Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Fall 2007
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Captain: I havent slept in 3 months, Sir. Therapist: What keeps you from sleeping? Captain: I have many stressful things in my life, Sir. My wife wants to leave me. She says Im not the same person she married. She says I am changed by combat in Iraq. I have a very short temper; I get angry, very angry over little things. I have no time for nonsense. I cant drive under bridges I think a bomb will be dropped on my car. I drive down the middle of the highway. Trash on the side of the road looks like an IED. Therapist: What exactly keeps you from sleeping? Captain: A picture comes into my mind when I close my eyes. Therapist : Describe the picture. Captain: I dont think I can without crying, Sir. Therapist: Do officers need permission to cry? Captain: An officer can never cry in front of his men, Sir. Therapist: You may cry in front of me, if you wish. I admire you for serving in battle. I feel like I am on sacred ground when I talk with a person like you. Captain: (staring deeply into my eyes for a long time, a stare of recognition of caring) Thank you, Sir. Therapist: You may describe the picture when you feel ready. It does not have to be today. Captain: I need to tell you now, Sir. Therapist: All right.
Captain: I was a convoy commander. We had had a good day. We all came back to our FOB (forward operating base) without a casualty. My uniform was covered with sand. I turned in my vehicle and took a shortcut across the FOB. Just as I passed the Medical Aid Station two soldiers came up to me dragging a wounded soldier between them. Sir, Sir, save our brother, Sir. They must have thought I was a medic because I was in front of the Aid Station. I looked down to the wounded soldier. I could see part of his brain dangling out of his head. I froze for a moment. I didnt know what to do or say. They kept pleading with me to save their brother. Almost immediately the medics came up and took the wounded soldier away. Thats the picture, Sir. Therapist: What happened next? Captain: What do you mean, Sir? Therapist: What happened to the two soldiers? Captain: They stayed with me. Therapist: Were they your soldiers? Captain: No, Sir. I had never seen them before. Its almost funny but they would not leave me. Therapist: Can you explain that more fully? Captain: They just wanted to talk to me. Their commander came up and told them to move on but they stayed with me. We just walked together and talked. Therapist: What did you talk about? Captain: I asked them to tell me about their battle brother. They were very close to him. Therapist: What did you say? Captain: I told them they had to remember his smiling and laughing and the good times and closeness they shared. Therapist: Did you help them?
my commander came up later and asked me what was going on. She wanted me to move on until I told her what happened. Therapist: I believe you were very helpful to those two young soldiers. Captain: Thank you, Sir, but I didnt save their brother. Thats the bad picture I see when I close my eyes. I froze. I did not save their brother. Therapist: Were you there to save the wounded soldier? Captain: Thats what Ive been thinking, Sir. Therapist: Ten neurosurgeons kneeling on the ground next to the wounded soldier could not have saved him, Captain. Captain: Really, Sir? Therapist: Could you have been there for another reason? Captain: Like what, Sir? Therapist: You tell me, Captain. Captain: You mean I was there for the two soldiers, Sir? Therapist: They will never forget you. That night the Captain slept. He attended group therapy and continued CT for about 3 months. I saw him in the gym just a few weeks ago. He was smiling and pumping iron; sweat covered his muscular body. Therapist: How are you doing Captain? Captain: Im fine, Sir. Therapist: Tell me what helped you. Captain: I got my sleep back. I got my thinking straightened out. And I got back into exercise. Therapist: How is your marriage? Captain: We are just fine, Sir.
Cognitive Therapy for Anxiety Disorders: A Discussion of Recent Empirical Developments Part 2
Amy Wenzel, Ph.D., University of Pennsylvania
Part 1 of this article appeared in the Spring 2007 issue of Cognitive Therapy Today. To access Part 1, please visit our website www.beckinstitute.org
Self-Focused Attention In my previous article, I indicated that there is robust empirical evidence to suggest that anxious individuals exhibit attentional biases toward threat in their environment, such that they detect potential danger more quickly than nonanxious individuals and focus their attention on threat at the expense of neutral or safety stimuli. However, in social phobia an additional type of attentional bias is at workthat of self-focused attention. Specifically, when socially anxious individuals are in a potentially embarrassing situation, they turn their attention onto themselves instead of monitoring their environment (Hope, Gansler & Heimberg, 1989). This shift of attention impairs performance in some instances, increases negative affect, and activates negative cognitions (Woody, 1996). This line of research raises the interesting notion that more than one type of attentional bias is at work in social phobia, each of which may be amenable to treatment with cognitive therapy (Woody, Chambless & Glass, 1997). Thought Control Thought suppression is the attempt and act of eliminating unwanted thoughts from awareness. In general, thought suppression studies demonstrate that most individuals are unable to fully reduce particular thoughts from awareness when instructed to do so. Moreover, most individuals experience a higher frequency of unwanted thoughts following efforts to keep them out of awareness than they would if they had never attempted suppression, a phenomenon called the rebound effect (e.g., Wegner, Schneider, Carter & White, 1987). The rebound ef fect is o f te n d escr ib ed as paradoxical (cf. Wegner et al., 1987), as individuals who use thought suppression as a self-control strategy may actually increase the frequency of the intrusive thoughts they are attempting to eliminate. The paradoxical effect of thought suppression has been proposed to be an analogue of psychopathological processes such as obsessionality and rumination (Rassin, Merckelbach & Muris, 2000). Thought-action fusion is the belief that unacceptable thoughts and beliefs have a tangible influence on the world (Shafran & Rachman, 2004). Likelihood thoughtaction fusion is the belief that having an unacceptable thought increases the probability of the adverse event occurring, whereas moral thought-action fusion is the belief that having an unacceptable thought is almost the equivalence of having carried out that act. According to Shafran and Rachman (2004), instances of thoughtaction fusion reflect an inflated perceived responsibility for harm. Moreover, the importance of these thoughts is interpreted in an exaggerated manner. Although empirical work with clinical samples in this area of research is sparse, the studies that have been conducted suggest that thoughtaction fusion is relevant to many anxiety disorders, including obsessive compulsive disorder and generalized anxiety disorder, as well as depression. Problem Solving A line of empirical research conducted in the 1990s assessed the degree to which pathological worry inhibits e f f e c t i ve p r o b le m s o l v i n g a n d implementation of solutions. Contrary to expectation, this research determined that worriers and non-worriers have similar problem solving skill (e.g., Davey, 1994). However, worriers have more problematic problem solving orientation, in that they report low confidence in their problem solving abilities, little perceived control over the problem-solving process, and a general intolerance of uncertainty over whether and when the problem will be resolved (Dugas, Freeston & Ladouceur, 1997; Ladouceur, Blais, Freeston & Dugas, 1998). This maladaptive problem solving orientation inhibits the application of otherwise adaptive problem solving skills. Conclusion All of the constructs described in this article are compatible with Beck and Emerys (1985) cognitive theory of anxiety. Assessment of anxiety-relevant images has the potential to add to the already rich taxonomy of negative selfstatements that have been documented in various anxiety disorders. The script and implicit association methodologies have begun to provide empirical validation for schema construct, which is the central component of Beck and Emerys cognitive model. Consideration of selffocused attention and its relation to attentional biases toward external threatrelevant stimuli lends to a finer-grained conceptualization of cognition in social phobia. Investigations into thought suppression, thought-action fusion, and problem solving highlight possible distortions that limit patients capacity for information processing. Thus, the time is ripe to integrate these literatures and apply them to our basic cognitive models of anxiety to provide another layer of description, explanation, and prediction. In the third article in this series, I will shift focus and discuss advances in the literature pertaining to cognitive therapy for anxiety disorders,
considering the manner in which research examining cognitive theory has clinical relevance.
Please see page 5 for references.
Reference: Beck, J. S. (2007). The Beck Diet Solution Weight Loss Workbook, Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House.
Academy of Cognitive Therapy One Belmont Avenue, Suite 700 Bala Cynwyd, PA 19004 Tel: 610-664-1273 Fax: 610-664-5137
Anxiety Disorderscontinued
REFERENCES
he did not recognize it at the time. When we pinpointed this problem in therapy, he realized how unreasonable his interpretation was. He realized that the other party had actually ordered sandwiches, which did not require much preparation time. This sense of being diminished in some way (hurt, frustrated, threatened) is the initial factor in hostility towards other individuals, ethnic groups, and nations. A series of stages occur in chronic conflict between individuals and groups. First is the framing of the other person or group as bad and the self as the innocent victim. This paradigm of the innocent self and the guilty other is the common denominator across most kinds of violence. Take a chronic marital war (as in the movie The War of the Roses). Each has the image of the self as good, correct, and vulnerable, and the other as vicious, wrong, and dangerous. These concepts often take the form of visual images with the other appearing with a sneering, evil facial expression. The entire personality of the other is reduced to the two-dimensional picture of sheer wickedness. Now let us look at violence between groups of people. People are the same whether involved in hostility toward another individual, as members of a terrorist group, or as soldiers in an army. The motivation to injure, immobilize, or kill the other group stems from the collective self-image of themselves as good, right, and vulnerable -- and innocent victims -- and the other as bad, evil, and dangerous. The others need to be punished or eliminated. Some data to support this comes from studies of conflicting groups. Israeli and Arab adversaries have the identical mirror image of each other. Similarly, Republicans and Loyalists (Catholics and Protestants) in Northern Ireland had the same violent images of each other. These conflicts culminate in killing the adversary.
However, people do not start off wanting to kill their adversaries. They go through a series of stages reflected in their image of the enemy: detachment, dehumanizing, and demonizing. The common denominator is the Image of the Enemy. He or she is bad, dangerous, and powerful. I am good, innocent, and vulnerable. In group violence, the collective self image is the same: We are innocent victims, they are the victimizers. Hitlers speeches which brought the populace to a frenzy contained statements such as, The other countries have oppressed Germany and want to crush us. The Jews are vermin, have infected and dominated us and need to be eliminated. The image of heterogeneous individuals as a group becomes homogenized something we call group think. The usual individuality succumbs to pressure to conform. All others behavior is formed by the image, and in attacking their image, we destroy the individual. The leaders of a nation, army, or terrorist group employ various tools of indoctrination to achieve the goal of inducing their followers to kill. It was discovered during the Korean War, for example, that the American soldiers were sparing in their use of ammunition. Most frontline soldiers did not fire at all. Consequently, in preparation for fighting in Vietnam, the soldiers were trained to fire repeatedly at targets portraying evillooking North Vietnamese. This procedure gradually reduced the soldiers inhibitions but also helped to fix the Image of the Enemy. Torturers also appear to go through similar stages of desensitization (or conditioning). In the present conflict in Iraq, there is the same kind of indoctrination. There are possibilities for the cessation of violence. In Northern Ireland, important work has been done at the infrastructure of society i.e. within the workplace, in labor unions, and in sports teams, to bring about understanding and reconciliation. A similar approach can be used in other trouble spots to advance the goals of peace and tolerance. 5
Beck, A. T., & Emery, G. (1985). Anxiety disorders and phobias: A cognitive perspective. New York: Basic Books. Borkovec, T. D., & Inz, J. (1990). The nature of worry in generalized anxiety disorder: A predominance of thought activity. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 28, 153-158. Davey, G. C. L. (1994). Worrying, social problem solving abilities, and social problem solving confidence. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 32, 327-330. Dugas, M. J., Freeston, M. H., & Ladouceur, R. (1997). Intolerance of uncertainty and problem orientation in worry. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 21, 593-606. Greenwald, A. G., McGhee, D. E., & Schwartz, J. L. K. (1998). Measuring individual differences in implicit cognition: The Implicit Association Test. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 1464-1480. Hirsch, C. R., Clark, D. M., Mathews, A., & Williams, R. (2003). Self-images play a causal role in social phobia. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 41, 909-921. Hope, D. A., Gansler, D. A., & Heimberg, R. G. (1989). Attentional focus and causal attributions in social phobia: Implications from social psychology. Clinical Psychology Review, 9, 4960. Ladouceur, R., Blais, F., Freeston, M. H., & Dugas, M. J. (1998). Problem solving and problem orientation in generalized anxiety disorder. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 12, 139-152. Ottaviani, R., & Beck, A. T. (1987). Cognitive aspects of panic disorder. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 1, 15-28. Rassin, E., Merckelbach, J., & Muris, P. (2000). Paradoxical and less paradoxical effects of thought suppression: A critical review. Clinical Psychology Review, 20, 973-995. Shafran, R., & Rachman, S. (2004). Thought-action fusion: A review. Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 35, 87-107. Stoeber, J. (1998). Worry, problem elaboration, and suppression of imagery: The role of concreteness. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 36, 751-756. Teachman, B. A., Gregg, A. P., & Woody, S. R. (2001). Implicit associations for fear-relevant stimuli among individuals with snake and spider fears. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 110, 226-235. Teachman, B. A., & Woody, S. R. (2003). Automatic processing in spider phobia: Implicit fear associations over the course of treatment. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 112, 100-109. Wegner, D. M, Schnieder, D. J., Carter, S. R., & White, T. L. (1987). Paradoxical effects of thought suppression. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 53, 5-13. Wells, A., Clark, D. M., & Ahmed, S. (1998). How do I look with my minds eye: Perspective taking in social phobic imagery. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 36, 631-634. Wenzel, A. (in press). Schema content for social and evaluative situations in social phobia. Cognitive Therapy and Research. Wenzel, A., & Holt, C. S. (2003). Situation-specific scripts for threat in socially anxious and nonanxious individuals. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 22, 145-168. Woody, S. R. (1996). Effects of focus of attention on social phobic anxiety and social performance. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 105, 61-69. Woody, S. R., Chambless, D. L., & Glass, C. R. (1997). Selffocused attention in the treatment of social phobia. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 35, 117-129.