Jason's Reconciliation with Telamon: A Moral Exemplar in Apollonius' "Argonautica" (1.

12861344) Author(s): Anatole Mori Source: The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 126, No. 2 (Summer, 2005), pp. 209-236 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3804899 . Accessed: 25/02/2011 18:07
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JASON'S

RECONCILIATION EXEMPLAR

WITH

TELAMON:

A MORAL

IN APOLLONIUS' (1.1286-1344) Mori

ARGONAUTICA Anatole

Abstract. At the end of the first book of Apollonius' Argonautica, Telamon accuses Jason of plotting to leave Heracles behind, an insult for which Telamon later apologizes. This article suggests that their reconciliation unites the Alexandrian interest in what is appropriate for epic with Aristotelian views on anger and political friendship, two themes that resonate throughout the poem. While Telamon's apology and Jason's moderate response revise the structure of traditional epic quarrels, the portrayal of self-control in this episode constitutes a moral exemplar in keeping with those Homeric scenes that were admired by ancient philosophers.

INTERPRETERS OF THE THIRD-CENTURY B.C.E. EPIC ARGONAUTICA have, for the most part, relied on literary parallels and allusions in order to explicate the innovative choices made by its author, the Alexandrian of Rhodes. It is certainly true that Apollonius scholar-poet Apollonius models his poem on the Homeric epics, yet it is also true that Apollonius' of Homer does not always yield the results one might expect emulation it occasionally or even readily understand. Accordingly, proves helpful to and to consider other influences on the broaden the field of comparanda debate philosophical poem. This article shows how the long-standing regarding the moral utility of epic affected the portrayal of Jason, the elected leader of the Argonauts and the poem's central male character. Telamon exempliJason's calm reconciliation with his fellow Argonaut of fies a moral response that is at odds with the wrathful resentment in the Iliad. circumstances under comparable of anger sets him apart from Achilles, it While Jason's avoidance to emulate what nevertheless reveals concern on the part of Apollonius behavior. Such of morally admirable was seen as Homer's depiction of ancient were admittedly rare in epic from the perspective depictions and even essential combut they represent an appropriate philosophers, therefore ponent of the genre. My first section, 'Anger in the Argonautica" Achilles Press American Journal of Philology 126 209-236 ? 2005 University byTheJohns Hopkins (2005)

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contrasts the treatment of anger in the Argonautica with that of other and self-control owes much that Jason's emotional epics suggests atypical to Aristotelian The second ideas about appropriate of anger. displays the debate "The Moral of follows section, Utility philosophical Epic," of that the to instruct and concludes Apollonius, regarding capacity poetry like other scholars working in third-century Alexandria, placed a premium on the moral as well as the textual integrity of epic poetry. Finally, the third section, "Epic Friendship and Philosophical Reconciliation," the Argo? considers Apollonius' on social harmony throughout emphasis nautica and compares the speeches of Jason and Telamon during the reconciliation with specific passages in Homer and the Aristotelian corpus.

ANGER

IN THE ARGONAUTICA

with the theme of epic anger in several episodes Apollonius experiments of the Argonautica. to the narrative of Anger is, of course, fundamental the Iliad, which begins with a quarrel and ends with a reconciliation, whereas quarrels in the Hellenistic quickly: within a epic are resolved single episode in most cases. Unlike the wrathful Idas, Jason is marked by and scholars rationalization and the inclination toward compromise,1 have long viewed him in a relatively negative light: as an anti-hero, lovehero, anxious realist, and even a coward.2 Although (1912, 36Mooney that Jason is "slow to wrath," he dismisses 37), for example, recognizes him as "tame and insipid" in contrast Medea.3 In to the passionate

1Moreau (1994, 187), for example, claims that Jason lacks, among other heroic qualities, "l'impetuosite martiale d'un Idas." For Jason as a new heroic type, see Frankel 1960. Drager (2001, 102-3, 121-23) agrees with Frankel and also observes that Idas' impious rage is a foil to the justified anger of the gods. Hunter (1993, 58) notes that Idas exemplifies "the purposelessness of 'brawn' without 'brainV Clauss (1993, 205-8) characterizes Telamon and Heracles as blustering Homeric types. For a positive reading of Aeetes as a Homeric warrior, see Williams 1996a and Thiel 1996. 2 See Hunter, 1993, 8-15, 25, for an extensive discussion of epic character and the critical reception of Jason (e.g., Carspecken 1952, Lawall 1966, Beye 1969, Zanker 1979, Jackson 1992). Pietsch (1999, 158) suggests that Jason charts a middle course between greatness and weakness; we sympathize with Jason because of his youth and the immensity of the task that he undertakes, yet we cannot accept Jason as superior because of his lack of resourcefulness. 3 At Arg. 4.394: Jason is frightened (hypoddeisas) at Medea's fury;she is boiling with and rage yearns, like Aeetes (3.581-83), to burn the Argo.The verb \)7co8e{8co ("feel awe" or "tremble") appears only in connection with Aeetes: at 3.318, Argos fears Aeetes' reaction to the Argonauts, and at 3.435, Aeetes threatens Jason should he be afraid to yoke the bulls.

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of Jason's moderate the significance evaluating temper we should not, is ineffectual in the Argodiscount the fact that however, anger largely nautica: those characters who express anger are usually rebuked, igwork together to silence Idas' nored, or even dismissed. The Argonauts when he outbursts when he insults Jason and Idmon (1.463-71,487-91), and when he tries to break on to their reliance Medea objects (3.558-63), Jason's enchanted anger (cholos) may weapons Although (3.1252-55). certainly be justified against an openly hostile enemy, as when Amycus and is then killed in a and insults the Argonauts (2.19-20) challenges conthe poem consistently boxing match by an angry Pollux (2.67-97),4 like Amycus demns the rebellious, like Idas, and punishes the belligerent, and Aeetes.5 Of particular interest in this regard are Jason's responses toTelamon. Telamon is the heroic obverse of the arrogant Idas, whose rashness is portrayed unfavorably.6 Telamon, by contrast, enjoys respect and good in battle he demonstrates courage reputation among the Argonauts: Aeetes two to is chosen for embassies (3.196, 1172(1.1043, 2.121-22), of Ares the field and volunteers to (3.515-16).7 Never75), quickly plough him on two occathe of nature better Telamon's theless, gets impulsive with Aeetes sions: during the initial audience and, more (3.382-85)

Thus Jason's fear at 4.394 does not undermine his heroism but rather reminds us of refers to the awe one Medea's supernatural lineage. Similarly, in Homeric usage imoSeCSco feels at supernatural or unusual power (//. 1.406; Od. 2.66, 9.377, 10.296) as well as on the battlefield or in assembly (//. 5.521,12.413,18.199, 22.282, 24.265; Od. 16.425,17.564). 4 The poet takes care to show that Pollux's anger is justified. In this instance he acts on behalf of his comrades against an openly hostile enemy. Note that Pollux, in contrast to Homeric warriors, refrains from taunting Amycus and meets his boasts with a smile (2.6062). Medea's anger against the ancient bronze giant Talos (4.1671-72) is similarly justified inasmuch as he attacked the Argo without provocation (4.1638-39). 5 The poet refers to Aeetes' anger on a number of occasions: he angrily threatens the Colchians as he plots to destroy the Argonauts (3.606-8); Medea fears the dread wrath of her father (3.614); Aeetes is furious at Jason's success (4.6-10); Aeetes is enraged and threatens the Colchians with death if they fail to recover Medea (4.230-35). He eventually suffers the loss of his fleet as well as his son Apsyrtus: the Argonauts ambush Apsyrtus and the crew of his ship (4.468-70, 488-89); the rest of the fleet settles elsewhere rather than return to Colchis (4.507-21, 1209-15). Rose 1984, 121-22, notes that while Amycus is openly hostile, Aeetes hides his aggression. See also Green 1997, 265, n. on 3.367-81. 6 Idas' battle prowess against the Doliones is very briefly noted (1.1044), but his appearances in the poem are, by and large, unflattering. 7 Peleus volunteers first, then Telamon, then Idas, a sequence that implies the relative superiority of the two sons of Aeacus.

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for our purposes, leave after the Argonauts accidentally importantly The exchange Heracles behind on the coast of Mysia (1.1286-1344). between Telamon and Jason begins when Telamon accuses Jason of jeala quick departure in order to rid himself of the great ously orchestrating hero. The quarrel divides the Argonauts until the sea-god Glaucus intervenes and explains that the loss of Heracles accords with the will of Zeus. immediate Jason accepts Telamon's that, while apology and comments that Telamon he recognizes he was initially offended by the accusation, a companion and would defend him just as fiercely under was defending motivation Jason's rational analysis of Telamon's similar circumstances. thus allows him not only to put aside his own anger but also to forestall the division of the Argonauts and the disruption of the voyage.8 of Telamon's We find in Jason's acceptance apology a revision of terms in Iliad 9. Like Achilles, Jason Achilles' rejection of Agamemnon's of Glaucus clearly has been insulted, and, while the divine intervention does not facilitates the reconciliation,9 the god's sudden appearance in to unlike heroes the Iliad, the Jason's mitigate challenge authority. Yet, Jason is willing to overlook the affront to his personal honor in order to therefore social harmony. Apollonius appears to move away preserve values epic, where, as Adkins has argued, competitive virtues" excellences.1()The certainly come outweigh cooperative "quieter with Telamon into their own in the Argonautica, and Jason's reconciliation feuds of Homeric an ethical over the bitter represents improvement oral epic as critical of warriors,11 whether or not one views traditional such quarrels. In fact, a number of modern readers have questioned whether a martial code of honor. While Homeric epic truly endorses and some have held that the Iliad explicitly condemns Agamemnon Homeric 8 Cf. Redfield (1994,94-98) on the series of errors that follows Agamemnon's refusal to ransom Chryseis as well as his chapter on heroic error (128-59). 9 Knight (1995,288) emphasizes Glaucus' role as deus ex machina during the recon? ciliation. 10See Adkins 1960, 30-60. Lloyd-Jones (1971,1-27, esp. 15) argues that the quieter virtues, such as loyalty and responsibility, are operative in heroic society; Havelock (1978, 191) adds that the system of praise and blame in the Odyssey implicitly endorses a moral code: "... the 'moral' of the tale, so to speak, is that one should prefer compromise above confrontation." Adkins (1982,322) counters that Homeric epic was far from an appeal for cooperative values. 11Williams (1996b, 29) claims that this episode fits into a pattern that represents Jason as a Stoic hero: "Jason is fully aware of how Telamon has gone wrong and, as he reveals in his response, he is fully capable of instructing Telamon in Stoic principles. Jason agrees that it is not suitable to allow grief to cloud judgement or wrath to govern a man, and then he illustrates this fact through his own restrained and articulate behavior." from

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213

for Achilles,12 such a reading is by no means unchaladmiration and others have countered that both archaic and classical audilenged, ences would have seen the Iliad as an indictment of Achilles' arrogance.13 Several ancient philosophical schools were indeed troubled by the extremes of Achilles' temper: Aristotle in particular thought that the poem was critical of the brutal treatment of Hector's corpse,14 and readers in later antiquity also considered the behavior of Homeric heroes outdated of epic therefore and outmoded.15 The philosophical suggests reception to the firebrands that the moderate Jason provides a civilized alternative of Homer. closest reader, raises similar questions Vergil, perhaps Apollonius' abandons about the cost of passion, since by killing Turnus, Aeneas As Putnam the desire for vengeance. merciful restraint and indulges writes,"If Aeneas does possess an inclination to forgive it is certainly not his ruling emotion as he prepares to kill Turnus. 6pyiX6xr\q controls his not rcpaoxnq, ira, not lenitas or the clementia to which it might thinking, and his form."16 like Achilles, is emotionally embattled, Aeneas, give in has that are raised (though unresolved) impulsiveness consequences the Aeneid. Jason, on the other hand, tends to plan, or at least brood, ambush of Medea's before he acts,17 as in the case of the problematic affront to the gods and calls This murder is an half-brother Apsyrtus. of the apotropaic down the anger of Zeus; moreover, Jason's performance

12 Adkins (1982, 318) argues against Havelock 1978 by rejecting the idea that the ancient audience was critical of Achilles and accordingly saw the implicit message of the Iliad as "the inculcation of justice and cooperative excellences." Lloyd-Jones 1971 argues contra Adkins that the Greeks had a fully developed notion of moral responsibility. Against the progressionist model of ancient moral psychology that colors Adkins's view, see, more recently, Williams 1993. 13 E.g., Philodemus, On the Good King According to Homer, cols. 27-29 (Dorandi) argues that Homer uses Agamemnon to criticize Achilles and condemn those who love war and strife. See Asmis 1991, 39-41. For a more recent perspective, see Harris 2001, 141: "While the poet understands that gods and heroes must feel anger and may be led ineluctably to act on their anger, he was in my view highly critical of the unrelenting anger of Achilles." 14 Arist. Rhet. 2.1380b28-31; Poet. 1454M1-15. Noted in Harris 2001, 76, with n. 15. 15 For example, Dio Chrysostom advises the men of his day to abandon the martial virtues of epic poetry in favor of peaceful participation in civic administration (Or. 31). For discussion, see Moxnes 1997, 268-69. 16Putnaml990,13. 17See, e.g., Jason's restraint during the assembly, 1.327-28; his amechanos deliberarefusal to allow Atalanta on the Argo, 1.771-73; his tion, 1.460-61; his prudent (7cp6(ppcov) testing of the Argonauts, 2.620-40.

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ANATOLE MORI

of Hector's body. But recalls the mistreatment maschalismos (4.452-81) unlike the vengeful battlefield assaults on Hector and Turnus, the ambush of Apsyrtus is premeditated and carefully planned. Jason and Medea if the is necessary have agreed that some kind of stratagem (dolos) is not are Jason to the Colchian blockade (4.355-420). Argonauts escape shown to be in the grip of powerful emotion during the ambush nor does of his action. he appear to be terribly burdened by the moral implications One might regard such indifference as further evidence of impiety were it not for the fact that, despite the problematic circumstances of the to on of the two the narrative itself fails the ambush, guilt protagolinger nists. Once Circe has purified them, the import of the murder is largely is delayed, but eventually everylogistical: the nostos of the Argonauts few will return home.18 with a one, only exceptions, of the ambush, we may still aside the thorny question Leaving over this should question why particular epic poem privilege self-control what would appear to be a standard characteristic of traditional epic heroes.19 Although aesthetic goals are arguably too various Apollonius' that to sustain a uniformly philosophical poem,20 this article contends 18 Although this paper does not address the interpretive problems posed by the ambush, I would suggest that divine anger with respect to the murder is apparently constrained by the maschalismos and eventually appeased by Circe's ritual purification. While the Erinys is said to witness the ambush (4.475-76), there is no mention of pursuit or madness as in the case of Orestes. One could argue that the reference to the Erinys links the murder of Apsyrtus with Aeschylean tragedy, yet the brevity of the reference and the omission of additional information suggest that Apollonius sought here, as in the case of Pelias' disrespect to Hera that inaugurates both the poem and the voyage (1.14; 3.64-65), to emphasize the rewards of ritual observance rather than the horror of bloodshed or the intransigence of divine anger. The consequences of mortal transgression in this episode are, I would suggest, therefore consistent with the depiction of divine punishment throughout the poem. 19See Hunter 2002, 140-52, for a discussion of anger in Homer and Apollonius. Hunter notes that Jason has more in common with the strategist Odysseus than with Achilles and adds that not only Jason but the Argonautica as a whole is removed from epic wrath (151). 20Hunter (1988,452-53) observes: "The nature of heroism, and its particular instantiation in the 'psychology' of Jason, is not Apollonius' central concern in the Argonautica. If Jason sometimes resembles the great heroes of Homer and sometimes wears a quite different aspect, it is because of Apollonius' constant concern with the experimental, with testing the limits and possibilities of the epic form and with exploring what it has seemed to take for granted." See also Hunter 1993,168-69. Drager (2001,151) argues that the unity of character is of secondary importance to the overall unity of the poem, which is rooted in the anger of Zeus. Following Beye 1982, esp. 79, Pike (1993, 32) adds that "Apollonius, at almost every important moment, seems to be pretending to be writing Homeric Epic and then at once telling us that this is really what we might call Anti-Epic'."

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Jason's reconciliation with Telamon reveals both the moral foundation of this work and the effects of philosophical over Hellenistic influence in the sixth century B.C.E. and continuing poetry in general. Beginning the Hellenistic debated the moral utility of through period, philosophers and our examination of the of epic will poetry, philosophical reception show that the Argonautica's on self-control emulates what was emphasis believed to be one of the best features of traditional epic. While philoso? the emotional extremes of Homeric heroes, they praised phers condemned the occasional display of heroic discipline. Jason's ethical behavior durthe reconciliation therefore recalls the exceptional Homeric passage ing that was viewed by ancient audiences (including Plato) as a moral exemIn the between Jason and Telamon exemplifies plar. particular, exchange Aristotelian theories regarding the expression of anger. Telamon's reaction to the loss of Heracles illustrates both the swift arousal of anger, of injustice, and its immedithrough an admittedly misguided perception ate resolution once this perception has been corrected. With his acceptance of Telamon's he was that, although apology Jason demonstrates vexed the insult to his he is still not honor, initially by only of capable the cause of Telamon's but also his own of analyzing fury overcoming (morally justified) anger. The loss of Heracles sets the stage for a quarrel of Homeric but the unexpected of the divine proportions, appearance Glaucus sanctions a philosophical alternative to harmful strife. Apollonius thus incorporates a philosophical that evokes Iliadic conflict exemplum as a generic precedent while at the same time eliciting respect for the intellectual hero. Consequently, in contrast to pedigree of the Hellenistic several recent interpretations that have sought to reconcile Jason's be? havior throughout the poem with the teachings of Stoicism or Scepticism,21 this article focuses on a single episode, the central philosophical varied aesthetic program. entry in Apollonius' The confrontation between Telamon and Jason, like other episodes in the Argonautica, falls in line with Aristotelian about the observations causes and characteristics of anger. As an affection of the soul, anger has a share in the operations of both the mind and the body. Anger is not

21For the Argonautica as a Sceptic critique of both Homer and Scepticism itself, see Clayman 2000. Regarding the attempt by Klein 1983 to link Jason's amechania with the epoche of the Sceptic sage, see Hunter 1988,436, n. 6. Hunter finds logical and chronological weaknesses in Klein's argument but admires his effort to view the poem in terms of its intellectual context. Williams 1996b, 40-41, suggests that by the end of the epic Jason's rational decisions have come to harmonize with Nature and Destiny in the manner of a Stoic wise man.

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with (meta) bodily pain; rather, it can only occur on account coextensive of (dia) the thought of outrage that accompanies the feeling of pain itself it is (Rhet. 1378a30-33).22 anger presents physiologically, Although rooted in thoughts and beliefs and open to persuasion. As Aristotle of the four causes are especially helpobserves, the various perspectives ful in analyzing because of the soul's hybrid nature (De An. feelings is thus classed 403a3-bl). Anger formally among the pathe, the feelings or passions, which have both mental and physical components (Eth. Eud. mor. The efficient cause of 1220bl0-15; Mag. 1186al0-13). anger is out? at a the final cause is the desire for restitution rage slight (Rhet. 1378a30); cause the around the material is the of blood the heart (1378bl); boiling that causes the face to flush (De An. 403a26-b2).23 Heracles' rage at the loss of Hylas provides us with an especially vivid description of the material cause, as sweat drips from his brows and dark blood boils up in his bowels (splanchna).24 In Homer, by contrast, anger is often described as an external force that seizes men (e.g., cholos II. 1.387, achos 1.188, kotos 8.449), but a reference to blood that boils does not occur.25 Homeric references to splanchna, of are restricted to the entrails moreover, sacrificial animals (e.g., //. 1.464, Od. 3.9). We do find references to the and Antinous,26 flashing eyes and "black rage" of the furious Agamemnon but these descriptions are not as explicitly as that of physiological and do not refer the of blood. to Apollonius heating Aristotle and diobserves that, unlike hatred, which is unfocused rected against a class, anger is directed against a particular person in return for an unjust act or personal insult (Top. 151al5; Rhet. 1378a30b2). It is especially acute in the case of an unexpected betrayal of a friend 22For discussion, see Fortenbaugh 1975,12-16. On the relation of anger to pain, see also Top. 125b30-34. 23On the physical effects, see also [Phgn.] 812a26-30; [Pr.] 869a4-5, 947b23-24. Renehan 1963 analyzes the confusion between the pericardial boiling of blood and/or heat (thermos) in the textual tradition. 241.1261-62: koctoc ev 5e KeXaivbvbnb onXayxvoxq / KrjKiev, Kpoxdcpoov aXxqi5pcoq ^eev ai|Lia. 25 Interestingly, Aristotle does include the phrase e^eaev ai|ia in a list of Homeric idioms for anger (Nic. Eth. 1116b25-30). As Rackham 1968 notes in his commentary on this passage, however, the phrase does not appear in the Homeric texts that have come down to us, although it does occur in Theocr. Id. 20.16 . To describe the anger of Heracles, Apollonius uses the same phrase as Theocritus (^eev aluxx,Id. 20.15). It would appear then either that an anachronistic idiom slipped into Aristotle's list or that he had in mind an actual Homeric passage that has since been lost. 26//. 1.103-4; Od. 4.661-62: 8e uiyot(ppeveq duxpi\^kXa\va\In\\x.nXavx\oooe 8e uevecx; oi 7i\)plXocuTtexocovTi eiKinv. See Turkeltaub 2005 in this issue for "flashing eyes" in the Iliad.

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or companion While such a general description of the (Pol. 1328al0-15). motivation of anger is probably applicable to all the quarrels in epic, the as the characters' scene is exceptional inasmuch Argonautic speeches of and resolution. The the its rationale display anger, logical components not only in its reconciliation therefore differs from Homeric precedent outcome but also in its careful staging and the contrast between Telamon's anger and Jason's restraint. Telamon's actions, for example, clearly place him in the category of the orgiloi, those who display anger quickly but in contrast to a character it (Eth. Nic. 1126al2-17), quickly extinguish like Idas who exemplifies the akrocholoi, those who constantly fly into a Telamon's own explanarage at the slightest provocation (1126al8-19). he alludes to his tion of his actions is of equal if not greater significance: his erroneous at the the that loss of Heracles, anguish preceded injury of injustice. Jason similarly confides that Telamon's accusaperception tion caused him pain, but he recognizes that Telamon was not motivated his anger halts at the juncture between the perception of by self-interest: and an a or These reaction to injustice. pain outraged slight speeches of the causes of their own emotions, awareness convey the characters' and taken as a whole, they offer the audience a subtle but nonetheless effective case study of anger and its effects. But before we study this passage in greater detail, we will need to consider both the role played by in Hellenistic and the arguments Alexandria by proposed philosophy philosophical critics of epic poetry.

THE

MORAL

UTILITY

OF EPIC

The longstanding debate over the moral utility of poetry was waged, not rather than poets. We all know that Plato surprisingly, by philosophers banished poetry on the grounds that it misleads the soul, but he was not of his the first to object to poetic depictions of the gods. The arguments if less extensive than those of the Republic, were nonethe? predecessors, less hostile. For example, Pythagoras (sixth century B.C.E.) is said to have visited where he witnessed Hesiod bound and Homer the underworld from a tree; for good measure, both were surrounded by the for lying about the gods (Diog. Laert. 8.21). Similarly serpents Presocratic Heraclitus of Ephesus (fl. 500 B.C.E.) states that Homer and Archilochus ought to be driven out of the lists and beaten with rods suspended Diog. Laert. 9.1). Later philosophical (Heraclitus, fr. 22 B 42 Diels-Kranz; critics of Homer included Epicurus of Samos (341-270 B.C.E.), who generally rejects paideia (Epicurea 228-29 Usener) and the Cynic Zoilus of

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Amphipolis (fourth century B.C.E.), the so-called "Scourge of Homer" s.v. whose severe criticisms reportedly Suidas ('OjLiripoiidaxi^, ZcaiXoc,), Hellenistic led to his crucifixion by Ptolemy II (Vitr. De arch. 7.8-9).The in this increase of saw a interest question. Epicurus may period general have had no use for poetry, but the Stoics found in it redemptive glimpses of moral truth and wisdom. Yet one must be careful not to overemphaof morally instructive poems size a contrast between a Stoic recognition and an Epicurean rejection of all poetry. Giving the lie to this dichotomy are the Stoic Eratosthenes of Cyrene (c. 285-194 B.C.E.), who regarded nature and as entertainers rather than instructors as inaccurate poets by of Gadara and the Philodemus Epicurean (Strabo 1.2.3), first-century his verse with who leavened to 40 or 35 B.C.E.), light philosophical (110 allusions.27 in the third that Alexandria We begin with a caveat, the recognition was for B.C.E. a inquiry. Alcentury hardly philosophical stronghold was a center of intellectual the Museum well-known activity, its though circles limited. Aristotle's to was appeal philosophical library and wideinterests a of to the early research were source ranging inspiration not flourish in did Ptolemies, yet philosophical Egypt as it had in inquiry to their invited philosophers and Asia Minor. The Ptolemies Greece court in the manner of other Successor kings, but, as Fraser (1972,1:484) seem to have felt that the court of Alexandria observes, "Philosophers refused to visit the royal was not the place for them."28 Theophrastus court at Ptolemy Fs invitation Laert. 5.37), although his student, (Diog. Demetrius of Phalerum, who had governed Athens for ten years under in 307 B.C.E. Demetrius the rule of Cassander, emigrated to Alexandria advised Ptolemy I to acquire and study philosophical tracts on kingship since his friends would not be brave enough to recommend what is written in them.29 In contrast to his father, however, Ptolemy II apparover moral rectitude. At the beginning ently favored political expedience and later of his reign he arranged for the murder of two half-brothers married his full sister, Arsinoe.30 The younger Ptolemy also scandalously 27 E.g., Anth. Pal. 9.570,11.41, 9.412 (= 3, 27, 29 Sider 1995). 28 Diogenes Laertius reports that Zeno's teacher, Stilpon of Megara, refused Soter's invitation (2.115). Zeno's successor, Cleanthes of Assos (331-232 b.c.e.), also refused an invitation from the Ptolemaic court, but when his student Chrysippus of Soli (280-207 b.c.e.) declined, another student, Sphaerus of Borysthenes (c. 2857-221 b.c.e.), went in Cleanthes' place (Diog. Laert. 7.185). 29Plut. Mor. 189D, Stob. Flor. 4.7.27. Discussed in Hazzard 2000,103-4. 30Paus. 1.7.1. The Greek poet Sotades was executed for criticizing the marriage of Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II (Plut. Mor. 11A, Hegesander ap. Ath. 14.620f-21a).

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and executed for advising Demetrius, imprisoned ironically enough, I not to choose him as his successor but rather the children of Ptolemy his first wife, Eurydice (Diog. Laet. 5.78). Thus Demetrius was one of the few philosophers who accepted Ptolemaic he paid a hospitality?and for his steep price forthrightness. Other philosophers included the peripatetic living in Alexandria Strato of Lampsacus who tutored (third century B.C.E.), Ptolemy II in the natural sciences, and the polymath Eratosthenes, who studied with Zeno of Citium, the founder of Stoicism (335-263 later B.C.E.). Eratosthenes tutored Ptolemy IV and eventually succeeded as of the head Apollonius Stoics and Epicureans lived at the Macedonian and Library.31 Although Seleucid courts, respectively,32 philosophical circles of the day evidently objected both to the lifestyle associated with Ptolemaic patronage and to the absolutism of their rule. Moralists were undoubtedly offended by IFs controversial extramarital and affairs, Ptolemy marriage, political murders (Hazzard 2000, 39-44). Still, only Phylarchus (second century riches as the ruin of PhilaB.C.E.) is known to have publicly condemned delphus' judgment, and this lone criticism appears only after the death of the king.33 It is difficult to determine whether this singularity attests a fear of reprisal, an accident of fate, or merely a lack of interest on the writers. What we can say is that, on the one part of other philosophical interest in higher learning led them to acquire hand, the early Ptolemies' to court, and seek the advice of private tutors, invite philosophers Demetrius in the establishment of the new Museum. On the other hand, themselves were wary of the Ptolemies' wealth and power.34 philosophers a number of the scholars working in the Library had Although studied philosophy in Alexandria on literelsewhere, they concentrated of ancient texts. The prominent ary studies and the critical evaluation members of the Library were, therefore, as Bing has observed, preoccupied

31Before Eratosthenes tutored Ptolemy IV, the poet Philitas of Cos (b. 340 b.c.e.) and his student Zenodotus of Ephesus (b. 325 b.c.e.) served as royal tutors (to Ptolemy II). Zenodotus served as royal tutor and as the first head of the Library, and the two positions were also jointly held by Apollonius (roughly between 270 and 245 b.c.e.), Eratosthenes (c. 245-194 b.c.e.), and Aristophanes (see Pfeiffer 1968, 154-55, concerning the order of succession). Pfeiffer suggests that Eratosthenes likely tutored Ptolemy IV, although Green 1990,89, disagrees. 32Fraser 1972,1:484-85. 33Ath. 536d-e. 34 Probably with good reason, for, as Fraser (1972,1:485) comments,"... in general it seems likely that the Ptolemies were less interested in the philosophical than in the religious potentialities of kingship."

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for the most part with poetry, not philosophy.35 For all his studies in the even if he did and the Stoa, Eratosthenes was no philosopher, Academy ideas.36 Aristotle himself had a retain an eclectic interest in philosophical textual criticism was in no broad range of interests, and Alexandrian the spebetween to him,37 but we must distinguish small part indebted broad and the cialized influence of Aristotelian appeal of poetic theory Aristarchus' In the second Aristotelian systematic century, empiricism. ideas of what is generically appro? analysis of epic relied on Aristotelian Homer from well-known dictum ("explain priate, and in Aristarchus' mandate we find a general (Peripatetic) adapted to narrow Homer"), ends.38 philological One may nevertheless reasonably question the extent to which an of Ari? criticism entails an acceptance of Aristotelian textual acceptance stotelian views on, in this case, the passions. Given our limited knowlnot only Aristotle's views on epic poetry but also the edge regarding I would not extent of the influence of philosophy proper in Alexandria, himself was whole-heartedly Aristotelian want to claim that Apollonius in either his philosophical beliefs or his aesthetic tastes.39 For that matter, within influence the extent of Aristotle's Pfeiffer has even questioned from the his retrospective Library, distinguishing poetic analyses and a breed of scholarnew Philitas, Zenodotus, by approach inaugurated school was "ostentaclaim Callimachus' Pfeiffer's that poetic poets.40 has been countered by Koster (1970, (1968,137) tiously anti-Aristotelian" Callimachus' alleged 120-22), who charges Pfeiffer with oversimplifying did that while Callimachus to organic unity,41 concluding opposition the 35 Bing 1988, 14-15. 36Fraser 1972,1:483. 37 According to Diogenes Laertius (5.22-27), Aristotle's extensive works included On Poets (three books), Treatiseof the Art of Poetry (two books), and Homeric Problems (six books), as well as Poetics (one book). On Aristarchus' debt to the Poetics, see Porter 1992, 73-80. 38Aristarchus' dictum is noted in a D-scholium (//. 5.385) and preserved by Porphyry (Schrader 1880-82, 297,16). For discussion, see Porter 1992, 70. 39Hutchinson 1988, 3, notes that, while intellectuals would have been acquainted with trends in philosophy, it is difficult to assess the influence of these trends on the beliefs of individual poets. See also Hopkinson 1982, 11. Pohlenz (1965, 20, 32-35 = 95, 107-10) argues against the influence of philosophy over poetry, with the exception of Posidippus and especially Philitas, whose subjective, personal voice contrasted with the mimetic emphasis of Callimachean poetry and heralded the tone of Roman love elegy. 40Pfeiffer 1968, 88. 41See Aristotle's discussion of ev, bXov, ueyeOo^ (Poet. 1450b21-51b6). Against the charge that Callimachus opposed poems of great length, Koster (1970) cites the magnitude

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a form that Aristotle had not considered, it was not demonstraanti-Aristotelian. whether or not one construes Callimachean But bly aesthetics as antithetical to Aristotelian we are precepts, probably safe in scholar a in his own as a Homeric and right, Apollonius, assuming that, poet like Aristotle, would have been very much concerned with the selection of actions and speeches appropriate not only to particular characters but also to epic poetry in general.42 Apollonius' to the philosophy allegiance of Aristotle would have been less of a concern, in other words, than his fidelity to the standards and expectations of his own field. In fact, the question of what is correct for Homeric epic assumed for the Alexandrian critics, if not for the general pubgreat significance lic.43 This debate encompassed both textual matters and the behavior of epic characters, particularly the gods. The ethically suspect in Homer was for who removed, at the hands of Zenodotus,44 subject to athetization for Helen in carries a seat a line which (//. example, (diphros) Aphrodite (aprepes) for a in turn objected to many of Zenodotus' readings in goddess.45 Apollonius Zeus as a published work, now lost,46 but his decision not to foreground in the light of such a character in the Argonautica is understandable considerations. period was a highly self-conscious Epic in the Hellenistic is in play affair, and it is tempting to imagine that such self-consciousness 3.423-27) because he considered this behavior unsuitable when the Argonautic narrator asks the of his song (1.22). This word phetores either "interpreters" or "inspirers," and I In the Museum of Alexandria the aid of Muses to help him as the hypoto mean has been understood am inclined to favor the former.47 the Muses was as critical for the

of Callimachus' epic Hecale and argues moreover that the Aetia's length is in harmony with Aristotle's observation that epic is the natural form for a lengthy composition (Poet. 1460a2). More recently, Hunter (1993, 190-95) comments that he is inclined to see the poetry of both Callimachus and Apollonius as anti-Aristotelian and takes Callimachus' Reply to the Telchines (fr. 1.1-7) as a programmatic statement. 42 Nagy 1996,121-22. 43Porter 1992,68-69. 44 Ptolemy II sponsored Zenodotus' production of an emended edition of Homer 11.506#74). (Suidas, s.v. Zrrv68oTo<; 45See Dawson 1992, 67-68 on this scholium (E 1.433.423a), explained by the Augustan grammarian Aristonicus. 46 Zr|v65oxov). See Mooney 1912, 50. Mooney cites the "Against Zenodotus" (rcpoq comparative study in Merkel's 1853Teubner edition to support the observation that, while some forms in the Argonautica do agree with Zenodotean textual readings, Apollonius' practice generally conforms with later Aristarchan principles (1912, 51). 47So Hunter 1993,125, and Clauss 1993,17-18. Cf. Green 1997, 202-3.

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of poetry as it was for the writing of it. Given the intellecinterpretation tual climate in which Apollonius to worked, it would be irresponsible assume that the Argonautica does not reflect his views on what would be as appropriate for epic on moral as well as poetic grounds. recognized While textual critics like Zenodotus sought to produce a corrected edition (diorthosis) of Homeric epic,48 it was primarily the philosophers who questioned its moral integrity. Ancient critics of poetry tend to fall into one of two camps: they are either formalists who see the poetic alien (for better or worse) to thought (dianoia) enterprise as intrinsically and truth,49 or they seek to exclude all but those poems that express a positive moral message.50 Plato falls into the latter category, believing that for the most part poems depict a false world that caters to emotional weakness rather than reason. Early in Book 2 of the Republic, Plato introduces the dangers of poetry by placing quotations of Hesiod and Homer in the mouth of Adeimantus Socrates' rejec(363b-c, 364d-e). tion of Homer's authority (not to mention that of Adeimantus) becomes clear as he runs through a list of unsuitable passages that wrongly depict emotional and a dismal afterlife (386c-87a).51 gods and heroes (388a-d) Yet at the same time, Socrates cites a Homeric passage in support of an argument (389d),52 and even goes so far as to admire a speech of Diomedes to Sthenelus that presents an appropriate model (395c) by (//. 4.411-18) the demonstrating proper respect for ruling authority (389e).53 Likewise, at 390d Socrates cites the passage in which Odysseus chastises his heart and later at 441b he (Od. 20.17) as an example of admirable behavior, refers to the same passage as an accurate illustration of the workings of the tripartite soul. Since Plato does allow that poetry is capable of illuswith respect to trating true beliefs and proper behavior, his reservations Homer are due in large part to his insistence on positive models: it is left 48Cf. Nagy 1996,149-53. 49The Stoic Posidonius (c. 135-51 b.c.e.) later makes the distinction between a poem (poiema), which is formally distinct from prose, and poetry (poiesis), which is a poem that has meaning and imitates divine and human things (Diog. Laert. 7.60). As Asmis 1990,155, puts it, "a 'poem' is a type of linguistic structure (what we might call 'verse') that may or may not have meaning." 50The Stoics traditionally divided poetry into the (morally) good and the morally bad, with little to no middle ground. The second-century c.e. Stoic Aristo allows that a poem may be somewhat useful, falling somewhere in between not necessarily entirely good, yet not therefore entirely bad. See the lucid discussion by Asmis 1990,165-66. 51The list continues at 390a-91e. 52 Referring to Eumaeus' rebuke of Antinous {Od. 17.383-85). 53For Platonic citations of Homer, see Labarbe 1949, who counts 150 quotations; Howes 1895 finds only 120.

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to later thinkers like Plutarch and Philodemus to argue that poetic exas of bad behavior serve an effective deterrent.54 amples may In contrast to Plato, Aristotle prefers neither to blame poetry for a lack of thought nor to subject it to rigorous moral critique?not because such fails it. is above but because it beneath Aristotle censure, poetry defines dianoia as a function of the speeches made by characters (Poet. but later he asserts that thought more properly belongs to the 1450a6-7), of rhetoric Like Plato, Aristotle sphere (Poet. 1450b4-13; 1456a33-36). allows that poetry is likely to be irrational, but from his perspective such flaws should be overlooked inasmuch as logic is not the natural provenance of the genre. Aristotle avoids Plato's extremes by adjusting the framework of the question and by arguing that the emotional catharsis liberis thus beneficial to Aristotle generated actually society. by poetry ates the "intrinsic qualities" of poetry, in Halliwell's words, from Plato's In moralism and didacticism."55 Aristotle's categorical "unmitigated that poetry is justified by its fidelity, by which I mean his assumption natural function, we find the origin of Aristarchus' injunction to "explain of Homer from Homer," a practice meant to circumvent the imposition judgments based on external canons of piety or morality.56 One must still concede, however, that Aristotle's attempt to reconcile poetry with reason dodges the question of its compatibility of truth. with the desiderata From Aristotle's remain at and odds, but perspective poetry philosophy on his view this contrast poses no intrinsic social threat. Later philosophers propose slightly different solutions to the problem. The Epicurean Philodemus argues that the theme or thought content

54Plutarch argues that to prevent the young from listening to poetry is to stop up their ears and put them to sea in an undersized Epicurean boat (akation) (De Audiendis Poetis 15d). Rather, poetry should serve as an introductory lesson in order to learn the difference between what is good and what is bad (15f). See also Asmis 1991, esp. 22-26, for discussion of Philodemus' On the Good King According to Homer:"Accordingto Philodemus, Homer presents a range of human and divine characters, from the very good to the very bad, and takes a clear moral stance in depicting their words and deeds" (24). Buffiere 1956, 335, concludes ".. . c'est au lecteur et au moraliste de faire le depart entre les bons et les mauvais exemples, de separer le miel et la cire." 55Halliwell 1998,4: "What Aristotle does assert, against Plato, is that poetry should not be subjected to simple and direct evaluation in terms of external criteria?moral, political, or otherwise." 56Aristotle does appeal to an external standard,of course, when it serves his purposes. He argues, for example, that Homer's depiction of the mistreatment of Hector's corpse should be excused because it corresponds to contemporary (kai nun) Thessalian practice (B.24.15 = fr. 166 Rose 1967,131).

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of a poem is as intrinsically important to a poem as its poetic structure,57 but he cautions that such thought content need not be morally beneficial. Good poetry, that is, while possessing the capacity for philosophical need not avail itself of it and expression, necessarily may in fact do much harm.58 With this assertion himself a Philodemus, poet, diverges from which would eliminate all poetry, and from the Epicurean orthodoxy, who would that there is no Stoics, argue utility apart from the moral. Like Aristotle, he discriminates between the virtue inherent to poetry (to from the virtue inherent to philosophy entertain) (to instruct). Among the Stoics we find arguments to suggest that Homer either an or allegorized the truth, or perhaps simply provided etymologized intellectual medium out of which a higher order of thought eventually evolved. The Stoic Cornutus between (first century C.E.) distinguishes the epic preservation of mythic narratives, which are the allegorical of reality, and the artifice of the individual expression poet, who may have preserved these myths only to distort their original sense for his own purposes. On Cornutus' view, archaic poets like Hesiod and Homer transmitted cosmogonic truth inasmuch as the divine names unconsciously and stories found in their works are rooted in ancient knowledge.59 Cornutus does not see poetry as allegory stricto sensu60 but as the fossilized traces of ancient allegorical truths that only a Stoic wise man can rightly appreciate. As Long 1992 has shown, the Stoics generally agree with Cornutus' of myth in epic. That is, they see archaic poets as transmitinterpretation ters of reason (logos) via myth, but they do not believe that the mythmakers themselves were allegorists; rather, the myths were, in their origi? nal context, literal representations of the early world view.61 The heterodox Stoic Heraclitus (first to second century C.E.; not to be confused with the Presocratic differs from orthodox Stoicism both in other Heraclitus) respects and inasmuch as he regarded Homer as an allegorist.62 Heraclitus 57However, the formal structure of verse itself offers no moral benefit: On Poems 5, col. 29 (32 Mangoni) 17-19: Kai 8ioxi kocvaxpe^fKi) ctukcbcpe / Ka0[6] 7i[o]tiu.(xt' / Xzi. See Asmis 1995b, 166. For an analysis of Philodemus' arguments in Book 5, see Asmis 1995a26: Philodemus "extends to all poems the claim that there is little utility in them, while showing that they have a goodness that is independent of the utility of their subject matter." 58Philodemus criticizes Homer for spreading lies about the gods in On Piety, al? though he argues that Homer offers a guide for moral leadership in On the Good King According to Homer. See Asmis 1995a, 30. 59For discussion of Cornutus' work, see Dawson 1992, 24-38. 60 Long 1992, 53-56. 61Ibid.; see also Dawson 1992, 38-52. 62 Long 1992, 45-48; Buffiere 1962, xxxviii.

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asserts in the beginning of his Homeric Problems that, if Homer is not an allegorist, he is impious in every regard, as guilty of sacrilege as Salmoneus or Tantalus (1.1-3).63 Heraclitus argues that Homer, like Empedocles and the pre-Socratic uses Heraclitus, allegory to express the truth about the gods, who represent But for natural forces and elements (24.3-7). from as for still remains distinct Heraclitus, Cornutus, poetic vocabulary Homer from belief. Thus the like rescue Stoics, Aristotle, philosophical oblivion and even allow for the presence of thought in epic, although only to the extent that poetry preserves mythic truths, truths that are themselves alien to the poetic art. However, as Philodemus, a hostile that shows in his treatise On the Stoics held witness, Music, poetry, like in to contrast Plato could fact be an incentive moral virtue.64 music, By what it a how but to not to it sounds analyzes according poem according the For Plato its and how it is its lexis says, logoi, (Rep. 392c). expressed, sound of a poem belongs properly to the category of musical accompanito Yet according and harmony ment?rhythm (Rep. 397b-c, 398c-d). while of Assos Zeno's student Cleanthes Philodemus, B.C.E.), (331-232 and successor, considered prose sufficient to express truth, he thought that the melodic elements of poetry could effectively engage the listener in an act approaching the contemplation of the divine.65 For Cleanthes the rhythm and the sound of a (truthful and moral) poem could therefore bring the audience to a higher level than unadorned prose. Finally, the poet Aratus (c. 315-240 B.C.E.), who studied with Zeno, in his on the beneficial effects of versification apparently capitalized Stoic epic Phaenomena, written at the request of the Macedonian king Gonatas (c. 320-239 B.C.E.).66 Given Callimachus, Antigonus high regard for Aratus,67 not to mention Ptolemaic interest in philosophy and cultural is to think that with the Macedonian it court, competition tempting in emuwith elements seeded the Argonautica Apollonius philosophical itself is heavily lation of Aratus as well as Homer. The Phaenomena on constellations written indebted to a prose Phaenomena by the 63 'OuripiKoc npop^fiuaxa = Buffiere 1962. 64Philodemus argues that musical elements distract the listener and diminish the force of the ideas in question, On Music 4, col. 28.22-35 (Neubecker). 65On Music 4, col. 28.1-22 (Neubecker). Asmis (1990,194-95) observes that Diogenes of Babylon and other Stoics recognized the power of music to inspire virtuous action: "It appears that poetic diction, which has rhythmic and melodic properties that are closely related to musical sound, was thought to have a similar effect." See also Sen. Epist. 108.10. 66 Mooney 1912, 24, points out a number of textual parallels with the Argonautica, concluding that Apollonius had studied the poem. See more recently the references to Aratus in Campbell 1994, passim. 67Anth. Pal. 9.507.

226 astronomer Eudoxus

ANATOLE MORI (c. 390-340

B.C.E.) and a lost work on weatherof signs, possibly by Theophrastus (c. 370-286 B.C.E.).68 This recasting material in a mold is the meant to enhance prose poetic apparently didactic authority of Aratus' voice, or at least it is not thought to detract from it.69 As Hunter (1995, 17) well shows, for Aratus the contrast be? tween prose and poetic representations of the cosmos is a contrast not between truth and falsehood but between "different deep superficial modes of organising Hunter continues, "One mode is that experience." of the (didactic) poet, another is that of philosophy, which after Plato and Aristotle tends towards systematisation and completeness, thereby inthe the modes."70 between two where Plato and others Thus, creasing gap divide between true prose and false poetry, in the posit a categorical Hellenistic we find of a reconciliation the between period something of in the whether the in or the and Muses, Stoa, inspiration Library the natural logos of the cosmos. To recapitulate, we have seen that the moral utility of poetry was debated long before, during, and long after the Hellenistic period. At issue are the apparently inappropriate divine and heroic models found in traditional epic: are these representations falsehoods to be rejected, alleor examples of behavior to be avoided? Textual gories to be interpreted, critics and philosophers alike were absorbed by the question of appro? behavior in was not a philosophical priate epic, and, while Alexandria both the Ptolemies and scholars center, early working in the Library maintained an interest in the ideas associated and Stoic with Peripatetic for like Aristotle and the Homer, Stoics, generally philosophy. Apologists allow that, while poetry skirts the rigors of philosophical thought, it is still capable of preserving the impression of moral truth. Cleanthes goes so far as to invert Plato's idea of the divinely inspired poet by suggesting that the audience's of poetry is akin to the contemplation of experience the divine. The more moderate later Philodemus position adopted by and Plutarch holds that traditional epic is useful for teaching the young to distinguish between good and bad behavioral models. In truth, just such a set of didactic exempla emerges from the poet's careful pairing and contrasting of characteristics the Argothroughout 68Hunter 1995,1. 69Cf. Kidd 1997, 10-12, who notes Aratus' debt to Cleanthes' Hymn to Zeus but comments that Aratus' "higher purpose is literary rather than philosophical" (12). 70The methodological difference then leads to the appearance of a qualitative dif? ference, for "systematic philosophy and science seek to close down options?to this extent they become paradoxically like 'history' in the Aristotelian scheme?the poetic, didactic mode offers multiple readings which draw on diverse traditions" (Hunter 1995, 18).

A MORAL EXEMPLAR IN APOLLONIUS' ARGONAUTICA nautica.

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Medea's impulsive repassion is matched by Jason's measured violent characters like and Aeetes find nobler Idas, Amycus, sponses; in Telamon, Lycus, and Alcinous. Yet Apollonius does not counterparts black and white of and simply provide negative types examples positive of behavior: we see a number of examples of anger in a variety of situations as the epic narrative enacts Aristotle's "doctrine of the mean." It is, of course, fairly obvious that, if heroic epic is to illustrate philosophi? cal principles at all, it must do so in this manner, since, as Aristotle observes in the beginning of the Poetics, it is a representational medium

itself through the actions of its drama, primarily expresses bad and alike.The moral sensibility necessaragents, good Argonautica's lies in the of and in contrast, for example, to character, ily exposition plot the opening to sets the Zeus that tone for Aratus' didactic hymn Phaenomena does not openly champion the (1-18). Thus, Apollonius cause of moral poetry in the Argonautica nor does the poem's didactic that, as an adherent excluutility suggest that one must recognize Apollonius to a particular school.71 It would be more accurate to sively devoted conclude that, since philosophical audiences had consistently condemned Homeric heroes for their lack of restraint, Apollonius felt it appropriate to show that the leader of the Argonauts would, given the opportunity, elect to behave in an enlightened fashion. In this way Jason attains the standards of Homeric as "better than we warriors, who are portrayed are," but with the addition of greater self-control. AND EPIC FRIENDSHIP RECONCILIATION PHILOSOPHICAL is thorThe reconciliation between Telamon and Jason at 1.1286-1344 "together-mindedness," oughly in keeping with the essence of homonoia, virtue.72 The importance described by Vian as a quintessential Argonautic

like

71In particular, Apollonius' occasional allusions to the Phaenomena should not be understood to mark him as a crypto-Stoic, since these references are, by and large, playful rather than programmatic. For example, the first three words of the Argonautica are cj?oOoipe, echoing the opening words of the Phaenomena (ek Akx;dpxcou^aOa), dpx6|j.?V0(; which are also echoed by Theocr. Id. 17.1. Yet where Aratus proceeds to celebrate Zeus, the Apollonian narrator speaks of the voyage of the Argonauts, not of Phoebus, much as Theocritus turns quickly from Zeus to Ptolemy {Id. 17.3). Similarly, in line 15 Aratus salutes Zeus as "great wonder, a great advantage for humanity"; Apollonius reworks this line by addressing Eros as "a great misfortune, a great abomination for humanity1'(4.445). 72Vian 2002,1:16-17.

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of homonoia is apparent at the outset of the voyage, when Jason emphaand it besizes the common interests of all the Argonauts (1.336-37), but also in comes more explicit not only in Orpheus' hymn (1.492-518) to establish a shrine dedicated Book 2, when the Argonauts exclusively The poem's emphasis on homonoia the divine Homonoia (2.717-19). ideas about social interaction inasmuch as Aristotle recalls Aristotelian in the sense of political friendship, as critically important sees homonoia, to the prevention of stasis within a healthy community.73 The poem's to sensitivity why, and how long it appropriate displays of anger?when, therefore come as no surprise. From the should be sustained?should and should probArgonautic point of view, strife is counterproductive ably be avoided, but it is generally manageable certain circumstances. Turning to the text, we find that Telamon he sits brooding74 over the loss of their ally: and even justified first challenges under

Jason as

. . . TeA-aucova 5' ZXev xotax;, o)5e t' ??ut?v "?Ha' amcoq E-OKnAot;, ercei vx>xoi dpuevov r\ev 'HpotKAfjaXineiv o~?o5' ?kto0i ufjut; 6pcop?V, dv' rEMax8a jar\a? Ka^uvim,, ocppa to keIvoi) ki>5o<; VOOTOV. OlKOcSe (XIK? 9eOl 8(0(OOIV WtOTpOTtOV AAAd xi uuSoov f)5o<;; 'Ejtei Kai voocpiv Eiaipcov ?ijii T?covoi t6v5e 86Aov a\)V?T?KTfivavTo."

(1.1289-95

Vian)

Wrath seized Telamon, and he spoke as follows, "Go on sitting there, at ease: it was certainly better for you To leave Heracles behind. From you the devious plan arose, That his fame throughout Greece might not eclipse you, Should the gods grant our return back home. Oh, what's the good of talking? I will go even without these friends Of yours, who helped you plot this conspiracy." The overall parallel with the major conflict of the Iliad is clear: Telamon is seized by an Achilles-like wrath (cholos) and accuses Jason of a petty, In contrast to the conflict in the Iliad, howAgamemnon-like jealousy.

73Eth. Nic. 1155a20-31. See discussion by Kalimtzis 2000, 51-86. 74"The son of Aeson, with no resources {amechaniesin), in failure, said nothing, and sat with his head low in ruin, devouring his spirit" (1.1286-89). Such a response to adversity or the unexpected is typical of Jason; cf. his behavior at the start of the voyage: "The son of Aeson, without resources {amechanos) in himself, was mulling over everything" (1.460-61).

A MORAL EXEMPLAR IN APOLLONIUS' ARGONAUTICA the safety ever, the quarrel does not compromise as Glaucus explains that Heracles has disappeared to Jason: tion of Hylas, Telamon apologizes

229

of the Greeks. As soon because of the abduc-

"Atoovt8r|, uri jjxh xi xotaooeoci, d(ppa5rr)cnv ei' ti 7iep daadur|v 7tept ydp |T d%o<; y\kev evi07ieiv u/o9ov i)7t?p(p(a^6v T8 Kai da%?Tov. NXX' dveumat dfiTC^aKirjv, 5coo|Li8v mq Kat napcx; euu^veovTet;." "Son of Aeson, do not be angry with me, if in error I acted rashly. Grief caused me to speak Arrogantly and intolerably. Let us cast my error To the winds and recover our friendship."

(1.1332-35

Vian)

Telamon The contrast with the Iliad continues, for unlike Agamemnon, does not blame ate for his error. He admits that achos ("grief" or "mental has clouded his reason and places the blame on his strong anguish") locates his The speaker therefore attachment to a dear companion.75 but in the irrational error not in divine misdirection sway of logical emotion. but the Telamon's anger may have been based on a misperception, exhave Jason. One is done: he has might damage publicly wronged at to or least to in turn and seek Jason become revenge angry pected honor is for the insult. Personal demand tangible not, compensation with is more concerned here: Apollonius however, of pivotal importance with each other.76 As we have the capacity of the heroes to cooperate attitude toward the causes of anger,77 seen, Jason adopts a philosophical and, as Manakidou (1998) has shown, both Jason and Telamon can be through thought to display their superiority to Achilles and Agamemnon their concern for the welfare of a comrade rather than for mere property.

75Pietsch (1999, 142-43) emphasizes the importance of Glaucus' speech and the influence of the will of Zeus that necessitates it, contrasting Apollonius' version of the passive Jason with Valerius Flaccus' actively searching Jason, and he argues that Jason is, as usual, led by his amechania, in contrast to an atypical mistake by Telamon. 76Hunter (1988, 444-45) describes the scene as a display piece for "the Argonautic virtues of loyalty and solidarity rather than the highly personal Iliadic emotions." 77Clauss (1993, 210) notes the amechania that seizes Jason at the disappearance of Heracles and accordingly argues for opportunistic passivity as a central characteristic of Jason: "He does not make things happen but waits for the dust to settle before taking advantage of the opportunities that others?mortal and divine?have provided." For an argument opposed to the claim that Jason is primarily characterized by a lack of resourcefulness, see Green 1997, 39, with n. 127.

230 The distinction

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made by Jason between noble and ignoble motivations resembles Aristotle's of the and inappropriate occaanalysis appropriate sions for displaying anger (Eth. Nic. 1125b26-26bl0).The even-tempered person is angry for the right reasons, at the right person, to an appropri? ate degree, and for an appropriate length of time. At one end of the is the who never gets angry, even when spectrum deficiency: person is at the end other is excess: the person who gets warranted;78 anger too for the angry quickly, wrong reasons, at the wrong person, to an excessive and for too thus notes the differences degree, long.79 Aristotle between who are and those who ignore the cirpeople quick-tempered of an injury, harboring cumstances a grudge until the desire for vengeance is satisfied.80 He then observes that it is not always easy to determine whether anger is an appropriate reaction and that blame for excesses and deficiencies should be tailored according to the seriousness of the deviation from the mean (Eth. Nic. 1126a31-bl0). In any event, since Telamon's accusation is the spontaneous result of anger and is neither malicious nor premeditated, it fits Aristotle's of a forgivable description offense (Eth. Mc.ll35b26-29; 1136a5-9). Jason's analysis of Telamon's checks his motivation, accordingly, own indignation and ends the conflict among the Argonauts. His thoughtful (e7ci(ppa5eco(;, 1.1336) response with Telamon's contrasts senseless error: (d(ppa8ir|oiv, 1.1332) Tov 8' oorc' Ataovoq mbq ?7U(ppa5?co<; 7tpoo??ut?v "?Q 7C?7iov, f) jidXa 5f) ji? kockco?K\)5daaao uT|6cp, (pdq ?vi toio(5' a7iaoiv ?vr|?o<;dv5po<; d^?ixr|v ?U|i?vat. 'AAA,'oi) dr\v toi d5?i)K?a ufjviv d?^co, 7ip(v 7l?p dvirjGEiq, ?7l?l 0\) 7l?pt 7l(0?Ol[lT\X(OV ovdk 7i?pt KT?dx?oai %a^?\}/dji?VO(; \izvzr\vac,, aXX' kiapov 7i?pl (pcoxoc;. vEo^7ca 8e xot o? Kat aXXcp djucp'eufu, ?i xotov5? 7i?^ot 7ioi?, 5r|p{Gao0ai." ?H pa koli, dp0jiri8?VT?(;07ir| napoq, ?8piocavTo. The son of Aeson thoughtfully addressed him in turn: "Good friend, it's true that you abused me terribly 78Hunter 2002,145-46, considers Jason's general lack of anger in connection with relevant passages in the Nicomachean Ethics (2.1108a4-9, 4.1125b26-26bl0), but grants that he is not absolutely without anger (aorgetos). 79Aristotle cautions, however, that all these extremes of anger could never exist simultaneously in a single person; the scheme is theoretical rather than practical. 80For example, we learn at Arg. 1.1298-1309 that Heracles will eventually kill the two sons of Boreas for preventing the Argonauts from returning to Mysia to find him.

(1.1336-44

Vian)

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When among all these men you alleged that I wronged a good man. But by no means do I cherish harsh wrath against you Even though I was vexed before, since not out of anger over flocks of sheep Or possessions were you roused to fury, But for a companion. I hope that you would quarrel in this way With another for me, should such a thing ever happen." He spoke, and united as before, they were seated. The use of the word jifjviv in line 1339 is atypical for Apollonius, who the terms %6ta)c; ("gall" or "bitter wrath") or Koxoq usually employs ("grudge" or "smoldering rage"),81 reserving mtjvk; for instances of divine or supernatural anger, in keeping with Homeric usage.82 With this word takes direct aim at the wrath of Achilles. The contrast could Apollonius not be clearer: Jason, unlike Achilles, takes the context of the insult into consideration and places it into perspective. He does not equate his anger, however justified it may be, with the wrath of the gods nor does he of the Greeks to satisfy his injured pride. Like destroy the concord Achilles at Iliad 18.112-13, Jason admits that he has suffered from the able to distinguish those aspects of Telamon's insult,83 yet he is immediately error that are good (defending a friend) from those that are bad (being and Agamemnon are angry with the wrong man).84 Whereas Achilles unable to let go of their wrath and quarrel (^fjye xoAmo, //. 1.224; ^fjy' not zpidoq, II. 1.319), Jason does not prolong the incident. He recognizes in error is commendable because it is grounded only that Telamon's

81See Stanford 1983, 30-31, for discussion of the different varieties of anger. 82 Campbell 1994, 302, ad 337-38. There are only three other instances of menis in the poem: Cypris' anger at the Lemnians (1.802), Zeus' anger at the sons of Aeolus (3.337), and the expectation of Aeetes' anger at Alcinous (4.1205). Apollonius also employs utjviocogivto describe the anger of all the gods at Phineus (2.247). 83Achilles announces, "We will leave behind what has happened, though we have been grieved (d%vi)U?voi 7tep), conquering the thumos within our breast by necessity Cf. Jason's statement that he "was vexed before" (7ipiv7iepdvinOeiq,1.1340). We (dvdyKri)." note in passing that Achilles' pain lingers till he is compelled to conquer it by external events rather than by reasoned argument as is the case with Jason. 84Frankel (1968,153, ad 1.1337-44) observes that Jason's speech becomes increasingly intellectualized ("mehr und mehr intellektualisiert"), as it emphasizes the importance of loyalty to comrades. He points out the similarity to Hector's rebuke of Paris at //. 6.32530, where Hector tells Paris that it is not right (ou kala) for him to keep anger (cholos) in his thumos, and that he would himself fight with anyone he caught hanging back from the fray.

232 moral allow

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outrage on behalf of a friend85 but also that it would be wrong to his own morally justified anger to linger beyond an appropriate length of time. It is also telling that Jason admits that he was vexed (anietheis, 1340) at Telamon's insult; if he were not, he would be too mild, too deficient in anger, and therefore servile (andrapododes) in his temNic. to a be pharmakon, (Eth. perament 1126a6-9).86 Friendship proves the initial cause of the error and at the same time an antidote to anger.87 Telamon's hope that they may regain their friendship signals their recovas before ery from stasis, and the two heroes end by sitting together for the united their for each other and their concern by (1.1344), respect of the voyage?a of Aristotelian perfect illustration political use verb of the eSpiocovxo at 1344, which occurs friendship.88 Apollonius' five times in the poem in this same position, is significant. It refers twice on their rowing benches to the harmonious of the Argonauts arrangement it in a similar context and also as a (1.330, 1.530), appears participle and Telamon Jason (3.170).89 By sitting down, physically realign themrecover their homonoia selves with the rest of the rowers and symbolically with respect to their common goal. There is no room on board Argo for the inordinate wrath of either must Achilles or Heracles. In order to return to Greece, the Argonauts reconcile their differences with the immortals and with each other. Jason's the virtues reconciliation with Telamon clarifies the contrasts between and values of Homeric and Argonautic characters, but it also shows that such as emulates Homer's "inclusion" of moral set-pieces, Apollonius the passage in which Odysseus chastises his heart (Od. 20.17). It does not tradi? matter, for our purposes, that the archaic poets who composed tional epic probably had scant interest in the philosophical utility of their what matters is the concern for such utility in the Helleperformances; success

83Fillion-Lahille 1970, 54: "Ce n'est pas la colere en elle-meme qui est morale ou immorale, mais l'usage que l'on en fait." Fillion-Lahille observes that Aristotle's recogni? tion of meritorious anger distinguishes him from the Stoics, who argued for the absolute suppression of anger (55). 86See Harris, 2001,305, with n. 84, on Philodemus' attitude toward anger ("Whoever does not get angry, gives ample evidence of his baseness"). 87As noted above, anger is most intense between friends (Pol. 1328al). See Allen 2000, 82-83, on friendship as a cure for anger in tragedy. 88Kalimtzis (2000,72) discusses the differences between personal and political friend"Aristotle asserts that the utility of political friendship is having a share in shaping ships: the ev jieyeOei(en megethei), the great matters over which citizens' lives depend." 89The only other occurrence of this word appears to be thematically unrelated: at 1.671 it refers to the four white-haired virgins seated at the Lemnian assembly.

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nistic period and the acknowledgment, elite, of its by an intellectual Jason's restraint contribution to the vigor of the epic genre. Therefore, with the not only offers a positive behavioral model that is consistent on homonoia but also the poet's recogpoem's general emphasis signals nition of epic as morally contested ground. By portraying the epic hero as emotionally sheds light on the numerous self-controlled, Apollonius of a tradition whose continued to inflect, comnarratives aspects poetic and often the of ancient plicate, defy precepts philosophy.90 University of Missouri-Columbia e-mail: MoriA@missouri.edu

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