THE DEMOCRATIC CITY: THE POLITICS OF SPACE ON PLAZA DE LA CIUDADANA IN SANTIAGO.

Image 1: Plaza de la Ciudadana occupied by manifestants against power plant in Aysen. Source: http://static.diario.latercera.com/201105/1257010.jpg

Francisco Vergara Perucich MScBUDD 2013 DPU The Bartlett UCL

The Democratic City: The politics of space on Plaza de la Ciudadana in Santiago. 1990-2013
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE MSc BUILDING AND URBAN DESIGN IN DEVELOPMENT

Francisco Vergara Perucich

Supervisor: Giorgio Talocci

DEVELOPMENT PLANNING UNIT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON

SEPTEMBER 2013

Word Count: 11523 (so far)

CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1 THE DEMOCRATIC CITY 1.1.DEMOCRACY, CITY, AND CHILEAN CONTEXT 1.2.CITY AS SUBJECT OF POLITICAL MEANING CHAPTER 2 DESIGNING THE DEMOCRATIC CITY 2.1. THE URBAN DESIGNERS ROLE IN THE DEMOCRATIC SPACE PRODUCTION 2.2. APPROXIMATIONS TO THE DEMOCRATIC CITY THROUGH EXAMPLES CHAPTER 3 STUDY CASE: PLAZA DE LA CIUDADANA 3.1. PLAZA DE LA CIUDADANA AS CONTEXT 3.2 CROSSCUTTING INTERPRETATIONS OF "PLAZA DE LA CIUDADANA" CONCLUSIONS 9 15 17 32 41 43 51 57 59 63 69

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank many people that helped me in this process, and I will write their names here, to never forget them: First to my supervisor, Giorgio Talocci, his commitment with my process was an engine to my own interests. To my teachers in MScBUDD: Camillo Boano, Caroline Newton, William Hunter, Alexandre Frediani, Anna Schulenburg, Emily Kelling, Camila Cocia, whom have inspired and motivated me in this pathway. To my beloved BUDDies: Andrea Cubides, Anna Koledova, Anuar Makhaev, Aubrie Eisenhart, Cristian Olmos, Graham Perring, Jiawen Cai, Julia Hansen, Kay Pallaris, Nathan Mahaffey, Signe Lindberg, Wendy Yang, Yang Luo, Yu Hua, whom have been my family here in London. To CONICYT, that awarded me with the scholarship that funded the program. Finally and most important, to my family and friends in Chile: parafraseando a Neruda, no estoy aqui para que otros aprisionen mi pensamiento, sino para aquellos habitantes que piden agua y luna.

Image 2: Riots during the speech of the Pope John Paul II in Santiago, 1987. This episode was spread in the whole world and was the last massive repression in a public space in the dictatorship. (AFP, 1987)

Image 3: "La Moneda", house of the Chilean President and symbol of executive power.

INTRODUCTION
In 1987, the pope John Paul II visited Chile and one of the most remembered events by the laicise Chilean society were the riots during one of his presentations in the O'higgins Park, in the middle of the city of Santiago. The riots were repressed by the police in a harsh way and without distinguish of protesters, Catholics or even priests. Due to the presence of the pope in the country, this situation was informed in the whole world, and then the abroad pressures to install the democracy in Chile were increasing. The repression in the public space exercised by the authority was one of the main characteristics of the Pinochet dictatorship. The occupation of streets to demonstrate the discontent, even nowadays, in conservative groups of the society, is understood as a nonproper behaviour for a Chilean citizen. There was a reason to demonize the public space, the neoliberal system installed in Chile encourage the individualism and maintain the public order. One of the most used arguments to justify the military presence in the government was the necessity of public order. Right wing politicians that backed Pinochet in the government, developed a campaign against the public manifestations, trying to convince the population that a protesters is the same that a terrorist, and in order to preserve the social peace, these citizens should be arrested (Actually, many of those arrested citizens also were disappeared). Therefore, the utilization of public spaces was perceived as a terrorist act, and recovering from this fear in the population took years. However, the dictatorship ended in 1990, and with that the expectations on Chilean cities future, particularly the public spaces were high. At the beginning of the 90s, the political discourse of the Concertation of Parties for Democracy was about social justice, equity, opportunities and democratic social construction, therefore assuming that the city and politics are linked, it could be interesting interpret in which manner the political transformation of the country decanted in spatial transformation and what is the meaning of these transformations.

The scenario of democratisation in Chile, offers several inputs to explore the idea of democratic city, exploring how the citizens could interpret the right to the city and how that can produce diverse approaches towards the construction of democratic spaces. Acknowledging the value of democracy as a force of social transformation, and connecting the city production with this ideology, arises a series of questions: What are the components that define a democratic space? Is it possible to design a democratic space? Which are the benefits of build democratic spaces?

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Image 4: "Plaza de la Ciudadana" from the east side towards the west side. (Author)

Image 5: Picture from "Plaza de la Ciudadana" towards "Paseo Bulnes". From north to south. (Author)

Image 6: The "umbrellas' march" leaded by the students movement, occurred in a rainy day of August 2011 in Santiago. (Agencia Uno, 2011)

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Chile seems to be a fertile field of explore these questions, considering that the country is still in a process of democratisation, a transition from a dictatorship towards a modern democracy. In 2005, the president Ricardo Lagos founded the "Plaza de la Ciudadana" (Citizenship Square) and in his inaugural speech he said that this square is a deposit of experiences, longings, conflicts, hopes and dreams of the Chileans. This representative space was aimed to be the built manifestation of the political transformations in Chile, a symbol of progress, social reconciliation and democracy. This square is placed in a strategic part of the city of Santiago, south side of the government palace and crossed by the main avenue of the city. Since his inauguration, several events have been held there, such as manifestations, musical events, theatrical plays, cultural acts, civic celebrations, and so on. The democratic city idea could be put in practice through the study of this place; in order to understand the relationship between democratisation processes, spatial transformations, and the meaning of the city for their inhabitants. As a response to these concerns and topics, this paper has been designed to tackle them from the abstract construction of the idea of democratic city, to gradually move towards "Plaza de la ciudadana" as study case where the democratic city as theoretical construction can be interpreted. The document starts with a theoretical exploration about the relation between democracy, spatial production, and citizenship, to then find out how the relation between these components could produce transformations in the meaning of the space. Authors like Chantal Mouffe, Henri Lefebvre, Michel Foucault, Erik Swyngedouw, and Amos Rapoport, helps to address these issues from a political perspective towards an urban approach. In the second chapter is established a link between the production of democratic spaces and urban design tasks, particularly the role that urban designers must develop in the pursue of democratic cities, articulating the complexity produced by this ideas, which address the process of production towards concepts like Open-ended projects, Heterotopic Spaces, and contested urbanism.

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The aim of this chapter is produce a critical framework to analyse the study case, based on transfer the abstract ideas of a democratic city into a real study case. This will permit understand in deep what kind of democratisation has been happening in Chile, and what is the spatial record of these processes. he objective of this dissertation is contributing to build an spatial approach to the democratic city, starting from a theoretical perspective pointing to spatial representations of political ideologies; exploring design principles that would ensure democratic experiences, and in the conclusions this objective is grounded based on the results of this paper.

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Image 7: Protest to support the ethnic diversity in Chile. (Agencia Uno, 2011)

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CHAPTER 1 THE DEMOCRATIC CITY

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Image 8: "La Moneda" after the bombing leaded by Pinochet in 11 September 1973. The day when democracy was broken in Chile (Ciper, 2008)

Image 9: A military patrol stalking the south side of "La Moneda", where 30 years later will be built the "Plaza de la Ciudadana". (EMOL, 2011)

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1.1.Democracy, City, and Chilean context

Alexis de Tocqueville (1835) posed that democracy should find a balance between liberty and equality, in order to build a society where the individual rights and common well, are developed at the same time. From his perspective, the construction of liberties is related to equality as principle, and vice versa, establishing a symbiotic relation aimed to achieve a state of freedom in the society. This balance should be the result of an equation that apparently nowadays is not working because the equality and the access to same opportunities are constrained by the political will and the access to money. For Steven Bilakovics (2012), what Tocqueville pointed in the realm of democracy is that it is open to dualities that could undermine the trust of people in democracy, being at the same time an ideology open to cynicism and idealism. Bilakovics states that democracy tends to let us down. In other words, the balance argued by Tocqueville is broken. This rupture have many potential explanations, for example in Chile one of the last diagnosis about this is that political power and economical power are working together, building their own model of society (Mayol 2012; Salazar 2012; Atria 2011), while social actors are working by their own initiative, struggling include their opinions in the processes of decision.

The history, failures and success related with democracy has added new thematic frames to this ideology. For Chantal Mouffe (2000), one of the differences between the democracy in Tocqueville times and the present is the pluralism, understood as an acknowledge of differences among diverse stakeholder groups, but keeping a mutual respect for these differences, competing to install ideas in making decisions processes. However, this definition of pluralism is arranged in a logic of market and politics, and this logic is questioned from a civil society perspective. There was a deep change in the "symbolic order of social relations" (Mouffe 2000), which means that the logic of market and politics, therefore the democracy needs adaptations in order to fit in the contemporary society. This process of adaptation should consider that Economy, Politics and Civil Society are strong blocks hard to modify trying to define a clear horizon, so it is more important consider disensus as a healthy condition, a democratic society should thrive based on the difference.

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Instead of trying to erase the traces of power and exclusion, democratic politics requires us to bring them to the fore, to make them visible so that they can enter the terrain of contestation. And the fact that this must be envisaged as an unending process should not be cause for despair because the desire to reach a final destination can only lead to the elimination of the political and to the destruction of democracy. In a democratic polity, conflicts and confrontations, far from being a sign of imperfection, indicate that democracy is alive and inhabited by pluralism. (MOUFFE, 2000)

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Image 10: Contestation against Pinochet in the campaign for the plebiscite of 1988 which finished with his government. In this opportunity their antagonists encouraged the people to vote "NO". (El Mostrador, 2012).

Image 11: As result of the plebiscite, the option "NO" defeated Pinochet. The newspaper titled: "He ran alone and came in second place" (Fortin Mapocho, 1988)

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Therefore, the contestation from the citizenship towards the authority is a sign of healthy social constructions. The repression against these processes of contestation implies that the authority is not able to drive democratic process due to the fact they do not understand what means a democratic government in the widespread sense of the word (Swyngedouw, 2011). Or, rather, they understand it and therefore want to repress pluralism and diversity due to these ideas affects their particular interests. Thereby comes questionings the democratic governance, related to politicians as part of the market instead of be social representatives. At the moment when politicians shift their representation from the citizenship by the economical power, the democracy goes into a crisis because people's future depends only of those that hold economic power, then citizens become customers; politicians become sellers, and the balance in the social development of a country is broken, hence democracy too. It is fundamental keep the balance based on the contestation, on the confrontation of ideas, on build decisions based on agreements instead of impositions from one side or the other. Exploring the concept of democracy from another perspective, Mark Purcell (2013) acknowledges that democracy is a political system where the people have the power to make decisions, and they give this power to specific members of the community (politicians) who have the aim to represent their community mates. In other words, representatives in a democratic system are the voice of the people in order to make decision in a collective scale, but far from adhere to this definition he poses that in the contemporary world there is a huge gap between this ideal definition of democracy and how it really works. Currently, the decisions are concentred in few hands, in less than a 5% of the population, what is difficulty the fact that there exist truly democratic governments. For this author, there is a strong link between the democratic production of the city and the right to the city posed by Henri Lefebvre. The connection that he makes is that in the mean that people move forward into the achievements on the right to the city struggle, the urban space production will enfranchised from a top level (state, companies, to mention a few) and delivered in the hands of people, moving forward towards a democratic city; where is the people who make the decisions. The struggle for the right to the city, and consequently the construction of a truly democratic city, requires some conceptual and structural shifts which Dike and Gilbert (2002) articulate into three main propositions:

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1. A change in the structural dynamics that produce urban spaces, mainly passing from a freemarket transformations to transformations led by people. 2. Transform the societal conception implies spatial transformations; therefore while widening the access to the right to the city, the society could have transformations related with a behaviour that reflex a democratic approach. In other words, explore the idea of democracy as an urban experience, answering the question: What means to live in a democratic city? 3. There is a need to a new societal ethics, where the citizenship should cultivate the behaviour of live together and share the space under ideals of pluralism, inclusiveness, and respect. To achieve these changes, it is needed "organizational and discursive strategies that are designed to build voice, to foster a sense of common benefit, to develop confidence among disempowered groups, and to arbitrate when disputes arises" (Friedman 2010). In other words, it is required a transformation in the institutions that held the power to transform the urban space, whether state, municipality, district, or other governmental forms which affect the production of city.

Image 12: Santiago's view from San Cristobal Hill, in 1973. (ordenartificial, 2012)

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Image 13: Santiago's picture with a similar view than the last but in 2012, the proliferation of towers is an effect of the neoliberal policies. (identidadyfuturo, 2012).

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On the other hand, other kind of organizations as NGOs, Communities, Parties, Unions, and commercial actors, just for mention a few, should be part of these discussions towards create common agreements and build together a democratic city. If space is political (LEFEBVRE 1977), and it generates a relationship in the order of things as a medium, then it provides an experience, which constitutes political identities (Friedman 2010). Therefore, in a country where democracy is the imperative political system, the spatial expression of this ideology should produce democratic experiences; thereby space would be a product of relations, and not a result of impositions. Grounding these arguments in the Chilean democratic system, an issue is revealed, particularly referred to the urban production after 1990 (Lopez-Morales 2009). Alberto Mayol (2012) Fernando Atria (2013) and Gabriel Salazar (2008), states that the social movements in Chile aroused due to the fall of the neoliberal model, not just because the capitalist condition but because the concentration of richness in a small group of the society, triggering an increase of the inequality and consequently awaking the anger of the civil society. Since the 80s, the economical power and political power were melted to achieve their own goals and the civil society has been trying to survive with the leftovers that these group leave. This produced a crisis in the representation and in the democratic system, which supposedly is one of the most efficient in Latin America. The dream of a new social joy based on the democracy, systematically has falling apart since 1990 and the transition from a dictatorship to a democracy still is nonconcluded. The new narrative of a post-military period (Panizza 2009) was not the sweet dream that everyone was expecting, on contrary, the dictatorship of the market replaced the one of Pinochet, and this has undermined the consolidation of the democratic process. For Teichman (2011), Chilean democracy is still skinny due to the concentration of power, and because the authorities are resisting the civil society consultation. There is an ethical lack in Chile's democracy. To articulate and implement a democratic ethos with a structural balance of power, a democracy must have state capacity, excellent institutions with an embedded bureaucracy, an densely active civil society, and high levels of social and economic equality. Depending on its specific organization, a democracy which supplies those goods is called different things, including full democracy, social democracy, thick democracy, and deep democracy. (Isbester 2011)

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A non-consolidated democracy leads inevitably to a kind of politics characterized by significant indeterminacy. This indeterminacy will be greater than that generally to be found in consolidated systems (Philip, 2003), and this indeterminacy is damaging to the production of social transformation addressing democratic projects which supposedly Chile is trying to develop since 1990. There is an strategic point that should be addressed in order to achieve a democratic development and as consequence reach a democratic city: The government and the governance's management.

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Image 14: The five president from 1990: (left to right) Eduardo Frei (1994-2000), Ricardo Lagos (2000-2006), Sebastin Piera (2010-2014), Michelle Bachelet (20062010), Patricio Aylwin (1990-1994).

Image 15: Master plan to revitalize the public spaces of the City through transforming former industrial areas. The plan failed due to the lack of interest of economic groups. (plataformaurbana, 2009)

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Michel Focuault's (1978) idea of 'governmentality' originally links the power with forms of social control, it was mainly referred to institutions such as Hospitals, Schools, Prisons, and so on. There is a second interpretation of the governmentality idea, in relation to how the people allow that the authority establish a surveillance regime, or repression. If the docility of the people is high, the control over the population is easy to manage. Therefore, in a democratic society it is quite important the contestation as mean to produce resistance, transformations, and democratic decisions. During the dictatorship in Chile, the people were immersed in a process of domestication by the authority, in order to avoid any kind of contestation. The tactic was easy, those who would be able to create potential contestations were eliminated. In Chile, the conceptualization of power control mechanism was extreme in Pinochets dictatorship, where even children were watched to discover undercover Marxists militants or just to use them as spy, taking advantage of their innocence. The city was not the exception to these control means, so the production of the city was delivered in the hands of market in order to -build the progress of the country-, as official government members usually have posed. The governmentality over the city was through laws and regulations, allowing until today that a few business groups can build in the city as they want. Therefore, the control over the population's behaviour was executed through market rules and urban development. Every urban production process was leaded by business groups, and the Chileans, already domesticated by the repression, just followed the rules of the market: buying their houses only where they can pay, buying a car due to the lack of quality public transport, matriculating their children in the schools that they can pay, and so on. In this context, those areas that were out of the market (or at least out of the developers creativity) like public spaces were demonized, in order to avoid the excess of leisure, and labelling as wanderers to all those people that was using those places. However, after several years of democratic transition and the rise of culture, slowly the city has returned to be focus of contestation, a thriving relation between the citizenship and the public space is growing up towards recovery the urban production as a process that belong to the citizens. As Eric Swyngedouw (2011) poses, there is a new scenario for the Foucaultian governmentality idea, because the public space has become a nest of empowered actors of the control process, the outburst of social manifestations on the streets is claiming for a new

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democratic order, which paradoxically must be most democratic (Purcell, 2013), which means that it should be in the hands of the people, and the politicians should be able to translate the popular clamour in policies, initiatives and institutions designed to enhance the current social conditions. Chilean democracy has two understandings, and it depends of who is defining it. For politicians, Chilean democracy is strong, solid, full of opportunities and fertile. For society, it is weak, fake and immature. This disjunction has spatial manifestations that can be read in multiple ways within the city, from the lack of public spaces, quality public transport, until the inexistent participatory processes in urban design schemes.

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Image 16: One physical example of the lack of connection between people and politicians, is the national parliament in Valparaso, which is an insensitive and imposed concrete mountain installed on this city that is a World Heritage City. The building do not offer a public space or is open to the public, instead is a big contemporary fortress. (senado, 2012)

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The definition of democracy, understood as a balance between the state, the economy and the civil society, implies that the power to make decisions about the common well belong to the people. The democratic logic of this power management is that the people is represented by specific members of the community who are on charge of channelize the desire of their fellows. However in Chile, the current legislation and regulations put this idea as an utopia, which is more evident in cities like Santiago. The right to the city is a struggle that is taking part of the public discussion, a topic that slowly is been included in the political agenda and is close to make a connection with the process of democratisation.

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Image 17: A Bus is burning when a protest is having place in Santiagos downtown. (Agencia Uno, 2011)

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1.2.City as subject of political meaning

While the city is alive and thriving, at least in some of its spaces, the polis as the site for public political encounter and democratic negotiation the spacing of (often radical) dissent and disagreement, as well as the place where political subjectivation emerges, is performed, thus literally taking place, and seems moribund. In other words, the polis as a political space is retreating while social space is increasingly colonised or sutured by consensual technomanagerial policies.

ERIK SWYNGEDOUW, 2011

Following the situation of Santiago's civic space, which is under a constant contestation process between the authority and the civil society, it is relevant reflect how the spatial production and the political discourse are linked with specific meanings, assigning social value in areas of the city.

Rapoport (2005), interpreting the outcome of the research he conducted on the built environment, it is possible to conclude that there is several characteristics in the city that define the behaviour of the their occupants. These could be physiological, anatomic, perceptual, cognitive, affection, and meaning. About meaning, Rapoport poses that it is related with the anthropological aspects of cognition or knowledge about the environment composition, including latent aspects involving images, ideals, status, identity, culture and many other important aspects that configure the city space. In other words, the meaning of city spaces is rooted in the links that the inhabitants can do with their spatial constructions, and how they interpret each area of the city, assigning specific meanings based on experiences or events.

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Following Rapoport's ideas, if we acknowledge that democracy is a cultural condition, which have an own expression, inherently it is defining a lifestyle. Democracy as lifestyle is a concept, a cultural construction, which can be dismantling in order to specify the meaning of each component. Metaphorically speaking, it is like a house where the walls, floors, roof, windows, and doors can have specific meanings, however to build the entire house it is necessary to put all these parts together, thereby building a work which arrange the individual meanings of each part to construct a total. Therefore, the fragments of this process could throw several patterns of definition like values, ideals, images, norms, rules, necessities, etc. Each of these patterns could be produced; therefore a meaningful component can be originated in order to link the social topics with built environment.

Image 18: Instead of promote the public discussion of social transformations, the government is still using the repression to stop demonstrations on the public space. (Agencia Uno, 2011)

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Image 19: The police is the instrument to disarm the manifestations. (Agencia Uno, 2011)

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This process of meaning assignment to those components could be called thematisation (Rabi, 2004), which is the spatial manifestation of specific social projects, through design processes that articulate space-meaning-sociality, in order to build identities. Unlike science and technology, which have conventionally been presented as being free of ideological connotations, architecture is both a practical tool and an expressive language, capable of carrying highly specific messages. (Sudjic 2005) This affirmation and the process of thematisation that was mentioned above, enable us to pose that within a democratic context where all the social actors and governmental efforts are heading towards the production of a certain image of democratic society, it is necessary discuss about the meaning of the space that this society is producing. Each decision that affects the city implies a change of its space, therefore it is relevant to a democratic society create instance to discuss about these meanings. The Lefebvrian thought indicates that space is a social product, and as any space, it is constructed based on complex social elements. The processes that produce these spaces are rooted in the culture of each society. Social production of urban space is a reflex of society, therefore the political system itself. This process of production is a way how the power people within a society are reproducing its dominance over the entire society. Following these ideas, if we assume that the democracy is a system where the people have the power (Purcell 2013) and the urban space is a reproduction of the society, the transformations of the cities in Chile, after the democratisation process should have been a narrative of a democratic society. On the contrary, there is a gap between the democracy as national aim, and the political changes developed in the last 23 years. If we read and interpret the meaning of spatial transformations of the city during this specific period of time, we could be able to reveal which kind of political transformations occurred in reality.

In this process of building the idea of city as a field of political meaning, the occupation of the streets and public areas in order to trigger changes has been a relevant topic in the recent years, not just in Chile but also in the whole world. The Street is a public space that has historically often been transformed by social action into the common of revolutionary movement, as well as into a site of bloody suppression. There is always a struggle over how the production of and access to public space and public goods is to be regulated, by whom, and in

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whose interests. (Harvey 2012) Thus, besides the processes of thematisation and production of meaning through design, it is important to define what kind of interests are behind each city transformation.

The freedom to make and remake ourselves and our cities is, I want to argue, one of the most precious yet most neglected of our human rights (Harvey 2012). If the city was developed by the authority without the consultation to the people, and then the people do not like the city; we can argue that the people have the right to demolish and rebuild the city in their own terms. If the city was born without a discussion, the adaptation of the space in order to meet the people's needs, easily could decant in violence and clashes between the city producers and their inhabitants. The nature of a democratic city is find a balance within their stakeholders; if one of them incline the balance for his side, the other side will do as much as possible to reach the balance again, whatever it costs.

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Image 20: "Thriller for the education". About 5.000 students in the "Plaza de la Ciudadana" execute a massive choreography to demonstrate their discontent with the lack of public education. The music was Michael Jackson's "Thriller". (La Tercera, 2011)

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Magrit Mayer (2009), states that urban movements and the politics of resistance in the context of the macro trends of the last 40 yearshave fundamentally transformed both the environment the cities and political milieus- in which movements operate, and the movements themselves, at first slowly, almost imperceptibly, but in hindsight very drastically, which could be evident in Santiago, where the political distance between the social demands and the power exercise has triggered diverse reactions in order to produce changes towards build societies in equality. In Chile, this struggle is mostly related with economical issues, but as we have already discussed, this issues have a spatial manifestation, and the city meaning is affected by every component of the democratisation processes. Democratic systems create organic reactions in the society. Almost instinctively the social outburst appears when there is a failure in the system, mainly when this failure is related with injustice. To be more clear, if the city offers high profits for companies and no services for people, people will fight for shift this situation, they will march, protest, resist, even burn, hit, and kill if it is necessary to produce a change. That is why the role of the authority in order to facilitate the right exercise of democracy in the production of the city is fundamental to maintain healthy relations within the stakeholders. This alive and thriving city within a democratic context is a subject of meaning. The production of democratic experiences within the space is defined by how the design can tackle these topics, in order to represent the social project through the built environment. The thematisation results fundamental to build a representation of a society through urban design processes, but what still is hard to resolve is how an imperfect democracy can be improved by urban transformations, actually: Is it possible? For Mark Purcell (2006), cities are the battlefield where the civil society should fight against the unfairness. For him, the discussion of meaning decant in specific tools of democratisation; thus "any talk of reinvigorating urban democracy might be better expressed as reinvigorating democracy in cities". The creation of instruments and practices able to ensure the application of democratic precepts in the spatial production of the city would increase the sense of belonging of the society with their cities and as consequence, an expression of democracy as a culture. Complementing these ideas, a democratic city should be inscribed in an open-ended process of building (Stevens & Dovey 2004), where each generation of society have the opportunity to

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build and rebuild their spatial meanings, or their architectural icons that represent their own era (Skalir 2006). Open-ended cities allow interventions that can really represent specific moments of the time, otherwise the perpetuation of a spatial configuration becomes in a dictatorship of the design, where the shape developed in one moment of the history do not allow to adaptations to political changes in time, thereby imposing a manner to understand the social relations. Therefore the goal could be a city able to relate peoples history; as Deyan Sudjic (2005) says: Above all, architecture is the means to tell a story about those who build it, however, the history is in constant writing process, and therefore the city and its space too.

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Image 21: The "Democracity" was a huge sphere built in New York World's Fair of 1939, in which was depicted an utopian city of the future. (davidszondy, 2011)

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CHAPTER 2 DESIGNING THE DEMOCRATIC CITY

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Image 22: Santiago's Social Housing in the periphery of the city. One of the issues that produce the free market as the exclusive urban producer is the segregation and lack of relation between the parts of the city. Then, the urban poor are displaced far from the activities centres, and far from the opportunities to live better. (plataformaurbana, 2007)

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2.1. The urban designers role in the democratic space production

The production of a democratic city demands spaces able to be transformed and appropriated by the people. The idea of open-ended projects is related with this issue, in order to find a design mechanism that facilitates the contestation, based on the cultural characteristics of each context.

"Urban design interventions functioning in this context must thus be responsive and locally grounded activities, with an understanding of scale and strategy, moving out the simplified vision of building and architecture as objects of commodity" (Boano, 2013), therefore urban design must be a consequence of multidisciplinary analysis, and the outcome should be an oblique relation between the components. In other words, the democratic city recognize culture, politics, economy, society, and space as design inputs, which must be articulated by the project, no mattering how complex that it may be. The articulation of complexity, perhaps, is the most difficult task for urban designers in cities and spaces that aspire to be democratic, because a restless society requires designs open to the people's appropriation and that facilitate the participation. Despite the threats of the globalisation, the free market, and the pressures coming from the social actors, the role of the state is precisely deal with those forces in order to facilitate the balance (Harvey, 2012). The city understood as the manifestation of cultural, economical, political and social forces (Holston & Appadurai, 1996) influence state's decisions, throws a conclusion about their role in the urban design process, where it should define diverse approaches to the city production whether through policies, guidelines, bids, listening the people, or even speeches. Thereby the state has the first word in the spatial production of a democratic city. Furthermore, it is quite important the state convictions about a political system like democracy, and these convictions should be expressed through regulations, laws, agreements, and other instruments that can set up a framework in the city production, and then the city stakeholders can surf

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these frames, whether through speculation, manifestation, appropriation, contestation, or the transformation. Swyngedouw (2011) says that it "seems that the only way in which real dissent can be articulated is by making the public spaces of cities as recurrent theatres of impotent, violent, but passionate, outbursts of radical insurgent architects", a theatre for the social struggle play, where the state should define its position, whether actor, scenography or director. The dissent as matter of design should be one of the main concerns in the production of a democratic city. Whether facilitating the contestation or leaving to the society the opportunity to load the space of meanings, for mention a few, the democratic city in his main sense is a spatial manifestation of dissensus. Therefore it is right to state that the relation between the space and social actors can't be immobile, on contrary it should be transformable, adaptable, without temporal restrictions or deadlines, the democratic city should be immerse in a constant process of redefinition.

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Image 23: A Fair in "Paseo Bulnes", in the civic district of Santiago. (flickr)

Image 24: A riot in "Paseo Bulnes", same place with different meaning according to the use give by the citizens. (LaterceraTV, 2011)

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Following these arguments, the foucaultian idea of Heterotopia appears like one of the ways to understand what should be the aim of an urban designer in order to produce democratic spaces. "The heterotopia has the power of juxtaposing in a single real place different spaces and locations that are incompatible with each other". (Foucault 1997). Heterotopic spaces are understood as the places where more than one type of event can occur; therefore these spaces can have several layers of meaning, which depend of the uses and the users of these. Addressing the heterotopia as design input without doubts is an alternative to develop democratic cities. This is because the space of otherness, where specific events can load places of meanings and the incompatibility of those events do not interfere on developing each other, facilitates the conceptualization of democracy interpreted in the space. Therefore, the lack of heterotopic spaces could undermine the idea of democratic city. "The heterotopia enters fully into function when men find themselves in a sort of total breach of their traditional time" (Foucault, 1997), the idea of heterotopia as a main component of democratic spaces is linked with the idea of heterochronies, which means that the meaning of the space have a time component, the users are loading the space of meaning while they are using it, after that the space is open to new meanings related to whom use it. It is like the urn where the citizens vote in a democratic system. This urn in a small lapse of time becomes a space where every single citizen can express his ideas, and those ideas depend of who is voting. The temporal meaning is a compulsory component of democratic spaces. Other interesting democratic input from heterotopias is the opposition, or tension between poles, as resource of construction for the heterotopic space. Therefore, the space designer may have a specific conception of the place, but the user has a completely different idea of the place. Then the tension between these stakeholders transforms the meaning of the place. In other words, the contestation should be acknowledged as a natural action in democratic societies and the city should be able to welcome these kinds of actions. After reflect and review the exposed arguments, and moving towards the idea of produce democratic spaces for the contemporary city, there is a question that is important to tackle:

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How is possible to design a space which could be open to transformations, but at the same time that is reflecting about the identity of a society? And as second derived question: Is it possible to state that the society's identity is in constant transformation and that's why the democratic cities should be open-ended spaces?

These two questions could trigger new research paths, but it is important reflect on how urban designers can address these points in the production of democratic cities. The significance of urban design les in the role it plays in the overall transformation cities. As political, economic and cultural changes have given a new significance to cities, urban space is being reshaped to accommodate the new urban conditions. In its broadest terms, urban design is the tool of his reshaping, hence its structural significance (Madanipour 2006).

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Image 25: OMA's project for CCTV in Chine, from a poor area of the city. (Detail, 2005)

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Reflecting about the role of urban designers in the production of the democratic cities, there is an issue in the disciplinary education of urban designers, who in general are trained to work in big studios and companies related to urban development, but barely are prepared to work with the complexities of the contemporary city in contested spaces. Urban designers are more prepared to work with Rem Koolhaas than work with Slum Dwellers, despite that Koolhaas work for the 5% of the global population and the slum dwellers are the 33% (Acioly 2011) of the global population. In other words, "we need a career path, and possibly even a profession, of public-interest architecture, parallel to public health and public defence, that has its own educational requirements, practice models, financial support, and client base" (Fisher 2008). Nowadays, those urban designers that are dealing with those urban problems that affect the less wealthy people are considered like urban activists. Furthermore than the specific role of the urban designers as producers of democratic spaces, it is necessary a reflection about the discipline and the lack of responses that is generating to resolve the real problems of the contemporary world, starting from democratic cities until lack of toilets in slums. Urban designers should assume a role as political actors responsible of set up the scenario for society relations. The urban designer should understand the contestation as an aim, thereby is part of their responsibility facilitating democratic processes. Design spaces able to adaptations and transformations should be in the public discussion of the production of the contemporary city.

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Image 26: Alfredo Jaars "The Skoghall Konsthall". Built and then burning. (Art21, 2012).

Image 27: Nautilos: Glass House by URO1.ORG (chilearq, 2008).

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2.2. Approximations to the democratic city through examples

Kazimir Malevich in 1917 painted "White on white", a fundamental work for the abstract art and specifically to the contemporary art, being the foundational production of the Suprematism. This painting is open to the interpretation of the author, means nothing at the same time that means everything that you can imagine over it. An easy gesture and the slight rotation of the white square generate questions to the beholder that are responding from his insights. The open interpretation could be understood as a democratic expression, where is not the artist who is creating the meaning of the work, is the spectator, so the meaning belong to who is interpreting and thereby to everyone. One of the most acclaimed contemporary Chilean artists is Alfredo Jaar, his works are related with issues of public interest, particularly creating a connection between public realm and social interests, delivering critical messages through his work. Maybe the most interesting case for this topic was the art gallery in Skoghall, Sweden; a small town, which usually was identified as an industrial locality, that wanted to change this label. Jaar (Quinos, 2007) worked following the hypothesis that the culture was this new identity, and that's why he created this art gallery, built with local materials like paper and wood. The inauguration of the gallery was full of people of the town, revealing the interest of this community for culture. However, following the plan of Jaar, 24 hours after the inauguration he burnt the building. After that, young artists and community leaders exacted to the authority new spaces for culture in the town. What Jaar did was trigger the cultural demand, highlighting the interest for a particular topic through an intervention on the public space that made people love a place; and suddenly that place disappeared. This idea of incomplete love between the people of Skoghall and their art gallery unleashed on the people a desire for cultural opportunities, in an area where the industrialisation used to be everything. This example play with the idea of heterochronies,

transforming activating new meaning layers within a short lapse of time. Then, this production creates new understandings of the cultural identity of the people.

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A democratic city should have many spaces open to interventions, in order to facilitate diverse ways of contestation. And, if those spaces do not exist, the urban designer should find a place where the contestation could be held. In that line, in 2000 Chile was shocked by an urban intervention developed by the collective "URO1.ORG", called "Nautilus, Glass house" (MGL20CHILE, 2007). This house was installed during the summer of 2000 in Santiago's downtown and inside was an actress (Daniela Tobar) who developed her life as any other citizen in Chile, but inside the Glasshouse. Every single citizen of Santiago was curious about what is happening with this woman, everyone was pending of when she took a shower, when she go to the toilet, when she sleeps with someone, etc. This work revealed the conservative Chilean society despite that the censored about cultural affairs stopped in 1990 with the end of the dictatorship. This small but significant work triggered several analyses from specialists about the behaviour of Chilean society and even politicians and representative started to think about improve cultural policies.

Image 28: Plaza Colibr. (Rios, 2008)

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Image

29:

Street

Markets

project

by

Elemental

(Elemental,

2010)

53

What is interesting to refer art works in the production of democratic cities, is that the urban design have a debt related to push the boundaries of the discipline towards new frontiers. The performative art is a good example of how the urban design could facilitate the production of heterotopic spaces or promote the contestation as a way to develop democratic cities. Reflecting on democratic designs on public spaces, the Plaza del Colibri in San Francisco is an interesting example about the process developed, where the stakeholders that use this square where involved and consulted on the design process. For Michael Rios (2008), this example is called a "Plural Model" of democratic urban design, where the conflict and differences between the points of view of the stakeholders is respected and listened along the design process. In this square, the designers acted as facilitators with the people: immigrant groups, homeless, youth, older adults, artists, neighbourhood residents and transit users were involved in the process. The aim of the designers was dissolve the differences of opinion of the actors, in order to build agreements at the same time that they were respecting the different points of view. Therefore, the urban designer here was more concerned about articulating diverse interests. But, what happened if a new stakeholder appears as user of this Plaza? Does it change the entire sense of the place? How this project could be adapted to new conditions, considering that is a finished square? Thereby, it is fair to ask: Is this a democratic space or is it just a democratic exploration in order to produce a Plaza? Despite the methodology can be completely democratic, not all the result of this process is a democratic space. It is important to consider that use proper democratic methodologies, such as participation, voting or representation, are as much important as a democratic spatial outcome emerged from a conscious reflection. In Chile, Elemental did a project called "Ferias Libres", which it is a simple structure based on a high roof able to provide shelter to local markets during the day. When the market is closed, the roof is transformed into a different program, which could be a football court, a square, a skate park, etc. This open-ended idea is interesting to explore. Seems like the production of a public shelter able to be appropriated by the people can be a pathway towards the production of a democratic city. However, the project seems too raw. Incremental or transformative spaces would not mean callow, on contrary this kind of projects should express a democratic conviction. There is a thin border between a raw project and an open-ended project or the production of heterotopic spaces; therefore it is quite important to understand how to reach the balance in these process of design to achieve the democratic city.

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The possibility to transform the meaning of the space must be mainly in the hands of their users, and following an heterotopic conception of the city, these spaces should be able to overlap meanings in order to represent, at the same time, several stakeholders. The contestation and the celebration of dissensus is a basic component of democratic spaces, thereby spatial transformations should be able to deal with this complexity. A democratic space should have the capacity to bend his meaning to adapt it to new users and activities, and then come back to his original shape, or survive after the bending. It should be like a seismic resistant structure, which reacts with natural forces, plus it can survive after the events. A democratic city is a spatial construction designed to alter his configuration. A democratic city is not a finished outcome, it is the sum of diverse thoughts and aspirations for a society, it is a representation of processes of transformations that characterize democratic societies. In summary, a democratic city is the space where occurs the representation of their inhabitants, whether culturally, politically, or economically.

55

Image 30: La Moneda before the urban transformation of their environment. (Brunner, 1930)

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CHAPTER 3 STUDY CASE: PLAZA DE LA CIUDADANA

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Image 31: The Civic District of Santiago nowadays. (Google earth, 2012)

Image 32: The original project of Plaza de la Ciudadana. (Undurragadeves, 2009)

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3.1. Plaza de la Ciudadana as Context

Until 1846, the core of Santiago's city was located on the "Plaza de Armas" (Arms Square). Was there where the Spanish founded the city, and where they emplaced the political and religious power, with the Royal Audience, the National Mail, the Council, the Cathedral, for mention a few. In 1845, the president Manuel Balmaceda moved the political power core of the country from "Plaza de Armas" to "Palacio de la Moneda", which until present is the place where operates the president and his closest collaborators. With this new political core of the country, a new process of urban transformation was developed in order to surround this building with facilities related with the executive power of the republic, that's why the area of "La Moneda" was call "Barrio C vico" (Civic District). In the north side of the building is the "Plaza de la Constitucin" (Constitution Square) and to the Southside is the "Plaza de la Ciudadana" (Citizenship Square). The Southside faces the main road of the city, the "Alameda Libertador Bernardo O'Higgins", and after the road to the south, is the "Paseo Bulnes" (Bulnes Promenade). Diverse buildings that accommodate governmental institutions such as ministries, offices, public services, and other agencies, all built in a continuous construction with 24 meters of height surround these public spaces. This area has been part of the public discussion since 1917, with a huge number of interventions and proposals that never were built, or that are incomplete. The idea of consolidates this area, finishing its construction has been part of the will of presidents, promoting diverse projects and strategies to transform the area. The public relevance of the district and the desire of transcend from some politicians, have been engines, which they used for, install their ideologies through spatial and meaningful constructions. Within the XX century, at least 7 projects were developed in the area in order to finish the process of construction, but for diverse reasons any of those were finished. The design and construction of this area is still in process, and during the last 30 years it has been subject of transformation, particularly the south side of "La Moneda", which coincide with the democratisation process of the country.

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Considering that "La Moneda" is one of the symbols of Chile as democratic republic, and the "Plaza de la Ciudadana" as subject of transformation in process, this study case offers an interesting field of components to deepen the idea of democratic city that has been developed in the last chapters. Therefore, the theoretical construction about democratic spaces can be applied to this study case, and then extracting some lessons about what is the meaning of this potential democratic space, define a posture about how it has been tackled the production of a democratic city by the Chilean government in the last 20 years, and establish a relation between the political transformations with the spatial transformations.

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Image 33: Plaza de la Ciudadana during the dictatorship. (La Tercera, 2007)

Image 34: Civic Celebration in Plaza de la Ciudadana. (Bp, 2012)

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62

3.2 Crosscutting Interpretations of "Plaza de la Ciudadana"

After the coup ocurred on 11th September 1973, the surrounding areas of "La Moneda" were quite damaged by the bombing, which Pinochet had utilized to destroy the democracy. The process of reconstruction began as soon as the Military forces were in the power of the situation. As many dictatorships, Augusto Pinochet was a chauvinist, which as many times as he could tried to demonstrate his patriotism through symbols and actions. Considering this, it is strange that he decided to put a parking place in the south facade of "La Moneda". First, because it was dangerous to him, due to a car-bomb could be easily parked there, but rather than that, was the semiotic message that he sent with that mode of use the front yard of his palace. It express a lack of concern about the republican symbol of Chile, which is "La Moneda", on contrary he left it like a sacrifice lamb before the knife of progress. In other words, his message with that parking place in front of "La Moneda" was, the state and their symbols are only for service to the progress of the country. After the return to a democratic Government, in 1995, the government of Eduardo Frei made a competition to determine a new project for the south side of "La Moneda", in which the studio Undurraga+Devs got the first prize. The idea was connect the "Paseo Bulnes" with "La Moneda" in a sign of democratisation that the country was experiencing. The metaphorical idea behind this was that "Paseo Bulnes" represent the citizens and "La Moneda" represent the governent, thereby connect these two urban pieces through a public space was a manner how the city become more democratic. This new space of connection would be called "Plaza de la Ciudadana", and it would be the place where Chilean citizens meet each other. This project also considered the construction of a cultural center in the underground of the new square, then the message was that the citizenship of the democratic Chile will be built with the culture as foundations.

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Image 35: The civic area of Santiago, from Plaza de la Constitucion (left) passig by Plaza de la Ciudadana, Paseo Bulnes, and finally Parque Almagro (Right). (Undurraga+Devs, 2004)

The project was built, however the connection between "Paseo Bulnes" and "La Moneda" did not happened. The street was still being a gap between this two urban pieces and "Plaza de la Ciudadana" is split in two until the present.

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Image 36: People waitng for a cultural event in Plaza de la Ciudadana. (flickr, 2012)

Image 37: Plaza de la Ciudadana with the fences. (Author, 2011)

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One of the problems that produce this street in the middle of the square, is that when big cultural events are held in this space, the citizen just occupy the street and the traffic of the entire city is affected due to this is the main avenue. The project that originally proposed sink the street and create an underpass, is incomplete and the crowd is just trying to complete it with the occupation. In the moment when people occupy the street, the original project is finished for the entire time that the occupation lasts. This is interesting, because is the citizenship through an ephemeral transformation of the space, who is defining the way how the square should be used. Therefore, there is a heterotopic and heterochronic condition, revealed by the crowd. Metaphorically speaking, the distance between government and people is easily translated to the relation between the politicians and people, which nowadays is broken. A Survey developed by the Diego Portales University in March 2013, demonstrates that just a 38% of the population trusts in the President, while the reject to the Parliament is a 72%. This distance between the political class and the citizens has triggered an increasing process of public demonstrations of discontent, being the "Plaza de la Ciudadana" one of the places where these events are celebrated. Thereby, the contestation as a democratic event is occurring here, but the gap produced by the avenue is interfering in the potential encounter between the citizens and the authority. This gap is undermining the possibility of a healthy democratic relationship between these stakeholders. In the image appears a fence that is keeping the "Plaza de la Ciudadana" separated from the sidewalk. This fence just reinforces a reading about the distance between the authority and the people. A square, which was designed to facilitate democratic events, however it is fenced everyday to avoid possible spontaneous expressions of civility, is nothing else than a paradox. On one hand the authority is trying to promote a democratic society, but in the space where that democracy may happen, the authorities are banning the pass. The only effect produced by these fences is that those spontaneous events are occurring anyway, and the fence becomes an instrument of violence, something that is a temptation to destroy because a society that is claiming for more democracy is willing to break any kind of barrier in order to express their ideas.

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This space is loaded by several meanings, which depends of the users and the moment in which the activation of these layers occurs. Considering the approaches developed in this studio, it could meet some characteristics that define a democratic space: -It is an open-ended space, which has not found a final shape, and that is in a constant process of transformation, therefore the Chilean society has built and rebuilt this space to adapt it to new meanings. -The heterotopia occurs here, whether through ephemeral events, simultaneous events, or historical events. The condition of manifestation of acts that can bend the space, to then return it into their original form is interesting. Even the avenue crossing the middle of the square offers a component that adds complexity to a heterotopic function. -The contestation is celebrated here in diverse ways; due to the dissensus has been part of the design. The paradox between the authorities discourse about build a democratic society and the way how they manage this space, and the way how the contestation and events occurs here express an interesting vector of democratic construction. Perhaps the only threat against the democratic values of this square is the authority attempting to transform it into a finished urban space, or the citizens destroying it.

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Image 38: Students rioting at a Bus Stop. The public transport in Santiago have a bad reputation due to a project called Transantiago which was developed without public consultations and basically people dislike it. (Agencia Uno, 2011).

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CONCLUSIONS
The idea of democratic city as definition is in a constant process of change, because democracy as system is not a fixed model of government and social relations, is actually a process that depends of the context and historical events that define the identity of the people. Thereby, the democratic cities have not a unique definition, however there are specific patterns of meaning production, which permits understand how to achieve democratic experiences through the space. Assessing the study case and relating it with the theoretical body of this research, there is some conditions that helps to guide a process of democratic city design:

Open-ended constructions: A democratic city should be able to rebuild their meanings depending of the culture and identity of the people who inhabit it. Thus, the possibility of modify and re-produce spatial conditions for specific needs must be in the hands of the society. Otherwise, the same society will destroy and then accommodate the spaces to their current necessities.

Heterotopic spaces: The democratic space should be able to bend his meaning, and overlap several meanings in diverse situations. Therefore a democratic city have spatial conditions that refers to pluralism, understood as the possibility to respect and understand the difference between the users as part of the social relations. Also, the ephemeral condition of the public action is a requirement that democratic cities should allow, in order to transform the meaning of the spaces in different times, depending of the way how those spaces are loaded by activities.

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Contested space: Democracy is based on the dissensus and discussion to produce agreements that builds a thrive future for an entire society. Thereby, a democratic city should be build understanding the dissensus as a positive value, acknowledging that the urban contestation produce tensions which are necessary to create a sense of collectiveness, a sense of belonging with the urban space. The contestation is the manner how the democracy build an agreement, and a democratic city in their main pursue should be a collective agreement about the city that everyone wish to experience. That process should be produced through a pathway with consensus and dissensus.

Recognizing thes main points, there is a necessity to encourage urban designer into the production of democratic cities.

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Image 39: Everyone should be involved in the process of produce the city. Juan David Diaz (11 years old) won the international infant paint competition in 2013, with this work titled: "Water: Source of Life", and he said that his idea is think in a future in which everyone will take care for the environment. (bayerinnovacion, 2013)

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One of the lessons that we can discuss after this study, is that the shape of the city is closest to the politician's desktop, than to the architect's pencils. It is quite important that architects and urban designers stand up to do meaningful contributions to their countries. The ability to transform complex problems in beautiful solutions is a value that can be applied to the production of transformations in the society. There is an ethic dimension in which the urban designer must be involved, referred to the city as source of opportunities. This condition good expressed under the idea of "the right to the city", is a huge challenge to the next century, where the 60% of the world population will live in cities. The field to receive this population nowadays is in the hands of politicians and companies. There is a ethical level that must be included in the production of the city and urban designers have the skills to produce a shift in this sense. As this dissertation has posed that the democratic city is a collective creation, a consequence of census and dissensus, which fulfil the expectations of their users, which is open to new transformations and their inhabitants constantly contest that. Rather than the definition of the idea of Democratic City, maybe the final learning that deserve be highlighted is that there is a enormous opportunity in the XXI century to reivindicate in the cities all the mistakes committed in the XX centuries; in the next 100 years we could eliminate the segregation, switch towards a sustainability as mean of life, finish with the urban poor, achieve a pacific relation between humans and the environment, just for mention a few; and all this aims could be achieved through the production of democratic cities, where the mutual respect would be manifested in the built environment.

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