Creating Culture Through Choosing Heritage (Castaneda's In the Museum of Maya Culture, Hodder's The Archaeological Process, Tilley's

Metaphor and Material Culture) Review by: MarkP.Leone Current Anthropology, Vol. 42, No. 4 (August/October 2001), pp. 582-584 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/322552 . Accessed: 07/11/2012 04:50
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Books

Malthus, Agribusiness, and the Death of the Peasantry

glenn davis stone Department of Anthropology, Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. 63130-4899, U.S.A. (stone@artsci. wustl.edu). 25 ii 01 Hungry for Prot: The Agribusiness Threat to Farmers, Food, and the Environment. Edited by Fred Magdoff, J. B. Foster, and F. H. Buttel. New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000. The Malthus Factor: Population, Poverty, and Politics in Capitalist Development. By Eric B. Ross. London: Zed Books, 1998. Of all the societal changes of the last half century, the most dramatic and far-reaching, according to Eric Hobsbawm (1994:289), is the death of the peasantry. Between World War II and the 1980s, percentages of populations involved in farming and shing dropped dramatically worldwide. For instance, in Japan the drop was from 52% to 9%; in the United States, where Nixons Agriculture Secretary Earl Butz instructed farmers to get big or get out, less than .5% of the population claimed to run a farm as a principal occupation (NASS 1999: chap. 1, table 16). Yet in less developed countries there remain vast populations still engaged in primary agricultural production and with only partly monetarized economies. Are claims of the peasantrys death exaggeratedor merely premature? Depeasantization is denitely afoot, and the prospect is ominous. Where it is difcult for cities to absorb greatly increased inuxes, decimation of agricultural peasantries would be catastrophic. Depeasantization has been an issue of keen interest among historical materialists. Their analysis begins with the observation that capitalist development stops at the farm gate (Mann and Dickinson 1978), barred by the special properties of all of the main productive resources in agriculture: land is xed, seed is produced by the farmer, and labor must be skilled and seasonally variable (and is therefore hard to commodify completely). Ask how agricultural capital has responded to these obstacles and you will be led to the playbook for depeasantization. Magdoff, Foster, and Buttels Hungry for Prot brings together many of the most important answers to this question. It is complemented by Rosss The Malthus Factor, a sharp-edged analysis of the role of Malthusianism
Permission to reprint items in this section may be obtained only from their authors.

in capitalist development. Together the books offer a synthetic model of the ongoing transformation of agriculture that may be summarized as follows: Agribusiness prots by either driving independent farmers off their land or metabolizing farm operation so that farmers become a proletariatone different from what Marx described but a proletariat nonetheless. The state subsidizes this transformation and the technologies used to pry peasants from the life of independent production. The transformation is justied by the deceptive trope of population outstripping food supply, a trope designed to naturalize the urban proletariat and instantly popularized into the ultimate antipolitics machine. Dominated by swollen and subsidized transnational corporations, the transformation continues today. It generates food insecurity and hunger as it goes and uses that hungerperennially interpreted in Malthusian termsto justify further expansion. Hungry for Prot is made up of 11 articles originally published in Monthly Review in 1998, with additions by Araghi and by Majka and Majka. It begins with two chapters providing historical context to the ongoing transformation in world agriculture. In Agrarian Origins of Capitalism, Wood argues that, although capitalism was supposedly born and bred in the city, it actually came into its own in the English countryside. It was here, well before the 18th-century parliamentary enclosures, that market forces were rst used to expropriate land rights and force farmers into tenancy. This was paralleled by competition to boost productivity by improvement, meaning enhancement of the lands productivity for prot. (The history is recorded in the language: farmer comes from the term for rent, while improvement is from the term for prot.) Foster and Magdoffs Liebig, Marx, and the Depletion of Soil Fertility follows the effects of these developments into the 20th century. Improvement turned out to be urban robbery of rural endowment, and it prompted a global search for plunderable nutrients. This led, improbably, to guano imperialism and later to heavy reliance on synthetic fertilizers, disintegration of stock-crop ecology, increasing agricultural specialization and geographic concentration, and a host of related environmental problems. This splendid essay, which puts theory and agricultural ecology into a historical context, is marred only by its use of Maos China as an example of how nutrient cycling and rural self-sufciency can be achieved (this would be the same Mao whose agrarian policies starved over 30 million peasants). Heffernans Concentration of Ownership in Agriculture covers the advent of vertically and horizontally integrated transnational food megacorporations. These prosper not by producing more efciently but by destroying smaller competitors (which is why new hog-processing facilities are being built in the United States 575

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while the market value for hogs is below the cost of production). They further proletarianize farmers through debt traps and extract wealth from local communities, enjoying state protection all the while. These three excellent chapters provide an efcient short course on the political economy of agriculture from the paleotechnic small farmer to the global food corporation. The book then heads off into multiple directions. Altieri summarizes the key issues in the ecology of industrial agriculture, with special emphasis on the problems of the new genetically modied products. Lewontin analyzes the role of technology in capitalist penetration of the farm sector. Middendorf et al. provide an overview of how biotechnology is changing uses of economic plants and animals, examining how these changes, humanitarian rhetoric notwithstanding, endanger food security. McMichaels intriguing Global Food Politics identies the politics of subsidy as the driving force behind agricultural systems worldwide. He argues that, in contrast to Britains colonial economies, the United States had a history of integrated manufacturing and farming that produced an energy- and capital-intensive agriculture early on. U.S. government subsidies for inputs, grain exports, and agribusiness technologies have favored transnational food corporations to the point of virtually eradicating American small farmers and gravely endangering farmers in less developed countries. One direct result, as described in Araghis following chapter, is depeasantization and the attendant rise in urban hopelessness and environmental deterioration. The remaining chapters probe concrete effects and case studies. Majka and Majka address Mexican farm immigration and the farm labor contract system. Henderson describes and advocates sustainable agriculture movements. Poppendieck analyzes redistribution programs that provide moral relief while obscuring the recurrent patterns of hunger amid food surpluses such as the depression-era breadlines knee-deep in wheat. Rossett describes the advent of sustainable agriculture in Cuba following the collapse of Soviet subsidies for high external inputs, and Hinton covers land reform in China. This is a strong and timely collection that distills work on various aspects of the transformation of world food production. Although it is often not made clear, many of these chapters are condensations of (or at least draw heavily on) longer works. Poppendieck draws on her books on depression-era food policies (1986) and current food charities (1998); Wood distills her book on agrarian origins of capitalism (1999); Magdoff and Foster summarize material from Foster (1994) and Rossett summarizes material from Rossett and Benjamin (1994); Lewontin summarizes issues that he has written much on (e.g., Lewontin and Berlan 1986) and that have been treated extensively by Kloppenburg (1988). This condensation of much research is a strength, but the book is a very poor guide to what is being condensed. If not actual citations, at least Further Reading lists should have been provided. There are also a few topics that cry out for more cov-

erage. The book deals little with the patenting of Southern crops and the uncomfortable collusion between universities and corporations in this process. It barely mentions the deskilling of farmers that was a crucial element in capitals penetration of agriculture in the North and is well under way in the South. Finally, it falls short with regard to proposals for action. For instance, following Hendersons relatively upbeat survey of sustainable alternatives to corporate farming, an editors italicized afterword asks if such activities might not be simply a minor irritant to corporate dominance of the food system, since actual reform requires complete transformation of society. Good question, that; so where does this leave us? These weaknesses are minor compared with the collections strength as a compelling, historically oriented survey of the political economy of the state-supported corporate takeover of world food production. But there is a stark disparity between this view of food production, in which enormous social and environmental costs are exacted for corporate prot, and the deep-seated view in Western public, government, and some scientic circles that technology-driven agricultural progress is imperative and ultimately humanitarian. Hungry for Prot does little to explain how we wound up with perspectives separated by such a chasm. The answer, in a word, is Malthus, and this is why Eric Rosss history of Malthusianism serves well as a companion volume. Malthus is here seen as the smokescreen that allows the processes described in Hungry for Prot to operate. Malthusianism is a model that perpetually fails to t world events but every year arises phoenix-like from the ashes of popular opinion (Watts 2000). Essay on the Principle of Population purported to describe a relationship between agriculture and population growth, two topics about which Malthus knew little. The reasons for the models warm reception have always been not scientic but political. For Ross (p. 1), Malthuss most enduring inuence has been to shape academic and popular thinking about the origins of poverty, and to defend the interests of capital in the face of the enormous human misery which capitalism causes. Ross traces the history of the doctrine and its deep effects on both popular thinking and public policies ranging from eugenics to the Green Revolution. The opening chapters place Malthusianism (and Malthus himself) in British history. Fifty years after its publication, his Essay enjoyed apparent conrmation by Irelands potato famine. Irish peasants had been relegated to poor soils and a potato diet while landlords maximized production of export foods, and exports of wheat and beef continuedin fact, increasedthroughout the famine. Such tragedies make a niche for ideas that forestall guilt or, as Poppendieck puts it in Hungry for Prot, provide moral relief. For Britain, moral relief came in the form of Malthuss model of the intrinsic relationship between population and food production. To ice the cake, Reverend Malthus blamed the high population on the poors lack of moral restraint. Thus Ireland, a food-exporting country that had experienced no population buildup, be-

Volume 42, Number 4, AugustOctober 2001 F 577

came, as Marx wrote disdainfully (quoted by Ross, pp. 3132), the promised land of the principle of population. That famine also provided an early example of the theorys concrete effects on policy. The director of the relief program (a former student of Malthuss named Trevelyan) set the tone when he described the famine as a direct stroke of an all-wise and all-merciful Providence. Aid was kept down, heeding Malthuss injunction that feeding the suffering would only produce more sufferers; the famine became the excuse for further concentration of land, squeezing out small farmers and eventually turning Ireland into a pasture for Britain. Malthusianism became increasingly entrenched in popular conceptions in the United States with the aid of organizations such as the Malthusian League, founded in 1877 to promote Malthuss unsupported claims, now described as laws of population. The 20th century brought new outgrowths of Malthusianism. One was eugenics. Malthuss demographic determinism rationalized poverty as the result of overreproduction promoted by the poors moral failings; eugenics took the next step in concluding that these moral deciencies were innate. The poor threatened social order not simply by their numbers but by eroding the nations racial stock. Ross traces this variant of Malthusianism through the Western intellectual establishment (including the Harvard faculty, which gave us Stoddards The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy [1920]) and on to the Nuremburg Laws and radical environmentalism (the introduction to Rising Tide was penned by a leading environmentalist). By the mid-20th century environmental catastrophism had become the principal vehicle for Malthusian fears, from Osborns Our Plundered Planet (1948) to Ehrlichs Population Bomb (1968) and Hardins Tragedy of the Commons (1968). Ross points out that Garrett Hardin was a eugenicist long before he became a darling of the environmental movement; in 1949, when the ovens at Auschwitz and Dachau were barely cool, he wrote that the real problem with population was that those with low IQs were overproducing. To Ross, Hardins famous Tragedy of the Commons is a masterpiece of cold war Malthusianism, a clever defense of private property and an argument against the welfare state, phrased in terms of the environmental and demographic concerns of the world in which it was published (p. 76). The parties that would engage in Hardins solution of mutual coercion mutually agreed on were always unequal in power, and the results would invariably be appropriation of resources. His Tragedy stimulated research on common property (e.g., McCay and Acheson 1987) that showed how little his hypothetical unmanaged commons had to do with reality, but there had been plenty of information on this before. The warm reception of his essay merely reveals how deeply Malthusianism had penetrated scientic thought. If the poster child for Malthuss theory in the 19th century was Ireland, in the 20th it was India. India had long been fertile ground for Malthusianism. Although

writers would now attribute famines to colonial taxation and land policies (e.g., Ludden 1999), 19th-century British ofcials (including Trevelyan of the potato-famine relief program, who served in India between 1859 and 1865) stressed that Indian populations were reproducing faster than food supplies. Malthusianism offered humanitarian justication of high taxes, as lowering the tax burden could be expected to encourage fertility. The signal event for 20th-century Malthusianism, however, was Indias Green Revolution. The reasons behind Indias dependence on grain imports have been described elsewhere (e.g., Perkins 1997): much of the countrys breadbasket was lost in partition, and the United States was dumping wheat both to protect prices and to combat communism. But Ross delineates the vital role of Malthusianism in the interpretation of the situation and the shaping of policy. Led by the Ford Foundation, a major effort was mounted to reapply Malthus to India, and the doctrine of population growth as cause of political instability came to be a prime instrument of U.S. policy. By the 1960s the world believed that India was approaching a demographic point of no return, but Ross sees the evidence for this prediction as the sort of jugglery which gives statistics a bad name. The post-Nehru government favored the interests of the industrial elite in seeking to provide a cheap urban workforce. Thus, when the Rockefeller Foundation (another mouthpiece for U.S. interests) helped India buy 18,000 tons of Green Revolution seed in 1966, it served U.S. cold war interests and the interests of Indian capital while reinforcing the perception that Indias problems were Malthusian rather than political. Moreover, as several contributors to Hungry for Prot would be quick to point out, the new agricultural technology, heralded as benecial to Indian peasants, actually contributed greatly to the state-supported industrialization of agriculture that threatens smallholder livelihoods. This book is important, troubling, and fascinating. Rosss writing runs a bit to scorn, but it is clear and mostly devoid of Marxist jargon (for a less penetrable recent critique of Malthuss effect on policy, see Greene 1999). It is a more academically oriented book than Hungry for Prot, with better references, although there are still numerous works discussed in the text that are missing from the bibliography. One wishes that there were a lighter version of it that might make a dent in public discourse on the ongoing transformation of food production. Given the pivotal role of the Malthus factor in shaping and rationalizing policies promoting the agribusiness threat to peasantries and the environment, this perspective is of vital importance.

References Cited
e h r l i c h , p a u l r . 1968. The population bomb. New York: Ballantine Books. f o s t e r , j o h n b . 1994. The vulnerable planet: A short economic history of the environment. New York: Monthly Review Press.

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g r e e n e , r o n a l d w. 1999. Malthusian worlds: U.S. leadership and the governing of the population crisis. Boulder: Westview Press. h a r d i n , g a r r e t t . 1968. The tragedy of the commons. Science 162:124348. h o b s b a w m , e r i c . 1994. The age of extremes: A history of the world, 19141991. New York: Pantheon Books. k l o p p e n b u r g , j a c k r . , j r . 1988. First the seed: The political economy of plant biotechnology, 14922000. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. l e w o n t i n , r . c . , a n d j e a n - p i e r r e b e r l a n . 1986. Technology, research, and the penetration of capital: The case of U.S. agriculture. Monthly Review 38(3):2134. l u d d e n , d a v i d . 1999. An agrarian history of South Asia. (The New Cambridge History of India, vol. 4.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. m c c a y, b o n n i e j . , a n d j a m e s m . a c h e s o n . 1987. The question of the commons: The culture and ecology of communal resources. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. m a n n , s u s a n , a n d j a m e s d i c k i n s o n . 1978. Obstacles to the development of capitalist agriculture. Journal of Peasant Studies 5:46681. n a s s ( n a t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l s t a t i s t i c s s e rv i c e ) . 1999. 1997 census of agriculture. Vol. 1, pt. 5. Washington, D.C. o s b o r n , f a i r e l d . 1948. Our plundered planet. Boston: Little, Brown. p e r k i n s , j o h n h . 1997. Geopolitics and the green revolution: Wheat, genes, and the cold war. New York: Oxford University Press. p o p p e n d i e c k , j a n e t . 1986. Breadlines knee deep in wheat: Food assistance in the Great Depression. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. . 1998. Sweet charity? Emergency food and the end of entitlement. New York: Viking. r o s s e t t , p e t e r , a n d m e d e a b e n j a m i n . 1994. The greening of the revolution: Cubas experiment with organic agriculture. Melbourne: Ocean Press. s t o d d a r d , l o t h r o p . 1920. The rising tide of color against white world supremacy. New York: Scribner. w a t t s , m i c h a e l . 2000. Malthus, Marx, and the millennium, in Struggles over geography: The Hettner Lectures, pp. 3575. Heidelberg: University of Heidelberg Press. w o o d , e l l e n m . 1999. The origin of capitalism. New York: Monthly Review Press.

What Remains of Modernity: Ferguson on 20th-Century Zambia

jon abbink African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands (abbink@fsw.leidenuniv.nl). 3 iii 01 Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings of Urban Life on the Zambian Copperbelt. By James G. Ferguson. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1999. 326 pp. $45 cloth, $17.95 paper Expectations of Modernity is a gripping narrative of the other side of the globalization process that calls into question many of its assumptions. James Fergusons study of declining urban Zambia presents a sensitive and informed critique of modernization theory and of the widespread myth of access to the blessings of industrial

consumer society for all if only the market can reach them. (Even UN Secretary Ko Annan has recently joined the chorus of uncritical globalists.) It is a pity that it is unlikely to be read by those who need it mostthose working in the World Bank, the World Trade Organization, and the development aid ministries of the donor countries. In this fascinating study, Ferguson reveals the painful win-lose situation that globalization is for many, especially in Africa. Using the Zambian example, he questions the teleological models of modernization and industrial development that have long dominated economic and social science debates and led to so many misguided conclusions. He underlines that phases of material development and boom are not a linear move toward afuence but often temporary and, to the dismay of those caught up in them, apt to end in decline and deep crisis. The social and cultural effects of dramatic downturns are conveniently ignored by economists and advocates of unfettered globalization. When modernity, in its material shapes of industrialization, urbanization, economic growth, and rising consumption levels, collapses, personal disarray, loss of meaning, and despair can be the result (p. 14) as the ideological superstructure of values, aspirations, and expectations dissolves. Ferguson presents an interesting and acute analysis of such a process in Copperbelt Zambia. Zambia had a promising future at the time of its independence in 1964 because of its seemingly successful trajectory of industrialization and modernization since the 1920s, but it was all built on sand. The Arab oil policy of the 1970s and the declining buying power of Zambian copper on the world market did their work, and as a result not only did the urban working peoples material conditions of life melt away but their ambitions and their belief in the future and in personal improvement and dignity eroded dramatically. The book contains six chapters, most of them theoretical-interpretive and two of them more empirical, based on observations, case studies, and interviews with former miners and urban people in the late 1980s. Many of these people were forced by the economic misery in the cities to go back to the rural areas, often to relatives whose lifestyles they did not understand or felt uncomfortable with. Ferguson convincingly describes the differences in style and in outlook and records the miners expressions of their failed expectations and struggles. The rst chapter (The Copperbelt in Theory) is an account of the changes in Zambia in the period of economic growth (with the Zambian GDP per capita in 1969 higher than in Brazil, Malaysia, Turkey, or South Korea) and of the way an earlier generation of social scientists (e.g., those of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute) interpreted the industrial and urban developments there. While there were already some critical voices at the time (e.g., G. Wilson), most saw the changes as an irreversible upward trend establishing a new urban culture and society. In his reanalysis, Ferguson ably dissects what he calls the myth of modernity/modernization that has cap-

Volume 42, Number 4, AugustOctober 2001 F 579

tured the attention of so many economists and researchers. He sees it as a false or incorrect story about reality and as a cosmological blueprint that lays down categories and meanings for the organization and interpretation of experience (pp. 1314). He not only presents an intellectual critique of the narratives of modernityas so many contemporary anthropologists have donebut also provides evidence for their weak basis in fact from studies of what has happened on the ground since the 1920s. With this empirically grounded analysis he attempts to develop a new approach to issues of modernization and urbanization, processes that have cultural dimensions in addition to economic ones. The second chapter (Expectations of Modernity) shows that while the labor migrants from the countryside kept coming to the cities, few of them completely cut their ties with their rural kin or came to form an urban proletariat without roots and geared to city life. An analysis of the labor policies of the mining companies and the colonial state shows that laborers were left to fend for themselves in slow times; redundant workers were expected to go home (to the countryside) or move away. Accordingly, Ferguson can show that economic development, industrialization, urbanization, migration, etc., in the Copperbelt were not lasting: in fact, contrary to predictions, no permanent urban society based on a sedentary workforce and rooted in city life emerged. There was therefore no linear movement away from a rural to an urban social structure and culture but more of a circulation, and people in the towns always used a range of migration and work strategies to survive. Ferguson connects his account to the specic nature of the colonial capitalist economy, although he could have brought out its causal workings somewhat more clearly. From his reanalysis of the facts of social and economic change in Zambia since the 1920s, when mining began, it is clear that the nature of this economy and its attendant authoritarian political structure made it particularly exploitative of the African population and caused it to function differently from that in Western countries. In the third chapter Ferguson redenes the cultural dualism so often noted for the Copperbelt: the urban lifestyle and the rural lifestyle, presumed to be the result of the modernization-urbanization process. He prefer to speak of localist and cosmopolitan cultural styles (p. 91), dened as practices that signify differences between social categories (p. 95). Both are urban styles, the result of processes in urban society, and refer to performative competence (pp. 9799). The localist style signies rural life and is more geared to referents of rural society; it is characteristic of people who have maintained contact with their home areas and relatives. The cosmopolitan style, in contrast, is phrased with reference primarily to (expectations and ideals of) urban society and often signies indifference toward or scorn for the rural or cultural. It is predictable that people with this style have more trouble in adjusting to economic decline and crisis, not having maintained rural and kin contacts and lacking the stylistic competence to do so. Ferguson presents some touching case studies

(e.g., that of Mr. Mukande, p. 229). This distinction of styles also does away with the remnants of the classical idea of culture that can be learnt and understood as a whole (elaborated in chap. 6). In this and the following chapters 4 and 5, Ferguson demonstrates the problematic restructuring of peoples sensibilities under persistent social crisis that evokes feelings not only of the humiliation of steep material decline but also of loss of dignity and decent human life. This is revealed very well in the fascinating chapter 4 (Back to the Land?), presenting case studies on returning urbanites, some of them successful, most of them in trouble. In chapter 5 (Expectations of Domesticity), the extraordinary variety and uidity of family life on the urban Copperbelt is described, again refuting any easy predictions about the social effects of economic change. The stories show that urban life and modernization entail cultural and other changes on the personal level, values of improvement and of a wider, connected (e.g., by education) identity that are not easily given up. An idea of linearity is maintained, and, as Ferguson hints, it would be insulting to deny it to Zambians as part of their new identity. In his very interesting last chapter, Global Disconnect, Ferguson reects on these matters: the disconnectionor what he calls (p. 236) abjection (being discarded, thrown aside)of Africa from the global narrative is traumatic for Africans, who feel excluded from the new world order. This chapter does not, however, really depend much on the empirical material of chapters 4 and 5 to make its points. Throughout the book, Ferguson presents boxes with text on interesting case studies, press reports, observations of the problems of urban Zambians, and letters from informants. The latter often contain appeals to the author for modest nancial or material assistance, familiar to most of us when doing eldwork, and as this has a bearing on eldwork methods and rapport one wonders whether and how they were handled. This is an important, well-written, and in various ways inspiring book on a sad subject. The author productively combines an analysis of infrastructural-economic factors with the personal narratives and views of people who are trying to restructure their lives. The advance made by this book (an ethnography of decline, p. 17) is that it systematically pays attention to this subject of irrecoverable material crisis as it affects peoples attitudes and ideals. That Ferguson has chosen the Copperbelt, the famous locus of anthropological research and theorizing of a few generations ago, is fortunate. The book casts new light on African capitalism, social change, and urban culture, which is described in an innovative and sensitive way (e.g., the descriptions of the lambwaza or hangers-on, unemployed but inventive youths, pp. 21819). The only critical notes I would make pertain to the sometimes repetitive nature of the account, especially in some theoretical passages and in chapter 6 (Asian in Miniature), which perhaps makes too much of the common observation that urban culture in Africa is hybrid, noisy, and partly without meaning for all involved. Also,

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more attention might have been paid to analyzing the role of postcolonial political regimes and ruling elites in (mis)managing economy and society. Furthermore, in Fergusons analysis of family life and rural ties, the issue of differences in ethnic traditions that may affect or shape peoples strategies and urban styles is only marginally touched upon, and one wonders whether these differences do not have a greater impact. The empirical material and the theoretical interpretations of this book greatly enhance our understanding of the problems of Zambia and its (ex-)urban populationthe deep and unresolved problems of modernization/globalization. They also rene our critical assessment of an important chapter in the urban anthropology of Africa. Ferguson shows that anthropology as a discipline still generates cumulative insights rather than just telling stories or giving voice. In a refreshing effort at post-postmodern reection, he also rightly calls (pp. 249, 253) for a new critical engagement with the problems of the global economy and of the marginalization or global disconnection of Africa from the rest. This engagement will hardly come from the WTO, the World Bank, or the International Monetary Fund.

The Nature of Primate Sex

nichelle l. cobb Department of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 53705, U.S.A. (cobb@primate.wisc.edu). 13 iii 01 Sex and Friendship in Baboons. By Barbara B. Smuts. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985. New preface, 1999. 303 pp. Primate Sexuality: Comparative Studies of the Prosimians, Monkeys, Apes,and Human Beings. By Alan F. Dixson. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. 546 pp. Among mammals, the fact that males produce relatively inexpensive sperm throughout their lives and females produce a limited supply of rather expensive eggs ensures that males and females pursue different reproductive strategies. The pervasiveness of sex differences in behavior and biology was recognized by Charles Darwin, who remarked in On the Origin of Species that it is rendered possible for the two sexes to be modied through natural selection in relation to different habits of life, as is sometimes the case; or for one sex to be modied in relation to the other sex, as commonly occurs (1963:66). This exploration of the different habits of life of male and female primates is the focus of two books, Barbara Smutss Sex and Friendship in Baboons

and Alan Dixsons Primate Sexuality: Comparative Studies of the Prosimians, Monkeys, Apes, and Human Beings. Between them, Smuts and Dixson impart a sense of just how complicated the sex lives of human and nonhuman primates are and of the complex web of socioecological, physiological, and morphological factors that have inuenced the reproductive strategies of these highly intelligent and social animals. Sex and Friendship in Baboons describes Smutss eld study on this species of Old World monkey and details the different reproductive strategies that males and females employ. Of interest is the fact that males and females often closely associate with one another in situations when females cannot conceive offspring. Smuts asks the simple question why males and females are attracted to one another outside the mating context. Baboons and other primates appear to choose their closest opposite-sexed associates on the basis of the potential benets that can be derived from the friendship, only one of which is mating. Males may need female support to either maintain or improve their position in the group, while females may need male protection for themselves or their infants from other, less friendly males. Smuts concludes from her analysis of male-female friendships that the social relationships that baboons form are the product of rational minds, a conception previously restricted to humans and possibly apes. Even though 16 years have passed since Smutss book was published, it remains the standard reference for the study of male-female social interactions among primates. Part of the reason her book stays fresh is that Smuts deftly combines the presentation of her data on baboon social life with a primer on how to conduct a scientic study of primate behavior. She provides skillful guidance regarding how to devise and test a hypothesis and how to collect, analyze, interpret, and present data in an interesting and accessible way. Sex and Friendship in Baboons should be required reading for any undergraduate or new graduate student interested in setting up a behavioral study. In contrast to Smutss focused description of male and female social relationships and reproductive strategies in baboons, Dixsons book mirrors the breadth and depth of his research career spent unraveling the puzzle of primate sexuality. Dixson describes nearly every aspect of sex imaginable, including the evolution of genitalia, sperm competition, the relationship between ovarian cycles and sexual behavior, and the sexual differentiation of behavior, and provides data on as many extant primates as possible, including humans. While Smutss work is rmly rooted in behavioral ecology, Dixsons book covers a range of disciplines, including taxonomy, morphology, neuroendocrinology, and socioendocrinology. Dixson also targets a different audience; to derive the most benet from his book, the reader should have a basic understanding of developmental biology, endocrinology, primate anatomy, and primate social behavior. Although some background information on primate taxonomy and mating organization is presented, even these sections presume familiarity with the specialized sci-

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entic terminology. Dixson does not teach readers directly as does Smutshis goal is to inform. Dixson should be acknowledged for taking on the formidable task of pulling together data from far-ung sources and a variety of disciplines into one reference. As the foreword to this book suggests, there was a clear need for such a text. In the eld of primatology, only Mitchells (1979, 1980) books on sex differences in nonhuman and human primates, published over 20 years ago, come close to the comprehensiveness of Dixsons work. Although Primate Sexuality is thorough, it is nonetheless apparent from this work that signicant gaps exist in our understanding of sex in nonhuman primates. Dixson often references research on humans to hypothesize about nonhuman primate sexuality. In addition, he must often rely on data from a single nonhuman primate species or from nonprimates to provide a basis for discussion of some topics. One minor criticism of Dixsons book is that, despite its encyclopedic nature, it does not always present data from relevant cross-cultural studies of human sex differences. In his discussion of the superiority of human male visual-spatial skills, for instance, Dixson does not cite work suggesting that child rearing and environmental complexity can affect these abilities (see FaustoSterling 1985). One of the reasons for the occasional oversights may be the immense scope of Dixsons work. Many of the chapters in the book have themselves been the subjects of complete books, often involving several authors (e.g., LeVays [1993] The Sexual Brain, Goy and McEwens [1980] Sexual Differentiation of the Brain, and Money and Ehrhardts [1972] Man and Woman, Boy and Girl). Research on sexuality, particularly on the human species, is often controversial and politically charged. Both Smuts and Dixson, however, generally let science speak for itself without interjecting a political agenda. Smuts briey mentions the feminist critique of the man the hunter theory put forth to explain the evolution of division of labor and food procurement in humans. However, she challenges the idea that big-game hunting strongly inuenced the evolution of male-female relationships in humans on the basis of her data on baboons. She argues that male and female monkeys and apes exhibit differentiated relationships, based upon reciprocity, in the absence of economic exchange. It is this reciprocity readily observed in our extant relatives, she asserts, that should be the basis for theories regarding the evolution of human male and female relationships. Although Dixson also generally divorces his presentation of research from politics, he is sensitive to the social implications of the study of sexuality and sex differences and the potential pitfalls associated with interpretation of such data. When he describes the studies that have documented sexual dimorphism in the neuroanatomy of human males and females, he indicates that many of these studies have not been replicated. Moreover, he notes, It is interesting to speculate how posterity will view more recent attempts to justify the notion that the corpus callosum differs between the

sexes, rather than between the races (p. 306). Dixsons unequivocal rejection of the claims by early 20th-century scientists that signicant differences exist between the brains of whites and African-Americans suggests that he remains dubious about similar differences proposed for males and females. Throughout his presentation of data from various researchers, some of whom strongly disagree with one another, Dixson maintains an objective tone. One of the most famous cases used to refute the idea that human gender roles have a strong biological basis is that of a normal boy who was castrated because of a medical accident at the age of 8 months and subsequently raised as a girl. This case was discussed throughout the work of John Money, one of the most inuential scientists to study human sexuality, and was incorporated into several textbooks as an example of the primacy of rearing and socialization over biological factors in the determination of gender identity. Milton Diamond, who has been a vehement opponent of Moneys interpretation of this case, drafted with Keith Sigmundson a carefully constructed paper that questioned how well this individual adjusted to the reassigned gender and the dismissal of the inuence of biological factors on the development of gender identity (Diamond and Sigmundson 1997). It has taken Diamond many years to see this work published (Colapinto 2000). Dixson ensures that both views of this controversial issue are adequately represented in his book. Together Sex and Friendship in Baboons and Primate Sexuality provide a strong basis for the comparative approach to human evolution and behavior that is Smutss goal in her book. With the publication of Dixsons work and the reissue of Smutss book, perhaps more research on primate sexuality, especially on species other than well-studied macaques and baboons, will be stimulated.

References Cited
c o l a p i n t o , j o h n . 2000. As nature made him: The boy who was raised as a girl. New York: Harper Collins. d a r w i n , c h a r l e s . 1963. On the origin of species by means of natural selection or the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life. New York: Heritage Press. d i a m o n d , m i l t o n , a n d h . k e i t h s i g m u n d s o n . 1997. Sex reassignment at birth: Long-term review and clinical implications. Archives of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine 151: 298304. f a u s t o - s t e r l i n g , a n n e . 1985. Myths of gender: Biological theories about women and men. New York: Basic Books. g o y, r o b e r t w. , a n d b r u c e s . m c e w e n . 1980. Sexual differentiation of the brain. Cambridge: MIT Press. l e v a y, s i m o n . 1993. The sexual brain. Cambridge: MIT Press. m i t c h e l l , g a r y. 1979. Behavioral sex differences in non-human primates. New York: Van Nostrand-Reinhold. . 1980. Human sex differences: A primatologists view. New York: Van Nostrand-Reinhold. m o n e y, j o h n , a n d a n k e a . e h r h a r d t . 1972. Man and woman, boy and girl. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

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Creating Culture Through Choosing Heritage

mark p. leone Anthropology Department, University of Maryland, College Park, Md. 20742, U.S.A. (mleone@anth. umd.edu). 16 ii 01 In the Museum of Maya Culture: Touring Chichen Itza. By Quetzil E. Castaneda. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996. 341 pp. The Archaeological Process: An Introduction. By Ian Hodder. Oxford: Blackwell, 1999. 242 pp. Metaphor and Material Culture. By Christopher Tilley. Oxford: Blackwell, 1999. 298 pp. Castanedas In the Museum of Maya Culture, Hodders The Archaeological Process, and Tilleys Metaphor and Material Culture are attempts to redesign archaeology completely. The theme that drew me to these books is the uidity of the relationships between people and their culture. People in many circumstances are now seen as choosing their cultures. This has of course been going on at an unconscious level, in the name of historic preservation and cultural resource management, in the United States for years, but we thought that it was guided by accuracy and science. Now we know that it is guided by class, power, and ideology. We are also coming to know that elsewhere in the world many archaeologists and ethnographers have described the arbitrariness and the politically situated nature of our common and longstanding practicesour discoveries. Hodder, Tilley, and Castaneda make it clear that culture is no longer justiably seen as inherited, discovered, and described by anthropologiststhat its history shows it to be a metaphor hiding as much as or more than it illuminates. Hodders The Archaeological Process is a sustained, clear, accessible text that reveals his originality and his secure grasp of what archaeology is and how little we understand it, particularly as it is enthusiastically embraced worldwide. He attempts here to provide a constitution for archaeology. His book only looks like an introductory text; it is in fact a serious reintroduction to archaeology for practicing professionals. It is written not for freshmen but for men and women who are interested in freshening their old training in science with the meaning of their experiences on any dig anywhere. It has some na ve moments and some rather too relativist moments, but then there is a moment of striking maturity (pp. 16061): It is na ve, wrong and dangerous to believe that an epistemology can guard us against misuse of the past. Truth will not protect us from politics. Neither objectivism nor relativism nor any other

philosophicalism can stand for social and moral evaluation of political uses and abuses in archaeology. Misuse of the past can only be evaluated socially and ethically. As members of society we make ethical evaluations of the use to which epistemologies are put in the service of politics. It is my opinion that in the present historical moment of global information capitalism and post-colonialism, a dialogue between diverse perspectives on the past is needed in a morally and politically aware archaeology. We live in a plural and multivocal world. This is not the same as saying that we live in a relativist world if by that is meant that we cannot make judgements between the claims of different groups. The difference between plurality and relativism is that the former refers to the rights and dignity of diverse groups. Multivocality is grounded in our diverse needs, morally and materially evaluated. Hodder uses cameo conversations throughout his book to great rhetorical advantage. This is a fragment of one in which he tells a hypothetical questioner that objectivism is no stronger in defending truth than relativism and that neither can replace moral force. Two points in particular are worth noting here. First, Hodder urges a stand for right and wrong in politics. Second, he says that science, no matter how good it is, is too frail to rely on when dealing with the misuse of the past; such a stand calls for a moral position and a political analysis. I dont know whether his position is fully correct, but we archaeologists must surely think about it. According to Hodder, the idea that people actively play a part in forming themselves and thus their culture has implications for archaeology. The search for origins is becoming a search for chosen pasts. This is not readily understood by most American archaeologists, but Hodder is correct ethnographically. In fact, his case was quite convincingly made a decade ago by Jonathan Friedman (1992) when he showed how native Hawaiians and modern Greeks struggled for their own place and humanity by constantly negotiating their pasts, including their archaeological heritage. Hodders observations do not displace human origins or plant domestication as objects of archaeological concern. He does, however, say that what is of value in archaeology is changing and that to place ultimate value on archaeological mitigation, to call archaeology a resource, and to see the salvage of artifacts as primary is to overlook why such denitions occurred in the rst place. Things have no value out of context, particularly the context of local signicance. But local meaning is just as pointless without an archaeological understanding of how meaning is established. A third important observation about modern archaeology is that eld methodsartifact categories, electronic data management, stratigraphic recording, electronic photography, and ties between laboratory and digshould not be seen as xed in advance. Hodder suggests exibility of methods because the role of archaeology in local political struggles, its entertainment and

Volume 42, Number 4, AugustOctober 2001 F 583

media uses, its relations with local government, and its contribution to the elds of conservation, museum studies, and American studies are changing; the methods employed in an excavation will follow from the reasons for undertaking it. In arguing these points Hodder is telling us that we are at serious risk of being unable to play the role assigned to archaeology today because we do not understand how important it is to modern politics. This is a conservative position, not a relativistic one. Hodder makes a plausible case, and in some ways it is essential to revamping American archaeology so that its empirical contributions can continue. Quetzil Castanedas position is not so conservative. While Hodder explains to archaeologists that we must be engaged more actively as people choose their pasts, Castaneda begins with the observation, now decades old in anthropology, that a culture is itself an invention of anthropology, usually in the form of a text. Echoing the now common observation that native people will read an ethnographic account and, seeing themselves in it, become what they see, Castaneda suggests that this mirroring process creates an anthropological museuma locus or topography in which people live, are seen and described by an anthropologist or other observer, and are thereby given a culture. This culture may also be the way the people see themselvesa not uncommon phenomenon now that the concept of culture is ubiquitous. This becoming a culture is then subject to discovery or, perhaps, rediscovery both by people who have lost something they once had (a glorious past available, of course, archaeologically) and by others who, in seeking it out, become tourists. The tourists discover the museumthat is, the anthropologically and archaeologically discovered culture, lived by people who become in part what they have been discovered to be, remnants of glorious antecedents. Heritage tourism is focused on these authentic peoples, and what tourists see is, among other things, reconstructed ruins built since the 1880s by German, British, U.S., or other archaeologists with funding from foundations, governments, and wealthy patrons. Castaneda points out that the rst generation of archaeologists often built these tourist attractions with the intention of helping to verify emergent national identities but, with Hodder and Tilley, observes that archaeologists are not engaged in this now. Castanedas book is as much about a touristic environment as it is about the Yucatec Maya, but in an attempt to show how a touristic environment operates it discusses the use and impact of culture (p. 18): What is the invention [in the sense of scientic discovery] of culture . . . and the culture of invention (as an economy and technology of [what is thought to be] the real)? The analytical problem . . . concerns the circuits by which culture travels. How are cultures transported, imported, exported, deported, reported across . . . discourses and . . . localities? As . . . culture . . . traverses landscapes of imagination, how does culture constitute topographies . . . socio-

geographic units of identity, belonging, and power. . . . These are issues in an economy of culture . . . By economy of culture Castaneda means who pays for the study/discovery, who benets from it, how it is used to create impressions of power and subordination, where the tourist location is sited, and how it is brought to life. There is always a locale and a topography. Reenactments, reconstructions, behind-the-scenes archaeological views, guided tours, guides, guidebooks, souvenir sales, hotels and restaurants help make up topography and economy (p. 173): At the heart of [these vehicles that make up a topography] and anthropological strategy of knowledge are the ruins of Chichen Itza: a machine that functions to read and write the Maya. . . . In the . . . practices of tourism, the Museum of Chichen, which is the strategic order of knowledge embodied in the ruins, is continuously reinvented as a sight, as texts, as photographs, as postcards, as tours, as souvenirs, as an encounter with the Maya, as memory of a culture and a civilization. Chichen Itza can be at once an archaeological site, a world-famous tourist attraction, a place to earn a living, and a New Age magnet because it is what Christopher Tilley calls a solid metaphor. In my opinion, the major contribution of Tilleys book comes from his struggle with the difference between the two activities that make humans unique, language and the making of things. A solid metaphor can contain many inconsistent meanings at once; language cannot. According to Tilley, To perceive similarities [is] to engage with metaphor . . . [that is] substitution on the basis of resemblance (p. 19). Solid metaphors contain what might be termed a literal memory . . . residing in the shape, form, colour, etc. that becomes sedimented as a non-verbal mental image of the thing in the mind (pp. 26970): Solid metaphor [becomes] images for the storage and retrieval of information . . . linked to experience . . . in which those artifacts are used. . . .Both solid and linguistic metaphors . . . have their basis in the ability to recognize similarities among the material attributes of things. . . . The production, exchange, and consumption of things and [the] linguistic experience of the naming and associations of things provide the continuous possibility for the creation of new . . . understandings of the world . . . [or] one thing is conceived in terms of another. . . . Novel metaphors . . . are activated . . . in . . . performative contexts [that] bring about changes in the manner in which people perceive the world, which in turn affects the way they act in the world. Arguing that words can never substitute for things, Tilley points to the deeply personalized relationships people develop with things made and consumed, which provide them a physical, synaesthetic, material experience that sometimes threatens to overwhelm the senses, and suggests that the passage of time in the

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making, exchange, and consumption of things further distinguishes them from the eeting and momentary spoken word. The second essential characteristic of solid metaphors is that they convey meaning through ambiguity and easily encompass contradictions while appearing to be concrete. A tourist site works, then, because it sits in a place and must be visited for its images to work. It works less well when described or presented in a book. It works because it carries many more meanings successfully than anything linguistic, although it holds its many meanings in the verbal exchange that happens at the site and afterwards in ritual contexts. A tourist site cannot be built by a visitor but can be exported in the form of some authentic piece of it. Its size, color, layout, and appeal to the senses are different from anything linguistic, and, in addition, it lasts. A site can mean more than a linguistic metaphor because it embodies a far more comprehensive and often contradictory experience. The visual experience is encoded as images in the mind, as metaphors. When these metaphors become linguistic images (another kind of metaphor) in ritualized contexts, people understand their world better, or differently. Tilley argues that rock art, megalithic monuments, and barrows are to be understood as solid metaphors. They are like the cathedrals of Englandonce used by people involved in rituals and now visited by tourists, all having a splendid time with the emotional and synaesthetic fullness of these metaphors. The impressions left from such experiences will, if the object becomes the subject of verbal discourses, elicit a verbal translation by means of which sensory, experimental and image-based analogic reasoning . . . acquire semantic expression as linguistic metaphor (p. 270). The result of such byplay in the mind will be creative and new. Hodder, Tilley, and Castaneda are all telling us not to stop digging but to be aware of the production of modern identity, the museum of the modern self, and recognize that the metaphor that takes on the form of reality has an economy surrounding it, an economy in which we operate.

Books Received
aigle, denise, be ne dicte brac de la perrie ` re, and j e a n - p i e r r e c h a u m e i l . Editors. 2000. La politique des esprits: Chaminismes et religions universalistes. Nanterre: Socie te dEthnologie. 443 pp. a n s e l i n , a l a i n . Editor. 2000. Cahiers caribe ens dEgyptologie. Fort de France, Martinique: Socie te dAnthropologie. 158 pp. 175 FF/i25.92 anton, anatole, milton sh, and nancy holms t r o m . Editors. Not for sale: In defense of public goods. Boulder: Westview Press. 492 pp. $25 a s s a y a g , j a c k i e . 2001. LInde: De sir de nation. Paris: Editions Odile Jacob. 347 pp. 165 FF a u n g e r , r o b e r t . Editor. 2001. Darwinizing culture: The status of memetics as a science. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 255 pp. $29.95 a u y e r o , j a v i e r . 2001. Poor peoples politics: Peronist survival networks and the legacy of Evita. Durham: Duke University Press. 272 pp. $54.95 cloth, $18.95 paper a x e l , b r i a n k e i t h . 2001. The nations tortured body: Violence, representation, and the formation of a Sikh diaspora. Durham: Duke University Press. 309 pp. $64.95 cloth, $22.95 paper b e c k e r , a . l . 1995. Beyond translation: Essays toward a modern philology. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 450 pp. $54.50/34.00 cloth, $24.95/15.50 paper b e n t l e y, g i l l i a n r . , a n d c . g . n i c h o l a s m a s c i e t a y l o r . Editors. 2000. Infertility in the modern world: Present and future prospects. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 276 pp. $69.95 cloth, $24.95 paper bintliff, john l., martin kuna, and natalie venclova . Editors. 2000. The future of surface artefact survey in Europe. Shefeld: Shefeld Academic Press. 132 pp. $60/40 b l a i s d e l l , b o b . Editor. 2000. Great speeches by Native Americans. New York: Dover. 233 pp. $2 b l u m , s u s a n d . 2000. Portraits of primitives: Ordering human kinds in the Chinese nation. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littleeld. 256 pp. $69.00 cloth, $24.95 paper bonnemaison, joe l . 2001. La ge ographie culturelle: Cours de lUniversite Paris IV-Sorbonne 19941997. Paris: Editions de CTHS. 152 pp. 90 FF/i13.72 douard conte, and paul dresch. bonte, pierre, E Editors. 2001. Emirs et pre sidents: Figures de la parente et du politique dans le monde arabe. Paris: CNRS. 370 pp. 160 FF/ i24/$21 b r a y, t a m a r a . Editor. 2001. The future of the past: Archaeologists, Native Americans, and repatriation. New York: Garland. 266 pp. $75.00 b r e n e r , m i l t o n . 2000. Faces: The changing look of humankind. New York: University Press of America. 400 pp. $56 b r u m a n , h e n r y j . 2000. Alcohol in ancient Mexico. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. 170 pp. $30

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f r i e d m a n , j o n a t h a n . 1992. The past in the future: History and the politics of identity. American Anthropologist 94: 83759.

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b u r t o n , j o h n w. 2001. Culture and the human body: An anthropological perspective. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press. 137 pp. $11.50 chen, nancy n., constance d. clark, suzanne z. g o t t s c h a n g , a n d l y n j e f f e r y. Editors. 2001. China urban: Ethnographies of contemporary culture. Durham: Duke University Press. 349 pp. $64.95 cloth, $21.95 paper c h i n , e l i z a b e t h . 2001. Purchasing power: Black kids and American consumer culture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 264 pp. $17.95 c r a n d a l l , d a v i d p . 2000. The place of stunted ironwood trees: A year in the lives of the cattle-herding Himba of Namibia. New York: Continuum International. 269 pp. $24.95 c u n l i f f e , b a r r y. 2001. Facing the ocean: The Atlantic and its peoples. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 608 pp. 25 d a r n e l l , r e g n a . 2001. Invisible genealogies: A history of Americanist anthropology. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 402 pp. $55.00 cloth, $24.95 paper d e b i e , m a r c , a n d j e a n - p a u l c a s p a r . Editors. 2000. Rekem: A Federmesser camp on the Meuse River bank. Vol. 1. Leuven: Institute for the Archaeological Heritage of Flanders/ Leuven University Press. 325 pp. BEF 4950/i122.71 d e b i e , m a r c , a n d j e a n - p a u l c a s p a r . Editors. 2000. Rekem: A Federmesser camp on the Meuse River bank. Vol. 2. Leuven: Institute for the Archaeological Heritage of Flanders/ Leuven University Press. 265 pp. BEF 4950/i122.71 d e w a a l , f r a n s . 2001. The ape and the sushi master: Cultural reections of a primatologist. New York: Basic Books. 444 pp. $26 d o r i v a l , g i l l e s , a n d d i d i e r p r a l o n . Editors. 2000. Prie ` res me diterrane ennes hier et aujourdhui. Aix-en-Provence: Publications de lUniversite de Provence. 340 pp. 220 FF d u b o w, s a u l . Editor. 2000. Science and society in southern Africa. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 251 pp. $74.95 d u r a n t i , a l e s s a n d r o . Editor. 2001. Linguistic anthropology: A reader. Oxford: Blackwell. 502 pp. $34.95 d u r h a m , w i l l i a m h . Editor. 2000. Annual review of anthropology. Vol. 29. Palo Alto, Calif.: Annual Reviews. 580 pp. eastman, charles a., and elaine goodale eastm a n . 2000(1909). Wigwam evenings: 27 Sioux folk tales. New York: Dover. 86 pp. $4.95 e a s t m a n , j a n e m . , a n d c h r i s t o p h e r b . ro d n i n g . 2001. Archaeological studies of gender in the southeastern United States. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. 236 pp. $55 e l l i s o n , p e t e r t . 2001. On fertile ground: A natural history of human reproduction. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 368 pp. $27.95 e m b e r , c a r o l r . , a n d m e l v i n e m b e r . 2001. Cross-cultural research methods. Walnut Creek: Alta Mira Press. 172 pp. $62.00 cloth, $22.95 paper e v a n s , e . e s t y n . 2000(1957). Irish folk ways. New York: Dover. 336 pp. $9.95

f a b i a n , s t e p h e n m . 2001. Patterns in the sky: An introduction to ethnoastronomy. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press. 135 pp. $10.95 f i s h m a n , j o s h u a a . Editor. 1999. Handbook of language and ethnic identity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 468 pp. 50 gemzo e , l e n a . 2000. Feminine matters: Womens religious practices in a Portuguese town. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International. 285 pp. SEK 200 g e n s e l , p a t r i c i a g . , a n d d i a n n e e d w a r d s . 2000. Plants invade the land: Evolutionary and environmental perspectives. New York: Columbia University Press. $65.00/ 41.50 cloth, $32.00/20.50 paper gibson, clark c., margaret a. mc kean, and elin o r o s t r o m . Editors. 2000. People and forests: Communities, institutions, and governance. Cambridge: MIT Press. 299 pp. $21 g l a z i e r , s t e p h e n d . 2001. Encyclopedia of African and African-American religions. New York: Routledge. 472 pp. $125/ CAN $188 g o l d m a n , l a u r e n c e r . 2000. Social impact analysis: An applied anthropology manual. New York: Berg. 351 pp. $65.00 cloth, $19.50 paper g o t t l i e b , r o b e r t . 2001. Environmentalism unbound: Exploring new pathways for change. Cambridge: MIT Press. 413 pp. $29.95/20.50 g r i j n s , k e e s , a n d p e t e r j . m . n a s . Editors. 2000. Jakarta-Batavia: Socio-cultural essays. Leiden: KITLV Press. 359 pp. NLG 70,00/i31.80 g r i m e s , k i m b e r l y m . , a n d b . l y n n e m i l g r a m . Editors. 2000. Artisans and cooperatives: Developing alternative trade for the global economy. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 216 pp. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper g r u e n b a u m , e l l e n . 2000. The female circumcision controversy: An anthropological perspective. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 250 pp. $55.00/38.50 cloth, $24.95/ 17.50 paper g u i l m o t o , c h r i s t o p h e z . , a n d a l a i n v a g u e t . Editors. 2000. Essays on population and space in India. Pondicherry: Institut Franc ais de Pondiche ry. 256 pp. 200 FF g u s s , d a v i d m . 2001. The festive state: Race, ethnicity, and nationalism as cultural performance. Berkeley: University of California Press. 252 pp. $48.00/30.00 cloth, $17.95/11.50 paper h a l p e r i n , r h o d a h . 2001. The teacup ministry and other stories: Subtle boundaries of class. Austin: University of Texas. 134 pp. $30.00 cloth, $14.95 paper h a l s t e a d , p a u l , a n d c h a r l e s f r e d e r i c k . Editors. 2000. Landscape and land use in postglacial Greece. Shefeld: Shefeld Academic Press. 175 pp. $24.50/14.95 h a n d l e r , r i c h a r d . Editor. 2000. Excluded ancestors, inventible traditions: Essays towards a more inclusive history of anthropology. (History of Anthropology 9.) Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 323 pp. $29.95

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h a r p e r , s h a r o n m . p . Editor. 2000. The lab, the temple, and the market: Reections at the intersection of science, religion, and development. Bloomeld, Conn.: Kumarian Press. 260 pp. $24.95 h a y d e n , r o b e r t m . 1999. Blueprints for a house divided: The constitutional logic of the Yugoslav conicts. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 224 pp. $42.50/26.50 cloth, $19.95/12.50 paper h e a l y, k e v i n . 2001. Llamas, weavings, and organic chocolates: Multicultural grassroots development in the Andes and Amazon of Bolivia. Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press. 501 pp. $30.00 h e l l e i n e r , j a n e . 2000. Irish Travellers: Racism and the politics of culture. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 283 pp. $50/30 h e n d r y, j o y. 2000. The Orient strikes back: A global view of cultural display. Oxford: Berg. 270 pp. $65.00 cloth, $19.50 paper h i r a b a y a s h i , l a n e r y o . 2001. The politics of eldwork: Research in an American concentration camp. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 232 pp. $35.00 cloth, $17.95 paper h o c k i n g s , p a u l . 2001. Mortuary ritual of the Badagas of southern India. Fieldiana: Anthropology New Series 32. $22 h o l l a n d , d o r o t h y, w i l l i a m l a c h i c o t t e j r . , d e b r a s k i n n e r , a n d c a r o l e c a i n . 2001. Identity and agency in cultural worlds. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 360 pp. $24.95 h o l m q u i s t , t o v e . 2000. The hospital is a uterus: Western discourses of childbirth in late modernitya case study from northern Italy. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International. 322 pp. SEK 200 h o p e , a n d r e w, i i i , a n d t h o m a s f . t h o r n t o n . Editors. 2000. Will the time ever come? A Tlingit source book. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Knowledge Network. 159 pp. h o r t o n , m a r k , a n d j o h n m i d d l e t o w n . 2000. The Swahili: The social landscape of a mercantile society. Oxford: Blackwell. 288 pp. $54.95/40.00 h u g h - j o n e s , s t e p h e n , a n d j a m e s l a i d l a w. Editors. 2001. The essential Edmund Leach. Vol. 1. Anthropology and society. London: Yale University Press. 416 pp. $45/30 h u g h - j o n e s , s t e p h e n , a n d j a m e s l a i d l a w. Editors. 2001. The essential Edmund Leach. Vol. 2. Culture and human nature. London: Yale University Press. 430 pp. $45/30 h u l m e , p e t e r . 2001. Remnants of conquest: The Island Caribs and their visitors, 18771998. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 381 pp. $74 h u r t , t e r e s a d . , a n d g o r d o n f . m . r a k i t a . Editors. 2000. Style and function: Conceptual issues in evolutionary archaeology. Westport, Conn.: Bergin and Garvey. 240 pp. $65 j a c o b i , k e i t h r . 2000. Last rites for the Tipu Maya: Genetic structuring in a colonial cemetery. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. 397 pp. $32.95 j o h n s o n , a l l e n w. , a n d t i m o t h y e a r l e . 2000. 2d edition. The evolution of human societies: From foraging group to agrarian state. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 454 pp. $60.00 cloth, $24.95 paper

j o y c e , r o s e m a r y a . 2001. Gender and power in prehispanic Mesoamerica. Austin: University of Texas Press. 286 pp. $40.00 cloth, $21.95 paper k a n , s e r g e i . Editor. 2001. Strangers to relatives: The adoption and naming of anthropologists in native North America. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 278 pp. $50.00/34.00 cloth, $24.95/16.95 paper k u p i a i n e n , j a r i . 2000. Tradition, trade, and woodcarving in Solomon Islands. Transactions of the Finnish Anthropological Society 45. 331 pp. DKK 224.00/18.50/i30.00 l e m o r i n i , c r i s t i n a . 2000. Reconna tre des tactiques dexploitation du milieu au Pale olithique Moyen: La contribution de lanalyse fonctionnelleetude fonctionnelle des industries lithiques de Grotta Breuil (Latium, Italie) et de La Combette (Bonnieux, Vaucluse, France). British Archaeological Reports International Series 858. 147 pp. 28 l e v i n s o n , b r a d l e y a . u . , e t a l . Editors. 2000. Schooling the symbolic animal: Social and cultural dimensions of education. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littleeld. 408 pp. $71.00 cloth, $25.95 paper l e w i s - w i l l i a m s , j . d . 2000. Stories that oat from afar: Ancestral folklore of the San of southern Africa. College Station: Texas A&M University Press. $19.95 l u c e r o , l i s a j . 2001. Social integration in the ancient Maya hinterlands: Ceramic variability in the Belize River area. Arizona State University Anthropological Research Papers 53. 96 pp. $15 l u n d g r e n , i n g e r . 2000. Lost visions and new uncertainties: Sandinista profesionales in northern Nicaragua. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International. 269 pp. SEK 200 m a c b e t h , h e l e n , a n d p r a k a s h s h e t t y. Editors. 2001. Health and ethnicity. (Society for the Study of Human Biology Series 41.) London: Taylor and Francis. 270 pp. $32.95 m c c a r t h y, a n n a . 2001. Ambient television: Visual culture and public space. Durham: Duke University Press. 328 pp. $54.95 cloth, $18.95 paper m c v e i g h , b r i a n j . 2000. Wearing ideology: State, schooling, and self-representation in Japan. Oxford: Berg. 242 pp. $65.00 cloth, $19.50 paper m a k r i s , g . p . 2000. Changing masters: Spirit possession and identity construction among the descendants of slaves in the Sudan. Evanston: Northwestern University Press. 446 pp. $75 m a l l o y, m a r y. 2000. Souvenirs of the fur trade: Northwest Coast Indian art and artifacts collected by American mariners 17881844. Cambridge: Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. 188 pp. $35 m a s q u e l i e r , a d e l i n e . 2001. Prayer has spoiled everything: Possession, power, and identity in an Islamic town of Niger. Durham: Duke University Press. 366 pp. $64.95 cloth, $21.95 paper m i l l e r , d a n i e l . 2001. The dialectics of shopping. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 236 pp. $40 cloth, $18 paper m o l n a r , a n d r e a k a t a l i n . 2000. Grandchildren of the Gae ancestors: Social organization and cosmology among the Hoga Sara of Flores. Leiden: KITLV Press. 317 pp. NLG 70,00/ i31.80

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m o o n , v a s a n t . 2000. Growing up untouchable in India: A Dalit autobiography. Translated by Gail Omvedt. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littleeld. 223 pp. $65.00 cloth, $19.95 paper m o r r i s , b r i a n . 2000. Animals and ancestors: An ethnography. New York: Berg. 299 pp. $65.00 cloth, $22.50 paper m u l l i n , m o l l y h . 2001. Culture in the marketplace: Gender, art, and value in the American Southwest. Durham: Duke University Press. 238 pp. $54.95 cloth, $18.95 paper o a k s , l a u r y. 2001. Smoking and pregnancy: The politics of fetal protection. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. 286 pp. $52 cloth, $22 paper o v e r i n g , j o a n n a , a n d a l a n p a s s e s . Editors. 2000. The anthropology of love and anger: The aesthetics of conviviality in native Amazonia. New York: Routledge. 319 pp. $27.99/ CAN $37.99 p a r k e r p e a r s o n , m i k e . 2000. The archaeology of death and burial. College Station: Texas A&M University Press. 256 pp. $25.95 p e n g r a , l a u r a m o r t o n . 2000. Your values, my values: Multicultural services in developmental disabilities. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes. 271 pp. $29 p i k e , s a r a h m . 2001. Earthly bodies, magical selves: Contemporary pagans and the search for community. Berkeley: University of California Press. 304 pp. $50.00/30.00 cloth, $19.95/12.50 paper p r a e t z e l l i s , a d r i a n . 2000. Death by theory: A tale of mystery and archaeological theory. Walnut Creek: Alta Mira Press. 182 pp. $59.00 cloth, $17.95 paper r a d a n o , r o n a l d , a n d p h i l i p v. b o h l m a n . Editors. 2000. Music and the racial imagination. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 718 pp. $29.00/20.50 r a j a g o p a l , a r v i n d . 2001. Politics after television: Hindu nationalism and the reshaping of the public in India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 401 pp. $69.96 cloth, $24.95 paper r e n f r e w, c o l i n . Editor. 2000. America past, America present: Genes and languages in the Americas and beyond. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. 185 pp. $50 r e n f r e w, c o l i n , a n d k a t i e b o y l e . Editors. 2000. Archaeogenetics: DNA and the population prehistory of Europe. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. 362 pp. $80 r e n f r e w, c o l i n , a p r i l m c m a h o n , a n d l a r r y t r a s k . Editors. 2000. Time depth in historical linguistics. 2 vols. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. 695 pp. $90 r e t h m a n , p e t r a . 2001. Tundra passages: Gender and history in the Russian Far East. University Park: Penn State University Press. 243 pp. $65.00 cloth, $22.50 paper ro e b ro e k s , w i l , m a r g h e r i t a m u s s i , j i r svoboda, a n d k e l l y f e n n e m a . Editors. 2000. Hunters of the Golden Age: The mid Upper Palaeolithic of Eurasia

30,00020,000 BP. Leiden: University of Leiden. 416 pp. HFL 70/45 s a b l o f f , a n n a b e l l e . 2001. Reordering the natural world: Humans and animals in the city. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 268 pp. $55.00/35.00 cloth, $22.95/15.00 paper s a e t n a n , a n n r u d i n o w, n e l l y o u d s h o o r n , a n d m a r t a k i r e j c z y k . Editors. 2000. Bodies of technology: Womens involvement with reproductive medicine. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. 471 pp. $75.00 cloth, $26.95 paper s a h l i n s , m a r s h a l l . 2001. Culture in practice: Selected essays. New York: Zone Books. 646 pp. $35 s a n g r e n , p . s t e v e n . 2000. Chinese sociologics: An anthropological account of the role of alienation in social reproduction. London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology 72. 341 pp. $29.95 s c h e f e r , h a r o l d w. 2000. Filiation and afliation. Boulder: Westview Press. 217 pp. $22 s e r n a u , s c o t t . 2000. Bound: Living in the globalized world. Bloomeld, Conn.: Kumarian Press. 240 pp. $59.00 cloth, $23.95 paper s e t o n , e r n e s t t h o m p s o n . 2000(1918). Sign talk of the Cheyenne Indians and other cultures. New York: Dover. 283 pp. $9.95 s k u l t a n s , v i e d a , a n d j o h n c o x . Editors. 2000. Anthropological approaches to psychological medicine: Crossing bridges. London: Jessica Kingsley. 303 pp. $24.95 s o b o , e l i s a j . , a n d s a n d r a b e l l . 2001. Celibacy, culture, and society: The anthropology of sexual abstinence. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 288 pp. $55.00 cloth, $22.95 paper s o l o m o n , j u l i a n h a r r i s . 2000(1928). The book of Indian crafts and Indian lore. New York: Dover. 439 pp. $11.95 s t e w a r t , p a m e l a j . , a n d a n d r e w s t r a t h e r n . 2001. Humors and substances: Ideas of the body in New Guinea. Westport, Conn.: Bergin and Garvey. 168 pp. $54.50 s t o c k e r , t e r r y. Editor. 2001. Incidents. Tempe: Franklin. 308 pp. $17.95 s t r e e t , b r i a n v. Editor. 2001. Literacy and development: Ethnographic perspectives. London: Routledge. 238 pp. $100.00/CAN $150.00 cloth, $31.95/CAN $47.95 paper s u l l i v a n , z o h r e h t . 2001. Exiled memories: Stories of Iranian diaspora. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 317 pp. $74.50 cloth, $24.95 paper t a y l o r , l a w r e n c e , a n d m a e v e h i c k e y. 2001. Tunnel kids. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 152 pp. $45.00 cloth, $17.95 paper t h o m p s o n , s e t h . Editor. 2000(1929). Tales of the North American Indians. New York: Dover. 412 pp. $9.95 t o d o r o v, t z v e t a n . 2001. Life in common: An essay in general anthropology. Translated by Katherine Golsan and Lucy

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Golsan. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 189 pp. $45.00/ 30.00 cloth, $19.95/13.50 paper t o l , ro g e r , k e e s v a n d i j k , a n d g r e g a c c i a i o l i . . Editors 2000. Authority and enterprise among the peoples of South Sulawesi. Leiden: KITLV Press. 293 pp. NLG 60.00/ i27.23 t u z i n , d o n a l d . 2001. Social complexity in the making: A case study among the Arapesh of New Guinea. New York: Routledge. 171 pp. US $75.00/CAN $113.00 cloth, US $22.95/ CAN $34.95 paper v a n s c h a i k , c a r o l p . , a n d c h a r l e s h . j a n s o n . Editors. 2000. Infanticide by males and its implications. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 583 pp. $130.00 cloth, $47.95 paper v i t e b s k y, p i e r s . 2001. Shamanism. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 184 pp. $12.95

w a s i l e w s k a , e w a . 2000. Creation stories of the Middle East. London: Jessica Kingsley. 224 pp. 18.95 w a t e r s , t o n y. 2001. Bureaucratizing the good Samaritan: The limitations of humanitarian relief organizations. Boulder: Westview Press. 328 pp. $30.00 w a t k i n s , j o e . 2000. Indigenous archaeology: American Indian values and scientic practice. Walnut Creek: Alta Mira Press. 234 pp. $62.00 cloth, $23.95 paper w h i t l e y, d a v i d s . Editor. 2001. Handbook of rock art research. Walnut Creek: Alta Mira Press. 863 pp. $99.95 w i l l e y, g o r d o n r . , a n d p h i l i p p h i l l i p s . 2001(1958). Method and theory in American archaeology. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. 284 pp. $29.95 w i n t e r , j o s e p h c . Editor. 2001. Tobacco use by native North Americans: Sacred smoke and silent killer. 472 pp. $65