Total amounts of grain at various gls are recorded in KTU 4.271,
KTU 4.345, and KTU 4.397. Cereals as well as wine at different gls are the subjects
of KTU 4.400. KTU 4.213 includes notations of amounts of wine at specified gls.
Amounts of silver may be listed by gt in KTU 4.139. Animals taken from various loca-
tions, including gis, are recorded in KTU 4.296. KTU 4.25 records amounts of tools
at certain locations, some of which are gls.
Landholding and authority are complicated when it comes to this institution.
KTU 4.110 records the Id ubdy ilJtm< dt bd skn "ubdy-fields of GN that are in the pos-
session of the skn". What follows are a list of fields (identified as "field of the son of PN
in gt GN"). This text demonstrates that a royal official (the skn, see Chapter Three) had
authority over numerous fields located at a specified gt. Whether or not the personal
names through which the fields are identified reflect ownership is unclear; that would
certainly create a complex administrative situation. KTU 4.103, may indicate that the
fields listed (following line 45) were becoming incorporated into the specified gt.
None of these texts explicitly demonstrate what kinds of activities were partici-
pated in at gls. Given the preponderance of reference to fields, unspecialized laborers,
draught animals, and cereals, farming seems the most likely candidate. Other activities
may also have been present. Amounts of wine, for example, are listed according to gt.
Perhaps this reflects the production of this resource at certain locations, as opposed
to simply the distribution of wine to these locations. The strongest evidence that
the palace administered these estates comes from the fact that these texts were found
within the royal palace. The mention of the skn in KTU 4.110 also suggests direct
palatial supervision. Given this evidence, the gt is the best candidate for the location
of royal production, fitting the description suggested by Libolt."
90 Libolt 1985, p. 57.
378 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 379
Class and Status at Ugarit
The study of both textual and archaeological data results in similar conclusions
about class and status divisions at Ugarit. At the apex of Ugaritic society"! was the
king and associated royal family. The Royal Palace at Ugarit is far and away the
largest structure. Likewise, the textual evidence accords the king and the palace (as a
unit) the highest position within the city. Beneath the palace were the elite non-royal
members of the city. Here once again, texts and material culture allow strikingly sim-
ilar conclusions. Elite residencies are materially evident. Typical elite features include:
royal style architecture and construction techniques; luxury goods in non-funerary
contexts; and archives of tablets. The study of textual evidence allows the investiga-
tor to recognize particularly elite members: individuals with close relationships to the
palace; individuals involved in elite institutions including cultic; and individuals
engaged in long distance trade and diplomacy are all examples of the types of elites
identified through texts. The correlation between the textual evidence and the mate-
rial culture is evident in these cases; the residences of these elite individuals have been
recognized.
Non-elite members of Ugaritic society are also evident in both the texts and material
culture. The Mission de Ras Shamra while under Yon's directorship explored the homes
of non-elite individuals, and their material culture has been discussed at length in
Chapter Seven. Non-elites make up a substantial proportion of the subjects of admin-
istrative texts found in the palace, mostly in the form of name lists. Individuals are listed
as performing various kinds of tasks, and the productive lives of these individuals-", as
well as their subordinate status to the palace, is apparent. These non-elites should be
further classified at Ugarit, based on the palace administrative perspective, as named
and non-named individuals. This is not to suggest that there were people without
names at Ugarit, but rather to suggest that there were people whose identities were not
important enough from the palace's perspective to warrant being mentioned by name.
This kind of distinction is not apparent in the material culture, an indicator that both
datasets must be considered.
The Question of Guilds
The textual and the archaeological data about class/status are generally in agreement.
The same cannot necessarily be said about the issue of craft specialization. Although
the two data sets make sense in comparison, and are not necessarily contradictory, one
91 By apex, only material life at Ugarit is referred to. Certainly deities were at a higher level; however it
is arguable whether divine beings should be considered in the classstructure of a society, when approached
from an eric perspective (seeSmith 2001b, pp. 54-66).
92 More will be said about craft specialization below.
could not predict the nature of one type of data based on the examination of only the
other class of evidence. First, the conclusions derived from the textual evidence should
be considered. fu has been mentioned frequently in this study (see Chapters Four and
Five for the most thorough discussions) guilds had initially been posited as existing at
Ugarit, based on the frequent appearance of occupational categories in administrative
texts, as well as the seemingly corporate actions of these groups. While positing a situ-
ation akin to guilds overstates the evidence, without a doubt the tablets provide ample
evidence for skilled craft specialists within Ugarit. From the palace's perspective, craft
specialists were grouped according to specialization.
Guilds had initially been identified within the textual corpus at Ugarit." Once dis-
tinct occupational based collectives had been identified, Schaeffer used the discovery
of various specialized equipment as evidence for the presence of specialist quarters
within the city of Ugarit.
94
The "discovery" of guild quarters in Ugarit reified the
interpretation of the administrative use of occupational terminology as indicative of the
presence of guilds. In fact, as has been discussed previously, there is minimal evidence
for the existence of self-conscious groups that understood themselves as collectives,
outside of a royal administrative framework. Likewise, the archaeological evidence for
the existence of artisan's quarters is non-existent. The use of archaeological and textual
evidence in tandem did not lead to the initial suggestion that guilds existed, but using
one type of evidence to "check" another type of evidence led to the erroneous conclu-
sion that the existence of guilds had been "proven".
The material culture evidence about craft specialization is equally complicated,
although in very different ways. At first glance, there is minimal evidence for craft
specialization in the archaeology of Ugarit. No production zones have been firmly
identified; it must be remembered that the initial accounts of the identification of
particular craft zones at Ugarit has been abandoned. Likewise, the material culture
that has been published from the homes at Ugarit is strikingly uniform. Each block of
houses had access to oil and textile production facilities. Weights, agricultural imple-
ments, and moulds were found in roughly uniform amounts throughout the house-
holds as well. Indeed, from this evidence it would appear that all lower status house-
holds engaged in the same kinds of productive activities.
However, closer analysis of the material remains demonstrates that there is in fact
evidence for craft specialization. The numerous luxury goods at Ugarit hint at the
existence of craft specialists, although most of these types of goods seem to have been
acquired from elsewhere. Still, the ability to possess a luxury item implies that some
degree of surplus must be produced in order to be able to gain access to the luxury
goods. The highly standardized nature of the material culture also provides evidence
93 See Gray 1952, p. 50 and Rainey 1962, pp. 166-167.
94 Schaeffer 1961-1962, pp. 190-191; Schaeffer 1963, p. 127.
380 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH CONCLUSIONS: A NETWORK-BASED MODEL OF ECONOMIC MODALITIES 381
for a culture of craft specialization; stone tools, and house construction techniques are
so uniform that these craftspeople had to have learned specialized skills.
Reading the textual and archaeological evidence together, some conclusions can be
made about craft specialization and the division of labor at Ugarit. Specialist produc-
tion was a part-time activity. All households engaged in basic subsistence practices,
textile manufacturing and food production, as well as some kind of agriculture or
agro-pastoralism. Many individuals, however, likely participated in specialized pro-
duction. The strongest evidence for this specialized production comes from the palatial
administration. Some sort of affiliation with palace and specialists has to be posited;
whether the specialists worked directly for the palace, or simply worked with the palace
to acquire and distribute resources is unclear.
8. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THE STUDY OF ANCIENT ECONOMIC ACTIVITY
As has been demonstrated, a Network-based model is useful for reconstructing
ancient economic modalities, especially in a situation like Ugarit's, where the evidence
is particularly diverse and complicated. Indeed, the utility of the Network-based model
is that it organizes a significant amount of complex data into a form that is easily com-
prehended. At the same time, it does not limit the scholar's ability to recognize the sig-
nificant role of human choice in economic activities; it emphasizes constraints and
possibilities rather than merely listing examples of actions as the end product. The
Network-based model does not overly simplify- the ancient economic reality but rather
organizes that reality into a comprehensible form.
Economic activity at Ugarit should not be viewed as a total system but as an effect
of an emergent network of contingent exchange relationships. The palace, while not
in control of the economy, is able to act as the most powerful economic actor through
its unique position at the nodal point of several social and exchange relationships (see
Figure 9.1). The palace was able to perpetuate this dominance not through top-down
administration but through the haphazard arrangement of receiving and distributing
goods, which allowed the palace to successfully transfer resources across networks. The
emergent dominance of the palace facilitated the creation and articulation of various
social relationships at Ugarit, as mediated through exchange relationships. Power at
Ugarit seems to be derived, not from an overarching plan or imposition but from an
emergent process based on smaller strategies of resource accumulation and transmission.
Although the conclusions above are specific to Ugarit, they point to some important
perspectives for the study of non-industrial economies in general, especially as mani-
fest in the ancient Near East. First, in an investigation of non-industrial economy,
seeking to study or identify- "the economy" is misguided. The investigator should not
seek to identify- what kind of economy was present or to identify- which social forma-
tion was the dominant mode of exchange. An approach that will yield more positive
results is one that seeks to understand the social networks of exchange, how they were
organized, and how they were maintained. There was no "economy" that was either
purely market driven, purely redistributive, or purely reciprocal. It is equally unlikely
that a non-industrial "economy" was so dominated by one mode that that mode deter-
mined the nature of all of that society's social and economic relationships.
The Network-based approach allows scholars to investigate the economy without
imposing a single, simple model. Yet at the same time, it simplifies data (possibly huge
amounts of data) in such a way that it can still be understood and analyzed. The
Network-based approach points to and identifies nodes of exchange relationships and
allows economic activity to be viewed at the macro and micro levels. It allows scholars
to approach the particularly laconic texts and ambiguous archaeological data without
imposing an apriori notion of "economy" upon the data. As such, it should have great
utility in the investigation of economic activity.
9. AVENUES FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
This analysis leaves room for further study on the topic of Ugaritic economic
modalities and the methodology for studying ancient economies in general. For the
specific study of Ugarit, the continued excavations and publication efforts of the
Mission de Ras Shamra will continue to provide new texts and new material culture
that will undoubtedly affect the view of the Ugaritic economy presented above. As
improved archaeological methods are utilized, the full value of archaeology as a means
of studying the economy will be apparent.
From a comparative perspective, the Network-based model should be useful for study-
ing other ancient situations. Careful application of the model to other sites and regions
will likely demonstrate its utility as a means of organizing diverse and complicated data.
It will be very helpful to apply the model to a site where the material culture is better
understood. Sites such as Nippur (which has been well excavated and has produced
numerous texts) would be good case studies. Likewise, sites lacking significant textual
data, such as those in Syro-Palestine, would be useful areas for testing the Network-based
models and conclusions with only material culture as data. Successful efforts along these
lines could lead to new approaches beyond the ancient Near East. A site likeTeotihuacan,
in Mesoamerica, could be productively analyzed using the Network-based approach. This
study of the economic modalities at Ugarit opens up new possibilities for investigation of
ancient Ugarit and the investigation of ancient economic activity in general.
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SUBJECT INDEX 421
SUBJECT INDEX
administrative models, 3, 38, 65
Aegean, 60, 63, 76, 98,251, 254,258, 301
agriculture, equipment, 137, 161, 170, 171,
172,185,208,211,213,214,318,372
agriculture, yields, 180, 196
Alalakh, 43, 55, 58, 77, 99, 104, 105, 106,
127, 149, 204
Albright, WE, 39
Amarna letters, 76, 99
Amenhotep II, 104,
Amenhotep III 238
Amenhotep IV; 223
Ammistamru, 125, 223, 247, 250
Ammistamru II, 125, 247, 250
Amorites, 53
Amurru, 76, 332, 334, 335
Anatolia, 24, 43
animal husbandry, 149,291,295,296,306
apprentices, 47, 141, 157, 188
Aqhat, 121
archerls), 101, 108, 151, 185, 195,212
architectural approach, 223
archival method, 62
archive(s), 39, 62, 63, 66, 68, 69, 70, 75,
76,77, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 144,
145, 146, 148, 149, 153, 154, 158,
160, 162, 163, 165, 166, 169, 173,
178, 179, 182, 183, 187, 190, 192,
193, 195, 196, 199, 203, 207, 208,
209, 211, 212, 213, 215, 216, 221,
222, 223, 227, 228, 229, 231, 232,
233, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 240,
241, 242, 243, 245, 246, 248, 249,
250, 251, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260,
262, 263, 265, 273, 290, 305, 311,
313, 314, 324, 330, 331, 335, 344,
348, 369, 375, 378
Aristotle, 270
armour, 226, 227, 238, 241
arrow(s), 149,212,227,233,236,238,241,
255,276,286,300
Ashdod, 209
Asherah, 169
Ashkelon, 108
ashlar masonry, 247, 252, 254, 256, 257,
258
Asiatic Mode of Production, 3, 38, 45, 49,
50, 51, 52, 8 ~ 193, 1 9 ~ 200, 343
Astarte, 276
Astour, M., 41, 60, 61, 62, 67, 101, 105,
107, 112, 113, 132, 146, 159, 204,
205, 206, 267, 302, 314, 315, 325,
328, 330
astragali, 238
Athart, 111
Athens, 69
Arhtart, 169
Baal, 39, 95,114,121,131,253,261,262,
272, 329
Baal, temple of, 39, 261, 262, 272
barley, 241, 294
bdtiment au trtme de Pierre, 257
batiment au vase de pierre, 252
bead(s), 234, 241, 255, 286
behavioralist models, 28, 29, 31, 34
bitumen, 270, 291
bureaucracy, 14,31,32,69, 70, 72, 79,83,
86, 140, 180, 348, 349, 350, 352
Cape Gelidonya, shipwreck, 323
capitalism, 1, 12, 13, 14, 334
Cappadocia, 38
Catholic Church, 82
cattle, 204, 295, 367
centre de fa ville, 246, 261, 274, 277, 279,
283,285,286,287,288,291
ceramics, Canaanite jars, 253
ceramics, Cypriote, 61, 166, 173,209,218,
236, 238, 301, 303, 305, 325, 330,
331, 362, 367
ceramics, kraters, 252, 254, 303, 304
ceramics, Mycenaean, 238, 252, 254, 302,
303,304,305,330,354,360
ceramics, pithoi, 244, 253, 375
ceramics, psi figurines, 304
ceramics, rhyta, 259, 261, 304
cesspools (seepuisards), 252, 253, 254, 284
chaos theory, 34
chariot(s),43, 103, 104, 105, 114, 149, 173,
174, 183, 211, 212, 243, 258, 271,
300,305,326,335,374
cheese, 149,205
cisterns, 284
Citicorp, 33
comestibles, 122, 134, 137, 164, 165, 184,
200,206,207,216,221,248
communal sector, 52, 53, 54, 196
complexity theory, 3, 28, 33, 34, 74, 85, 86,
263,282,345,350,363,372
compost pits, 284, 291
conspicuous consumption, 16, 17, 18, 72,
298,302,369
core and periphery models, 6
core-periphery models, 6, 309, 310, 318
cost-benefit analysis, 65
craft specialization, 47, 67, 68, 86, 186,293,
378, 379, 380
Crete, 254, 330
cultic personnel, 122, 190, 213, 262
cylinder seal(s), 205, 275, 287, 299
cylinder seals, blank, 234, 238
Cypriotes, 98, 159,215,330,331,362
Cypro-Minoan signs, 254, 258
Cyprus, 42, 67, 108, 159, 205, 208, 248,
267,301,305,325,329,330,331
Cyprus, copper, 61
Dagan, temple of, 261
Daghara,49
debt, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 141, 149, 151,
183, 194, 199, 200, 208, 255, 322,
337, 342, 348, 349, 358, 360, 361,
366,368,369,370,371,375
decumates, 113
domestic architecture, Byzantine, 278
domestic architecture, modern Syria, 278
domestic architecture, Roman, 278
domestic architecture, Ugarit, 67, 246, 252,
254, 257, 259, 266, 274, 277, 279,
280,282,284,286,290,293,360,361
domestic mode of production, 19, 57
donkeys, 89,162,163,171,203,210,213,
232,248,262,312,317
draft animals, 148, 172, 232, 235
dramas, 278, 281
drudgery, 19,20, 122, 194, 198
dye, purple, 270
Early Dynastic Period, 66
eastern Mediterranean, 52, 64, 65, 67, 85,
208, 301
Ebla, 105, 107, 255
economy, general, 1, 3, 380
Egibi Family, 72
Egypt, 49, 50, 55,61,76, 128, 132,209,233,
251,253,254,267,269,298,311,324,
325,327,328,329,330,332,362,373
EI, 59,131,261,274
El, House of(?), 262
Elephantine, 38
elite emulation, 17,329
Emar, 81, 184,280,335,367
emergent structures, 2
emmer, 209, 294
Enkomi,274
entrepreneurial models, 3, 38, 60, 64
environment, ancient Syria, 12, 52,60, 105,
154, 192, 266, 267, 268, 284, 291,
315
epistolary texts, 27,99,102,108,116,177,
179, 180, 206, 227, 229, 234, 238,
241, 242, 245, 248, 250, 260, 319,
320, 321, 333, 336, 344, 346, 348,
357,359,365,367
equilibrium models, 11, 28, 63
exports, 27, 122, 326
feudal models, 3, 38, 44, 45,338,339,341,
342,343,350
fictive adoption, 46, 49
field transfers, 129, 137, 175,312,346
figs, 269
findspots, tablets, 6, 68, 69, 222, 224, 226,
229,230,250,259
Finley-Jones model, 65
fish, 205, 276
fish-hooks, 276
f l o u ~ 97,108,111,156,165,365
food rations, 93
formalists, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 27, 37, 60,
62,63,64,86,338,364
formalist-substantivist debate, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9,
12, 27, 37, 338, 364
forms of integration, 21, 22, 25, 364, 365
formulation theory, 29
fortifications, 271
framing, 29, 31, 35, 36,132,136,351
free sector, 57
functionalism, 62
funerary activities, 225
gates, 271
geese-herders, 153
genre, 5, 6, 42,55, 127, 135, 136, 137, 160,
177, 223, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231,
239,241,242,255,333
gentilics, 84, 138, 142, 143, 144, 149, 153,
154, 159, 187, 188, 194, 200, 212,
215,247,251,255,347
geographic names, 120, 136, 137, 143, 145,
160,162,249,262,347
422 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
,
L
SUBJECT INDEX 423
gold, 24, 25, 55, 132, 167, 204, 209, 218,
325, 326, 332, 334
grain, 76, 202, 203, 216, 294, 296, 326,
328, 331, 366, 377
grapes, 70, 207, 269, 294, 295
grid, site, 39, 224
grinders, 255, 289, 293, 306
guilds, 14, 43, 44, 47, 66, 86, 112, 150,
158, 186, 187, 189, 190, 207, 339,
342, 343, 374, 379
Hammurabi, 45, 106, 126
Hammurabi, Code of, 8, 15, 89, 126
Hathor, 276
Hattusilis III, 47, 186
hbtn, 119
Hebrew Bible, 121, 132
Hellenosemitica, 55, 60, 85
hepatoscopy, 233, 234, 235
Hittites, 46, 47, 48, 55, 59,61,63,83, 113,
118, 119, 123, 128, 130, 131, 185,
186, 194, 196, 267, 272, 299, 310,
311, 313, 314, 315, 317, 318, 324,
325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 331, 332,
343, 357, 371, 373
Hittites, law, 59
horses, 148, 170, 171, 172, 183,210,213,
304, 324, 330
House of Agapsarri, 154, 155, 189,259
House of Rap'anu, 247, 249
House of Rashapabu, 249, 250, 251
House of the High Priest, 39, 263
House of the Hurrian Priest, 139, 199,263,
304
House of the Lamashtu Priest, 263
House of the Military Governor, 212, 217,
256, 374
House of Urtenu, 77, 145, 152, 257, 258,
300, 358
household assemblage(s), 266
Hurrian, 98, 103, 106, 107, 116, 117, 127,
233,257,263
ideal types (Weberian), 13, 72, 78, 79, 82,
279, 290, 347
imports, 27, 76, 122, 267, 270, 283, 330,
333, 373
Indo-Aryans, 42, 43, 44, 53, 103
Indras,43
industrial revolution, 22, 23
infrastructure, 266, 271, 272, 308, 309,
313,321,354,371
ingots, 238, 257
Ini-Teshub, 326
insula, 251, 252, 273, 274, 278, 279, 285,
287,289,290,292,306
international koine, 65, 298, 299, 335
Iron Age, 78, 154,347
irrigation, 49, 50, 52, 66, 267, 268, 269,
270
Islamic city, 82
Israel, 78, 154
Italy, 56, 267
ivory, 233, 240, 261, 274, 330
Japan, 42
Jebel Ansariyah, 266, 267
JurassicPark, 34
juridical relationships, 60, 92
juridical texts, 48
Kadesh, Battle of, 328
Karnak reliefs, 328
Kassite Babylonia, 43, 55, 267
Kfarie, 270
kilns, 42
Kirta, 43, 53, 99, 100
labels, 230, 231, 232, 236, 240, 241, 243,
258
Lachish, 274
land grant texts, 44, 47, 123, 124, 191, 193,
320, 341, 342
land tenure, 58, 86, 128, 129,231
leisure class, 16, 17, 246, 260
leitourgia, 72
liver models, 233
looms, 286
luxury, 16, 17,64,65, 196,224,233,236,
238, 241, 251, 260, 263, 276,
283, 290, 297, 298, 299, 302, 303,
307, 354, 355, 357, 360, 361, 366,
369, 373, 378, 379
luxury goods, 16, 17, 64, 65, 224, 233, 236,
238, 241, 251, 260, 263, 282, 283,
290, 297, 298, 299, 302,
355, 357, 360, 361, 366, 369, 373,
378, 379
Maison au Porche aColonnes, 202
maison au portique, 251
Maison au sud du Temple aux Rhytons, 274
maison aux alabdtres, 251, 253
maison aux lingots de plomb, 257
maison de l'armurier, 249, 300
maison du lettre, 249, 250
marginal utility, 11, 28, 29, 30, 33, 63, 65,
132,367
Mari, 55, 81
market trade, 22, 23, 24, 322
market-exchange, 21, 362, 366
Marxist models, 12, 19, 38, 49, 50, 51, 52,
59, 81, 90, 91, 92, 338, 343, 356,
368
measurementfs), 88, 167, 168, 200, 209,
224,226,240,255,305,307
medieval Europe, 42, 44, 48, 69, 70, 341,
343
medieval Feudalism, 70
Mediterranean, 25, 41, 56, 61, 63, 64, 70,
266, 267, 268, 269, 278, 294, 298,
308,315,316,323,331
Mediterranean climate, 267, 268, 269, 294
Mehri, 117
Memphis Stele, 104
merchants, 23, 24, 25, 47, 48, 56, 61, 62,
64, 75, 76, 77, 105, 107, 108, 113,
150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 186, 194,
205, 206, 207, 208, 214, 217, 251,
262, 276, 289, 308, 313, 317, 324,
331, 332, 334, 335, 341, 343, 360,
362, 363, 366
merchants, foreign, 47, 185, 186,331,362,
363
Merneptah, 249, 300, 329
Mesoamerica, 22, 381
Mesopotamia, 10, 24, 43, 49, 50, 55, 66,
73, 95, 183, 192, 251, 269,
270, 305, 323, 340, 348, 349
metal, precious, 55, 77, 137, 156, 157, 163,
167, 183, 185, 195, 196, 199, 206,
207,208,232,262,341
Middle AssyrianPeriod, 125
military, equipment, 103, 149, 173, 184,
185,208,212,214,299,300,374
milk, 183, 194
Minet el-Beida, 40, 41, 272, 281, 302, 303
mission de RasShamra, 41
Mitanni empire, 104
modalities, 1, 23, 277
moulds, 238, 241, 244, 245, 286, 288, 289,
290,294,297,330,366,372,379
Murasu family, 69, 72
murder, 186
murex shells, 270
Murshili I, 316, 325, 326, 327, 332
nahr Chbayyeb, 268
nahr ed-Delbe, 268
nahr ed-Delbe, dam, 268
nahr el-Khebir valley, 270
nautical transportation, 61, 76, 85, 96, 173,
183, 205, 211, 212, 218, 230, 248,
249, 255, 270, 313, 323, 324, 328,
332, 346
Neo-classical economics, 9, 11, 12, 13, 18,
19,20,28,29,31,37,206,364
Neo-Weberians, 16, 78
network theory, 4, 31, 32
Network-based model, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 36, 37,
42, 86, 87, 338, 350, 352, 362, 363,
380, 381
New Economic Policy, 19
Nippur, 69, 74, 75, 106, 183, 207, 239,
349, 381
Niqmaddu, 39, 120, 325, 327, 342
Niqmeda III, 325
Northern Palace, 40, 41,42,256,257
Northwest, 144, 146, 147, 149, 151, 154,
155, 156, 161, 162, 165, 169, 188,
194, 195,204,208,315
Nuzi, 38,43, 46, 49, 55, 99, 125, 127, 130,
305
occupational categories, 46, 91, 93, 96, 97,
98, 107, 108, 111, 113, 118, 121, 124,
136, 137, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153,
155, 156, 157, 158, 182, 186, 187,
188, 189, 192, 195, 196, 203, 214,
247,259,313,347,379
occupational designations, 88, 101, 111,
118, 120, 128, 142, 143, 154, 159,
202,216
occupational group, 44, 88, 95, 101, 106,
107, 108, 111, 114, 118, 120, 126,
128, 131, 142, 143, 146, 153, 154,
155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 162, 166,
177, 186, 187, 194, 202, 203, 207,
208, 209, 211, 216, 219, 221, 245,
306, 313, 365, 373, 374
occupational specialists, 86, 91, 115, 151,
153, 188, 189,342,374
oikos, 10, 13, 15, 72, 73, 78
oa 108, 137, 146, 163, 165, 166, 183,
200, 201, 204, 207, 209, 216, 221,
231, 232, 243, 244, 253, 260, 263,
273, 285, 288, 291, 292, 296, 301,
304, 306, 307, 308, 313, 321, 329,
331,334,361,375,376,379
Old Assyrian trade, 20, 24, 25, 55
Old Babylonian Period, 38, 95, 106, 109,
123, 126, 130, 233
424 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH SUBJECT INDEX 425
olivels), 129, 137, 162, 163, 166, 183,200,
207, 209, 253, 259, 269, 285, 288,
291,292,296,321,333,361,376
optimizing theories, 32
Oriental Despot, 46, 49, 51
palatial mode of production, 51
pastoralism, 81, 375, 380
pater familias, 72, 83, 85, 193
patrimonial household model, 79, 80, 81,
82, 83, 84, 85, 101, 102, 144, 193,
339, 345, 346, 347, 349, 350, 352,
361, 363
patrimonial models, 3, 38, 84, 92, 338, 347
patronyms, 84, 93, 95, 138, 144, 150, 151,
154, 195,251
patterns of integration, 21, 23, 26, 78, 368,
369
personal names, 43,95,96,107,108,111,
114, 115, 128, 135, 136, 137, 138,
139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145,
146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152,
156, 160, 161, 165, 166, 167, 171,
176, 177, 194, 213, 229, 247, 248,
250, 255, 256, 258, 259, 260, 262,
263, 312, 347, 377
phallus shaped stone, 236
philosophical hermeneutics, 2
pines), 276, 286
Pliny, 270
pgt,97
port-power model, 4
practice theory, 318, 351
precipitation, 267, 268, 295
prepositions, 88, 105, 140, 146, 149, 164,
170, 175,203
prices, 11, 22, 24, 25, 30, 31, 55, 56, 62,
63,72, 166, 168,204,206,218, 322,
359, 362, 366, 367
price-setting mechanisms, 11, 22, 24, 206,
322, 362, 367
primitivist/modernist debate, 10
private enterprise, 47, 63
private property, 147, 199, 200, 208, 229,
281,282,306
profit, 12, 13, 14, 24, 33, 60, 63, 64, 72,
106,217,330,338,359,364,365,367
prosopography, 113, 138, 239, 256, 360
prospect theory, 29
prostitution, sacred, 121
puisards (see cesspools), 274, 284
puits,274
pyxis, 261, 274
quartier residentiel, 246
Queen Mother, 257
rainfall, 294
Ramses II, 253, 328
Ras ibn-Hani, 40, 270, 330
Rasapabu, 78, 151, 167, 189, 199
rations, 47, 66, 91, 95, 111, 149, 165, 174,
201,202,203,205,209,252,365,366
real estate, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 53, 54, 92,
102, 122, 130, 174, 176, 178, 191,
192, 193,200,232,332,362
reciprocity, 18, 21, 26, 27, 35, 78, 84, 85,
310,337,351,359,362,364,365,368
redistribution, 21, 22, 26, 27, 66, 78, 84,
85,158,164,191,202,203,210,217,
308,310,322,337,365,366,368
Reshef, 259
residence de la Reine-Mere, 257
roads, 246, 271, 272, 273, 275, 290, 308
Rome, ancient, 10, 12, 17,72,215,278,
285,299,341
Royal Palace, 7, 39, 40, 68, 75, 91, 184,
195,211, 217, 223, 224, 226, 229,
233, 235, 236, 239, 243, 244, 246,
254, 255, 256, 257, 286, 301, 303,
314,352,355,356,357,371,378
Royal Palace, Central Archive, 229, 230,
231,232,234,235,239,241
Royal Palace, Court I, 225, 226, 229, 240,
244
Royal Palace, Court II, 225, 240, 244
Royal Palace, Court III, 240, 244
Royal Palace, Court IV; 229
Royal Palace, Court V, 168,230,233,235,
236,237,238,244
Royal Palace, Court VI, 230
Royal Palace, Eastern Archive, 62, 170, 231,
232, 233, 234, 236, 239, 241, 242,
243,245
Royal Palace, fire, 223, 239, 259, 328
Royal Palace, garden, 240, 278
Royal Palace, Room 3, 225, 227, 230
Royal Palace, Room 31, 230
Royal Palace, Room 38, 225
Royal Palace, Room 4, 240, 248
Royal Palace, Room 45, 240
Royal Palace, Room 5, 225, 242, 248, 253,
288
Royal Palace, Room 53, 242
Royal Palace, Room 62, 230
Royal Palace, Room 64, 230
Royal Palace, Room 68, 236
Royal Palace, Room 69, 236
Royal Palace, Room 71, 212, 226, 243
Royal Palace, Room 73, 243, 245
Royal Palace, Room 81, 233, 234
Royal Palace, Room 84, 225, 233
Royal Palace, Room 86, 240
Royal Palace, Room 89, 244
Royal Palace, Room 90, 244
Royal Palace, Southern Archive, 232, 235,
236,238,239
Royal Palace, Southwestern Archive, 233,
234,235,245
Royal Palace, Western Archive, 226, 227,
232,234,239,245
Royal Palace, Western Entrance, 225, 226,
229, 271, 272
Royal Service System, 52, 54, 55, 59, 196,
203
salt, 137, 163, 168, 207, 210, 376
Santa Fe Institute, 33
sbrdnm, 158, 188
scarabs, 254
!d, 129, 192,377
seals and sealings, 205, 275, 287, 299
seals and sealings, practices, 193
sheep, 108, 111, 148, 149, 152, 156, 213,
231,260,295
shekels, 62, 128, 146, 151, 161, 162, 165,
167,168,169,204,206,241,251,259,
308,314,321,325,329,332,334,367
shepherdls), 117, 147, 154, 156, 158, 187,
194, 195,214,259,313,365
Shipti-Baal, 324, 335
shipwreck(s), 323
Shuppiluliuma, 238, 325
silo(s), 283, 291, 296
silver, 24, 25, 53, 55, 91, 108, 111, 112,
124, 128, 134, 146, 151, 152, 156,
158, 162, 165, 166, 167, 168, 173,
176, 183, 187, 188, 189, 194, 199,
200, 201, 203, 204, 206, 208, 209,
211, 218, 247, 250, 251, 254, 259,
260, 321, 325, 326, 335, 366, 367,
369, 370, 371, 377
Sitz im Leben, 135
Sivan, D., 105, 140
Siyannu, 143,314,316,325,326,332
slavery, 48, 89, 94, 95, 99, 106, 141,231,
367
so-calledoven, 70, 168,225,234,235,236,
237,238,239,253,289
social designations, 88, 89, 90, 98, 99, 344
Sondage H, 40
Southern Palace, 40, 41, 75, 76, 139, 143,
151,183,236,254,349
Soviet Union, 12, 19
statues, 120, 238, 261
statuettes, 238, 290
stone tools, 163, 262, 288, 289, 291, 294,
297, 306, 307, 372, 375, 380
stone tools, flint, 270, 291, 293
stone tools, grinders, 255, 289, 293, 306
stone tools, ground, 285
stone tools, industry, 285, 293, 297
stone tools, pounders, 288, 289
stone tools, sickles, 289, 293, 296, 375
structuration theory, 351
styli, 227
substantivists, 3, 8, 9, 23, 24, 27, 28, 86,
364, 368
summer, 268, 294, 295
supply and demand, 11,24,322
Susa, 38, 123
Swiss guards, 153
sword, bronze, 238, 249, 300
system of total service, 18
Tablet House, 139, 208, 259, 260
Talmiyanu,319
Tannenbaum, N., 19, 122
tax farming, 14,371
taxation, 10, 14,45,53,56,57,64,71,80,
91, 99, 102, 108, 109, 110, 124, 159,
161, 162, 194, 195, 196, 197, 212,
219, 221, 244, 250, 312, 313, 314,
318,319,322,371,372
Temple of Damal, 319
Temple of Inanna (Nippur), 74, 106, 239,
349
Temple of the Rhytons, 261
textiles, 24, 93, 116, 119, 134, 137, 146,
147, 152, 156, 159, 163, 165, 167,
168, 169, 184, 188, 194, 195, 198,
202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210,
211, 218, 243, 249, 259, 260, 262,
263, 286, 307, 313, 327, 328, 332,
335,341,356,365,367,375,376
thalassocracy, 60
Thutmosis IV; 328
Tigris River, 50
tin, 24, 76, 156, 183, 194,203
426 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS
tombls), 39, 41, 225, 247, 249, 252, 254,
257, 258, 259, 277, 278, 279, 281,
282,283,287,301,302,303,306,307
tranchee sud, 275
transportation, equipment, 137, 148, 172,
173,208,269
transportation, nautical, 61, 76, 85, 96, 148,
173, 183, 205, 211, 212, 218, 230,
248, 249, 255, 270, 313, 323, 324,
328, 331, 332, 346
treaties, 185,311,314,315,325,371
tributary economy, 67, 340
tributary relationships, 50, 51, 196, 197,
198,326,343,354,371
tribute, 26, 95, 108, 119, 131, 166, 183,
187, 188, 189, 194, 195, 196, 197,
198, 235, 313, 317, 318, 325, 326,
327,342,354,365,371,375
Tudhaliya IV; 238, 332
Tutankhamun, Tomb of, 258, 300
Two-sector models, 49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 59,
81,197,338,339,343,344,345,346,
350
Ugaritic kings, 45, 64, 326
Ulu Burun, shipwreck, 323
Ur III Period, 74, 75, 106, 207, 239, 349
Ura, 331, 362, 363
Ura, merchants of, 186, 332, 360, 363
urban revolution, 68
Urtenu, 69, 77, 78, 139, 182, 184, 217,
220, 257, 258, 259, 300, 330, 333,
335,345,349,359,367
Uzzinu, 321
village mode of production, 51
Ville Basse, 139, 173, 176,202,212
vineyard(s), 70, 71, 116, 161, 192, 244,
317,332
viticulture, 71, 296
waqf, 74
Weber, M., 2, 3, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18,
31, 32, 69, 72, 78, 79, 82, 83, 100,
101,122,312,348,351,364,369,373
weight standards, 62, 327
weights, bronze, 225
weights, stone, 241, 289
wells, 284, 306, 307, 361
wine, 70, 104, 118, 130, 137, 146, 147,
152, 156, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166,
167, 184, 185, 200, 201, 202, 203,
204, 207, 209, 210, 221, 228, 232,
241, 244, 258, 260, 295, 301, 313,
317, 321, 329, 335, 366, 367, 375,
376, 377
winter, 47, 154, 186, 268, 295
wood, 76, 169, 202, 269, 270, 293, 313,
376
wool, 119, 146, 149, 158, 167, 168, 195,
201,203,205,211,218,285,335,365
World Systems Theory, 309
Yabninu, 75, 76, 78, 128, 139, 143, 144,
145, 151, 166, 173, 182, 183, 184,
189, 194, 199, 212, 217, 220, 254,
255, 257, 303, 304, 332, 333, 334,
335,345,349,359,371
Yamm, 95, 121, 131
Yon, Mo, 39, 40, 77, 223, 225, 226, 228,
229, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 240,
243, 244, 246, 247, 249, 250, 251,
252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258,
259, 261, 262, 263, 264, 267, 268,
269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 277,
278, 279, 280, 283, 287, 290, 292,
293,300,302,303,304,308,378
Zimri-Lim, 81
zoning, 271, 273, 277
Akkermans, P., 266, 267, 269, 270, 276,
280,286,297
Archi, A, 107
Banning, Eo, 292
Benarrzi, 5., 30
Bentham, ]., 30
Bordreuil, P., 7, 42, 77, 122, 135, 139, 145,
153, 154, 155, 163,311,315,330
Bourdieu, P., 36, 132, 133, 355, 361, 369,
372
Boyer, G., 44, 45, 86, 191, 193, 341, 342
Biicher, K, 10, 13
Burns, D., 222, 223, 265
Callot, 0., 40, 230, 252, 268, 271, 272,
273, 275, 276, 279, 280, 281, 282,
283,287,288,289,291,292,293,376
Calvet, Y., 40, 237, 252, 258, 266, 268, 284
Chayanov, A, 18, 19, 122, 155, 194, 198
Childe, Y:Go, 67, 68
Clemens, D., 110, 120, 121, 122, 154, 169,
198, 201
Cline, Eo, 323, 324, 330, 331
Cooper, ]., 121
Coqueugniot, E., 269, 293
Cornelius, I., 186, 205, 206
Courtois, ]., 39, 40, 75, 76, 183,227, 234,
235, 237, 238, 241, 244, 245, 251,
254,255,286,333,334,349
Craigie, P., 157, 158, 187
Cunchillos, ]., 70
Cutler, B., 97, 101, 112, 113, 150, 187
de Contenson, H., 40
de Moor, ]., 172, 267, 268, 270, 294, 295
Dahood, M., 97
Deimel, A, 66
Derrida, j., 88
Diakonoff, I., 49, 50, 52,66, 103, 127, 197,
343
Dietrich, M., 7, 77, 113, 114, 115, 123,
139, 174
Dijkstra, M., 189, 190
Drower, Mo, 311, 328
Durkheim, Eo, 9, 101, 182, 189,298,351
Eichler,B., 127
Ellis, M de long, 109, 125, 126
Falkenstein, A, 66
Feldman, Mo, 64, 65, 85, 298, 299, 335,
355,357,373
Finley, M., 65, 72
Fleming, D., 81
Foster, B., 66, 215, 340
Foucault, M., 36, 37, 82, 133, 181, 215,
277, 307
Frankfort, H., 66, 340
Friedland, R., 11, 12, 32
Fukuyama, E, 4, 31, 32
Fustel de Coulanges, No, 192,281,282
Galor, K, 278
Gelb, I., 66, 73, 215, 340, 349
Giddens, A, 36, 133, 181,355,372
Gledhill, ]., 22
Gordon, c., 38, 45, 60, 61, 62, 67, 131,
265
Gramsci, A, 36, 369, 372
Gray, ]., 42, 43, 44, 52, 53, 86, 110, 113,
114, 120, 122, 150, 155, 157, 186,
341,342,343,379
Greenfield, ]., 94, 95
Giiterbock, H., 128
Hanson, ]0' 279, 280
Heidegger, M., 88
Heiner, R., 32
Helrzer, M., 5, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 83,
86, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 99, 100,
101, 103, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109,
110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 118,
119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 128,
129, 130, 131, 177, 196, 197, 203,
205,206,209,343,344,345
Higginbotham, c, 329
Hillier, B., 279, 280
Hirschfeld, N., 302, 303, 304, 305
Hopkins, D., 48, 65, 154
Huehnergard, ]., 89, 95, 101, 103, 105,
107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113, 115,
116, 123, 124, 127, 134
Kahneman, Do, 28, 29, 30, 35, 132, 136,
351,364
Kienast, B., 58, 123, 124, 127
Kilmer, A, 106
428 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS 429
Klengel, n., 311, 316, 325, 326, 327, 328,
331, 332, 371
Knapp, B., 298, 331
Knoppers, Go, 131, 191,326
Lackenbacher, S., 334
Lambrou-Phillipson, c, 323
Larsen, M., 22, 24
Libolt, c. 44, 45, 46, 58, 59, 86, 110, 111,
127,130,175,191,193,203,341,377
Linder, Eo, 60, 61, 185, 186,205, 212, 323
Lipinski, Eo, 190, 191,331,340
Liverani, M., 25, 26, 27, 35, 36, 56, 57, 58,
80,81,85,90,91,94, 130, 149, 162,
163, 164, 165, 204, 310, 322, 330,
343,344,345,351,365,368
Lombard, P., 222, 251, 258, 278
Loretz, 0., 7, 77, 113, 114, 115, 123, 139,
174
MacDonald, ].,97, 101, 112, 113, 150, 187
Malbran-Labat, E, 77, 122, 183
Marchegay, So, 281, 282
Margueron, ]0,40,223,225,226,237,238,
240
Marx, K, 49, 337
Master, D., 82
Mauss, M., 16, 18, 21, 34
Mendelsohn, I., 99
Meyer, E., 10, 13
Millard, A., 237
Miller, G., 46, 48, 49, 58, 86, 100, 112,
191, 193, 320
Monroe, c., 46, 63, 64, 79, 80, 81, 102,
110, 113, 138, 139, 299, 320, 323,
324,327,334,335,354,359,365
Muffs, Y., 38
Nougayrol, ].,7, 123,251
Oppenheim, A., 23
Pardee, Do, 7, 77, 96, 97, 105, 106, 107,
110, 116, 135, 139, 142, 145, 153,
154, 155, 163, 233, 237, 319, 326,
327,332,334,335
Pitard, W, 281, 283
Polanyi, K, 3, 7, 9, 10, 11, 20, 21, 22, 23,
24, 25, 26, 35, 37, 66, 78, 206, 310,
338,351,364,365,366,367,368,369
Pollock, S., 67, 340
Postgate, ]., 125
Rainey, A., 45, 46, 47, 48, 67, 86, 97, 98,
100, 103, 104, 105, 112, 113, 114,
121, 150, 156, 157, 159, 178, 179,
186,196,205,206,341,342,343,379
Renger, ]., 9, 10,20, 72, 73, 121, 192,200,
201,368,369
Ricoeur, P., 345
Robertson, A., 11, 12, 32
Rodbertus, K, 9, 10, 18
Rostovtzeff M., 12, 20
Routledge, B., 81, 82, 346, 347
Rowe, I., 58, 59, 60, 83, 92, 93, 94, 106,
127, 128, 344, 348, 349, 358, 369,
370, 371
Rowlands, M., 309, 310, 333
Sasson, ]., 132, 323
Saussere, E, 88
C., 39, 40, 41, 63, 70, 144,217,
223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229,
231, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238,
239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245,
249, 251, 254, 255, 256, 257, 261,
264, 265, 275, 277, 281, 283, 288,
290, 302, 339, 379
Schloen, J.D., 44, 46, 52, 54, 56, 57, 58,
69, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86,
91, 92, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102,
105, 106, 107, 123, 124, 129, 130,
137, 144, 147, 155, 180, 183, 187,
193, 197, 278, 279, 280, 282, 283,
284, 287, 288, 289, 291, 296, 306,
341, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 351,
357, 361, 363
Schneider, A., 66
Schwartz, G., 266, 267, 269, 270, 276, 280,
283,286,297
Singer, I., 101, 182, 237, 311, 324, 325,
326, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332,
333, 335
Smith, Mo, 39, 40, 43, 45, 46, 52, 56, 60,
62, 70, 77, 261, 378
Smith, v., 30, 137, 190
Speiser, E., 123
Stager, 1., 4, 78, 82, 351
Steiner, R., 154
Steinkeller, P., 74, 370
Stieglitz, R., 62, 166, 204
Stone, E., 81, 82, 84
Tams, c., 295
Thaler, R., 30
Tigay, ]., 121
Tropper, ].,98, 140
Tversky, A., 28, 29, 35, 132, 136,351,364
van de Mieroop, M., 9, 10
van Driel, Go, 73, 74, 183, 198
van Soldt, W, 101, 102, 113, 115, 116,
131, 177, 222, 223, 224, 226, 227,
229, 230, 231, 233, 234, 235, 236,
237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243,
244, 248, 250, 251, 255, 259, 260,
263, 265, 270, 311, 312, 314, 315,
316,317,318,348
van Wijngaarden, G., 302, 303, 304
Vargyas, P., 188, 189
Vaughn, A., 100
Veblen, T., 16, 17, 18, 88, 246, 260, 298,
369
Veenhof, K., 9, 24, 25
Virolleaud, c., 39, 97, 145,316
Vita, ]., 77, 78, 86, 101, 104, 109, 110,
118, 174,335
von Dassow, E., 99, 102, 103, 104, 105,
127
von Rollig, W, 23, 24
Waldrop, M., 33
Wallerstein, E., 309
Whitt, W, 39, 68, 69, 70, 86, 140, 178,
179, 180, 224, 226, 228, 229, 230,
231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 239,
240,241,242,243
Widbin, R.B., 62, 63, 68, 94, 101, 105,
107, 109, 112, 119, 120, 168, 169,
179,180,201,242,265
Winckler, H., 103
Wittfogel, K, 49, 52, 343
Wolfram, S., 4, 31,34
Zaccagnini, C; 26, 27,50,51,52,197,200
Zamora, ]., 58, 70, 71,91, 376
Zettler, R., 6, 66, 74, 75, 106, 183, 207,
339, 340, 349
INDEX OF ANCIENT TERMS 431
INDEX OF ANCIENT TERMS
'sr, 113, 114
'aliara, 113
'alur, 113
'bd, 94, 95, 150, 156, 188
'prm, 113, 153, 247
'Ir, 114, 155, 188
adrt, 98, 347
tikil ekalli, 47
albn, 114, 115
altiku, 127
alit, 98
ana, 203
apn, 171, 172,211
aradlar ugarit, 48
ardelarri, 54
ardl"f
ES
larri, 90, 94
ardu (see wardum), 90, 94
argmn, 130, 131, 188, 194,270
arkamme, 130
awtium, 54, 89, 90, 94, 95, 106
b, 53, 91, 99,105,124,143,145,152,162,
169, 170, 202, 203, 204, 210, 216,
255,313,324,355,358,367,378
btibi,23
bad(d)ala, 105
ban bttdti, 292
bd, 93, 105, 131, 149, 153, 162, 164, 170,
172, 175, 177, 179, 184, 212, 216,
247, 377
bdl,47, 105, 106, 107, 150, 152, 154, 156,
205,367,377
bdlm, 47, 106, 107,367
betu 'abi, 79
biddallenni, 106, 107
bitum, 73
blblm, 152,218,313
bnl, 54, 58, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 145,
152, 153, 157, 159, 171, 182, 195,
202, 203, 209, 210, 211, 213, 216,
247,255,313,369,370
bns mlk, 54, 58, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 152,
202,203,210,216,369,370
st, 95, 96, 212
b'l att, 96
dd, 149,202,204,209,259
decumates, 113
dimtu, 130, 332, 376
dkr, 90
e,73
gt, 53, 54, 56, 57, 58, 90, 107, 130, 143,
161, 162, 164, 165, 170, 178, 192,
196, 215, 216, 235, 292, 344, 374,
375, 376, 377
-h, 84
idu, 109, 110
dku,48,53,54,59,91, 104, 105, 112, 113,
114, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128,
129, 130, 195, 196, 197,313,344
ina, 123, 148, 167,204
inlt, 155, 188
irwisse, 127
kbf, 156, 188,376
kbd, 162
kd 152, 164, 166, 167,200,209,258,260
khn, 83,111,121,122,151,152,155,156,
188, 189, 255, 258, 347
kkr, 156, 168, 199, 200, 204, 207, 210
krm, 116, 129, 192,312
ksd, 151, 188
kzy, 188
I, 13,35,39,86, 105, 108, 131, 146, 152,
162, 170, 175, 188, 202, 203, 210,
228,237,242,256,313,347,351,354
Imd 84,141,157,182,188,189,211,216
LUGAL,103
luqutum,25
mb!, 96, 120, 121, 188
mbr, 206
mabiru, 23
mtibi!u, 120
mdkisu, 108, 109
mandattu, 27, 119
mdr ugarit, 48
mdrgl, 101, 107, 111, 154, 156, 157, 188,
195,247,313
mdrya,103
maryannu, 43, 44, 61, 62, 97, 102, 103,
104, 105, 124, 150, 151, 155, 156,
188, 189, 190,258,300,347,348
marzibu,252
md, 64, 77,109, 110, 111, 150, 170, 172,
188
mdr', 116
mbr, 152, 153
m k ~ 4 7 , 107, 108, 118, 151, 188,262,367
mkrm,47, 108, 118, 151,262,367
mlbi, 119, 120
mlk, 59, 74, 83, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 110,
111, 119, 142, 154, 159, 168, 201,
202, 203, 207, 210, 211, 212, 216,
344, 348, 358, 370
mnb, 131, 194
mrkbt, 114, 174
mrkbt (see chariots), 114, 174
mr', 102, 111, 112, 113
mru, 112, 113, 124, 155
mru ibm, 112, 113, 156
mru skn, 112, 113
muikenu, 89, 95
nbl, 140, 141, 189
nasdru (Hurrian), 116
nadtinu, 203
n'r, 97, 98, 99
n'rt, 97
nN, 147, 156,214
nqd, 155, 156, 188,214
ntbt, 132, 152
ntn, 203, 367
gzr,97, 100
pilku, 53, 54, 91, 104, 105, 112, 113, 114,
123,124,125,127,128,129,130,344
psI, 188
qdJ, 121, 122, 155, 188, 189, 190
rb, 83,114,152,153,170,189,220,247,
331
r', 141
sHgr, 117, 141
suqu, 23
stibiru,23
sakinu, 83
simum,25
sipdru, 110
skn, 101, 102, 112, 113, 141, 147, 152,
161, 179, 180, 191, 192, 214, 218,
227,229,348,357,365,377
sgr. 141
sp, 165
Ips, 83, 131
Ir, 62, 122, 169, 188
tht, 142
tamktiru,47, 108
tnn, 95, 101, 151, 155, 188
trmn, 119
trr, 188
ubdit, 128, 129
ubdy, 53,104,111,115,124,128,129,130,
137, 154, 161, 166, 176, 177, 187,
191, 192,215,248,312,377
uliIptiru, 119
unt 53,124,127,128,129,137,177,344
unusse, 127, 128
unussuhuli, 127
updy, 129
wardum, 90, 95
warum,112
y!b, 115, 129, 151, 152, 157, 177, 188, 189,
192,248
y!r, 101, 188
yd, 105, 147
y'Ir, 114
yqs, 188
zikaru (see dkr), 90
INDEX OF ANCIENT TEXTS 433
Alalakh
AT 52, 204
AT 131,104
Arnarna
EA 151, 328
EA40,330
EA45,328
EA46,328
EA47,328
EA49,328
EA89,328
Hebrew Bible
Judges 5
6,132
2 Kings 23
7, 169
Proverbs 8
2,132
Nuzi
HSS 9 102, 130
HSS 9 109, 130
Ugaritic - Alphabetic
KTU 1.16, 150
KTU 1.17, 96
KTU 1.19, 121
KTU 1.2, 116, 121, 131
KTU 1.3, 114
KTU 1.4, 116, 169
KTU 1.5,95
KTU 1.6, 120
KTU 1.78, 227
KTU 2.11, 116
KTU 2.13, 326
KTU 2.17,99
KTU 2.26,319,357
KTU 2.30, 326
KTU 2.36, 132, 324, 327
INDEX OF ANCIENT TEXTS
KTU 2.38, 170, 323, 328, 332
KTU 2.4,83, 191,323,331
KTU 2.42,331
KTU 2.43, 331
KTU 2.47, 323
KTU 2.70,292,321
KTU 2.71,319
KTU 3.1, 131,227,326
KTU 3.2, 93, 128
KTU 3.5,127
KTU 4.2, 139, 262
KTU 4.5,160
KTU 4.7, 129, 176
KTU 4.13, 262
KTU 4.14, 262
KTU 4.15,213,262
KTU 4.16,262
KTU 4.17, 262
KTU 4.25, 377
KTU 4.27, 108,317
KTU 4.29, 213, 262, 340
KTU 4.35, 151
KTU 4.37, 139
KTU 4.38, 156
KTU 4.40, 212
KTU 4.43, 205, 208
KTU 4.45, 144
KTU 4.46, 147,202,211
KTU 4.48,317
KTU 4.49, 162, 185
KTU 4.51, 144
KTU 4.52, 147
KTU 4.54, 111, 154
KTU 4.55, 202
KTU 4.63,212,214,317,374
KTU 4.65, 151
KTU 4.66, 151
KTU 4.67, 211
KTU 4.68, 195
KTU 4.69, 85, 208, 347
KTU 4.71, 156
KTU 4.72, 167
KTU 4.80, 229
KTU 4.81, 323
KTU 4.83, 209
KTU 4.84, 138
KTU 4.85, 107, 143
KTU 4.86, 128, 154,214
KTU 4.87, 155
KTU 4.88, 171, 172
KTU 4.89, 170, 172, 185
KTU 4.90, 146
KTU 4.91, 166, 183, 194,334,354
KTU 4.92, 147
KTU 4.93, 147,209,228
KTU 4.94, 160
KTU 4.95, 161, 185, 195, 314
KTU 4.96, 107, 154,214,377
KTU 4.97,138
KTU 4.98, 208
KTU 4.99, 111, 115, 120, 155
KTU 4.100, 160
KTU 4.101, 169,204,211
KTU 4.102, 97, 98, 100, 115, 159, 229,
331, 347, 362
KTU 4.103,104,111,120,129,154,176,
191,377
KTU 4.104, 145
KTU 4.105, 112
KTU 4.106, 145
KTU 4.107, 147,213,228
KTU 4.108, 143
KTU 4.109, 145
KTU 4.110, 129, 161, 192,377
KTU 4.111, 146
KTU 4.112, 139
KTU 4.113, 161, 185
KTU 4.114, 138
KTU 4.115, 138
KTU 4.116, 145
KTU 4.118,216
KTU 4.119, 160
KTU 4.122, 143,355,377
KTU 4.123, 200
KTU 4.124, 120
KTU 4.125, 90, 120
KTU 4.126, 95, 97, 103, 108, 111, 112,
114, 115, 150
KTU 4.128, 120,202
KTU 4.129, 153
KTU 4.130, 138
KTU 4.131, 146, 168,210,365,376
KTU 4.175, 202
KTU 4.176,218
KTU 4.177, 167, 168,203,367
KTU 4.178, 142
KTU 4.179, 150
KTU 4.180, 199,369
KTU 4.181, 172
KTU 4.182, 104, 113, 118, 119, 157, 195
KTU 4.183, 157, 188,216
KTU 4.184, 161, 208, 377
KTU 4.186,93, 116, 179,216,348
KTU 4.187,204,367
KTU 4.188, 162, 166,209
KTU 4.189, 91, 93, 168, 210, 270, 356,
376
KTU 4.190,173,211,243,374
KTU 4.191, 168,367
KTU 4.192, 115, 138
KTU 4.193, 138
KTU 4.194, 104, 165,209,365
KTU 4.195,204,209
KTU 4.196, 115, 152
KTU 4.197, 168,210
KTU 4.198, 96, 195
KTU 4.199, 157
KTU 4.200, 150
KTU 4.201, 168, 203
KTU 4.203, 183,334,354
KTU 4.204, 138
KTU 4.207, 118
KTU 4.208, 104, 108, 113, 118, 119, 195
KTU 4.209, 129, 166,209,376
KTU 4.210, 146
KTU 4.211, 218
KTU 4.212, 211
KTU 4.213, 120, 122, 169, 211
KTU 4.214, 173,212
KTU 4.216, 209
KTU 4.217,205,232,367
KTU 4.218, 103, 104, 108, 113, 118, 119
KTU 4.219, 103, 104, 108, 113, 118, 119
KTU 4.220, 165,201
KTU 4.221, 165, 201
KTU 4.266,204,218,232,367,369
KTU 4.267, 160
KTU 4.268, 203
KTU 4.269, 149,201, 209, 365
KTU 4.270, 168
KTU 4.271, 164, 216, 377
KTU 4.272, 183, 194
KTU 4.274,203,204,210,367
KTU 4.276, 146,208
KTU 4.277, 151
KTU 4.279,201
434 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH INDEX OF ANCIENT TEXTS 435
KTU 4.280, 167,208
KTU 4.281, 145
KTU 4.282, 174
KTU 4.283, 200
KTU 4.285, 210
KTU 4.286, 151
KTU 4.288, 152,218
KTU 4.289, 138
KTU 4.290, 203, 216
KTU 4.295, 159,215,347
KTU 4.296, 194, 216, 377
KTU 4.297,251,377
KTU 4.298, 174, 192
KTU 4.301,317
KTU 4.302, 170, 172,213,317
KTU 4.303, 160
KTU 4.306, 170, 172,213
KTU 4.307,215,377
KTU 4.308, 162
KTU 4.309, 176,215
KTU 4.311, 140
KTU 4.313,200
KTU 4.315, 140
KTU 4.316, 168, 198,201
KTU 4.320, 95, 150, 377
KTU 4.321, 138
KTU 4.322, 150
KTU 4.325, 174
KTU 4.328, 165,209
KTU 4.331, 145
KTU 4.332, 120, 152,216
KTU 4.333, 204
KTU 4.334, 138
KTU 4.335, 143,216
KTU 4.336, 132,205,218,237,367
KTU 4.337, 115, 158, 188,211
KTU 4.338, 173,218
KTU 4.339, 159,215
KTU 4.340, 168,210,376
KTU 4.341, 204
KTU 4.344, 168,210,376
KTU 4.345, 164, 216, 377
KTU 4.346, 160
KTU 4.347, 199,200,370
KTU 4.350, 145
KTU 4.351,99
KTU 4.352, 166,209,329,331,376
KTU 4.354, 139
KTU 4.355, 159,216,317
KTU 4.356, 192
KTU 4.357, 175, 192
KTU 4.358, 89
KTU 4.360,99, 159,215,331
KTU 4.361, 165, 209, 365
KTU 4.362, 165, 209, 365
KTU 4.363,211
KTU 4.364, 139
KTU 4.365, 160
KTU 4.366, 148, 173,211,323
KTU 4.367, 93, 97, 159, 216
KTU 4.368,171, 172,213
KTU 4.369, 108, 131, 194
KTU 4.370,93, 142,207,216
KTU 4.371, 143
KTU 4.372, 139
KTU 4.373, 167
KTU 4.374, 154
KTU 4.375, 161
KTU 4.377, 104, 171, 172,213
KTU 4.378, 158,211,365
KTU 4.380, 89, 162, 213, 355
KTU 4.381,200,244
KTU 4.383, 143
KTU 4.384, 170, 171,213
KTU 4.385,214
KTU 4.386, 200
KTU 4.387,111,202
KTU 4.388, 132, 205
KTU 4.389, 129, 176
KTU 4.390, 173,205,218
KTU 4.391, 141
KTU 4.392,114,115,173,211,374
KTU 4.394, 173, 205
KTU 4.395, 159,211
KTU 4.396, 156
KTU 4.397, 166, 377
KTU 4.398, 199, 369
KTU 4.399, 174,346
KTU 4.400, 164, 216, 377
KTU 4.403, 175
KTU 4.406, 139
KTU 4.412, 114, 151
KTU 4.413, 140
KTU 4.414, 160
KTU 4.415,237
KTU 4.416,103,111,113,114,154, 155
KTU 4.417,84, 159,215
KTU 4.420, 159
KTU 4.421, 173,211,323
KTU 4.422, 148, 171, 172,213
KTU 4.423, 192
KTU 4.424, 174, 192
KTU 4.425, 175, 192
KTU 4.427, 148,213
KTU 4.429, 166, 209, 376
KTU 4.430, 99
KTU 4.432, 145
KTU 4.433, 145
KTU 4.435, 139, 145
KTU 4.439, 199
KTU 4.440, 141
KTU 4.445, 138
KTU 4.448, 138
KTU 4.449, 138
KTU 4.452, 138
KTU 4.453, 138
KTU 4.455, 138
KTU 4.458, 138
KTU 4.466, 199
KTU 4.470, 170, 172
KTU 4.485, 151
KTU 4.495, 139
KTU 4.496, 139
KTU 4.500, 174
KTU 4.504, 139
KTU 4.506, 139
KTU 4.514, 139
KTU 4.520, 138
KTU 4.524, 138
KTU 4.527, 174
KTU 4.535, 170, 172
KTU 4.536, 175
KTU 4.537, 138
KTU 4.539, 138
KTU 4.542, 150
KTU 4.543, 138, 139
KTU 4.545, 151
KTU 4.548, 194
KTU 4.551, 174
KTU 4.553, 160
KTU 4.557, 143
KTU 4.558, 165
KTU 4.561, 150
KTU 4.571, 140
KTU 4.576, 170, 172
KTU 4.577, 167
KTU 4.581, 140
KTU 4.582, 171, 172
KTU 4.585, 170, 172
KTU 4.586, 171, 172
KTU 4.588, 145
KTU 4.598, 167
KTU 4.600, 174
KTU 4.602, 174
KTU 4.605, 140
KTU 4.607,139
KTU4.609,91,93,96, 115, 116,201,202,
365
KTU 4.610, 112, 113, 131, 194,317,318,
371
KTU 4.616, 148, 213
KTU 4.617, 145,255
KTU 4.618, 116, 162,213, 377
KTU 4.619, 144, 183,255
KTU 4.621, 160
KTU 4.622, 160
KTU 4.623, 151
KTU 4.624, 147, 155,214,374
KTU 4.625, 162, 163,206
KTU 4.626, 115, 157,207,355
KTU 4.627, 147, 214
KTU 4.629, 160
KTU 4.630, 158, 202
KTU 4.631, 129, 177, 192
KTU 4.632, 200
KTU 4.633, 151, 183, 189,255
KTU 4.634, 183, 199,255,371
KTU 4.635, 139, 141
KTU 4.636,95, 163,210, 356, 377
KTU 4.637, 177
KTU 4.638, 128, 175
KTU 4.641, 174
KTU 4.643, 143, 183,255
KTU 4.644,215
KTU 4.647,96, 173, 183,212,255
KTU 4.648, 143, 183,255
KTU 4.649, 139, 183, 255
KTU 4.650, 183, 255
KTU 4.651, 139, 183,255
KTU 4.653, 139, 183,255
KTU 4.658, 146, 188
KTU 4.659, 203, 204, 367
KTU 4.661, 160
KTU 4.662, 138
KTU 4.665, 200
KTU 4.667,200,370
KTU 4.670, 173
KTU 4.672, 138
KTU 4.676, 160
KTU 4.677, 165
KTU 4.678, 138
KTU 4.679, 138
KTU 4.682, 146
KTU 4.683, 118, 153, 184,212,317,357,
374
KTU 4.684, 160
KTU 4.685, 160
KTU 4.686, 160
436 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH INDEX OF ANCIENT TEXTS 437
KTU 4.687, 139
KTU 4.688, 202, 252, 366
KTU 4.689, 173,212,248
KTU 4.690,111,151,189,199,251
KTU 4.691, 248
KTU 4.692, 115, 129, 151, 177, 189, 192,
248
KTU 4.693, 249
KTU 4.694, 248
KTU 4.695, 248
KTU 4.696, 247
KTU 4.697, 145,248,317
KTU 4.698, 163, 248
KTU 4.699, 199,250,371
KTU 4.700, 139, 249
KTU 4.701, 248
KTU 4.702, 177
KTU 4.703, 248
KTU 4.704, 141, 212, 248
KTU 4.705, 169, 211, 249
KTU 4.706,249
KTU 4.707, 165, 204, 367
KTU 4.711, 145
KTU 4.712, 114
KTU 4.713, 145
KTU 4.714, 152
KTU 4.715,260
KTU 4.716, 260
KTU 4.717,208,260
KTU 4.719, 260
KTU 4.720, 168, 210, 376
KTU 4.721, 208, 260
KTU 4.723,139
KTU 4.724, 139, 260
KTU 4.725,260
KTU 4.727,263
KTU 4.728, 199,263,360
KTU 4.729, 154, 189, 259
KTU 4.730, 139, 263
KTU 4.731, 139,263
KTU 4.737, 139, 263
KTU 4.740, 141
KTU 4.745,97,108,111,155,259
KTU 4.746,202,209
KTU 4.747, 200
KTU 4.749, 209
KTU 4.750, 174, 192,247,317
KTU 4.751, 157,247
KTU 4.752, 89, 112, 113, 153, 247
KTU 4.753,247
KTU 4.759, 146, 259
KTU 4.760, 139, 258
KTU 4.761, 152,258
KTU 4.762, 259
KTU 4.763, 145,259
KTU 4.764, 166, 259, 376
KTU 4.768,200
KTU 4.777, 118
KTU 4.784, 118, 153, 184,317
KTU 4.785, 145
KTU 4.787,139
KTU 4.788, 259, 360
KTU 4.789, 259
KTU 4.790, 210
KTU 5.10, 321, 365
KTU 5.11, 321
KTU 5.5, 227
KTU 5.6, 227
KTU 5.7, 227
COS 3.45LL (RS 94.2284), 335
COS 3.450 (RS 94.5015), 327
COS 3.45Z (RS 94.2479), 333
RSO 14 1 (RS 88.2158), 328
RSO 14 1 (RS 88.2158), 362
RSO 7 30 (RS [varia26]), 335
RSO 7 33 (RS 34.173), 324
RSO 7 35 (RS 34.153), 330
RSO 7 88 (RS 34.124), 332, 334
Ugaritic - Syllabic
PRU 3 (Fr.), 125
PRU 3 (RS 16.138), 125
PRU 3 19 (RS 15.011), 329
PRU 365 (RS 16.247), 114
PRU 3 77ff (RS 16.142), 124
PRU 3 78ff (15 Y), 124
PRU 3 78ff (15Y), 125
PRU 3 79ff (RS 16.239), 103, 111
PRU 3 81ff (RS 16.143), 111
PRU 3 83ff (RS 16.157), 111
PRU 3 85ff (RS 16.250), 111
PRU 389-101,325
PRU 3 89ff (RS 15.123), 125
PRU 3 113ff (RS 16.353), 111
PRU 3 115ff(RSI6.148 + 254B), 111
PRU 3 117ff(RS 15.143), 123
PRU 3 118ff (RS 15.155), 123
PRU 3 126 (16.162), 125
PRU 3 131ff (RS 15.122, 125
PRU 3 133 (RS 15.127), 114
PRU 3 134ff (RS 15.137), 111, 114, 125
PRU 3 135ff (RS 15.140),123
PRU 3 140ff (RS 16.132), 103, 104, 105,
189,300
PRU 3 145ff (RS 16.139), 112, 123
PRU 3 149 (RS 16.136),329
PRU 3 154 (RS 16.242), 114
PRU 3 154 ff (RS 16.242), 124
PRU 3 15ff (RS 15.33), 108
PRU 3 162ff (RS 16.348), 111, 112, 113,
124
PRU 3 171ff (16.173), 125
PRU 3 181ff(RS 11.732), 119
PRU 3 182ff (RS 16.146+161),333
PRU 3 187 (RS 15.43),201
PRU 3 187 (RS 16.125), 166
PRU 3 188 (RS 16.126A), 141
PRU 3 188 (RS 16.151), 164
PRU 3 188ff (RS 16.290), 148
PRU 3 189ff (RS 11.790), 160
PRU 3190 (RS 11.800), 160
PRU 3 190ff (RS 11.830), 154
PRU 3 191 (RS 11.841), 160
PRU 3 192 (RS 16.313), 160
PRU 3 192ff (RS 12.34 +12.43), 103, 104
PRU 3 192ff (RS 15.183), 154
PRU 3 194 (RS 11.787), 167
PRU 3 194ff(RS 11.839), 167
PRU 3 196 (RS 15.42 + 110), 139
PRU 3 197 (RS 16.181),201
PRU 3 198 (RS 16.291), 167
PRU 3 198 (RS 16.359B), 166
PRU 3 199ff (RS 16.257 + 16.258 +
16.126),111
PRU 3 199ff (RS 16.257+), 166
PRU 3 206ff(RS 15.135), 168
PRU 3 206ff (RS 16.294), 148
PRU 4 54ff (RS 17.344), 325
PRU 4 80 ff (RS 17.382+380), 357
PRU 4 80ff (RS 17.382 + RS 17.380), 325
PRU 4 82 (RS 17.382+380), 326
PRU 491 (RS 17.247),326
PRU 4 102ff (RS 18.03), 332
PRU 4 103ff (RS 17.130), 185, 332, 354,
363
PRU 4 103ff (RS 17.461),332
PRU 4 150ff (RS 17.059), 326
PRU 4 161 (RS 17.341),332
PRU 4 17ff (RS 16.238+254), 324
PRU 4 189 (RS 17.314), 108
PRU 4 196ff (RS 17.78), 108
PRU 4219 (RS 17.424),332
PRU 4 219ff (RS 17.424 C +397B), 205
PRU 4 239 (RS 17.232), 108
PRU 4 291(RS 19.81),332
PRU 6 3 (RS 17.455), 250
PRU 6 12 (RS 17.451), 250
PRU 6 14 (RS 19.050),324,328
PRU 6 16 (RS 22.006), 324
PRU 6 31 (RS 19.985), 124
PRU 670 (RS 17.50), 115
PRU 671 (RS 17.432), 154
PRU 6 73 (RS 19.107A), 173
PRU 6 75 (RS 19.121), 151
PRU 677 (RS 19.32), 123, 195
PRU 6 78 (RS 19.41), 143
PRU 679 (RS 19.42), 143
PRU 680 (RS 19.111), 143
PRU 681 (RS 19.182), 143
PRU 6 82 (RS 17.242), 139
PRU 6 83 (RS 17.430), 139
PRU 6 84 (RS 19.30), 139
PRU 685 (RS 19.79), 139
PRU 686 (RS 19.82), 139
PRU 6 88 (RS 19.94), 139
PRU 6 89 (RS 19.110), 139
PRU 690 (RS 19.114), 139
PRU 691 (RS 19.132), 139
PRU 6 92 (RS 19.173A), 139
PRU 6 93,103, 111, 114,155
PRU 6 93 (RS 17.131), 103, 155
PRU 6 93ff (RS 19.131), 111
PRU 695 (RS 19.74), 154
PRU 6 96 (RS 19.91), 160
PRU 6 97 (RS 19.118), 160
PRU 6 99 (RS 19.09), 164
PRU 6 100 (RS 19.51), 164
PRU 6 101 (RS 19.130), 164,375
PRU 6 102 (RS 19.12), 164
PRU 6 104 (RS 19.43), 164
PRU 6 105 (RS 19.117), 164
PRU 6 107 (19.25), 164
PRU 6 109 (RS 19.131), 164
PRU 6 110 (RS 19.88), 164
PRU 6 111 (RS 19.129), 165
PRU 6 112 (RS 17.99),166
PRU 6 113 (RS 19.26), 169, 376
PRU 6 114 (19.71), 376
PRU 6 115 (RS 17.37), 148
438 KEVIN M. MCGEOUGH
PRU 6 116 (RS 17.64), 112,328
PRU 6 116 (RS 17.64)., 112
PRU 6 117 (RS 17.136), 148
PRU 6 118 (RS 18.116), 148
PRU 6 119 (RS 19.69), 148
PRU 6 121 (RS 19.141), 148
PRU 6 123 (RS 17.328), 168
PRU 6 126 (RS 19.28), 168, 376
PRU 6 127 (RS 19.57), 168
PRU 6 128 (RS 19.104), 168
PRU 6 129 (RS 19.133A), 168
PRU 6 130 (RS 19X), 168
PRU6131 (RS 19.35A), Ill, 173
PRU 6 133 (RS 19.152), 173
PRU 6136 (RS 17.240), 111, 120, 156
PRU 6 138 (RS 19.46), 173
PRU 6 139 (RS 19.139), 167
PRU 6 140 (RS 19.92), 167
PRU 6 141 (RS 19.112), 147
PRU 6 144 (RS 19.38), 166
PRU 6 152 (RS 18.270), 202
PRU 6 155 (RS 19.07), 167
PRU 6 156 (RS 19.20),205
PRU 6 166 (RS 19.99), 167
PRU 6 168 (RS 21.199), 147
PRU 6 172 (RS.19.140A), 168
PRU 6 179 (RSL. 2), 324
Ug.5 13 (RS 17.465), 167
Ug.5 14 (RS 17.332), 148,250
Ug. 521 (RS 20.168), 325, 331
Ug. 5 30 (RS 20.255A), 326
Ug. 5 33 (RS 20.212), 123,327,331
Ug. 5 97 (RS 20.20), 139
Ug. 5 98 (RS 20.07), 139
Ug.5 99 (RS 20.425), 166
Ug.5 102 (RS 20.207A), 160
Ug. 5 126ff (RS 20.021), 329
Ug. 7 pi13 (RS 34.131), 160
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
(FORMERLY ABR-NAHRAIN)
Supplement Series
Series Editors: Claudia & Antonio Sagona
1. Mayer L.A., Bibliography ofthe Samaritans, 1964,50 p.
2. Bunnens G., Tell Ahmar, 1988 Season, 1990, 151 p.
3. Muraoka T., Studies in Qumran Aramaic, 1992, 167 p.
4. Muraoka T., Studies in Ancient Hebrew Semantics, 1995, VIII - 107 p.
5. Bunnens G., CulturalInteraction in the Ancient Near East. Papers Readat a
Symposium Held at the University ofMelbourne, Department of Classics and
Archaeology (29-30 September 1994), 1996, VIII-ISS p.
6. Muraoka T., Semantics ofAncient Hebrew, 1998, 151 p.
7. Bunnens G., Essays on Syria in the Iron Age, 2000, X - 557 p.
8. Adamthwaite M.R., Late Hittite Emar. The Chronology, Synchronisms and
Socio-Political Aspects ofa LateBronze AgeFortress Town, 2001, XXiV- 294 p.
9. Sagona c., TheArchaeology ofPunicMalta, 2002, XIV - 1165 p.
10. Sagona c., Punic Antiquities ofMalta and Other Ancient Artefacts Held in
Ecclesiastic and Private Collections, 2003, XXiI - 374 p.
11. Hopkins L., Archaeology at the North-East Anatolian Frontier, VI An Ethno-
archaeological Study ofSos Hoyiik and Yigittasi Village, 2003, XXVII - 184 p.
12. Sagona A., A Viewfrom the Highlands: Archaeological Studies in Honour of
Charles Burney, 2004, XX- 743 p.
13. McConchie M., Archaeology at the North-East Anatolian Frontier, V. Iron
Technology and Iron-making Communities ofthe First Millennium Be, 2004,
XXiV - 393 p.
14. Sagona A., Sagona c., Archaeology at the North-East Anatolian Frontier, I
An Historical Geography and a Field Survey of the Bayburt Province, 2004,
XXiV-600 p.
15. Cilingiroglu A., Derin Z., Abay E., Saglamtimur H., Kayan i., Ulucak
Hoyiik. Excavations Conducted between 1995 and 2002,2004, XII - 162 p.
16. Payne M., Urartian Measures ofVolume, 2005, XX- 387 p.
17. Stoop-van Paridon P.W:T., The SongofSongs. A Philological Analysis ofthe
the Hebrew Book C"'lVil "lV, 2005, XVI - 540 p.
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