THESAURUS CULTUS ET RITUUM ANTIQUORUM (ThesCRA) VII

FESTIVALS AND CONTESTS

The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles

 2011 Fondation pour le Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (LIMC) At LIMC, Basel: Antoine Hermary, Editor in Chief Bertrand Jaeger, Editorial Coordinator Getty Publications 1200 Getty Center Drive Suite 500 Los Angeles, California 90049 1682 www.gettypublications.org Typography by Martino Mardersteig, printing and binding by Stamperia Valdonega Group, Verona Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Thesaurus cultus et rituum antiquorum. p. cm. English, French, German, and Italian. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-89236-787-0 (8-volume set--hardcover) ISBN 978-1-60606-074-2 (volume 7--hardcover) 1.Greece--Religion--Encyclopedias.2.Rites and ceremonies--Greece--Encyclopedias. 3.Ritual--Greece--Encyclopedias.4.Rome--Religion--Encyclopedias. 5.Rites and ceremonies--Rome--Encyclopedias.6.Ritual--Rome--Encyclopedias. I.Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (Organization) BL727.T44 2004 292'.003--dc22 2004013084

Authors / Auteurs / Autoren / Autori (volume VII)

Stphane BENOIST Anton BIERL Giovannangelo CAMPOREALE Angelos CHANIOTIS Sylvia ESTIENNE Valrie HUET Ingrid KRAUSKOPF

Marie-Karine LHOMM Joannis MYLONOPOULOS Francesca PRESCENDI Meriem SEBA Jean-Paul THUILLIER William VAN ANDRINGA Stphanie WYLER

Note to the reader

1. The term chapter (chapitre, Kapitel, capitolo) is always used for the main chapters of ThesCRA (for a list of these see the Plan of ThesCRA), while a part of a chapter is called a section (section, Abschnitt, sezione). This usage is designed to avoid confusion in the crossreferences. 2. The references in the bibliographies which are set in smaller print are cited with the name of the author only (more rarely, with a keyword of the title; if there are several works by the same author, with a number) in the footnotes. To nd the complete titles of abbreviated references the reader should look either in the bibliography belonging to the relevant section, or in the main bibliography of the chapter, or in the list of abbreviations applying to all the volumes of ThesCRA. 3. Cross-references to other chapters of ThesCRA employ the abbreviation ThesCRA, followed by the number of the volume (in Roman numerals) and the number of the chapter (consisting of an Arabic numeral and a letter) together with the abbreviated version of its title: e.g.: s. ThesCRA I 2 a Sacrices, etr. If an object is discussed in several dierent chapters, the cross-references to these other chapters of ThesCRA and to LIMC are always set in brackets. e.g.: (= ThesCRA III 6 b Prayer, gr. 74, = LIMC II Apollon 973*) If another section in the same chapter is cross-referenced, there is no mention of the volume, chapter number or title, but only the numbers refering to that specic section: e.g.: s. 2.1.2.3 4. Catalogue numbers of LIMC and ThesCRA are set in bold type, as are the numbers of sections when these are cross-referenced within the same chapter. 5. An asterisk (*) after a catalogue number indicates an illustration in the plates; a bold dot () indicates an illustration in the text. The same symbols are used concerning LIMC.

Abbreviations / Abrviations / Abkrzungen / Abbreviazioni

Supplement to the List of Abbreviations, ThesCRA Abbreviations/Index (2006) 148 Supplment la liste des abrviations, ThesCRA Abrviations/Index (2006) 148 AJAH de Grummond/ Simon, Religion Furley/Bremer, Hymns Parker, Polytheism American Journal of Ancient History de Grummond, N. T./Simon, E. (eds.), The Religion of the Etruscans (2006) Furley, W. D./Bremer, J. M., Greek Hymns III (2001) Parker, R., Polytheism and Society at Athens (2007)

Ergnzungen zum Abkrzungsverzeichnis, ThesCRA Abkrzungen/Index (2006) 148 Supplemento allelenco delle abbreviazioni, ThesCRA Abbreviazioni/Index (2006) 148 Scheid, Scheid, J., Quand faire, cest croire. Quand faire, Les rites sacriciels des Romains cest croire (2005) Torelli, Etruschi Torelli, M. (ed.), Gli Etruschi. Catalogo della mostra Palazzo Grassi, Venezia (2000) Torelli, Torelli, M., La religione, Religione in Pugliese Carratelli, G. (ed.), Rasenna. Storia e civilt degli Etruschi (1986) 159237

3. FESTIVALS AND CONTESTS

When I was teaching at New York University some years ago, a Jewish student invited me to attend a celebration of the Hanukkah festival. The Hanukkah festival commemorates the rededication of the Temple in Jerusalem by Judah Maccabeus after the victory of the Maccabees over the Seleucid King Antiochos IV in 165 BC. Already in antiquity, this festival dened Jewish identity both in Judaea and in the diaspora. It may well be the oldest commemorative anniversary of a historical event that is celebrated without interruption for more than two millennia, originally in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East, later in the Roman Empire, today in all the areas of the globe, in which Jews live. This festival is connected with a specic rite. For eight nights the lights of a ninebranched menorah (instead of the usual sevenbranched menorah) are kindled using the light of the ninth branch. A legend (or aetiological myth) explains the rite: When the Jewish rebels drove the Seleucid army from the Temple, only a single container with ritual olive oil was found, sealed by the High Priest and protected from profanation. It suced to keep the menorah in the Temple lit for a single day. However, miraculously the menorah burned for eight days, until new oil could be made ready. From that time on, the festival of the Light is celebrated. It may well be that this new eight-day festival is the combined celebration of the festivals of Sukkot and Shemini Atzeret, which had not been celebrated on time because of the war. In addition to its own unique rite the kindling of the hanukkah-lamp , the festival is accompanied by prayers, blessings, the recitation of a hymn, exchange of gifts, and the consumption of fried foods. In Israel, the schools are closed, although other activities forbidden on the Sabbath are permitted. Modern technology has introduced a hanukkah-lamp with electric lights, making the celebration possible in places where open ame is forbidden. In recent years the festival is celebrated in Israel with military overtones, whereas in the diaspora Hanukkah has evolved into a Jewish alternative to Christmas, which is celebrated at approximately the same time (late November/December). Since 2001 an ocial Hanukkah reception is hosted by the President of the United States in the White House. In New York I teasingly declined the invitation: Why should a Greek ancient historian celebrate a Jewish victory over a Hellenistic king?

The reference to the Hanukkah festival in a volume dedicated to festivals and contests in the Greek, Etruscan, and Roman worlds may seem odd, but I chose this example for a variety of reasons. To begin with, Hanukkah is an ancient festival celebrated in the Greek and Roman worlds, but belonging to a culture which is excluded from the ThesCRA volumes. Following the established tradition of LIMC and ThesCRA, this volume only considers the Greek, Roman, and Etruscan worlds. By mentioning a Jewish festival I would like to point out that the volumes authors are aware of the fact that the Greek and Roman worlds were not isolated, sterilized entities. They comprised many foreign cultures and they were continually in contact with foreign cultures the latter applies, of course, to the Etruscans as well. These contacts shaped the Greek, Etruscan, and Roman cultures, including their religious practices and celebrations. In addition to the Jews, I should also mention the Egyptians, the populations of Asia Minor, the Celts, and Germans, and the countless peoples with whom the Greeks and the Romans interacted. The unavoidable and to a certain extent justiable thematic limitation of this volume should not be misunderstood as an indication that its authors ignore how signicant a parallel and comparative study of ancient festivals is, beyond the borders of the Greek, Etruscan, and Roman worlds. This volume is part of a series with a specic thematic prole and not a general encyclopedia of the festivals of the ancient world. Nevertheless, there are occasional references to other cultures, and the authors have tried to include among the case studies that they discuss evidence with a very broad geographical range (Greece, Italy, Western Europe, North Africa, the Near East). The diusion of festivals in the Roman Empire is explicitly addressed, although more emphasis is placed on the diusion of Roman festivals in the provinces than on the diusion in the Empire of festivals originating in its native populations. Secondly, the main features of the Hanukkah festival (aetiological legend, commemoration, specic rituals, signicance for the identity of a community) resemble the main features of Greek and Roman festivals, indeed of festivals in almost every culture. The universality of festivals does not, however, exclude very specic, local features, and above all it does not exclude the inuence of

3. festivals and contests / ftes et jeux Because of the paradigmatic discussion of various aspects of festivals and contests in dierent sections, the reader who wishes to get a comprehensive overview of the available sources, the methodological issues, and the questions concerning the study of festivals and contests is advised to read the entire volume. An attentive reader will notice dierences in the approach of the dierent authors. They only reect the dierent theoretical models that exist in the study of festivals a subject that could not be treated in this volume in a systematic manner. I only mention two of these dierences: In the Greek section a sharp distinction is made between festivals and celebrations; the Roman section presents a typology of festivals (agrarian, civic, festivals of the dead, imperial cult) which is justied by the ancient sources; a typology of festivals is explicitly avoided in the Greek section. Although the chapters dedicated to the three cultures do not follow the same pattern and they do so on purpose , the authors have tried to present comprehensive overviews of the various categories of sources (literary sources, inscriptions, iconography, other archaeological material) and to sketch as many aspects of the religious, cultural, political, economic, and social signicance of festivals and contests as possible. Aspects on which emphasis was placed include the study of the ancient terminology of festivals, celebrations, and contests; the paradigmatic discussion of the organisation of festivals, the participants, and the audiences; and the presentation of cases studies (e.g. the sacrum Bonae deae in Rome, the Daidala in Boiotia). In the Greek, Etruscan, and Roman worlds, festivals were primarily a form of communication between mortals and gods or other beings outside the human sphere; similarly, contests usually took place in honour of gods and beings with a status higher than that of the ordinary mortals. But they were also human activities with a great signicance for identity and memory, political life and society, economy and culture. The primary aim of this volume is to outline this multifaceted phenomenon. angelos chaniotis

specic political, social, or cultural developments on traditional celebrations. A general feature of the treatment of festivals in this volume is precisely the emphasis on diversity and change. The authors have tried to stress, whenever possible, the dynamic character of festivals, their continual transformation, and local variations. Thirdly, as the invitation to attend a celebration commemorating the triumph of the Maccabees over the Hellenizers implies, the celebrations of festivals may be governed by specic norms and dictated by ritual traditions, but they also have individual aspects. Their reception by agents, performers, and audiences varies, depending on individual experiences. It is this individual, sometimes very emotional, aspect of a festival that is very hard to grasp in the ancient evidence. As already stated, this volume attempts to provide a general overview of festivals and contests in the Greek, the Etruscan, and the Roman worlds, following the general principles of this series. The authors discuss the main aspects of festivals and contests and present case studies. There are clear dierences in the authors approach in the three sections. These dierences were in part dictated by the heterogeneity of the three cultures, their history, and the source material. Since it was impossible and explicitly not desired to systematically present all the festivals and all their features, we have chosen to discuss some phenomena only in one of the cultures under study, in the culture in which they can best be studied. For instance, the Roman section includes short chapters on ancient discourses on festivals and on Christian attitudes towards pagan festivals. A section on similar discourses in Greece would be an unnecessary duplication of these examples. Similarly, the Roman section pays particular attention to calendars in Rome, Italy, and the provinces, since this is a feature that characterizes Roman religion; it also discusses in some detail the festivals of the dead, which are only briey mentioned in the Greek section. Conversely, the Greek section places emphasis on other matters, such as the literary representation of festivals and the impact of festivals on literature, the nancial aspects of festivals, and the interdependence of festival and sacred space.

Festivals and Contests in the Greek World

contents I. Greek festivals and contests: denition and general characteristics (A. Chaniotis) . . 4 1. Festivals: denition, terminology, and general characteristics . . . . . . . . . 5 1.1. Festivals were connected with the worship of super-human beings (gods and heroes) . . . . . . 7 1.2. Festivals were communal activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 1.3. Festivals were celebrated periodically on a xed day (or days) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 1.4. A festival had a name . . . . . . . 14 1.5. Festivals were commemorative celebrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 1.6. Festivals were connected with distinct ritual actions . . . . . . . . 15 1.7. Festivals temporarily suspended elements of ordinary life . . . . . 17 1.8. Festivals fullled a variety of functions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 2. Contests: denition, terminology, and general characteristics . . . . . . . . . 21 3. Programme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 4. Organisation of festivals and contests . . 31 4.1. Funding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 4.2. Ocials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 4.3. Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 4.4. Preparation, decoration, and building measures . . . . . . . . . . 35 5. Socio-political dimensions of Greek festivals and contests . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 6. Historical development and dynamic of festivals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 II. Das griechische Heiligtum als rumlicher Kontext antiker Feste und Agone ( J. Mylonopoulos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 1. Einfhrung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 2. Architektur des Festes . . . . . . . . . . . 45 3. Architektur des sportlichen Agons . . . 48 4. Das griechische Heiligtum als Kulisse: Theateranlagen und die Dramaturgie des Kultes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 5. Agonal bedingte kommemorative Eingrie in die Topographie griechischer Heiligtmer: Votive . . . . 53 6. Agonal bedingte Eingrie in die Topographie einer Stadt: Choregische Monumente in Athen Die Stadt als Heiligtum? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 7. Panhellenische Feste und Agone und der Mythos hellenischer Identittsstiftung: das lokale Olympia und das panhellenische Isthmia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 7.1. Olympia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 7.2. Isthmia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 8. Prominente Feste, die nie panhellenisch wurden: Die Panathenen und das athenische Trauma . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 9. Fest und Agon an Orten der Weissagung: Dodona . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 10. Amphiktyonische Feste und Heiligtmer: Kalaureia . . . . . . . . . . 65 11. Frauen und Agon im lokalen und panhellenischen Horizont . . . . . . . . 67 11.1. Agon als Initiation: Brauron . . 67 11.2. Weiblicher Agon in einer mnnlichen Welt? Der Fall der Heraia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 12. Exklusivitt im Fest und der angebliche Kampf der Geschlechter: Das Eleusinion in Athen sowie die Heiligtmer der Demeter in Korinth und Pergamon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 12.1. Das Eleusinion in Athen . . . . . 72 12.2. Das Heiligtum der Demeter und Kore in Korinth . . . . . . . 73 12.3. Das Demeterheiligtum in Pergamon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 13. Zusammenfassung . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 III. Bilder griechischer Feste (I. Krauskopf ) . . 78 1. Einfhrung und berblick . . . . . . . . 78 1.1. Bilder fr Feste . . . . . . . . . . . 78 1.2. Bilder von Festen . . . . . . . . . . 79 1.2.1. Prozessionen . . . . . . . . . . 80 1.2.2. Agone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 1.2.2.1. Gymnische Agone . . . . 82 1.2.2.2. Musische Agone . . . . . 85 1.2.3. Magna Graecia: Theater und Karneia . . . . . . . . . . . 86 2. Bilder von Festen: Ausgewhlte Denkmler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 2.1. entliche Festdarstellungen . . 87 2.1.1. Parthenonfries . . . . . . . . . 87 2.1.2. Kalenderfries . . . . . . . . . . 95 2.2. Dionysosfeste in Athen und Delphi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 2.2.1. Theater und Vorformen . . . 102 2.2.2. Dionysosfeste in Athen . . . 107 2.2.2.1. Die SchiskarrenProzession . . . . . . . . 107 2.2.2.2. Das Dionysos-MaskenIdol . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 2.2.2.3. Maypole . . . . . . . . 112 2.2.2.4. Anthesterien-Bilder . . 113 2.2.2.5. Die Gesandtschaft der attischen Frauen nach Delphi zum Fest der Thyiaden . . . . . . . . . 117 2.3. Eleusis, andere Demeterfeste und die allgemeine hellenistische Mysterien-Ikonographie . . . . . 118 2.4. Das Persephonefest in Lokroi . . 121 IV. Fest und Spiele in der griechischen Literatur (A. Bierl) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. 4. The festival of Andania . . . . . . . . . 169 5. Demostheneia at Oinoanda . . . . . . . 171 VI. Envoi (A. Chaniotis) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 I. Greek festivals and contests: definition and general characteristics bibliography : Aneziri, S., Die Vereine der dionysischen Techniten im Kontext der hellenistischen Gesellschaft. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte, Organisation und Wirkung der hellenistischen Technitenvereine (2003) (= Aneziri 1); ead., The Organisation of Music Contests in the Hellenistic Period and Artists Participation. An Attempt at Classication, in Wilson 2, 6784 (= Aneziri 2); Assmann, J., Der zweidimensionale Mensch: das Fest als Medium des kollektiven Gedchtnisses, in id. (ed.), Das Fest und das Heilige. Religise Kontrapunkte zur Alltagswelt (1991) 1330; Avagianou, A., Sacred Marriage in the Rituals of Greek Religion (1991); Bell, S./Davies, G. (eds.), Games and Festivals in Classical Antiquity (2004); Bierl, A., Der Chor in der Alten Komdie. Ritual und Performativitt (2001) (= Bierl 1); Bmer, F., RE XXI 2 (1952) 18781994 s.v. Pompa; Boesch, P., Theoros (1908); Bonnet, A., En parcourant le Val des Muses. Remarques sur un concours musical de lAntiquit: les Mouseia de Thespies, in Pinault, G.-J. (ed.), Musique et posie dans lantiquit (2001) 5370; Bravo, B., Pannychis e simposio (1997); Bremmer, GrRel 3854; Bruit Zaidman, L./Schmitt Pantel, P., Religion in the Ancient Greek City (1992); Brumeld, A. C., The Attic Festivals of Demeter and Their Relation to the Agricultural Year (1981); Bunge, J. G., Die Feiern Antiochos IV. Epiphanes in Daphne im Herbst 166 v. Chr., Chiron 6 (1976) 5371; Calame, C., Morfologia e funzione della festa nellantichit, AION (l.) 45 (1982/83) 323; Cartledge, P., The Greek Religious Festivals, in Easterling/Muir, GrRel 98127; Casadio, G., Storia del culto di Dioniso in Argolide (1994) (= Casadio 1); id., Il vino dellanima. Storia del culto di Dioniso a Corinto, Sicione, Trezene (1997); Ceccarelli, P., La pirrica nellantichit greco romana. Studi sulla danza armata (1998); Chaniotis, A., Gedenktage der Griechen. Ihre Bedeutung fr das Geschichtsbewutsein griechischer Poleis, in Assmann, J. (ed.), Das Fest und das Heilige. Religise Kontrapunkte zur Alltagswelt (1991) 123145 (= Chaniotis 1); id., Sich selbst feiern? Stdtische Feste des Hellenismus im Spannungsfeld von Religion und Politik, in Wrrle, M./Zanker, P. (eds.), Stadtbild und Brgerbild im Hellenismus (1995) 147172 (= Chaniotis 2); id., Die Vertrge zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit (1996) (= Chaniotis 3); id., Ritual Dynamics. The Boiotian Festival of the Daidala, in Kykeon. Studies in Honour of H. S. Versnel (2002) 2348 (= Chaniotis 4); id., Old Wine in a New Skin. Tradition and Innovation in the Cult Foundation of Alexander of Abonouteichos, in Dabrowa, E. (ed.), Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient World (2002) 6785 (= Chaniotis 5); id., Negotiating Religion in the Cities of the Eastern Roman Empire, Kernos 16 (2003) 177190 (= Chaniotis 6); id., Ritual Dynamics in the Eastern Mediterranean. Case Studies in Ancient Greece and Asia Minor, in Harris, W. V. (ed.), Rethinking the Mediterranean (2005) 141166 (= Chaniotis 7); id., Griechische Rituale der Statusnderung und ihre Dynamik, in Steinicke, M./Weinfurter, S. (eds.), Investitur- und Krnungsrituale (2005) 119 (= Chaniotis 8); id., Isotheoi timai: la divinit mortelle dAntiochos III Tos, Kernos 20 (2007) 153171 (= Chaniotis 9); id., Theatre Rituals, in Wilson 2, 4866 (= Chaniotis 10); id., Konkurrenz von Kultgemeinden im Fest, in Rpke, J. (ed.), Festrituale. Diusion und Wandel im rmischen Reich (2008) 6787 (= Chaniotis 11); id., The Dynamics of Ritual Norms in Greek Cult, in Brul, P. (ed.), La norme en matire religieuse en Grce antique (2009) 91105 (= Chaniotis 12); id., The Dynamics of Rituals in the

1. Einleitung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 1.1. Einfhrende berlegungen zum Fest, Agon und Spiel . . . 126 1.2. Festliche Poetik der griechischen Literatur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 1.3. Fest und sthetik . . . . . . . . . 130 1.4. Spiel, Fest und Agon als Rahmungsphnomene . . . . . . 132 1.5. Thalia die Verkrperung des Fests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 2. Epos und Fest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 2.1. Fest, Agon und Homer . . . . . 133 2.2. Ein Festagon zwischen der homerischen und hesiodeischen Tradition? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 2.3. Fest und Agon im homerischen Apollonhymnos als Aitiologie delischer Auhrungspraxis Homers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 3. Lyrik und Fest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 3.1. Alkman, Fest und Agon . . . . . 137 3.2. Sappho, Mdchenfeste, Hochzeit und Festlichkeit . . . . . . . . . . 139 3.3. Mnnliche Lyrik, das Symposion und das entliche Fest . . . . . 140 3.4. Fest der Verkehrung und Iambos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 3.5. Choreia und Feste . . . . . . . . . 141 3.5.1. Pindars thebanisches Daphnephorikon (fr. 94b S.-M.) . . . . . . . . 141 3.5.2. Siegeslieder, Feste und Agone . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 3.5.3. Zurck nach Athen: Dithyrambos und Groe Dionysien (Pindar fr. 75 S.-M.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 4. Das attische Drama . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 4.1. Tragdie: Der dionysische Rahmen der Groen Dionysien und die Bakchen . . . . . . . . . . 146 4.1.1. Andere Feste in der Tragdie . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 4.1.2. Die Fraglichkeit und Umfunktionalisierung des Fests in der Tragdie . . . . 148 4.2. Spiel und Satyrspiel . . . . . . . . 148 4.3. Komdie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 4.4. Genauere Betrachtung des Plutos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 5. Festlichkeit nach der medialen Wende zur dominanten Schriftlichkeit im Hellenismus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 5.1. Feste bei Theokrit . . . . . . . . . 155 5.2. Feste im griechischen Roman . 158 6. Zusammenfassung und weiterfhrende Gedanken . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 V. Exemplary discussion of a selection of festivals (A. Chaniotis) . . . . . . . . . . 160 1. Thesmophoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 2. Hyakinthia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 3. Daidala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr.

Roman Empire, in Hekster, O./Schmidt-Hofner, S./ Witschel, C. (eds.), Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire (2009) 329 (= Chaniotis 13); Chankowski, A., Processions et crmonies daccueil: une image de la cit de la basse poque hellnistique?, in Frhlich, P./Mller, C. (ed.), Citoyennet et participation a la basse poque hellnistique (2005) 185206; Chirassi, I., Elementi di culture precereali nei miti e ritti greci (1968); Clinton, MC; id., The Thesmophorion in Central Athens and the Celebration of the Thesmophoria in Attica, in Hgg, Polis 111125 (= Clinton 1); id., Epiphany in the Eleusinian Mysteries, Illinois Classical Studies 29 (2004) 85109 (= Clinton 2); Cole, S. G., Procession and Celebration at the Dionysia, in Scodel, R. (ed.), Theater and Society in the Classical World (1993) 2633; Connelly, J. B., Portrait of a Priestess. Women and Ritual in Ancient Greece (2007); Deshours, N., Les mystres dAndania. tude dpigraphie et dhistoire religieuses (2006); Deubner; Dillon, M., Girls and Women in Classical Greek Religion (2003); Dunand, F., Sens et fonction de la fte dans la Grce hellnistique. Les crmonies en lhonneur dArtmis Leucophryn, DHA 4 (1978) 201215 (= Dunand 1); ead., Fte et propagande Alexandrie sous les Lagides, in La fte, pratiques et discours. DAlexandrie hellnistique la mission de Besanon (1981) 1340 (= Dunand 2); Ekroth, G., Oerings of Blood in Greek Hero-Cults, in Pirenne-Delforge, V./Surez de la Torre, E. (eds.), Hros et hrones dans les mythes et les cultes grecs (2000) 263280 (= Ekroth 1); ead., The Sacricial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Periods (2002) (= Ekroth 2); Habicht, C., Gottmenschentum und griechische Polis (19702); Handelman, D., Models and Mirrors. Towards an Anthropology of Public Events (1998); Humphreys, S. C., The Strangeness of Gods. Historical Perspectives on the Interpretation of Athenian Religion (2004); Jaccottet, A.-F., Choisir Dionysos. Les associations dionysiaques ou la face cache du Dionysisme (2003); Kavoulaki, A., Processional Performance and the Democratic Polis, in Goldhill, S./ Osborne, R. (eds.), Performance Culture and Athenian Democracy (1999) 293320 (= Kavoulaki 1); ead., Re-introducing the Festival in Aristophanes Acharnians, in Tsitsiridis, S. (ed.), . M a e e M. (2010) 238253 (= Kavoulaki 2); Kefalidou, E., N . Ec ^E (1996); Knoeper, D., Lintitul oubli dun compte des naopes botiens, in id. (ed.), Comptes et inventaires dans la cit grecque (1988) 263294 (= Knoeper 1); id., La rorganisation du concours des Mouseia lpoque hellnistique: esquisse dune solution nouvelle, in Hurst, A./Schachter, A. (eds.), La Montagne des Muses (1996) 141167 (= Knoeper 2); id., Daidala de Plates chez Pausanias: une clef pour lhistoire de la Botie hellnistique, in id./Pierart, M. (eds.), diter, traduire, commenter. Pausanias en lanne 2000 (2001) 343374 (= Knoeper 3); Kowalzig, B., Singing for the Gods. Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007); Laum, B., Stiftungen in der griechischen und rmischen Antike (1914); Leitao, D. D., The Perils of Leukippos. Initiatory Transvestism and Male Gender Ideology in the Ekdusia of Phaistos, ClAnt 14 (1995) 130163; Lo Monaco, A., Il crepuscolo degli dei dAchaia. Religione e culti in Arcadia, Elide, Laconia e Messenia dalla conquista romana ad et avia (2009); LoucasDurie, E., Simulacre humain et orande rituelle, Kernos 1 (1988) 151162; Migeotte, L., Le nancement des concours dans la Botie hellnistique, The Ancient World 37, 1 (2006) 1425; Mikalson, J. D., The Sacred and Civil Calendar of the Athenian Year (1975) (= Mikalson 1); id., The Heorte of Heortology, GRBS 23 (1982) 213221 (= Mikalson 2); Moretti, L., Iscrizioni agonistiche greche (1953); Mylonopoulos, J., . Heiligtmer und Kulte des Poseidon auf der Peloponnes (2003); Neils, J. (ed.), Worshipping Athena. Panathenaia and Parthenon (1998); Nilsson, Feste; Palagia,

O./Spetsieri-Choremi, A. (eds.), The Panatheniac Games. Conference Athens 2004 (2007); Parke, Festivals; Parker, R., New Panhellenic Festivals in Hellenistic Greece, in Schlesier, R./Zellmann, U. (eds.), Mobility and Travel in the Mediterranean from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (2004) 922; Thomas, F., Ftes dgypte ptolmaque et romaine daprs la documentation papyrologique grecque (1993); Pettersson, Apollo; Petzl, G./Schwertheim, E., Hadrian und die dionysischen Knstler. Drei in Alexandria Troas neugefundene Briefe des Kaisers an die Knstler-Vereinigung (2006); PickardCambridge, Festivals2; Pirenne-Delforge, V., Retour la source. Pausanias et la religion grecque (2008); Prandi, L., LHeraion di Platea e la festa di Daidala, in Sordi, M. (ed.), Santuari e politica nel mondo antico (1983) 8294; Rice, E. E., The Grand Procession of Ptolemy Philadelphus (1983); Rigsby, K., Asylia. Territorial Inviolability in the Hellenistic World (1996); Robertson, N., Festivals and Legends. The Formation of Greek Cities in the Light of Public Ritual (1992); Rosivach, V. J., The System of Public Sacrice in FourthCentury Athens (1994); Rpke, J. (ed.), Festrituale in der rmischen Kaiserzeit (2008); Schmitt Pantel, P./Lissarrague, F., Les hommes au banquet, in ThesCRA II (2004) 231250; Simon, Festivals; Slater, W., Deconstructing Festivals, in Wilson 2, 2147; Slater, W./Summa, D., Crowns in Magnesia, GRBS 46 (2006) 275299; Stengel, Kultus; Strasser, J.-Y., Quelques termes rares du vocabulaire agonistique, RPh 75 (2001) 299301 (= Strasser 1); id., Choraules et pythaules dpoque impriale, BCH 126 (2002) 97142 (= Strasser 2); id., La carrire du pancratiaste Markos Aurelios Demostratos Damas, BCH 127 (2003) 251299 (= Strasser 3); id., Inscriptions grecques et latines en lhonneur de pantomimes, Tyche 19 (2004) 175212 (= Strasser 4); Stroumsa, G., The End of Sacrice. Religious Transformations in Late Antiquity (2009); Sumi, G., Civic Self-Representation in the Hellenistic World. The Festival of Artemis Leukophryene, in Bell/Davies 7992; Tracy, S. V., The Panathenaic Festival and Games: An Epigraphic Enquiry, Nikephoros 4 (1991) 133153; Trmpy, C., Untersuchungen zu den altgriechischen Monatsnamen und Monatsfolgen (1997) (= Trmpy 1); ead., Feste zur Vollmondszeit. Die religisen Feiern Attikas im Monatslauf und der vorgeschichtliche attische Kultkalender, ZPE 121 (1998) 109115 (= Trmpy 2); ead., Die Thesmophoria, Brimo, Deo und das Anaktoron. Beobachtungen zur Vorgeschichte des Demeterkultes, Kernos 17 (2004) 1342 (= Trmpy 3); van Nijf, O., Athletics, Festivals and Greek Identity in the Roman East, PCPhS 45 (1999) 176200; Vial, C. propos des concours de lOrient mditerranen lpoque hellnistique, Pallas 62 (2003) 311328; Warrior, V. M., Greek Religion. A Sourcebook (2009); Weir, R., Roman Delphi and its Pythian Games (2004); Wiemer, H.-U., Bild der Polis oder Bild des Knigs? Zur Reprsentationsfunktion stdtischer Feste im Hellenismus?, in Matthaei, A./Zimmermann, M. (eds.), Stadtbilder im Hellenismus (2009) 116131 (= Wiemer 1); id., Neue Feste neue Geschichtsbilder? Zur Erinnerungsfunktion stdtischer Feste im Hellenismus, in Beck, H./Wiemer, H.-U. (eds.), Feiern und Erinnern. Geschichtsbilder im Spiegel antiker Feste (2010) 83108 (= Wiemer 2); Wilson, P., The Athenian Institution of the Khoregia. The Chorus, the City, and the Stage (2000) (= Wilson 1); id. (ed.), The Greek Theatre and Festivals. Documentary Studies (2007) 6784 (= Wilson 2); Wrrle, M., Stadt und Fest im kaiserzeitlichen Kleinasien. Studien zu einer agonistischen Stiftung aus Oinoanda (1988).

1.

Festivals: definition, terminology, and general characteristics

In the Greek world a festival () was a day or a sequence of days xed by a community for the worship of a specic god or a group of gods. It in-

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. regular festivities should be distinguished from festivals in a more narrow sense (), although they share common features in their rituals and their function (communication with gods, heroes, or mortals of an elevated status). For instance the symposia were celebrations beginning with a libation to the gods and following strict rituals, but they were not festivals4. This distinction between festivals and irregular celebrations is primarily a modern hereustic tool that allows us to recognise dierences in various types of festivities; but it also nds some support in the Greek terminology (see below). Many sacrices that full the criterion of periodicity (monthly and annual sacrices) cannot be regarded as festivals (cf. I.1.4). Festivals mean the temporary suspension of certain characteristics of everyday life (I.1.7), whereas a celebration (and a sacrice) could take place in everyday life. The distinction between festival and sacrice was already made by the ancient Greeks. The Athenian local historian Philochoros wrote a treatise Concerning Festivals (d ) and a separate one Concerning Sacrices (d ); this distinction is also clear in the title of Habrons work Concerning Festivals and Sacrices (d d )5. Also the accounts of the treasurers of Athena in Athens (334 B.C.) distinguish between festivals (e.g. Panathenaia, Dionysia, Eleusinia, etc.) and sacrices (, ; e.g. sacrices to Zeus Soter)6. In this survey of festivals in the Greek world we make a distinction between festivals and celebrations whenever this is signicant for their understanding. Athletic, dramatic, and musical contests (, p, , ) took place as part of festivals and other celebrations. Contests (or games) are treated here in connection with fesNarratives: New Critical Perspectives (2003) 2741; Schmitt Pantel/Lissarrague 233. 235; see also IV.3.2. Inauguration of a building: IKyme 13; IGRom III 292, l. 4142. Conclusion of a treaty: LSAM 15 (Pergamon, 129 B.C.). Reception of envoys and rulers: Habicht 147, 152153; PerrinSaminadayar, ., Laccueil ociel des souverains et des princes Athnes lpoque hellnistique, BCH 128/129 (2004/05) 351375; see also ThesCRA VII 3 Festivals and contests, Rom. 3.1.5; Chankowski. Good tidings (): IG XII 5, 481 + Suppl. (Siphnos, 217 B.C.); IG XII 6, 7 l. 7 ( in Samos, 5 B.C.); IG XII 6, 56, l. 58 (Samos, 306 B.C.); I.Ilion 35 (Ilion, c. 245 B.C.); IOropos 525, l. 6869 and 529, l. 2223 (cf. SEG 51, 585). Pritchett, W. K., The Greek State at War III (1979) 189192. Procession in Daphne: Bunge. Inauguration of magistrates and priests ( , ): Nilsson, Feste 31; Chaniotis 8. 3. Strab. 9, 2, 11 C 404; Boethius, A., Die Pythas (1918); Tracy, S. V., IG II2 2336. Contributors of First Fruits for the Pythais (1982); Parker, Polytheism 8387. 4. On ancient symposia: Bravo; see also IV.3.3. Drinking cups inscribed with the names of gods in the genitive were used for libations during symposia: e.g. SEG 30, 1115; 55, 705; 56, 545547. 5. Philochoros: FGrH 328. Habron: FGrH 359. 6. IG II2 1496, l. 8889.

volved the performance of specic ritual actions, which were connected with its religious, social, and cultural function and gave a festival its distinct prole. A festival was celebrated in commemoration of events of the mythical, legendary, or historical past. Even when a festivals primary function was connected with a human activity such as agriculture or marriage, a narrative () explained the circumstances that had led to the establishment of the festival or celebration and its peculiar rituals. Despite the conservative character of religious festivals, their rituals, functions, and proles experienced substantial changes in the course of the centuries, from the Mycenaean world to the establishment of Christianity (I.6). The essential elements of Greek festivals, highlighted in this denition, shall be explained in the following sections (I.1.11.8). Although every festival was a celebration and was connected with rituals, not every celebration and every ritual was a festival ()1. The Greeks had many celebrations, which were not festivals stricto sensu, especially because they lacked periodicity (cf. I.1.3). Banquets, celebrations for the birth of a child (, ) or a wedding, festivities for the inauguration of a building, the conclusion of a treaty, the safe return of a traveller, the reception of foreign envoys or a ruler (), good tidings or the announcement of a victory (), processions for the self-representation of a ruler (e.g. Antiochos IV procession in Daphne) and so on2. The Athenians sent a delegation to Delphi (), consisting of hundreds of members and connected with musical, literary, and dramatic performances; it was a major festivity but it took place at irregular intervals, when a sign was observed: when lightning ashed through a mountain saddle called Harma3. Such ir1. Mikalson 2; Parker, Polytheism 158165; Chaniotis, A., Fest und Feier: die griechische Perspektive, Erwgen, Wissen, Ethik 19 (2008) 223224. A somewhat dierent view is expressed in the discussion of Roman festivals (see ThesCRA VII 3 Festivals and contests, Rom. general introduction). These dierences reect the on-going discussions on festivals and rituals. On the controversial relationship between festival and celebration beyond the world of antiquity see Bollnow, O. W., Neue Geborgenheit. Das Problem einer berwindung des Existentialismus (1955) 213227; Gebhardt, W., Fest, Feier und Alltag. ber die gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeit und ihre Deutung (1987); Maurer, M., Prolegomena zu einer Theorie des Festes, in id. (ed.), Das Fest. Beitrge zu seiner Theorie und Systematik (2004) 1954. 2. Banquet: Slater, W. J. (ed.), Dining in a Classical Context (1991); see also IV.3.3. Birth: Bruit Zaidman/ Schmitt Pantel 6465; Schmitt Pantel/Lissarrague 233234. Wedding: Wagner, B., Zwischen Mythos und Realitt. Die Frau in der frhgriechischen Gesellschaft (1982) 179198; Robertson, N., The Betrothal Symposium in Early Greece, in Slater, W. J. (ed.), Dining in a Classical Context (1991) 2558; Bruit Zaidman/Schmitt Pantel 6872; Oakley, J./Sinos, R., The Wedding in Ancient Athens (1993); Dillon 215220; Ferrari, G., What Kind of Rite of Passage was the Ancient Greek Wedding?, in Dodd, D. B./ Faraone, C. A. (eds.), Initiation in Ancient Greek Ritual and

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. tivals. Their general features are summarized separately (I.2; cf. III.1.2.2). Although there was no consistency in the use of religious terms, the Greeks usually designated the festivals as 7. Besides the term , which sometimes was used in the more general meaning celebration8, several other terms appear as designations of festivals: a (sacred day)9, (good day)10, (festive gathering)11, (celebration of a sacred month)12, and , and (distinguished day)13. These terms express essential features of festivals: that they were connected with religious activities; that they were days of joy although there are exceptions14; and that they were social events. Some times the paraphrases c d (procession and sacrice) or c d c d (prayer, procession, and sacrice) or c d d g (procession, sacrice, and competition) were used instead of the word 15, listing the most important activities connected with a festival. In the Imperial period also the term , which originally designated an embassy to a sanctuary or a festival, was used to designate a celebration16. The ancient sources often explicitly designate a festival as such using one of the above terms or paraphrases17, but usually they refer to a festival simply by its name (I.1.4). When an explicit reference is missing, a festival can still be recognized on the basis of some external features (I.1.18).
7. E.g. IG II2 223, l. 22; 1247, l. 14; IG VII 4254 = IOropos 298, l. 14; IG XII 7, 22, l. 14; Syll.3 900, l. 1213; Syll.3 1038. 8. E.g. IG II2 1368 = LSCG 51, l. 44: d c (an extra-ordinary celebration of Dionysos); IEryth 503, l. 1516: d . 9. IMagn 100, l. 2425; IGRom III 292, l. 3536; examples of such d in Robert, L., Hellenica 2 (1946) 59; Pritchett (n. 2) 189192. 10. E.g. ICret II v.35, l. 17; III iii.3 B 2; SEG 26, 1049, l. 4950; Hamon, P., Un prtre des dieux boulaioi dans le btiment du Conseil de Cos, Chiron 36 (2006) 157 with n. 25. Cf. : IG XII 6, 13, l. 32. 11. E.g. IG XII 6, 4; SEG 54, 1406; IEleusis 295; IG VII 4254 = IOropos 298, l. 14; Loukopoulou, L. D., et al., E A (2005) E451; IEphes 24 = LSAM 31; I.Ilion 118; MAMA IX 16; LSS 65, l. 103 and 112; IGRom III 293 col. II 25. In SEG 38, 1462 A 13 designates a contest ( ). 12. E.g. IEphes 24 = LSAM 31. 13. \Ec : Hamon, P., Un prtre des dieux boulaioi dans le btiment du Conseil de Cos, Chiron 36 (2006) 157 with n. 25. \E : FDelphes III 3, 242, l. 2528; IEphes 987, l. 1618; IG XII 5, 951, l. 1820. \E : Hamon, ibid.; IStratonikeia 530, l. 78. 14. Parker, Polytheism 160165. 15. E.g. Syll.3 589, l. 8; 762, l. 10; 1045, l. 13; IMagn 100, l. 33. Cf. d g d : I.Ilion 2, l. 89. 16. E.g. SEG 47, 1771 (Termessos, 2nd cent. A.D.); ICret I xviii.23 (Lyttos, 2nd cent. A.D.); IPerge 323. On the original meaning of theoria (viewing) see Kowalzig, B., Mapping out Communitas: Performances of Theoria in
1.1.

Festivals were connected with the worship of super-human beings (gods and heroes)

The worship of gods was central in festivals. All Greek festivals, including commemorative anniversaries, athletic and musical contests, and most celebrations of private foundations, were celebrations connected with often exclusively dedicated to the worship of the gods or other superhuman beings. There was no such thing as a purely secular festival. Of course celebrations and rituals that we can label as secular did exist (e.g., birthdays, weddings), but usually they were accompanied by some form of worship, such as a libation or a sacrice. Periodic commemorative rites for the dead, well-attested until the Imperial period, were neither purely secular, since they were devoted to individuals who had left the ordinary world of mortals and were sometimes attributed extraordinary powers, nor were they dedicated to the gods, although they included oerings to gods associated with the underworld18. They should not be regarded as festivals stricto sensu. On the contrary, celebrations for heroes, which are a very heterogeneous phenomenon with a long evolution in Greek religion, share common features with festivals for the gods (sacrice, banquet), but they also have signicant dierences in ritual details (especially in the form of the sacrice)19. The diculty in introducing clear-cut categorisations can be exemplied by a Thasian
their Sacred and Political Context, in Elsner, J./Rutherford, I. (eds.), Pilgrimage in Graeco-Roman and Early Christian Antiquity. Seeing the Gods (2005) 4172; Scullion, S., Pilgrimage and Greek Religion: Sacred and Secular in the Pagan Polis, ibid., 111130. 17. E.g. : Panathenaia in Athens (IG II2 334); Thesmophoria in Athens (IG II2 1177 and 1184); Amphiareia in Oropos (IG VII 4254 = IOropos 298, l. 14); Dionysia in Athens (IG II2 223, l. 22); Itonia in Amorgos (IG XII 7, 22, l. 14); Panamareia in Stratonikeia (Syll.3 900, l. 1213); Proerosia in Athens (Syll.3 1038 A = LSCG 7 A = IEleusis 175 A). 18. Rudhardt, Notions 113127; Schmitt Pantel/Lissarrague 247250. For commemorative rites, often in connection with endowments or with the manumission of slaves, see e.g. IG X 2, 1, 260 (Thessalonike, Imperial period); Philippi II 597 (Philippi, Imperial period); IG XII 6, 132 (Samos, 2nd cent. B.C.); IGRom III 294, l. 16 (e \A; Pergamon, 1st cent. B.C.); SEG 51, 1837 (funerary endowment, Trebenna, 3rd cent. A.D.); SEG 52, 503 (commemorative obligations of a freedman, Chaironeia, 3rd/2nd cent. B.C.); SEG 52, 1227 (funerary endowment, Bithynia, 3rd cent. A.D.); Robert, tudes 307308. 19. On the cult of the heroes see Graf, NK 121137; Kearns, Heroes; Rudhardt, Notions 127135; Antonaccio, Ancestors; Larson, J., Greek Heroine Cults (1995); Lyons, D., Gender and Immortality. Heroines in Ancient Greek Myth and Cult (1997); Deoudi, Heroenkulte; Boehringer, D., Heroenkulte in Griechenland von der geometrischen bis zur klassischen Zeit. Attika, Argolis, Messenien (2001); Ekroth 2; Buraselis, K., et al., Heroisierung und Apotheose, in ThesCRA II (2004) 126158. On the similarity and dierences between sacrices to gods and heroes see also Ekroth

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. tivals in their honour adopted the model of the festivals for gods, and the godlike worship of the king was either attached to a pre-existing festival or was modelled after the worship of the gods23. The same applies to the cult of other distinguished individuals (statesmen, benefactors, Roman generals, and provincial governors)24. In Kyme (early third century B.C.), Antiochos I was honoured in a festival together with Dionysos, but Philetairos in a festival which remained distinct from the Soteria25; similarly, the cult of Philopoimen in Megalopolis was associated with those of Zeus Soter and Hestia26. Also festivals organised by kingdoms, such as the Ptolemaia in Alexandria, established by Ptolemy II in honour of his father, followed the model of festivals for the gods in structure and programme and at the same time, they served as a medium for the display of royal power27. The same model (procession, sacrice, banquet, contest) was also adopted for celebrations in honour of heroised individuals, which were established by their relatives through foundations28. Similar models were later adopted for the celebration of festivals for the Roman emperors29, in

regulation concerning the veneration of the wardead (fourth century B.C.)20. For the regular sacrice to the war-dead (the virtuous, \A) the authors of the cult regulation use the verb instead of , which was used for sacrices to the gods. Nevertheless, the meat of the victims was treated exactly as the meat of sacricial animals in a sacrice to the gods: it was consumed by the participants. The central part played by the worship of the gods was expressed through rituals (especially sacrices, hymns, and prayers), the location where the festival took place or focal points of the celebrations (altars, sanctuaries, sacred places; see II), and the festivals name (I.1.4). Although contests for deceased mortals have a long tradition in Greek culture, the funeral games for Patroclus being the most famous example21, it is only from the late fth century B.C. that we observe festivals celebrated in honour of mortals. The beginning was made in Samos, when the Samians renamed the contest ^H to (404/3 B.C.)22. When the Hellenistic ruler cult was established by Greek poleis, the fes-

1; Parker, R., ^ , in Hgg, R./Alroth, B. (eds.), Greek Sacricial Ritual, Olympian and Chthonian (2005) 3745; Henrichs, A., Sacrice as to the Immortal. Modern Classications of Animal Sacrice and Ritual Distinctions in the Lex Sacra from Selinous, ibid. 4758. 20. LSS 64, with the comments of Ekroth 1, 268. 21. Il. 23, 257897; Grethlein, J., Epic Narrative and Ritual. The Case of the Funeral Games in Iliad 23, in Bierl, A./Lmmle, R./Wesselmann, K. (eds.), Literatur und Religion. Wege zu einer mythisch-rituellen Poetik bei den Griechen (2007) I 151177; see II.4. Cf. e.g. Isokr. Euagoras 1 (agons organised by Nikokles for his father); IG V 1, 660 ( in Sparta for Leonidas, Pausanias, and other heroized Spartans); contests called Epitaphia are also known in Athens (e.g. IG II2 1006. 1008. 1011) and Rhodes (Lindos II nos. 222 and 707). See also Rudhardt, Notions 157. For possible instances in Classical Macedonia see Panayotou, A./Chrysostomou, P., Inscriptions de la Bottie et de lAlmopie en Macdoine, BCH 117 (1993) 372375; Manakidou, E., Heroic Overtones in Two Inscriptions from Ancient Lete, in Voutiras, E. (ed.), \Eb M (1996) 8598; cf. SEG 43, 395; 44, 523. 22. Douris, FGrH 76 F 71 (= Plut. Lys. 18, 56); IG XII 6, 334. 23. On the ruler cult see Habicht (festivals and contests: 147153); Bunge; Mikalson, RelHellAth 75104; Chaniotis, A., The Divinity of Hellenistic Rulers, in Erskine, A. (ed.), A Companion to the Hellenistic World (2003) 431445; Buraselis, K./Aneziri, S., Die hellenistische Herrscherapotheose, in ThesCRA II (2004) 172186; Aneziri, S., tude prliminaire sur le culte priv des souverains hellnistiques: problmes et mthode, in Dasen, V./Pirart, M. (eds.), \I0 d 0. Les cadres privs et publics de la religion grecque antique (2005) 219233; Chaniotis 9; Pfeier, S., Herrscher- und Dynastiekult im Ptolemerreich (2008). 24. Festivals for benefactors: Thriault, G., Une fte des vergtes en Macdoine, The Ancient World 32 (2001) 207213; Strubbe, J. H. M., Cultic Honors for Benefactors in the Cities of Asia Minor, in de Ligt, L./Hemelrijk, E. A./Singor, H. W. (eds.), Roman Rule and Civic Life. Local and Regional Perspectives (2004) 315330. Festivals for Roman governors: Erkelenz, D., Cicero, pro Flacco

5559. Zur Finanzierung von Statthalterfesten in der Frhphase des Koinon von Asia, Chiron 29 (1999) 4357; Thriault, G., Remarques sur le culte des magistrates romains en Orient, Cahiers des tudes Anciennes 37 (2001) 8595. 25. SEG 50, 1195, l. 28: d \A; cf. l. 42: a d a []. See Buraselis, K., Political Gods and Heroes or the Hierarchisation of Political Divinity in the Hellenistic World, in Barzan, A., et al. (eds.), Modelli eroici dallantichit alla cultura europea (2003) 185197. 26. Syll.3 624. 27. Rice; Wiemer 1. On the dynastic ruler cult see Melaerts, H. (ed.), Le culte du souverain dans lgypte ptolmaque au IIIe s. av. notre re (1998); Mller, H., Der hellenistische Archiereus, Chiron 30 (2000) 519542; Virgilio, B., Epigraa e culti dei re seleucidi, in Epigraa e storia delle religioni. Dal documento epigraco al problema storico-religioso (2003) 3950; van Nuelen, P., Le culte royal de lEmpire des Sleucides: une rinterprtation, Historia 52 (2004) 278301; Iossif, P., La dimension publique des ddicaces prives du culte royal ptolmaque, in Dasen/Pirart (n. 23) 235257; Wright, N., Seleucid Royal Cult, Indigenous Religious Traditions, and Radiate Crowns: The Numismatic Evidence, MeditArch 18 (2005) 6782. 28. E.g. the foundation of Kritolaos in honour of his son Aleximachos (Aigiale, c. 100 B.C.): IG XII 7, 515; LSS 61. Cf. Wittenburg, A., Il testamento di Epikteta (1990) 121138. See Laum I 6887. 29. On the rituals of the imperial cult in the East see Price, Rituals; Chaniotis, A., Der Kaiserkult im Osten des Rmischen Reiches im Kontext der zeitgenssischen Ritualpraxis, in Cancik, H./Hitzl, K. (eds.), Die Praxis der Herrscherverehrung in Rom und seinen Provinzen (2003) 328; Lo Monaco 188240. On the organisation of imperial cult in the East see more recently Friesen, S. J., Twice Neokoros. Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family (1993); Burrell, B., Neokoroi. Greek Cities and Roman Emperors (2004); Bernett, M., Der Kaiserkult in Juda unter den Herodiern und Rmern. Untersuchung zur politischen und religisen Geschichte Judas von 30 v. bis 66 n. Chr. (2007); Kantira, M., Les dieux et les dieux augustes: le culte imprial

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. which the procession and the agonistic programme became the predominant features. Sometimes an already existing (agonistic) festival was connected with the cult of the emperor30.
1.2.

Festivals were communal activities

Festivals were established and performed by a community: a polis, a federal state, an amphiktyony, a civic subdivision, a religious association, or another form of corporation or community. Most Greek festivals as well as most athletic and musical contests were polis festivals. Which festivals were ocially recognised as public festivals ( ) was determined by the decisions of the community of citizens, sometimes sanctioned by oracles, and was subject to scrutiny. Although the Greeks did not have festive calendars such as those attested in the Roman world (see ThesCRA VII 3 Festivals and contests, rom. 2.1.1), there existed lists of festivals, sacrices, and rituals that had to be performed every year. No such calendar survives, but we have excerpts of the sacricial calendar of the Athenian state, which was recorded through a complex procedure between 410 and 399 B.C.31. When the Teians founded a new festival in honour of Antiochos III and Laodike (\A d ), this festival was registered in a sacred book (a )32. Calendars of sacrices and rituals survive in inscriptions in many Greek cities33, and must have also existed in written form in public archives or in the archives of ritual experts34. Public festivals were organised, funded, and celebrated by communities of citizens of poleis. The magistrates, who were responsible for the fesen Grce sous les Julio-claudiens et les Flaviens: tudes pigraphiques et archologiques (2007); Witulski, T., Kaiserkult in Kleinasien: Die Entwicklung der kultisch-religisen Kaiserverehrung in der rmischen Provinz Asia von Augustus bis Antoninus Pius (2007); Edelmann, B., Pompa und Bild im Kaiserkult des rmischen Ostens, in Rpke, J. (ed.), Festrituale in der rmischen Kaiserzeit (2008) 153167. See also ThesCRA VII 3 Festivals and contests, Rom. 4.2.7. Examples of agonistic festivals in honour of emperors, known through honorary inscriptions for agonothetai, athletes, and artists, are the Kaisareia Sebasta in Athens, the Kaisareia Pythia in Thessalonike, the Hadrianeia of Ephesos, the Hadrianeia Olympia in Kyzikos, the Traianeia in Pergamon, the Hadrianeios agon in Anazarbos and Antioch, and the Augoustia Olympia Oikoumenika and the Takitios Metropolitios Isokapetolios agon in Perge. For references see the index of Moretti and SEG. 30. E.g. the Lykaia Kaisareia in Arkadia: IG V 2, 463. 31. Lambert, S. D., The Sacricial Calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis: A Revised Text, ZPE 130 (2000) 4370; id., The Sacricial Calendar of Athens, BSA 97 (2002) 353399. 32. SEG 41, 1003 II, l. 2829: [ b ] c c c a . 33. Lupu, E., Greek Sacred Law. A Collection of New Documents (2005) 6571; cf. Graf, NK 162196 (Erythrai). 34. Tresp, A., Die Fragmente der griechischen Kultschriftsteller (1914).

tivals (I.4.2), were appointed by the polis; the citizens and their families were explicitly invited to attend and sometimes to perform specic roles in the procession, in performances of choruses and ritual songs, and in rituals; decrees of the assembly and laws of the polis known under the misleading label leges sacrae35 determined the organisation of the festival; usually, public funds were made available (I.4.1); sometimes foreigners were explicitly excluded from all or certain cult activities or competitions (I.5). Federal states () organised festivals especially in the Hellenistic period, e.g. in Arkadia (36), the Alexandreia of the Ionian Koinon in Smyrna37, several contests in Boiotia (B, , M, , 38), and the \E in Thessaly39. A well documented case is the festival and contest of Apollon Aktios at Aktion, which was originally a festival of the polis of Anaktorion, but in 216 B.C. became a festival of the Akarnanian Koinon40. Under Roman rule, most regional koina organised their own agonistic festivals usually connected with the imperial cult and celebrated under the responsibility of the high-priest of the imperial cult e.g. the agonistic festivals \A of the Macedonian Koinon, the K of the Cretan Koinon in Gortyn, the Ka \A in the main cities of the province (Ephesos, Pergamon, Sardis, Smyrna, etc.), the c in Lykia41. Tribal communities (, ) and religious confederations () that did not have a joint state structure although they occasionally had joint political institutions also organised their separate festivals and contests appointing the responsible magistrates from among

35. Parker, R. What are Sacred Laws?, in Harris, E. M./Rubinstein, L. (eds.), The Law and the Courts in Ancient Greece (2004) 5770; Lupu (n. 33) 59; Chaniotis 12. 36. Jost, Arcadie 179187; cf. Burkert, HN (1983) 8493. 37. SEG 44, 422. 38. Daidala: see below 5.3. Basileia: Turner, L. A., The Basileia at Lebadeia, in Fossey, J. M. (ed.), Boeotia Antiqua VI (1996) 105126. Mouseia: Knoeper 2. Ptoia: Nassi, M., Un decreto da Haliartos ed il culto di Athena Itonia (a proposito di SEG XXXVII 380), AnnPerugia 15/16 (199193 [1997]) 111120. On the Boiotian festivals see Schachter, Boiotia; Migeotte; Manieri, A., Agoni poetico musicali nella Grecia antica. 1. Beozia. Testi e commenti (2009). 39. IG IX 2, 528 + SEG 55, 607. 40. IG IX2 1, 583; Czech-Schneider, R., Das Apollonheiligtum von Aktion in hellenistischer Zeit. berlegungen zum wirtschaftlichen Verhltnis zwischen Heiligtum und profanem Inhaber, Klio 84 (2002) 76100. 41. Alexandreios agon of the Macedonian Koinon: IBeroia 6869. Crete: IG VII 1859. Koina Asias: I.Iasos 108 (Ephesos, Pergamon, Sardis); IG II2 3169, l. 2324 (Sardis); IG II2 3169, l. 27 (Smyrna); IG VII 49 (Philadelpheia); IEphes 1605 (Laodikeia); Miranda, E., Iscrizioni greche dItalia: Napoli (199095) 48 (Kyzikos). Lykia: SEG 54, 1406. Such agonistic festivals are known primarily through lists of victories of athletes and artists (collected in Moretti; see also Ebert, J., Griechische Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen [1972]).

10

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. be designated as Panhellenic: the Olympia in the sanctuary of Zeus Olympios in Olympia, the Nemea in the sanctuary of Zeus Nemeos in Nemea, the Pythia, in the sanctuary of Apollo Pythios in Delphi, and the Isthmia, in the sanctuary of Poseidon near the Isthmus of Corinth (cf. II.7). They were celebrated in sequence in a period of four years, the circuit (). Of course, these were not the only festivals which attracted participants from every corner of the Greek world. The pentaeteric festival \E in Plataiai, which commemorated the victory of the Greeks over the Persians, was a Panhellenic festival of a special kind, as it was organised by the Koinon of the Hellenes47. From the Hellenistic period onwards, newly founded festivals of kings, cities, and confederacies, were declared by their founders (later also , , and so on, that is of the same rank as the Pythia, the Olympia, and the Aktia) and sought the recognition of Greek communities as such (I.2). Such festivals and contests include inter alia the Ptolemaia in Alexandria, the Soteria in Delphi, and the Leukophryena in Magnesia on the Maeander. At a lower level than the level of the polis, civic subdivisions (demoi) also organised local festivals or sometimes celebrated a polis festival locally. Such festivals of the demes are best known in Athens thanks to the abundant epigraphic material48, but they are widely attested in the Greek world. A signicant development in the history of festivals is the establishment of festivals by kings (e.g. the Ptolemaia of Alexandria49), which presupposed the community of their subjects. Celebrations also existed beyond the political structures of polis communities and confederations: they include periodic and one-time family celebrations (birthdays, periodic commemorative rites for the dead, festivities for the birth of a child or a wedding, etc.50); festivals of real or virtual family groups (e.g. the Demotionidai in Athens,
Reichweite in vor- und frharchaischer Zeit. Wozu lohnt sich der Blick in ethnologisch-anthropologischer Literatur?, ibid. 1741. 45. Apatouria: Salviat, F., Le source ionienne: Apatouria, Apollon Delphinios et loracle, lAristarchion, in Hermary, A./Trziny, H. (eds.), Les cultes des cits phocennes (2000) 2531. Boedromia: Trmpy 1, 7. 31. 3637 Metageitnia: Trmpy 1, 3031. 3637. See also V.2 on the Hyakinthia. 46. On the problems connected with this term see Robert, OMS II 784; Rigsby 64; Parker 11; Slater/Summa 281. 47. Moretti 151156 no. 59 (c. 20 B.C.). 48. Humphreys 130196; Parker, Polytheism 5078. 49. Rice; Thompson, D. J., Dynastic Power in a Mediterranean Context, in Mooren, L. (ed.), Politics, Administration and Society in the Hellenistic and Roman World (2000) 365388. See also n. 27. 50. Birthdays: Schmidt, W., Geburtstag im Altertum (1908) 521. Commemorative rites for the dead: see note 433. Birth: see note 2. Wedding: see note 2.

the member states, sometimes from a single member state. Usually, attendance especially participation in the agonistic part of such festivals was open to citizens beyond the borders of the federal state or ethnos. Such groups can be best designated as amphiktyoniai, although this name is usually reserved to the Pylaian or Delphic amphiktyony. The Pylaian amphiktyony was responsible for the organisation of the festivals Pythia (from the early sixth century B.C.) and Soteria (after 278 B.C.); after the mid-third century, the Soteria were organised by the Aitolian Koinon42. Local amphiktyonies are known in the Peloponnese e.g. the amphiktyony connected with the sanctuary of Poseidon in Kalaureia , in the Aegean the amphiktyony of the Ionic cities that celebrated the festival of Apollo on Delos , and in Asia Minor the federation () of the cities, which celebrated the festival () of Athena Ilias (Panathenaia), and the amphiktyony of the Ionian cities, which celebrated the festival of Apollo in the Panionion of Mykale43. Most likely, the communities, which originally partook of the cult of Zeus in Olympia, formed an amphiktyony, which gradually opened the participation in the festival and the contests to all the Greeks, making the contest that took place every fourth year () into a Panhellenic festival44. Some festivals, which were celebrated separately in individual poleis, may have been festivals of ethnic groups originally, as we may infer from their names and especially from names of months. For instance the Apatouria was an Ionian festival, and month names such as Boedromion and Metageitnion in several cities presuppose the existence of the festivals Boedromia and Metageitnia45. The term Panhellenic festival or contest is a modern term, used to designate large-scale, usually pentaeteric, festivals and contests, to which all the Greeks were explicitly invited by the means of sacred envoys (; I.4.4)46. Until the Hellenistic period, only four pentaeteric festivals can
42. Nachtergael, G., Les Galates en Grce et les Sotria de Delphes. Recherches dhistoire et dpigraphie hellnistique (1977); Snchez, P., LAmphictionie des Pyles et de Delphes. Recherches sur son rle historique, des origines au IIe s. de notre re (2001) 303309; Lefvre, F., CID IV. Documents amphictioniques (2002), esp. nos. 1. 27. 57. 142. 43. Kalaureia: Mylonopoulos 427431; see II.10. Ionian festival on Delos: Nilsson, Feste 144149; Parker, Polytheism 8082. Festival of Athena Ilias: I.Ilion 118. Festival at the Panionion: Nilsson, Feste 7479; main sources: Hdt. 1, 148; Diod. 15, 49; Strab. 8, 384. 44. Taita, J., Unanzionia ad Olimpia? Un bilancio sulla questione nellinterpretazione storiograca moderna, in Foraboschi, D. (ed.), Storiograa ed erudizione. Scritti in onore di Ida Calabi Limentani (1999) 149186; cf. Siewert, P., Kultische und politische Organisationsformen im frhen Olympia und in seiner Umgebung, in Freitag, K./Funke, P./Haake, M. (eds.), Kult Politik Ethnos. berregionale Heiligtmer im Spannungsfeld von Kult und Politik (2006) 4354. On super-regional festivals see also Ulf, C., Anlsse und Formen von Festen mit berlokaler

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. the Labyadai in Delphi, and the Klytidai of Chios51); privately sponsored festivals that bore the names of their founders (e.g. the Stesileia and Echenikeia in Delos52); festivals of professional groups (e.g. the festival X, celebrated in particular by the Athenian bronze-smiths53); sacrices, banquets, and contests of associations of foreign residents in cities (e.g. the Compitalia celebrated by the Italian residents of Delos in the late second century B.C.54); and the innumerable celebrations of private cult associations55. Sometimes the dierent areas intersected, and festivals organised by a non-polis community or founded by an individual became public festivals, such as the Bendideia in Athens, which originated in the worship of Bendis by the Thracian residents of Athens and was recognized as a public festival in the late 5th cent. B.C.56. Another very signicant development in the history of Greek religion are festivals of supra-ethnic or supra-state cult communities, which lacked political structures but were based on joint faith. Some celebrations connected with mystery cults

11

combine features of polis festivals with celebrations based on a communication with the divine which transcended the borders of a polis community: they were organised by polis communities, which also provided the ritual experts, but initiation was open to individuals who lacked citizenship (e.g., the Eleusinian mysteries, the mysteries of Andania, the mysteries of Samothrace57). But already in the Archaic period communities of faith that transcended the polis emerged, based on ideas of afterlife and performing initiation rituals outside the institutional framework of the polis. The best attested group are the so-called Orphics, who performed rituals of initiation connected with the worship of Dionysos58. To traditional, local mystery cults (Eleusis, Andania, Lerna, Kyme, etc.), new mysteries and cults based on a community of faith and worship were introduced from the Hellenistic period onwards, especially the mysteries of Isis and Mithras, the orgiastic cult of the Great Mother/Kybele, the cult of the Syrian Goddess (Thea Syria/Dea Syria), and the cult of Theos Hypsistos59. These cults had their own cel-

51. Demotionidai: Hedrick, C. W. Jr., The Decrees of the Demotionidai (1990); on the Athenian phratries and their celebrations see Hedrick, C. W. Jr., Phratry Shrines of Attica and Athens, Hesperia 60 (1991) 241268; Lambert, S. D., The Phratries of Attica (1994). Labyadai: LSS 77; CID I 9; Sebillotte, V., Les Labyades: une phratrie Delphes?, Cahiers du Centre G. Glotz 8 (1997) 3949. Klytidai: Syll.3 987; LSCG 118 (c. 335 B.C.); Graf, NK 3237; Brul, P., La sainte maison commune des Klytides de Chios, Ktema 23 (1998) 307324. Family celebrations: Parker, Polytheism 949. 52. Durvye, C., Aphrodite Dlos: culte priv et public lpoque hellnistique, REG 119 (2006) 83113. 53. Deubner 3536; Parker, Polytheism 464465. 54. Hasenohr, C., Les Compitalia Dlos, BCH 127 (2003) 167249. See also ThesCRA VII 3 Festivals and contests, Rom. 4.2.3. 55. Celebrations of cult associations; e.g. IG II2 1368 = LSCG 51 (Iobakchoi, Athens, 178 A.D.); SEG 52, 1197 (cult association, Pergamon, c. 168164 B.C.); IG XII 6, 132 (association of those who ascend on the Helikonion, Samos, 2nd cent. B.C.); ICos 382 (association of the a ^Y). On cult associations the study of Poland, F., Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens (1908) still remains the main book of reference; for more recent studies (with further bibliography) see Brashear, W. M., Vereine im griechisch-rmischen gypten (1993); Parker, AthRel 328342; Arnaoutoglou, I. N., d : Private Religious Associations in Hellenistic Athens (2003); Harland, P. A., Associations, Synagogues, and Congregations: Claiming a Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society (2003). See also ThesCRA VII 3 Festivals and contests, Rom. 3.2. 56. Montepaone, C., Bendis Tracia ad Atene: Lintegrazione del nuovo attraverso forme dellideologia, in Mactoux, M. M./Geny, E. (eds.), Mlanges P. Lvque VI (1992) 201219; Garland, R., Introducing New Gods. The Politics of Athenian Religion (1992) 111114; cf. Plat., pol. 1, 327a; ThesCRA I 1 Processions, Gr. 16. 57. Eleusis: Mylonas, Eleusis; Graf, Eleusis; Clinton, SO; Clinton, MC; Clinton 1; Burkert, HN (1983) 248297; Brumeld 192222; Burkert, W., Initiation, in ThesCRA II (2004) 9296; Kledt, A., Die Entfhrung Kores.

Studien zur athenisch-eleusinischen Demeterreligion (2004). See also III.2.3. Andania: see V.4. Samothrace: Cole, Theoi Meg.; Burkert, W., Initiation, in ThesCRA II (2004) 101103; Dimitrova, N. M., Theoroi and Initiates in Samothrace. The Epigraphical Evidence (2008). On mystery cults in general: Burkert, Mystery Cults and id., Initiation, in ThesCRA II (2004) 91124; cf. Scarpi, P. (ed.), Le religioni dei misteri. I. Eleusi. Dionisismo, Orsmo (2002); Cosmopoulos, M. B. (ed.), Greek Mysteries. The Archaeology and Ritual of Ancient Greek Secret Cults (2003); Lo Monaco 3368; of Demeter: Sfameni Gasparro, G., Misteri e culti mistici di Demetra (1986); Pirenne-Delforge 291346; of Dionysos: Casadio 1, 950. 223325. For newly attested mysteries of Demeter Chthonia and Meter Oreia see Parker, R./ Stamatopoulou, M., A New Funerary Gold Leaf From Pherai, AEphem 143 (2004 [2007]) 132 (SEG 55, 612). Mysteries were also part of the Komyria and the Heraia in Stratonikeia: Nilsson, Feste 2829. 58. Recent studies (with earlier bibliography): Bernab Pajares, A., Poetae epici graeci. Testimonia et fragmenta. II Orphicorum et Orphicis similium testimonia et fragmenta (200407); Graf, F./Iles Johnston, S., Ritual Texts for the Afterlife. Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (2007); Bernab Pajares, A./Jimnez San Cristbal, A. I., Instructions for the Netherworld. The Orphic Gold Tablets (2008). 59. For a bibliography see Metzger, B. M., A Classied Bibliography of the Graeco-Roman Mystery Religions 19241973 with a Supplement 19741977, ANRW II 17, 3 (1984) 12591423. Egyptian mysteries: Witt, R. E., Isis in the Ancient World (1971); Totti-Gemnd, M., Ausgewhlte Texte der Isis- und Sarapis-Religion (1985); Bommas, M., Heiligtum und Mysterium. Griechenland und seine gyptischen Gtter (2005); Bricault, L., Atlas de diusion des cultes isiaques (IVe s. av. J.-C. IVe s. ap. J.-C.) (2001); id., Recueil des inscriptions concernant les cultes isiaques (2005); Bricault, L./Versluys, M. J./Meyboom, P. G. P. (eds.), Nile into Tiber. Egypt in the Roman World (2007). Mithras: CIMRM; Hinnells, J. R. (ed.), Studies in Mithraism (1994); Clauss, M., The Roman Cult of Mithras. The God and his Mysteries (2000); Gordon, R., Ritual and Hierarchy in the Mysteries of Mithras, Antigedad. Religiones y Sociedades 4 (2001) 245274; Beck, R., The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire. Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun

12

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. nia (another festival of Apollo), which must have been celebrated in other poleis that had similar month names as well65, Boedromion that of the Boedromia, Posideon that of the festival of Poseidon and so on. The names of these months reveal which were the most important heortai of the Athenians in the period in which the Attic calendar was xed (possibly as early as the late Bronze Age). Many of these early festivals lost their importance in the course of time, so that sometimes we do not even know on which day of the month they were celebrated. For instance in the Archaic period, the new Panathenaic festival in the month Hekatombaion overshadowed the Hekatombaia; in Elaphebolion, the Dionysia was far more popular than the eponymous festival of the Elaphebolia (in honour of Artemis). The distribution of festivals in the solar year was uneven. No other months of the Athenian year had as many festivals as Boedromion and Pyanopsion (ca. late Septemberlate November)66. In Boedromion eight days were dedicated to the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries. In Pyanopsion we know of at least twelve ocial festivals: the Proerosia (the festival before the plough), a festival of Demeter, which was announced on the fth day in Eleusis and was probably celebrated shortly thereafter; the Oschophoria (the festival of carrying the vine branches), a festival of Dionysos and Athena, which took place on the 6th; on the 7th, which was the sacred day of Apollo, the Athenians celebrated the Pyanopsia (the festival of the bean soup), followed by the Theseia (the festival of Theseus) on the 8th and the Stenia, a festival of Demeter, on the 9th. From the 11th to the 13th the greatest womens festival, the Thesmophoria, took place. The bronze-smiths celebrated their own festival (Chalkeia, the festival of the bronzesmiths) on the last day of the month. The Apatouria, an Ionian family festival, was also celebrated for three days in this month, but we do not
dAbnouteichos Athnes et Artmis dphse Rome, CRAI (1981) 513535; Sfameni Gasparro, G., Alessandro di Abonutico, lo pseudo-profeta ovvero come construirsi unidentit religiosa. I. Il profeta, eroe e uomo divino, StudMatStorRel 62 (1996) 565590; Victor, U., Lukian von Samosata, Alexander oder Der Lgenprophet (1997) 4041; Sfameni Gasparro, G., Alessandro di Abonutico, lo pseudoprofeta ovvero come construirsi unidentit religiosa. II. Loracolo e i misteri, in Bonnet, C./Motte, A. (eds.), Les syncrtismes religieux dans le monde mditrranen antique (1999) 299302; Chaniotis 5. 62. Bunge. 63. E.g. IGRom III 292, l. 17 (Pergamon, sacrice for the return of Diodoros Pasparos). 64. Mikalson 1. 65. Trmpy 1, 293 (Byzantion, Delos, Ephesos, Kalchedon, Kallatis, Kos, Leros, Miletos, Perinthos, Priene, Rhodes, Samos). 66. See the table in Deubner; cf. Parker, Polytheism 486487. For the festivals of these months see Parke, Festivals 5394.

ebrations. For instance, the festival Navigium Isidis/ connected with the cult of Isis was celebrated in many parts of the ancient world, including Greece, from the late Hellenistic period onwards60. The cult of the snake god Glykon Neos Asklepios founded by Alexander of Abonou Teichos in the mid-second century A.D. included a mystery festival61. The Jewish festivals were celebrated by the diaspora Jews.
1.3.

Festivals were celebrated periodically on a fixed day (or days)

Festivals are on xed days; they presuppose periodicity. One-time celebrations, e.g. for the inauguration of a building, the announcement of a victory (), the conclusion of a treaty, the self-representation of a ruler (e.g. Antiochos IVs procession in Daphne62), or the expression of gratitude to the gods for a specic event63, are not festivals in a narrower sense (I.1 and n. 2), exactly as one-time celebrations in the life-cycle of mortals (rites of passage, weddings, funerals, etc.) are not festivals. But also simple sacrices on xed days are not festivals stricto sensu. Every festival has a sacrice of some kind, but not every sacrice is a festival. It has been estimated that in Athens, sacrices were oered on more than 120 (possibly 144) days64, but only very few of these sacrices were part of a festival (I.1). Because of their periodic celebration on xed days, festivals had an intrinsic connection with the calendars of the Greek cities. Most Greek months derive their name from the name of an important festival, presumably the most important festival in the respective month at an early period. The calendar of Athens, which is better known than other calendars, is a good case in point. The Athenian year began with Hekatombaion, the month in which the Hekatombaia (originally, the festival of the sacrice of 100 oxen) was celebrated for Apollo. Metageitnion was the month of the Metageit(2006). Kybele: CCCA; Roller, L. E., In Search of God the Mother. The Cult of Anatolian Cybele (1999). Syrian Goddess: Hrig, M., Dea Syria Atargatis, ANRW II 17, 3 (1984) 15361581. Theos Hypsistos (the uniformity of this cult is subject to controversy): Mitchell, S., The Cult of Theos Hypsistos Between Pagans, Jews, and Christians, in Athanassiadi, P./Frede, M. (eds.), Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (1999) 81148; Belayche, N., Hypsistos: Une voie de lexaltation des dieux dans le polythisme grcoromain, ARG 7 (2005) 3455; Mitchell, S., Further Thoughts on the Cult of Theos Hypsistos, in id./van Nuelen, P. (eds.), One God. Pagan Monotheism in the Roman Empire (2010) 209230. 60. Perpillou-Thomas 114116. See Bricault, L., Recueil des inscriptions concernant les cultes isiaques (2005) 5052 (Eretria). 54 (Chalkis). 169 (Amphipolis). 183 (Byzantion). 348 (Tenos). 421 (Elaia). 435 (Ephesos). 469 (Kios). 472 (Nikomedeia). 502 (Seleukeia in Pieria). 568569 (Rome). 740 (Tomis). The relevant inscriptions usually give the names of , , , and . 61. Lukian. Alex. 38; Robert, L., Le serpent Glykon

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. know exactly when (19th21st or 26th28th). The concentration of so many festivals in this time of the year cannot be coincidental. This was an important period for agricultural activities (collection of grapes, ploughing), consequently a period of joy and anxiety, a period of more intensive need to communicate with the gods in order to express gratitude for the past and to request assistance for the future. Most of the festivals in these months were either connected with the goddess of agriculture (Demeter: Eleusinian mysteries, Proerosia, Stenia, Thesmophoria67) or had agricultural overtones (Pyanopsia, Oschophoria). Festivals which were celebrated at dierent times of the year were sometimes connected with each other. In Magnesia on the Maeander, the selection of the sacricial bull for Zeus Sosipolis in the fall ( ) was connected with the sacrice in the summer68. Just as dierent agricultural activities in dierent months were connected (e.g. ploughing and harvest, collection of the grapes and testing of the new wine), relations between celebrations could be established. In addition to their annual celebration, some festivals were celebrated every fourth year () with greater glamour or with the participation of foreigners. To distinguish between the annual and the pentaeteric celebration, the Greeks often added the attribute great to the latter (M , M , M ^H, M \A, M K, etc.). Such festivals were given a more signicant position among the celebrations of a community. There were also trieteric and eneateric festivals as well as festivals celebrated at dierent intervals (e.g. Daidala; see V.3)69. Monthly sacrices e.g. sacrices on the rst day of the month (70) and monthly sacrices (a )71 on days dedicated to particular gods (e.g. sacrices to Apollo on the seventh day of every month, to Artemis on the sixth, etc.) should be distinguished from festivals stricto sensu. Inuenced by the model of monthly sacrices, monthly festivities were also established in connection with the Hellenistic ruler cult. When the cult was established during the lifetime

13

of a king or a member of the royal family, the celebration usually took place on his or her birthday; but just as in the worship of the gods, the sacrice was not oered annually, but on the respective day of every month72. For example, during the reign of Ptolemy III (246221 B.C.) the 25th day of every month was the day of the king, a celebration commemorating the kings accession to the throne on 25th Dios 246 B.C.73. Sometimes the rituals of festivals spanned several days (usually three), in order to accommodate complex ritual actions (e.g. the mysteries of Eleusis and Andania) and an elaborate agonistic programme or to provide time for an emotional development, for instance from a mournful or distressful beginning to a joyful end (e.g. Thesmophoria, Hyakinthia, Anthesteria)74. The dramatic agon in Athens during the Dionysia lasted for four days, the Olympic Games for ve, the Thesmophoria in Syracuse for ten (I.5.1). From the Classical period onwards the long duration of festivals was the result of eorts to upgrade a celebration (, )75, of the competition among communities and the propagation of local cults and sanctuaries, and above all of the necessity to accommodate an increasing number of agonistic events and market-days (I.6). In the Imperial period, the Spartan festival , an agonistic festival in honour of Leonidas and Pausanias, lasted for 20 days, during which market transactions were tax-free76. In c. 162164 A.D. the assembly of Ephesos decreed to dedicate the entire month Artemision to Artemis: when the goddess is honoured in an even better fashion, our city will remain more glorious and prosperous for ever77. Festivals and agons that lasted for ten (Ptoia and Kaisareia), thirty (festival of Sosibios in Antioch), twenty-two (Demostheneia at Oinoanda), or even forty days (Capitolia) are known, but they seem to be exceptional cases of extravagance78. Because of the increase in the number and duration of agonistic festivals in the Imperial period Hadrian had to x the sequence of the most important among them, in order to facilitate the participation of itinerant athletes and artists (see n. 178).

67. Cf. Brumeld 1. On the Proerosia see also Robertson, N., New Light on Demeters Mysteries: The Festival Proerosia, GRBS 37 (1996) 319379. 68. IMagn 98; Nilsson, Feste 2527. 69. Trieteric: IGRom III 293 col. II 25. Enneateric: e.g. SEG 47, 1771 (Termessos, 2nd cent. A.D.); IPerge 315. 317. 70. Graf, NK 162. E.g. IG XI 2, 287, l. 42; LSAM 49 a1, l. 23; LSAM 81, l. 17. Cf. the existence of cult associations, which celebrated on the rst day of the month (N): e.g. IG XII 9, 1151 (Chalkis, 3rd cent. B.C.). 71. E.g. ICos ED 145, l. 15; IPriene 113, l. 6970. Sacrices on the birthdays of gods: Graf, NK 185. 72. Monthly celebrations for kings: Habicht 152 n. 60. 156. E.g. LSAM 26 = IEryth 207 (2nd cent. B.C.). 73. Bernand, E., Inscriptions grecques dgypte et de Nubie au Muse du Louvre (1992) 5. Cf. SEG 37, 859.

74. Thesmophoria: V.1. Hyakinthia: V.2. Anthesteria: Deubner 93123; Parke, Festivals 107120; Hamilton, Choes; Burkert, HN (1983) 213247; Simon, Festivals 9299; Parker, Polytheism 290316; ThesCRA VI 1 b Childhood, Gr. 3.2.2.3. For mixed mood in festivals see Parker, Polytheism 160. 75. E.g. LSS 36, l. 1819; SEG 30, 93, l. 3437; IG VII 4139; IG XII 5, 129; ICos ED 77, 178, 180; IMagn 100; I.Ilion 2, l. 2223. 76. IG V 1, 18 B. 77. IEphes 24 = LSAM 31; Horsley, G. H. R., The Inscriptions of Ephesos and the New Testament, Novum Testamentum 34 (1992) 154155; Chaniotis 6, 184186. 78. Wrrle 245247. The Panamaria, near Stratonikeia, lasted for ten days, later for thirty days: Nilsson, Feste 30.

14
1.4.

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. A festival had a name communities into a single community in Athens86. The in Perge commemorated the award of the privilege of asylia to this city87. The importance of a name for the denition of a celebration as a festival can be seen in the accounts of the treasurers of Athena (334 B.C.; IG II2 1496, l. 8889), which made a distinction between festivals with a name (, \E, \A, , \O etc.) and sacrices (, ) that lacked the status of a festival (e.g. sacrices to Agathe Tyche, Zeus Soter etc.).
1.5.

An usually had a name. For example, when Magnesia on the Maeander established a new festival of Artemis, the relevant decree stipulated that this day should be declared a sacred day for all time and it should be called Isiteria79. The name of a festival was a neuter word in the plural form (a , a , a , a , etc.)80. The noun to which this attribute referred was never directly stated, but it must be the word (sacred acts, deeds); names of agonistic festivals are sometimes masculine singular, as attributes to the word (e.g. T , g 81). The names of festivals usually derive from the names or epithets of gods. Ta ^H was the festival of Hera, a that of Dionysos, a ^P the festival for Dea Roma/Thea Rhome, a was celebrated for Apollo Pythios, a was a festival of Apollo (and/or Zeus) (and not the festival of )82, a \O the festival of Zeus Olympios (and not a festival in Olympia), a \E the festival of Zeus Eleutherios (and not of ). Very often festivals were named after a specic ritual: a ^E was a festival, in which 100 oxen were sacriced to Apollo; during a Athenas statue was washed; during the a special soup made of beans was prepared; during the \E and the in Crete ephebes exchanged the clothes of the ephebe with the military attire of the citizen; at the ^H of Thasos the heroes were invited to a banquet; the celebrated the return of Dionysos83. From the Hellenistic period onwards kings, emperors, rulers, and provincial governors gave their name to festivals and agons (e.g., \A, \A d , , , M)84. Other features that could determine the name of a festival include a signicant time of the year, usually dened by an agricultural activity, and an important event, which was commemorated in the celebration: a was the festival before the start of the ploughing of the elds; a K referred to the cutting down of the vines85. The commemorated the bringing together of local

Festivals were commemorative celebrations

The existence of a festival was usually explained by means of an , an aetiological myth, that is the narrative of an event (imaginary or not) of the past, which had led to the foundation of the festival. Festivals were, in this respect, commemorative celebrations. For instance, the Athenian festival Synoikia was celebrated in commemoration of Theseus decision to abolish the local assemblies and magistrates and to concentrate all public activities in the centre of Athens88. Many Athenian aetiological myths were connected with Theseus, the legendary founder of the Athenian state and its institutions89. For example, it was said that when Theseus arrived at Delos, after he had killed the Minotaur, he vowed to Apollo to oer him a sacrice upon his safe return to Attica. Indeed, as soon as he and his companions arrived in Attica, they mixed everything that had been left from their provisions in a pot; when everything was cooked, they held a banquet and ate it together90. This served as the aition of the Pyanopsia91. Many festivals, especially newly established ones from the late Archaic period onwards, were genuine commemorative anniversaries usually celebrating war victories, the expulsion of tyrants or the liberation of a city from a foreign garrison, and other important political events. Important commemorative anniversaries include festivals for the battles of the Persian Wars in Athens and Plataiai, the defeat of the Gauls in 278 B.C. in Delphi, the victory of the Argives over Kleomenes of Sparta, the victory of the Athenians at the sea-battle near

79. IMagn 100, l. 2425: c b e [d] , \I. 80. Hdt. 1, 148; Parker, Polytheism 160. 81. IPerge 314 and 318. 82. Similarly, a in Kyzikos were celebrated in honour of Kore Soteira: IG XI 4, 1298. 83. Hekatombaia: Parker, Polytheism 471. Plynteria: Parker, Polytheism 478479. Pyanopsia: see I.6. Ekdysia and Periblemaia: see 5. Heroxeinia: LSS 69. Katagogia: LSAM 48. 84. Alexandreia: Ferrandini Troisi, F. La divinizzazione di Alessandro Magno. Testimonianze epigraphiche, Epigraphica 67 (2005) 2334. Antiocheia kai Laodikeia: SEG 51, 1003 II, l. 6. Moukieia (for Q. Mucius Scaevola): IPerg

268; Rigsby, K. J., Provincia Asia, TAPhA 118 (1988) 141149. 85. Proerosia: Parker, Polytheism 479. Kladeuteria: Nilsson, Feste 267. Cf. Brumeld. 86. Parker, Polytheism 480481. 87. IPerge 313. 88. Thuk. 2, 15: from that time onwards and until the present day, the Athenians celebrate the festival Synoikia for Athena at public expense; Parker, Polytheism 480481. 89. Calame, Thse; Graf, GM (19974) 102. 130135. 90. Plut. Thes. 22, 4; Calame, Thse 291324. 91. For other aitia see e.g. Plut. mor. 301ef; Ath. 15, 672cd; Burkert, HN (1983) 137139 (bouphonia); Brul, Fille 218221; II.78 and II.11.1; IV.4.4.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. Naxos in 376 B.C. and of the Thebans at Leuktra in 371 B.C., the liberation of Priene and Eretria (286/5 B.C.), the peace treaty between Athens and Sparta in 374 B.C., the reconciliation of the citizens of Nakone on Sicily after a civil war, the concord between Antioch near Pyramos and Antioch near Kydnos, and the return of Diodoros Pasparos to Pergamon after a successful embassy92. Despite the political nature of the aition, these celebrations were religious festivals dedicated to the worship of the gods93. Since important historical events sometimes took place on the day of an already existing religious festival94, the pre-existing festival acquired an additional prole as a commemorative anniversary. The battle at Marathon took place on the day of the festival of Artemis Agrotera (6 Boedromion), an Athenian victory in a sea-battle near Naxos (376 B.C.) occurred on the day on which the great procession to Eleusis was held (16 Boedromion), and the battle at Mantineia (362 B.C.) was fought on the festival of Athena Skiras95; Eretria was liberated from the Macedonian garrison of Demetrios on the day of the festival of Dionysos (286/5 B.C.)96; Harmodios and Aristogeiton attempted to murder the Athenian tyrant Hippias during the celebration of the Panathenaia97. Naturally, the already existing rituals were adopted for the celebration of the historical anniversary98. The commemorative character of festivals is evident in the dramatization of the mythical (or historical) traditions that explained their establishment (I.1.6). Still in Plutarchs time, the Athenians celebrated their victory over the Megarians for the control of Salamis and represented a stratagem of Solons: a ship sailed quietly along the coast of Attica, and when it approached Cape Skiriadion an armed man sprang suddenly, shouting aloud, on the land; allegedly, Solon had warned the Athenians of a Megarian attack in this manner99. The procession at the Oschophoria was led by two young men in female garments, alluding to the aition of the festival: Theseus had replaced two of his male companions with girls, when he sailed to Crete to kill the Minotaur (I.6). The rite of the A (swinging) allegedly commemorated the suicide of Erigone100.
1.6.

15

Festivals were connected with distinct ritual actions

In Greek public festivals one observes several recurring elements, most of which also characterise festivals which were not celebrated by polis and supra-polis communities101. Festivals usually included a procession and a sacrice accompanied by the singing of ritual songs and dance performances and followed by a banquet and sometimes contests and a market (I.3). But in addition to these typical festive elements, festivals were usually connected also with very specic ritual activities, which distinguished one festival from another. Such a distinctive ritual detail was at times an object, which was carried or shown only on this occasion; a specic sacricial detail (a dierent way to sacrice an animal, the selection of the sacricial oering, et sim.); consumption of a specic kind of food or preparation of food in an unusual manner; a unique ritual performative text (e.g. singing of a song, performance of a dance); the use of peculiar language (e.g. ritual exclamations), etc. A few examples should suce. Very often, a festival got its specic ritual prole from an object that was ritually carried around or carried in a procession. During the Athenian Thargelia children carried the , a branch of olive or laurel around which white and red wool threads were twined and on which all kinds of fruits, gs, and cakes in the form of harps, small bowls, grape branches, etc. were hanging102. They carried the eiresione from house to house, singing a song: the eiresione carries gs, rich cakes, honey in a jug, olive oil for anointment, and a bowl of sweet wine, from which you shall drink and get tired. The owners of the houses gave gifts to the children in order to guarantee the blessing of the eiresione. This branch was then hung on the door, where it remained for the rest of the year. During the ocial procession, which ended at a sanctuary of Apollo, the eiresione was carried by a boy whose parents were both still alive. The Athenian Oschophoria derive their name from the carrying of the , branches of vines with grapes103. During the \A (or rather ?)

92. On commemorative anniversaries see Chaniotis 1; cf. Wiemer 2. Persian Wars: Chaniotis 1. Liberation of Priene: IPriene 11, l. 2930. Liberation of Eretria: see n. 96. Leuktra: Diod. 15, 53, 4. Diodoros Pasparos: IGRom III 292, l. 3536 and 4249. For festivals in commemoration of victories see also e.g. the g d in Larisa: SEG 53, 550; the M K \E K in Thessalonike: SEG 49, 817; the in Pergamon: Jones, C. P., Diodoros Pasparos Revisited, Chiron 30 (2000) 114. See also IG XII 6, 7, l. 9 (Samos, 5 B.C.). A race of armoured men in honour of Nike in Epidauros (late 3rd cent. A.D.) was also in commemoration of a victory: IG IV2 1, 44. 93. Chaniotis 1, 137. 94. On attacks during festivals see 4.3. 95. Plut. mor. 349e350a.

96. IG XII 9, 192. Jaccottet, A. F., La lierre de la libert, ZPE 80 (1990) 150156; Knoeper, Eretria XI. Dcrets rtriens de proxnie et de citoyennet (2001) 253. 258 with n. 1014 (on the date). 97. Thuk. 6, 5459. 98. Chaniotis 1, 127138. 99. Plut. Sol. 9, 4. 100. Deubner 118121; Simon, Festivals 99; Parker, Polytheism 183184. 101. Cf. Parker, Polytheism 161162. Examples: aiora: see n. 124. 102. Calame, Thse 296301; Parker, Polytheism 180, 204205. 103. Deubner 142147; Parke, Festivals 7780; Simon, Festivals 8992; Parker, Polytheism 211217.

16

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. in the programme (from the second century B.C. on) a rhetorical competition (dialogos, debate) between Athens and Sparta, which determined which city would have the privilege to lead the procession (I.2); during the festival of Artemis at Mopsouhestia the priestess ( ) had to walk on re112; the cutting of a tree () was the central rite of a festival of Hera in Kos113; in a festival of Dionysos (in Chalkis?) a man was carried on a phallus around the orchestra as many times as possible114. It is not clear what the exact function of the hereditary d in Tralleis was, but it is clear that they were functionaries in the cult of Zeus, exercising their function during festivals115. Orgiastic celebrations, often by women, are a recurring feature of Dionysiac and exclusive cults116. Another means, through which the specic prole of a festival was expressed, was the preparation and consumption of specic food117. During the Athenian a special soup was prepared, consisting of various kinds of beans and peas, our, and possibly honey. These food items alluded to agricultural production, the most important achievement of organized life, and they were cooked together in a critical period of the agricultural year, during the sowing season118. The preparation of food consisting of a variety of plants, seeds, and fruits () characterizes many festivals, especially those which were associated with fertility in nature or among humans or with the agricultural year, e.g. the in Athens (cf. n. 154), which derives its name from (a barley and vegetable stew, a barley bread), and the festival of Artemis Lyaia, patron of livestock, in Syracuse119. The winner of the race at the Oschophoria drank a mixture of oil, wine,

a , things about which it was forbidden to speak, were carried and deposited in an undetermined place on the Acropolis104; at the Skira, a festival of Athena, a large umbrella () was carried105; at the Thesmophoria (V.1) rotten meat of piglets mixed with other substances was taken out of subterranean cavities to be used as a promoter of fertility. In many cases the existence of such rituals can only be inferred from the designations of cult ocials, who were responsible for the carrying of sacred objects in processions, especially in the context of mystery cults and their celebrations106. The washing of the ancient cult image of Hera was the central ritual of the T in Samos107. Literary sources and inscriptions mention (but rarely describe) many peculiar rituals which characterised only a single festival. At the , the Athenian festival of Zeus Polieus (14 Skirophorion), a double axe and a bronze table were used for the sacrice of an ox that was selected in an unusual manner. Then the axe and knife which were used for the sacrice were brought to trial, condemned and cast out of the land, while the animals hide was stued with hay and set in front of the plough108. The scapegoat () was driven out of a community at the Thargelia109; wooden images were burned at the Daidala of Plataiai (V.3); an unusual sacrice was oered during the at Patrai, as the participants threw alive upon an altar, made up of logs of both dry and green wood, every kind of animal, including wild animals (boars, deer, gazelles, wolfcubs, bear-cubs), and set the wood on re110; a mock human sacrice was a peculiar rite of the Athenian T111; only in the procession of this festival the priestess rode last upon a wagon pulled by deer; the Eleutheria at Plataiai included

104. Deubner 917; Parke, Festivals 141143; Simon, Festivals 3946; Brul, Fille 7998; Dillon 5760; Parker, Polytheism 160 n. 14. 163. 221222. 105. Schol. Aristoph. Eccl. 18; Deubner 46; Brumeld 156181; Parker, Polytheism 173177. 106. Pleket, H. W., Nine Greek Inscriptions from the Cayster-Valley in Lydia: A Republication, Talanta 2 (1970) 67; Chaniotis 2, 158 n. 95. A few examples: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , etc. See also the designations in the inscription from Torre Nova (n. 284). 107. Ath. 15, 672cd; Nilsson, Feste 4649; Graf, NK 9396. 108. Paus. 1, 24, 4; Porph. abst. 2, 28, 431, 1; Nilsson, Feste 1416; Deubner 158174; Parke, Festivals 162167; Burkert, HN (1983) 136143; Simon, Festivals 812; Parker, Polytheism 187191. 109. Bremmer, J., Scape-Goat Rituals in Ancient Greece, HSCP 87 (1983) 299320; cf. Parker, Polytheism 180. 110. Paus. 7, 18, 813; Pirenne-Delforge 218220. 227229.

111. Parker, Polytheism 157. 112. Furley, Fire 213222 (on Strab. 12, 2, 7); Taeuber, H., Eine Priesterin der Perasia in Mopsuhestia, EpAnat 19 (1992) 1924 (on SEG 42, 1290). 113. Nilsson, Feste 61. 114. SEG 29, 807; Veyne, P., Une inscription dionysiaque peu commune, BCH 109 (1985) 621624; Csapo, E., Riding the phallos for Dionysos, Phoenix 51 (1997) 253295. 115. Budin, S. L., Pallakai, Prostitutes, and Prophetesses, ClPh 98 (2003) 148159 (with the comments in EBGR [2004] 33). 116. Dionysiac celebrations: E.g. Villanueva-Puig, M.C., Le cas du thiase dionysiaque, Ktema 23 (1998) 365374; Dillon 140153; Jaccottet 6480. Rites in the cult of the Korybantes: Ustinova, Y., Corybantism: the Nature and Role of an Ecstatic Cult in the Greek Polis, Horos 1012 (199298) 503520. See IEryth II 206; LSAM 23 and 25; SEG 46, 1463; 47, 1628. 117. Cf. Parker, Polytheism 184186 with examples. Cf. 5.2 (Hyakinthia). 118. Deubner 198201; Calame, Thse 291324; Parker, Polytheism 185186. 119. Nilsson, Feste 199205.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. honey, cheese and barley our (), the initiates in the Eleusinian mysteries drank the , a drink made of water, barley, and other substances120. Also abstinence from food or a specic kind of food is attested in festivals, such as the fasting at the Thesmophoria (V.1) or the abstinence from bread on the rst day of the Hyakinthia (V.2). The special feature of the in Aigina was that for eleven days banquets were held in private houses, with the participants eating in silence and excluding foreigners and slaves121. Occasionally a specic feature of a festival was a ritual performative text of a particular kind. In addition to hymns, which could be sung on many occasions and were not necessarily connected with a festivals prole122, we know of texts that were exclusively connected with a single festival. For instance the was a song sung only to honour the winner of the race at the Oschophoria123; a typical feature of the Hyakinthia in Sparta was the singing of the paian (V.2), and special songs were sung during the carrying of the eiresione (I.1.8); only at the Aiora (the swinging rite) at Athens did women sing the Aletis, the song of the wandering woman124. Also acclamations and ritual cries contributed to a festivals or a cults specic prole: , , at the Oschophoria125, c c in the cult of Apollo and Asklepios126; during a festival of Dionysos the women of Elis traditionally invoked the god with the ritual phrase worthy bull! worthy bull! ( , )127. A special dance called was performed at the Ptoia of Akraiphia128. The eort to provide a festival with a distinctive local prole by means of peculiar ritual actions was part of the construction of local identities and the competition among cult communities. This is particularly clear in the Imperial period, when small and big poleis revived ancestral rituals ()129. Specic ritual actions were sometimes understood as rudimentary dramatizations of the myth-

17

ical or historical traditions (cf. I.1.5, IV.1.2) which explained the establishment of the festival, e.g. the imitation of the wedding between a god and a goddess (e )130. Some rituals at the Oschophoria (story-telling, preparation of supper for the boys) were supposed to reproduce or to recall details of Theseus Cretan adventure131. At the Thesmophoria in Thebes cymbals were struck to imitate the noise made by Demeter while she was searching for Kore (V.1). In Argos men and women exchanged clothes during the festival ^Y, apparently a celebration belonging to the widespread type of festivals of reversal (verkehrte Welt); again, allegedly this commemorated the fact that the women had fought like men and saved Argos from Kleomenes attack in the late sixth century B.C.132. Through such dramatisations festivals became an important medium in the transition of cultural memory.
1.7.

Festivals temporarily suspended elements of ordinary life

Festivals mean the temporary suspension of certain characteristics of everyday life133. This allows us to recognise a fundamental dierence between festivals and celebrations. A celebration (and a sacrice) could take place in everyday life, whereas the extraordinary nature of the festival was expressed through a variety of media, and especially through its dierence from everyday life and its activities. Many times (not always) the celebration of a festival was a holiday, on which work, administrative activities (e.g. the meeting of the assembly), legal actions (signing of contracts, lawsuits, executions), and occasionally even military activities were not permitted (; see n. 334). Not all festivals were holidays134. Cult regulations (decrees, laws), especially in the Hellenistic period, when many new festivals were founded, explicitly determined which festivals were days on

120. Pentaploa: Parker, Polytheism 213214. Kykeon: Delatte, A., Le Cycon, breuvage rituel des mystres dleusis (1955). 121. Plut. mor. 301ef; Nilsson, Feste 7374; Mylonopoulos 308. 122. Rudhardt, Notions 181187; Furley/Bremer, Hymns. Hymns were sung by delegations of cities in the sanctuary of Apollo Klarios: see Robert, L./Robert, J. La Carie. II. Le plateau de Tabai et ses environs (1954) 115119; SEG 37, 961980; Busin, A., Paroles dApollon. Pratiques et traditions oraculaires dans lAntiquit tardive (IIeVIe sicles) (2005) 4045 (with bibliography). For the increased interest in hymnody in the Imperial period see Chaniotis 13, 2223. 123. Rutherford, I. C./Irvine, J. A. D., The Race of the Athenian Oschophoria and an Oschophoricon by Pindar, ZPE 72 (1988) 4351. 124. Parker, Polytheism 184. 125. Deubner 144; Calame, Thse 335; Parker, Polytheism 215.

126. E.g. h. Hom. Ap. 272; Herodas 4, 8285. Cf. Lukian. Alex. 39 (Glykon Neos Asklepios). 127. Furley/Bremer, Hymns II 373377. 128. IG VII 2712, l. 6667. On dances in ritual contexts see Rudhardt, Notions 143149; Naerebout, F. G., Attractive Performances. Ancient Greek Dance. Three Preliminary Studies (1997) 324406; Ceccarelli; Calame, Choruses; Dillon 211215; Shapiro, A., et al., Dance, in ThesCRA II (2004) 310343. 129. Chaniotis 11. 130. E.g. Diod. 5, 72: (the celebration of the wedding of Zeus and Hera in Knossos); see also 5.3 (Daidala). On the concept of hieros gamos see Avagianou. 131. Parker, Polytheism 211217. 132. Plut. mor. 245e; Nilsson, Feste 371373 133. Cf. Dunand 1, 208 with n. 42; Assmann 1317. 134. Parker, Polytheism 160161.

18

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. the ordinary and the extraordinary: the members of the festive community wore wreaths ()138, the priests and magistrates wore special garments and insignia of oce and authority139. During the commemorative celebration for the war dead of the battle at Plataia, the archon exchanged the white garment which he wore on ordinary days, with a purple robe and only on this occasion he was allowed to come into contact with an iron weapon140. A regulation concerning the sale of the priesthood of Dionysos in Priene gave him the right to wear the ceremonial dress () of his choice and a golden ivy wreath in Lenaion and Anthesterion, that is in months with important Dionysos festivals, as well as on the occasion of the K141. During the procession on 20th Metageitnion in Kos, the priest of Nike wore a purple robe, a golden ring, and a ring made of fresh olive branches142. During the procession of the Chthonia in Hermione the children wore wreaths woven of a particular ower ()143. Other external features also occurred, such as the wearing of specic garments, the preparation of food in a particular manner (I.1.6), fasting, sexual abstinence, or other deviations from ordinary habits. At the Athenian Oschophoria the boys who led the procession were dressed like girls; the herald who attended this procession had a crown placed not on his head but on his dista (Plut. Thes. 22, 35. 23, 2). The extra-ordinary (sad, chthonic) character of some celebrations was stressed precisely by the fact that the wearing of wreaths was not allowed (see V.12 on the Thesmophoria and the Hyakinthia). These deviations from the ordinary were usually explained through aetiological myths (e.g. Oschophoria), which, however, rarely reveal their original function. A very common reason was the temporary suspension and subsequent conrmation (or change) of status. At the Thesmophoria, married women temporarily returned to the state of the unmarried girl, in order to reassume their marital obligations with new motivation and strength (V.1). Ritual transvestism is quite widespread in the context of transition rites144.

which the children did not go to school, prisoners and slaves were released from chains, and the law courts suspended their activities135. A Thasian cult regulation (late fourth century B.C.) lists more than twenty festivals, on which no legal prosecution was allowed136: Apatouria, the festival of All the Gods, Maimakteria, Posidea, Anthesteria, Soteria, Dionysia, Diasia, Great Herakleia, Choreia, Dyodekatheia, Alexandreia, Pythaia, Thesmophoria, Great Asklepieia, Demetrieia, Heroxeinia, Dioskuria, Great Komaia, Badromia; the rest of the list is not preserved. These selected festivals were only some of the festivals of Thasos; the community felt the need to distinguish a group of more signicant state festivals from other festivals, sacrices, and celebrations. The reasons for this measure may have been an inationary increase of festivals, such as the one reported for Taras: the state festivals ( ) were more than the working days137. The Thasian list of selected festivals includes festivals dedicated to several important gods (Apollo, Asklepios, Demeter, Dionysos, Herakles, Poseidon, Zeus, and the Dioskouroi); the rest of the gods were indirectly honoured in the festivals for the Twelve Gods and All the Gods; the list is completed with a traditional Ionic family festival (Apatouria), a festival for heroes (Heroxenia), and two festivals for rulers (Alexander the Great and Demetrios Poliorketes, if the Demetrieia was indeed his festival). As we do not know which (and how many) other festivals were excluded from the list of festivals during which legal actions were not permitted, we cannot determine the criteria that were used for this selection. We can only suspect that it was a combination of nancial concerns, practical considerations (e.g. the work of courts should not rest for more than two days per month), traditions (e.g. the popularity of the Apatouria among families and the Thesmophoria among women), political opportunism (festivals for Macedonian kings), and traditional piety towards the gods. The extraordinary character of the day of the festival was expressed through external features, which very often marked the distinction between
135. E.g. LSAM 8 = ILampsakos 9, l. 1718 and 2426 (Asklepieia, Lampsakos, 2nd cent. B.C.); LSAM 15, l. 5355 (Pergamon, 129 B.C.); LSAM 33, l. 2526. 2931 (Eisiteria for Artemis Leukophryene, Magnesia on the Maeander, early 2nd cent. B.C.); LSS 14, l. 5051 (Thargelia, Athens, 129/8 B.C.); SEG 41, 1003 I, l. 2930 (Antiocheia and Laodikeia, Teos, c. 204/3 B.C.); Ziebarth, E., Aus dem griechischen Schulwesen (19142) 147163; Deubner 58; Robert, tudes 177179. 136. Salviat, F., Une nouvelle loi thasienne, BCH 82 (1958) 193267; LSS 69; SEG 17, 415. 137. Strab. 6, 3, 4. For Athens, see Mikalson 1. 138. LSAM 8 = ILampsakos 9, l. 2224 (Lampsakos, 2nd cent. B.C.); LSAM 81, l. 14 (festival of Homonoia, Antiocheia ad Pyramos, c. 160 B.C.); LSS 46, l. 610 (Dionysia, Eretria, 286/5 B.C.); Syll.3 398, l. 3638 (sac-

rice for the victory over the Gauls, Kos, 278 B.C.); SEG 33, 675, l. 57 (celebration for Ariarathes IV, Kos, c. 188166 B.C.); IEryth 504, l. 34 (birthday of Antiochos I, Klazomenai); IPriene 11, l. 22 (anniversary of the fall of tyranny, Priene, 297 B.C.); SEG 61, 1003, l. 26 (Antiocheia and Laodikeia, Teos, c. 204/3 B.C.). Cf. Blech, Kranz 303 with n. 154155; Robert, OMS I 490491; Wrrle 218219. 139. Examples in Wilhelm, A., Urkunden aus Messene, OeJh 17 (1914) 3642; Chaniotis 2, 158; Wrrle 187188. 192195. See also V.4. 140. Plut. Arist. 21; Chaniotis 1, 131133. 141. LSAM 37. 142. LSAM 163. Further examples in Chaniotis 8, 4952; Connelly 8592 (dress of priestesses). 143. Paus. 2, 35, 5; ThesCRA I 1 Processions, Gr. 33. 144. E.g. Calame, Thse; Leitao.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr.

1.8.

19

Festivals fulfilled a variety of functions

Festivals fullled a variety of functions, the primary one being to establish communication with a god or with gods. A festival was an occasion for the gods institutionalised virtual communication with humans. In accordance with the principle of reciprocity, which characterizes most hierarchical relations in ancient Greece (between people and elite, cities and kings, mortals and gods), the community of worshippers used this occasion in order to make an oering both as an expression of gratitude for past services and in expectation of new ones145. The a procession for the collection of gifts, usually by children but also by women , which is observed in some festivals (e.g. Thargelia; I.1.6), reects the same principle: the owners of households rst have to give in order to get the blessing promised by the children who knock at their door and request a gift146. According to a decree of Magnesia on the Maeander147, after a bull was selected in order to be sacriced to Zeus Sosipolis at the beginning of the seed-time ( ) during a ceremony explicitly aiming at the protection of the agricultural production ( d d d d ), the bull was brought to the market place by the citizen responsible for his raising and the corn merchants and other traders were asked to make contributions to the bulls food with the expectation of the gods blessing (d d a L c , d r ). During the festival, the god was perceived as arriving and being present. But his coming was not to be taken for granted148. A god had to be invited in order to come to the celebration. The presupposed his absence and fullled the very function of inviting him to appear in a festival149; they were part of a complex set of signals, which were supposed to attract the gods attention. These included signals that could be seen, such as bright clothes, crowns, beautiful animals with gilded horns, and decorated altars,

tables, and klinai; signals that could be heard, such as hymns, prayers, invocations, musical performances, and acclamations; and signals that could be smelled, such as incense, wine, and thighs burning on the altar. Potential obstacles to this competitive and fragile communication, such as impure individuals and inappropriate emotions, had to be removed. Kallimachos hymn to Apollo describes the anxiety of the worshippers anticipating the gods imminent arrival on Delos150. In the rst verses the poet observes the movement of the sacred palm tree and the ight of the birds; these were signs that the god was approaching. With the sacred cry (use good/appropriate language) he then urges the worshippers to use pious words, avoiding the use of any articulate or inarticulate sound which might disturb communication with the god and present an obstacle to his coming. Even Achilles mother, Thetis, eternally mourning for her sons death, had to postpone her lament as soon as she listened to this ritual cry151. The arrival and reception (, ) of the god was insinuated through staging devices, such as setting-up his statue or the preparation of a bed and a table () for his reception152. Again, the aforementioned decree of Magnesia provides a good example for such arrangements for a festival of Zeus Sosipolis on 12 Artemision: the stephanephoros who leads the procession shall carry wooden images of all twelve gods, dressed in garments as beautiful as possible, and he shall erect a tent in the market next to the altar of the twelve gods; and he shall prepare three mattresses, as beautiful as possible; and he shall provide for music, a utist, a piper, and a kitharist153. The functions of a festival in a more narrow sense were connected with the specic aim of the communication between a cult community and a god. They were usually expressed through the festivals name (e.g., during ^H the heroes were oered a banquet by the community; see n. 83), but also through its rituals (I.6), symbols, sets of associations, the designations of those who actively participated in the festival, and the names of ritual objects. Let us take for instance the Athenian Thargelia, a festival which in its early form was

145. Kavoulaki 2. For reciprocity in connection with dedications and sacrice see Grottanelli, C., Do ut des?, in Anathema 4555; Parker, R., Pleasing Thighs: Reciprocity in Greek Religion, in Gill, C./Postlethwaite, N./Seaford, R. (eds.), Reciprocity in Ancient Greece (1998) 105126; Bierl 1, 140150. 146. For see Burkert, GrRel (Engl.) 101102. E.g. IG II2 13281329; ICos ED 178, 215, 236. 147. IMagn 98 (early 2nd cent. B.C.); Nilsson, Feste 2327. 148. Chaniotis, A., Acclamations as a Form of Religious Communication, in Cancik, H./Rpke, J. (eds.), Die Religion des Imperium Romanum. Koine und Konfrontationen (2009) 199201. 149. Furley/Bremer, Hymns I 61.

150. Dickie, M. W., Who Were Privileged to See the Gods?, Eranos 100 (2002) 109127. 151. Kall. h. Apoll. 1725. On the signicance of euphemia (use of appropriate language, and not ritual silence), see Gdde, S., Emotionale Verschiebungen. Zur Bedeutung der euphemia im griechischen Ritual, in Kneppe, A./Metzler, D. (eds.), Die emotionale Dimension antiker Religiositt (2003) 2146; Chaniotis (n. 148) 201. 152. Jameson, M. H., Theoxenia, in Hgg, AGCP EpigrEv 3557; Bruit, L./Lissarrague, F., Les thoxnies, in ThesCRA II 4 a Bankett, Gr. p. 225228. For theoxenia in sacrices for heroes see Ekroth 1, 264266 (cf. IG II2 1356 B 34, 2325). 153. IMagn 98; Nilsson, Feste 2324.

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. (), usually to Aphrodite as patron of concord, and on the next day the new magistrates oered a sacrice as they assumed oce and took their oath (); also a new age-class was accepted into citizenship and took the oath of citizenship156. Otherwise little evidence for the celebration of festivals on the rst day of the year survives157. That Zosimos of Priene invited all the population of the city to an opulent banquet when he entered oce on 1st Boedromion was an unusual extravagance158. Similarly, the rst day of each month was a day of sacrice (), but not necessarily a day of a festival (I.1.3). In Athens, most festivals of which the exact date is known took place around the middle of a month (between the 11th and the 20th day), possibly (at least originally) coinciding with the full moon159. Because of their cyclical nature, festivals were connected with the observation of seasonal changes (the rise of stars, the length of the day, changes in vegetation) and with seasonal activities (ploughing, harvesting, collecting the grapes, opening the jars with new wine, seafaring, the seasonal movement of livestock, seasonal military activities). They reveal the anxiety of humans to get divine protection in crucial moments of the year, when their prosperity does not only depend on their work but also on external factors (weather conditions, foreign attacks), in the time of ploughing and harvest, in historical periods when scarcity of food, raids of pirates, and foreign invasions could reasonably be expected. They also reveal the need to express gratitude and to celebrate after a critical or toilsome period has come to an end and a short moment of leisure is aordable. The function of a festival usually found its emblematic expression in rituals, symbols, and cult paraphernalia. It should be noted, however, that the symbolic signicance of rites and objects could change or be misunderstood in the course of time. A good example of symbols may be provided by the eiresione (I.1.6). As already mentioned, its form (branch), its decoration (gs, honey, oil, wine, fruits), and the fact that it was carried by young persons, all this can plausibly be associated with concepts of fertility, wealth, and growth. The wool threads, which were twined around the branch, reappear in the branches carried by the suppliants () and in the branches with which worshippers asked Apollo for help against disease;

loaded with associations with fertility154. The festivals name refers to a specic oering (), a barley and vegetable stew and a barley bread. A central ritual was the carrying of the eiresione, a branch of olive or laurel around which white and red wool threads were twined and on which all kinds of fruits, gs, and cakes in the form of harps, small bowls, grape branches etc. were hanging (cf. IV.4.4). The eiresione was carried by young individuals; in the ocial procession the bearer of the eiresione was a boy, whose parents were both alive; the Greek designation (a child blooming on both sides) evoked fertility, exactly as the processional song explicitly expressed the wish for abundance of agricultural products; the children carried the eiresione from house to house, singing a song: the eiresione carries gs, rich cakes, honey in a jug, olive oil for anointment, and a bowl of sweet wine, from which you shall drink and get tired. The owners of the houses gave gifts to the children in order to guarantee the blessing of the eiresione, in accordance with the principle of reciprocity (cf. I.1.6). In addition to their primary function as an institutionalised occasion of communication between a cult community and its gods, festivals fullled other important functions: As part of the calendar, they marked the beginning and the end of the year and articulated it, especially when they were connected with seasonal activities; they were also connected with important turning points in the biological and social life of individuals (I.5); they made a community jointly remember events mythical or historical of great signicance for its identity. These main functions of festivals are so closely interconnected that, in a diachronic perspective, Greek festivals defy any classication that gives more emphasis to a single function (cf. I.6). The very fact that most festivals were days xed in the calendar made them an important medium for the articulation of the year. The rst day of the year ( )155 not only marked the beginning of a new year. In the world of the Greek poleis, where most public functions were annual, the rst day of the year was also the day on which a new set of magistrates took oce and usually a new age-class of citizens was accepted into full citizenship. This new beginning was marked with sacrices. On the last day of the year, the magistrates, who left oce, oered a sacrice

154. Deubner 179198; Parke, Festivals 146149; Simon, Festivals 7677; Parker, Polytheism 481483. 155. SEG 21, 510, l. 2; 32, 1243, l. 31; ICret I ix.1, l. 146147. See Hodot, R. J., Dcret de Kym en lhonneur du prytane Klanax, GettyMusJ 10 (1980) 175176. 156. Bevilacqua, G., Eisitetria eisaggeia: Considerazioni sul decreto onorario per Timokrite, sacerdotessa di Aglauro, RendLinc Ser. 9, 6 (1995) 757766; Matthaiou, A., N IG II2 689, Horos 1012 (199298) 3945; Chaniotis 8, 4549; Chaniotis 9. Some examples: IG II2 689, l. 20; SEG 41, 1003 II; 48, 1040; ISestos 1.

157. For the possibility that the procession of the molpoi in Miletos was part of a New Years festival, see Herda, A., Der Apollo-Delphinios-Kult in Milet und die Neujahrsprozession nach Didyma. Ein neuer Kommentar der sog. MolpoiSatzung (2006); see Chaniotis, A., The Molpoi Inscription: Ritual Prescription or Riddle?, Kernos 23 (2010) 375379. 158. IPriene 113, l. 5360 (1st cent. B.C.). 159. Trmpy 2.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. wool was conceived as an apotropaic medium (). These connections suggest that the eiresione symbolically represented both the wish for fertility and the request for divine protection in time of need160. An eiresione song, sung by children who went from house to house in Samos during a festival of Apollo, clearly expressed these ideas161: We are coming to the house of a powerful man. Powerful he is, and he should have good fortune. Now, will you open the door? For great wealth will enter the house, and along with wealth also fortune and the fair peace. All jars may be full; re should always be in the oven; there should be beautiful, thick barley bread in plenty, with a lot of sesame. Look, a woman is coming for your boy. Mules are pulling her wagon to your house. She shall sit at the loom and weave all day long. We have come, as in every year; we have come like the swallow; we are standing in front of your door. Now, give us at last something, and Apollo Agyieus will be merciful for you, etc.. The functions of festivals were subject to change (I.1.6). For this reason, the development of festivals over time is a serious obstacle for a taxonomy. In the historical periods for which we have reliable sources the form in which a festival was celebrated was the result of a very long development, and consequently the celebration was loaded with symbols and meanings of dierent origins (e.g. V.23; see also IV.3.5.1). For instance, many festivals seem to have their origin in the eort of primarily agricultural communities to safeguard divine protection for the elds and the harvest. This signicance was expressed by the festivals name, rituals, and ritual objects or by the character of the deity to whom the festival is dedicated, as a patron of agriculture and fertility162. However, in the periods to which most of the source material dates (Hellenistic and Imperial periods), the agricultural signicance of a festival could have changed, if not in every Greek city, certainly so in major urban centres163. To classify a festival according to the signicance it may have had in archaic times is an ahistorical approach, which gives priority to origins over developments, to early periods over late periods, and, unavoidably, to inference over evidence. For example, to characterize the festival Thargelia as a festival of fertility, only because its early function may have been the protection of the elds and purication, means to ignore the unequivocal evidence for its re-interpretation as a patriotic festival with mili160. Cf. Plut. Thes. 22, 6: c b b , c [cf. 18, 1], b a e c , 2. 161. Nilsson, Feste 116118. This festival took place on the day of the new moon in the spring, possibly on the rst day of Thargelion.

21

tary overtones in the Hellenistic period164. Instead, it is more fruitful to examine how dierent parameters dened the particular prole of a festival. Such parameters include the divine or deied gure honoured in the festival; the rituals and the programme; the time and periodicity of the celebration; the intended result (e.g. protection of the elds or of fertility, removal of pollution and atonement, commemoration of a victory, commemoration of the dead, etc.); the gender, age, legal status (free, slaves, foreign residents, married/unmarried) of the active and passive participants; the type of the festive community (family, civic subdivision, civic community, ethnic community, initiates); oral performances (hymns, prayers, acclamations). Depending on such parameters one may distinguish between dierent types of festivals: festivals related to the agricultural year; family festivals; commemorative rites for the dead; festivals of the ruler cult; commemorative anniversaries; womens festivals; festivals that promoted fertility; puricatory festivals; festivals of renewal and reversal (verkehrte Welt)165; inclusive and exclusive festivals (e.g. festivals in which various categories of individuals are excluded: non-citizens, slaves, representatives of a gender, non-Greeks, etc.). However, festivals were rarely monosemantic. This calls for a holistic approach in the study of festivals, an approach that considers their historical development, the place where they were celebrated, the rituals, the community of worshippers, participants, and ociants, the aetiological myths, the layout, furnishing, and decoration of the sanctuary, and the type of dedications. Sometimes the study of these features reveals contrasts, contradictions and discrepancies; some of the contrasts were intentional part of the signicance of the festival; the discrepancies were usually the result of complex historical developments, and as such also part of the signicance of a festival (I.6).

2. Contests: definition, terminology, and general characteristics

Athletic, dramatic, and musical contests (, p, generally, but also somewhat misleadingly, designated as games, Spiele, jeux)166 were part of the programme of most festivals, and in some cases they were the most important part of the festival; they always took place in the context of a celebration, but not always in
162. On festivals and their relation to the agricultural cycle see Parker, Polytheism 195206. 163. Burkert, GrRel (Engl.) 226; Cartledge 101102. 164. Chaniotis 12, 100101. 165. On dissolution and renewal in new years festivals see the remarks of Burkert, HN (1983) 135212. 166. Rarely called : ICos ED 145, l. 31: a .

22

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. From the Hellenistic period onwards contests in honour of rulers rst of Hellenistic kings, later of Roman emperors, occasionally for members of royal families and their friends or for members of the imperial family , the Goddess Rome (^P)173 and Roman provincial governors174 were added to the traditional contests organised for gods and for mortals of elevated status (heroes, war dead). Also innumerable contests were endowed by individuals175. This increased the number of contests tremendously176. It has been estimated that by the second century A.D. about 500 agones are attested in inscriptions and coins177. Because of this increase in agonistic festivals, the Emperor Hadrian intervened in 134 A.D., establishing a strict sequence in which the most important contests should take place178. The most prestigious contests were those that awarded crowns as prizes (g ), not money (g , , ; cf. , , )179. Although the claim of an inscription of Magnesia that the other contests were originally established with moneyed prizes, but later became crown-awarding contests as a result of oracles180 is an anachronistic generalisation, one can observe a general trend towards an upgrade of the rank of contests. Supported by oracles181, kings, and later emperors182, many cities tried to have their most important contests recognized as sacred and crowned (g e )183. Among the crowned agons some were more prestigious than others.

the context of festivals167. Contests also took place in connection with the funerary cult ( ), as part of the training of boys and girls, especially in the gymnasion (often called ^E), and on the occasion of weddings168. In addition to the contests organised by poleis and federations (amphiktyonies and koina), there were also privately founded public contests in order to honour individuals, usually deceased family members ()169. Not every festival included a contest () in its programme, but most did, and from the Hellenistic period onwards the contest became the most important element of a festival (hence the modern designation of some festivals as agonistic festivals). Just like the festivals, the contests in most cases derived their name (neuter plural) from the name or the epithet of the divinity or the mortal in whose honour they took place (e.g. \A, \A, , M, , , etc.). There were exceptions, such as contests given the name of their founder (e.g. E and at Oinoanda), or a name that referred to the reason of their foundation (g X),170 or a name that referred to a particular feature e.g. the \A in Argos, named after a hill. Sometimes the designation of the contests was a paraphrase e.g. the Larisean contest for those who fought among the rst at the Stena (g d ), which commemorated a battle in 171 B.C.171. Also the word is attested as part of the name of a festival (Nymphaia or N)172.

167. General overview: Rudhardt, Notions 149158. 168. Funeral contests: see n. 21. Contests in the gymnasion: see n. 202. Contests during royal weddings: e.g. Diod. 16, 92, 5; 16, 94; Plut. Arat. 17. 169. Laum I 9396. E.g. ICentral Pisidia 122128; IPerge 128 ( O); 315 ( d ); 317 ( ); ISide II 120 (\Ac ); no. 121126 ( c T). 170. OGIS 253; I.Estremo Oriente 103 (Babylon, early 2nd cent. B.C.). 171. SEG 53, 550. 172. Slater/Summa 294. 173. Mellor, R., a ^P. The Worship of the Goddess Roma in the Greek World (1975) 169173. E.g. IG XII 6, 200 (Rhomaia kai Attaleia in Samos). 342 (Rhomaia in Miletos); IOropos 521 (Amphiaraia kai Rhomaia); Knoeper 4; SEG 54, 516 (Rhomaia in Thebes); Robert, OMS VII 681694 (Rhomaia in Xanthos). 174. Soteria and Moukieia for Q. Mucius Scaevola (Pergamon, c. 10090 B.C.): IPerg 268; OGIS 438/439; games for L. Valerius Flaccus (Tralleis, early 1st cent. B.C.): Cic. Flacc. 52. 5556. 59. See Rigsby (n. 84) 141149. 175. E.g. IPerge 77 (Perge, early 2nd cent. A.D.); SEG 47, 1771 (Termessos, 2nd cent. A.D.). 176. Chaniotis 2, 148153; Vial; Musti, D., Isopythios, isolympios e dintorni, RivFil 130 (2002 [2005]) 130148. The number of agonistic festivals known through inscriptions continually increases with new nds, for which see the index of SEG. 177. Leschhorn, W., Die Verbreitung von Agonen in den stlichen Provinzen des Rmischen Reiches, in Collo-

quium Agonistik in der rmischen Kaiserzeit 1995 (1998) 3157. 178. Petzl/Schwertheim 6991 (SEG 56, 1359); cf. Jones, C. P., Three New Letters of the Emperor Hadrian, ZPE 161 (2007) 145156 (English translation). 179. : IMagn 16, l. 16. : FGrH 239 38; : IG II2 3163; IG V 1, 542; IvO 237; ISmyrna 659; : IG II2 3163; FDelphes III 1, 89. 547; MAMA VIII 420; : ITrall 118, 122, 136; : Bean, G. E., Side Kitabeleri (1965) no. 149. 180. IMagn 16, l. 2224. According to the Parian Chronicle (FGrH 239 38) the Pythian festival was rst founded as a money contest in 591 B.C. ( g e e ) and became crowned festival in 582 B.C. 181. E.g. IMagn 16, l. 1826; IG XI 4, 1298; LSCG 73; Aneziri 1, no. D10; ISide II 134; Robert, L., Documents dAsie Mineure (1987) 156173. 182. E.g. IMagn 180, l. 911: a a e ^A; for the upgrade of the Didymeia of Miletos with imperial patronage (177 A.D.) see Herrmann, P., Fragment einer Senatsrede Marc Aurels aus Milet, IstanbMitt 78 (1988) 309313 (on Milet I 9, 337). 183. Robert, OMS II 784785; Robert, OMS VI 709710; Pleket, H. W., Games, Prizes, Athletes and Ideology. Some Aspects of the History of Sport in the GrecoRoman World, Stadion 1 (1975) 4989; id., Einige Betrachtungen zum Thema Geld und Sport, Nikephoros 17 (2004) 7789; Slater/Summa. The term is attested as a technical term in IG IV2 1, 68, l. 73 (302 B.C.).

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. Another type of upgrading, attested from the third century B.C. onwards, was to declare a contest as of equal rank with that of other festivals, such as the Pythia and the Olympia, later the Aktia and the Kape(i)tolia and so on (g , , , , , )184. This designation means that the cities which recognized a festival as such rewarded their citizens who won a victory with the same material awards and privileges as those reserved for the Pythia, the Olympia, etc.185. In the Imperial period an important rank distinction was that of the iselastic contest (g ). The winners of these contests received from their cities of origin important privileges, although the nature of these privileges is subject to dierent interpretations. They may have included a ceremonial entrance into the city (), not necessarily through a breach in the city-wall, and a money prize186. In the Imperial period communities displayed local pride for the elevated status of their agonistic festivals, pompously listing their titles (e.g. g e e 187). New contests continued to be founded until the mid-third century A.D. The most prominent agonistic festival in Side, the a was only founded in 243 A.D.188; two metrical oracles concerning the foundation of the agon were inscribed on a gilded altar which was dedicated on the third celebration of the agon189. Some of these new agons were short-lived, for instance because a community had no reasons to continue honouring the mortal for whom they had been established (a king or an emperor), because the endowment was

23

not sucient, or because the driving force of the contest had died. For instance, the contest Euaresteia founded by Iulius Lucius Pilius Euarestos at Oinoanda took place ve times, with the founder serving as agonothetes, it was celebrated once after his death and never again190. In addition to the agonistic programme (the competitions), contests included religious rituals, political and social events, and cultural performances (epideictic orations, victory songs, etc.). Libations were oered by the priests to the gods191; important announcements were made192; magistrates and honoured individuals were invited to take a seat of honour () and honours were announced193. During which contest and at which point of the contest an individual would receive the honorary crown, depended very much on the signicance of his achievement, and one can recognize a certain hierarchy of honours194. The contests consisted of competitions in athletic and equestrian disciplines (g , g ), music, dance, and theatrical performances (g , g , g ), but also in unusual disciplines (e.g. a contest of sculptors in Aphrodisias, a contest of doctors in Pergamon, beauty contests in Lesbos195). The contests in the gymnasia concerned achievements related to educational values (see below). Most contests were athletic events. They included competitions in the classical disciplines of ancient sport: races over various distances (, , ), sometimes of armed men (), wrestling (), boxing (), pentathlon (discus, standing jump, javelin, stadion race, wrestling), and pankration196. The competi-

184. For these terms see e.g. CID IV 107 (, ); FDelphes III 1, 481482 (, ). 555 (); IBeroia 117 (); IMagn 16, l. 29 (); SEG 40, 1568 (). Discussions: Robert, OMS II 785; Slater/Summa 281282. The rst occurence of may be in connection with the Ptolemaia around 280 B.C. (cf. Parker 15). 185. E.g. IG VII 1735: a b p [ ] \A a M [ ] d a [ ] d [d] a [ ], a Bd d [ ] (Mouseia of Thespiai, late 3rd cent. B.C.). 186. For g see FDelphes III 3, 551. 557; IBeroia 69; IGBulg III 1, 890891; IEphes 4114; ISardis 79; cf. Strasser 2; Slater/Summa 280. 293. For eiselasis see SEG 41, 1003 II, l. 4647 (Teos, 204 B.C.): \ i [f] c . Cf. Plin. ep. 10, 118119; Suet. Nero 25. For money prizes to winners of crowned contests see IEphes 1415 (2nd cent. B.C.). 187. ISide II 134 and 143 (the Hiera Pythia in Side, 3rd cent. A.D.). 188. ISide II 134 and 143. 189. ISide II 134. 190. Hall. A./Milner, N., Education and Athletics. Documents Illustrating the Festivals of Oenoanda, in French, D. (ed.), Studies in the History and Topography of Lycia and Pisidia in Memoriam A. S. Hall (1994) 29.

191. ICos ED 180, l. 2022: SEG 51, 1054 A 35. On libations see Simon, E., Libation, in ThesCRA I (2004) 237253. 192. Chaniotis 10, 5459. 193. E.g. I.Ilion 1, l. 5051: b [e d] [ ] [] (Panathenaia of Ilion, late 4th cent. B.C.); Chaniotis 10, 5962. 194. Chaniotis 10, 5659. 195. Contests of sculptors in Aphrodisias: MAMA VIII 519 (g ); of doctors in Pergamon (g ): Samama, ., Les mdecins dans le monde grec (2003) 334338; IEphes 11611162. 11641165. 4101; beauty contests in Lesbos and Elis: Lesbos: Ath. 13, 609e610a; Nilsson, Feste 57. 196. For these disciplines see the lists of victors in Moretti; cf. Ebert (n. 41); see e.g. IOropos 520525. 527. 528530 (Amphiaraia). On Greek contests see the many contributions of L. Robert (OMS I, II, V, VII), various contributions and bibliography in the journal Nikephoros and the studies of Ebert (n. 41); Pleket (n. 183); Strasser 14. Useful books of reference: Sweet, W. E., Sport and Recreation in Ancient Greece. A Sourcebook with Translations (1987); Golden, M., Sport and Society in Ancient Greece (1998); Reed, N. B., More than just a Game. The Military Nature of Greek Athletic Contests (1998); Phillips, D. J./Pritchard, D. (eds.), Sport and Festival in the Ancient Greek World, (2003); Crowther, N. B., Athletika. Studies on the Olympic Games and Greek Athletics (2004); Miller, S. G., Ancient Greek

24

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. tion in throwing a javelin while riding on a horse (), jumping from a chariot or a horse (), etc.199. Participation in equestrian disciplines was the privilege of the horse-breading and horse-owning higher classes. They were very important especially in connection with the commemoration of battles. A contest organised by Larisa to honour its warriors who fought in a pass near Mt. Ossa included in addition to the more common equestrian events a c , that is a competition in charging a sudden cavalry attack, and bull-hunting ()200. As we know from lists of victors, women participated in equestrian events as owners of horses201. The most common competition in the gymnasia was the torch-race202. Other competitions reected the values and skills that were transmitted in the gymnasia: order, manly appearance, good physical condition, good maintenance and use of weapons, and diligence (, , , , , )203. For example, the programme of competitions in the gymnasion of Samos204 included disciplines such as the use of the catapult () and an engine used for hurling stones (), javelin, archery, ghting with shield and lance (), and ghting with the small shields of the Galatian type (), in addition to classical athletic competitions. But depending on the idiosyncrasies (e.g. the education) of the gymnasiarchos unusual contests could also be organised, such as the literary contests ( [] ) organised by Zosimos in Priene205. Beyond the athletic and equestrian events, thymelic and musical competitions were extremely popular (g // )206. The most popular music competitions were those among choruses of boys and men

tions took place according to age-classes (, e , , ). Races for girls are attested in exceptional cases197. Allegedly the oldest, certainly the most renowned and long-lived agonistic festival was the Olympia, allegedly founded in 776 B.C. and abolished in 393 A.D.198. For this festival, the spondophoroi announced a sacred truce, which allowed participants from all Greek cities to attend the celebration, which lasted six days. After the religious rites of the rst day and the oath ceremony of theathletes, ten competitions for adult men took place in four days: stadion race, diaulos, dolichos (24 stadia), race of men with heavy armour (), pentathlon, wrestling, boxing, chariot race, horse race, and pankration; another three competitions were for boys: stadion race, wrestling, and boxing. A board of ten judges from Elis (^E) declared the winners, who received their prizes, crowns of wild olive branches cut from the sacred grove of the Altis. Further celebrations (procession, singing of songs for victors and gods, banquet) followed, and the panegyris also oered opportunities for traders to sell their goods and orators to display their skills (e.g. Paus. 6, 17, 7 on Gorgias). Equestrian events (g ) were less common, but very spectacular, popular, and prominent in areas with a tradition in horsebreeding. They included a very large variety of events: races of single horses, both young and grown-up ( , ), of war horses ( , , ), of pairs of horses (d , d ) and mules ( ), races of chariots drawn by young and grown-up horses ( , ), mounted torch races (), competi-

Athletics (2004); Kyle, D. G., Sport and Spectacle in the Ancient World (2007); Papakonstantinou, Z. (ed.), Sport in the Cultures of the Ancient World. New Perspectives (2010). 197. Mantas, K., Women and Athletics in the Roman East, Nikephoros 8 (1995) 125144; Strasser 1, 289296 (on FDelphes III 1, 534). 198. Coulson, W./Kyrieleis, H. (eds.), Proceedings of an International Symposium on the Olympic Games 1988 (1992); Bruit Zaidman/Schmitt Pantel 116121; Weiler, I. (ed.), Olympia Sport und Spektakel. Die Olympische Spiele im Altertum und ihre Rezeption im modernen Olympismus (1997); Lee, H. M., The Program and Schedule of the Ancient Olympic Games (2001); Nielsen, T. H., Olympia and the Classical Hellenic City-State Culture (2007). For the popularity of the Olympic Games until the 4th cent. A.D. see Ebert, J., Zur neuen Bronzeplatte mit Siegerinschriften aus Olympia, in Colloquium Agonistik in der rmischen Kaiserzeit 1995 (1998) 137149; Sinn, U., Olympia: Pilgrims, Athletes and Christians. The Development of the Site in Late Antiquity, in Docter, R. F./Moormann, E. M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XVth International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Amsterdam 1998 (1999) 377380. 199. Strasser 1, 273289; e.g. SEG 54, 560. Dismounting from a chariot () is almost exclusively attested for the Panathenaia: Parker, Polytheism 183. See also Golden, M.,

Equestrian Competition in Ancient Greece: Dierence, Dissent, Democracy, Phoenix 51 (1997) 327344. 200. SEG 54, 559 + 55, 606. 201. E.g. SEG 54, 560, l. 1617 (chariot race, Eleutheria of Larisa, 1st cent. B.C.). The most famous victory is that of Kyniska, the sister of the Spartan king Agesilaos: Kyle, D. G., The Only Woman in Greece. Kyniska, Agesilaus, Alcibiades and Olympia, Journal of Sport History 30 (2003) 183203. 202. On agons in gymnasia see Gauthier, P./Hatzopoulos, M. B., La loi gymnasiarchique de Beroia (1993) 95123; Weiler, I., Gymnastik und Agonistik im hellenistischen Gymnasion, in Kah, D./Scholz, P. (eds.), Das hellenistische Gymnasion (2004) 2546. Torch-races: Gauthier, P., Du nouveau sur les courses aux ambeaux daprs deux inscriptions de Kos, RPh 69 (1995) 576585; e.g. IG II2 956961, 1006; I3 82; IByzantion 11; ICos ED 145. See also III.1.2.2.1. 203. E.g. IG XII 6, 1, l. 179184; SEG 3, 355; 26, 551; OGIS 339 = ISestos 1; IBeroia 1. 204. IG XII 6, 1, 179184. 205. IPriene 113, l. 2829 (1st cent. B.C.). 206. On these terms see Wrrle 227228. E.g. MAMA VIII 492. Musical contests: Manieri (Anm. 38). See also III.1.2.2.2; IV.2.2.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. representing the civic subdivisions of the polis207. The best attested thymelic festival is the Dionysiac festival in Athens (see IV.4; cf. III.2.2). Usually, theatrical performances (tragedy, comedy, satyr play), both the presentation of new plays and the production of classics, were part of musical competitions, which also included a variety of further competitions in poetry, music, dance accompanied by song, and vocal performances of heralds208. A more or less standard schedule of competitions was developed in the Hellenistic period, which allowed for variations. It can be observed in the schedule of the festival of the Lysimacheia in Aphrodisias, which included the following disciplines: trumpeter (), herald (), encomium writer (), poet (), pythic oboist (), oboist (), kithara player (), boy kithara-singer ( ), choral oboist (), tragic chorus (e ), choral kithara-player (), comedian (), tragedian (), general contest of comedians (c ), general contest of tragedians (c ), new comedy ( ), ancient comedy ( ), new tragedy (c ), pyrrhic dance (), adult kithara-singer ()209. Some contests were exclusively associated with specic festivals. For instance, competition in the dance pyrrhiche originally only took place at the Panathenaia210. A contest among sophists is attested only at the Amphiaraia of Oropos211; competitions of rhapsodes seem to be a speciality of Boiotia212. The contests of some festivals were closely connected with their character. The Oschophoria,

25

for example, included a race, but this race was in many ways dierent than others: the runners had to cover a long distance from the sanctuary of Dionysos in Athens to the Oschophorion in Piraeus, and they had to run carrying a vine branch213. These two features, along with the unique prize (the drink pentapla) and the winners participation in a komos, distinguished this race from all others. Similarly, at the Spartan Karneia the running competition had a special character, as the young men competed carrying bunches of grapes ()214. A special kind of race in full armour ( ) took place at the Eleutheria of Plataiai, a commemorative festival for the victory of the Greeks over the Persians (478 B.C.); the contestants had to run in full armour from the trophy of the battle to the altar of Zeus Eleutherios (c. 2500 m); the victor received the honorary title the best of the Hellenes ( ^E)215. Another special competition at the Eleutheria was the (debate), a rhetorical competition between representatives of Athens and Sparta, introduced in the second century B.C. The representative of Athens tried to prove that the contribution of his native city to the victory was more signicant than that of Sparta, and the representative of Sparta tried to prove the opposite. A Panhellenic jury decided who had brought the most convincing arguments, and the city whose orator won had the privilege to lead the procession (propompeia)216. An inscription found in Athens preserves a fragment of a speech delivered on this occasion217. In Delos the Apollonia included a competition of utists in e , i.e. a representation of the battle of Apollon and the Python218. As already mentioned, the

207. Calame, Choruses; Parker, Polytheism 181183 (for the choral contests during the Athenian Thargelia and Dionysia); see also IV.1.3. 208. An invaluable work of reference is a prosopography of ancient performers, which also includes the winners in musical and thymelic contests: Stephanis, I. E., d T. b c d ^E (1988). Without claiming completeness, we give a list of disciplines attested in thymelic and musical contests: , , , e e , , , , , , , / , c /, , , , , , c , c , c , c ^P, c , c , , , , , , , /, c , c , , , , e . See e.g. the lists of victors in IOropos 521. 523. 524. 526. 528. 531. 209. Rouech, C., Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman and Late Roman Periods (1993) 173174. The Mouseia of Thespiai probably served as a model: Bonnet. A similar programme can be found in the festival Demostheneia (V.6).

210. Ceccarelli 3136; Shear, J. L., Atarbos Base and the Panathenaia, JHS 123 (2003) 164180. In the Imperial period it is attested in Aphrodisias (Rouech [n. 209] 173 no. 53); a pyrrichistes, winner in an unknown agon in MAMA VI 58. 211. IG VII 414 = IOropos 520, l. 8 (late 4th cent. B.C.). 212. West, M. L., Rhapsodes at Festivals, ZPE 173 (2010) 1011. 213. Kadletz, E., The Race and Procession of the Athenian Oschophoroi, GRBS 21 (1980) 363371; Rutherford, I. C./Irvine, J. A. D., The Race of the Athenian Oschophoria and an Oschophoricon by Pindar, ZPE 72 (1988) 4351; Parker, Polytheism 212. 214. Brelich, Paides 150151; Pettersson, Apollo 6871. 215. Paus. 9, 2, 57; IG V 1, 628 and 641 Robert, L., Recherches pigraphiques, 1: A ^E, REA 31 (1929) 225226; Moretti 151156 no. 59. 216. Robertson, N., A Point of Precedence at Plataia. The Dispute between Athens and Sparta Over Leading the Procession, Hesperia 55 (1986) 88102. 217. IG II2 277; Chaniotis, A., Historie und Historiker in den griechischen Inschriften (1988) 4248. 218. Prtre, C. La tabula dlienne de 168 av. J.-C., BCH 124 (2000) 261271 (SEG 50, 725).

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. because of the fame, the strength, or the skill of an athlete223. The prizes at agonistic festivals diered substantially224, from crowns made of wild olive (Olympia), laurel (Pythia), celery (Nemea), and celery and later pine (Isthmia)225 to vases lled with olive oil for the victors of the athletic and equestrian events of the Panathenaia (the Panathenaic amphorae)226, grain collected from a sacred plain for the winners at the Eleusinia227, shields for contests in the gymnasium228, tripods for the sponsors of chorus contests (dedicated at their own expense)229, and cash230. At the Serapieia of Tanagra the crowns were made of gold of specic value, thus combining material value with prestige231. Songs (, such as those composed by Pindar) gloried the victors, their ancestors, and their city232. The social prestige of the victors in agonistic festivals was very signicant, especially of the victors in crown-contests ()233. The honours they received from their home town depended on the rank and prestige of the festival and ranged from a ceremonial entrance (; see n. 186), an honorary position in a procession234, and a seat of honor (), to cash prizes and free food in public meals ()235. The increasing popularity of contests made their ceremonial background more elaborate. For instance, in Kos the priest of Hermes Enagonios (the patron of agones) crowned all winners of crowned contests in an annual ceremony, during which their names were announced236; at Aizanoi a boy was charged with cutting the victors wreaths and carrying them to the scene of the contest ()237.

typical race of the gymnasion was the torch-race (). The programme of contests continued to develop in the Imperial period. Although performances of mimic dancers () were very popular already from the Classical period, they were included in agonistic festivals only in the late second century A.D. They were rst added to the Sebasta in Neapolis, then to other agons (Leukophryena, Kapitolia, Olympia, Asklepieia, Kommodeia, Sebasta Koina Asias in Pergamon, Kommodeia, Herakleia Dionysia in Thebes, Ephesia, etc.)219. The participation of women in contests was not uncommon but subject to special regulations220. For instance a race of girls took place at the Heraia in Elis (Paus. 5, 16, 2). As already mentioned, they did participate in equestrian contests but only as owners of horses. In the course of time allwomen athletic competitions were introduced. An inscription at Delphi records the victory of three sisters in stadion and armed chariot race at the Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean contests (rst century A.D.), but it is not certain whether they competed against men221, as they probably did in musical competitions. There were cases of undecided competitions because both opponents withdrew or because the agon was interrupted by the trainers; then the award was dedicated to the god (); sometimes, both opponents were declared victors (), e.g. because of time constraints or because the opponents agreed to share the victory and the awards222. Victories without competition (, ) in athletic agons were very prestigious, especially when they were achieved

219. Strasser 4. Cf. Slater, W. J., The Pantomime Tiberius Iulius Apolaustus, GRBS 36 (1995) 263292. 220. Lee, H. M., SIG3 802: Did Women Compete Against Men in Greek Athletic Festivals?, Nikephoros 1 (1988) 103117; Bernardini, P. A., Le donne e la pratica della corsa nella grecia antica, in id., Lo Sport in Grecia (1988) 153184; Dillon, M., Did Parthenoi Attend the Olympic Games? Girls and Women Competing, Spectating, and Carrying out Cult Roles at Greek Religious Festivals, Hermes 128 (2000) 457480. On the Heraia in Elis see Scanlon, T., The Heraia at Olympia Revisited, Nikephoros 21 (2008) 159196; see also II.11.2. 221. Syll.3 802; Lee (n. 220). 222. Crowther, N. B., Resolving an Impasse: Draws, Dead Heats and Similar Decisions in Greek Athletics, Nikephoros 13 (2000) 125140. 223. Crowther, N. B., Victories Without Competition in the Greek Games, Nikephoros 14 (2001) 2944. 224. Rudhardt, Notions 155156; Rumscheid, J., Kranz und Krone. Zu Insignien, Siegespreisen und Ehrenzeichen der rmischen Kaiserzeit (2000). 225. Broneer, O., The Isthmian Victory Crown, AJA 66 (1962) 259263. 226. Shear, J. L., Prizes from Athens: the List of Panathenaic Prizes and the Sacred Oil, ZPE 142 (2003) 87108; Johnston, A., Panathenaic Amphorae Again, ZPE 161 (2007) 101104; III.1.1. 227. IEleusis 177 l. 386391.

228. Gauthier, P./Hatzopoulos, M. B., La loi gymnasiarchique de Beroia (1993) 100102; IG VII 2712, l. 2225; OGIS 339 (= ISestos 1), l. 7983; SEG 30, 1073. In some contests in the gymnasium the prize was a sacricial basket: Culasso Gastaldi, E., Il canestro di Anteros. Osservazioni in margine a SEG XXXII 216, ZPE 162 (2007) 125131. 229. Wilson 1, 198213. 230. Pleket 2. See also n. 235. 231. Calvet, M./Roesch, P., Les Sarapieia de Tanagra, RA (1966) 297332. This seems to be the case with the crown awarded at the Leukophryena of Magnesia on the Maeander (IMagn 16, l. 2829), although Slater/Summa have presented an alternative restoration of this passage. 232. Hornblower, S./Morgan, C. (eds.), Pindars Poetry, Patrons, and Festivals. From Archaic Greece to the Roman Empire (2007); Neumann-Hartmann, A., Epinikien und ihr Auhrungsrahmen (2009). See also IV.3.5.2. 233. On hieronikai see LSAM 32, l. 3940; Robert, L./ Robert, J., Claros I. Dcrets hellnistiques (1989) 2023. 234. E.g. LSAM 32, l. 40; 81, l. 1112; LSCG 163, l. 78; IPerg 246, l. 34. 235. Slater/Summa 293. In Samos, a benefactor gave crowns to boys who had won contests in other cities (IG XII 6, 290). 236. ICos ED 145, l. 7479 (3rd cent. B.C.). 237. MAMA IX 30. Cf. IDidyma 162163 and 195; Robert, OMS I 633519.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. The winners often dedicated their prize to a god, or made other dedications to commemorate their victory in sanctuaries238. In Hellenistic Kos, all winners of crowned contests were obliged to make a sacrice to Hermes Enagonios239. In the case of prestigious contests, even to have been accepted in the competition () could be regarded an honour240. What also contributed to the fame of a winner were victories in the circuit (), victories under unusual conditions (), and a great number of victories ()241. The sociology of ancient athletic and musical competition is a very complex phenomenon, since the participants in the contests included both professionals and the scions of elite families242.

27

3. Programme
Greek festivals were usually characterized by the same programme243: a procession, the oering of a sacrice, accompanied by prayers and hymns, and a banquet. Not all festivals included contests, but from the Hellenistic period onwards the contest () was one of the most important elements of a festival (I.2). The expression procession, sacrice, and contest (c d d ) was sometimes used as a synonym of

(I.1). While the sacrice was the most important cultic element and the athletic and musical competitions the one that attracted most visitors, the procession usually was the object of the most elaborate staging. As far as we may judge from Mycenaean iconography and in part by information provided by the Linear B texts , the procession, the sacrice, and the banquet were component elements of festivals already in the late Bronze Age244. In addition to sacred envoys who announced a festival in other cities (I.4.4), announcements were made by sacred heralds () in the place where the festival was to take place, the citizens were invited to attend, instructions were given through priestly proclamations, and in some cases undesired intruders were asked to stay away245. An impression of how the beginning of a festival was announced is provided by a decree of Magnesia on the Maeander concerning the new festival E on Artemis birthday (6th Artemision), which commemorated the dedication of the new statue of Artemis Leukophryene246. In the morning ( ) the magistrates and the citizens assembled in front of the Bouleuterion; while a libation was oered, the sacred herald invited all to oer a sacrice. Usually, a festival began with a procession247, which either brought something to a god or es-

238. Rudhardt, Notions 156; E.g. Lysias 21, 2; Isaios 5, 41; 7, 40; IG V 2, 403 = SEG 37, 337 (Lousoi, c. 475450 B.C.); IG IX2 1, 1566; IByzantion 11. For statues of victors in sanctuaries see Herrmann, H.-V., Die Siegerstatuen von Olympia. Schriftliche berlieferung und archologischer Befund, Nikephoros 1 (1988) 119183; cf. Rausa, F., Limmagine del vincitore. Latleta nella statuaria greca dallet arcaica allellenismo (1994); Steiner, D. T., Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2002). See also II.5. 239. ICos ED 145, l. 7479 (3rd cent. B.C.). 240. E.g. IG XII 2, 388: ; IG XII 6, 460: \O a . 241. E.g. IStraton 685: [], , []; IGRom III 321: [] . Examples in Robert, OMS I 645646. 242. See the studies of van Nijf, O., Local Heroes. Athletics, Festivals and Elite Self-Fashioning in the Roman East, in Goldhill, S. (ed.), In Being Greek under Rome. Cultural Identity, the Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire (2001) 306334; id., Athletics, Andreia and the AsksisCulture in the Roman East, in Rosen, R. M./Sluiter, I. (eds.), Andreia. Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (2003) 263286; id., Athletics and Paideia: Festivals and Physical Education in the World of the Second Sophistic, in Borg, B. E. (ed.), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic (2003) 203228; Pleket, H. W., Athleten im Altertum. Soziale Herkunft und Ideologie, Nikephoros 18 (2005) 151163. On the social aspects of ancient sport see also Mann, C., Athlet und Polis im archaischen und frhklassischen Griechenland (2001); Nicholson, N. J., Aristocracy and Athletics in Archaic and Classical Greece (2005); Christesen, P., The Transformation of Athletics in Sixth-Century Greece, in Schaus, G. P./Wenn, S. R. (eds.), Onward to the Olympics. Historical Perspectives on the Olympic Games (2007) 5968; Golden, M., Greek Sport and Social Status (2008).

243. Cf. Parker, Polytheism 178191. 244. Burkert, GrRel (Engl.) 3439. 4346. On contests in the Mycenaean period see Rystedt, E., The Foot-Race and Other Athletic Contests in the Mycenaean World. The Evidence of the Pictorial Vases, OpusAth 16 (1986) 103116; Renfrew, C., The Minoan-Mycenean Origins of the Panhellenic Games, in Raschke, W. (ed.), The Archaeology of the Olympics and Other Festivals in Antiquity (1988) 1325. 245. Announcement of festival: e.g. Syll.3 1045/1046 (festival of Athena Itonia, Arkesine). Priestly proclamations: Dickie, M., Priestly Proclamations and Sacred Laws, ClQ 54 (2004) 579591. Prorrhesis in Eleusis: Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 369; Isokr. 4, 157; Deubner 72. Prorrhesis in other cults: Lukian. Alex. 38; Orig. Contra Celsum 3, 59; Victor, Lukian 156. 246. IMagn 100 = LSAM 33, l. 3649 (early 2nd cent. B.C.); Dunand 1; Gauthier, P., Epigraphica, RPh 64 (1990) 6165. 247. On processions in the Greek world: Nilsson, M. P., Die Prozessionstypen im griechischen Kult, in id., Opuscula Selecta I (1951) 166214; Bmer; Lehnstaedt, Prozession; Rice; Connor, W. R., Tribes, Festivals, and Processions. Civic Ceremonial and Political Manipulation in Archaic Greece, JHS 107 (1987) 4050; Rogers, G. M., The Sacred Identity of Ephesos. Foundation Myths of a Roman City (1991); Cole; Chaniotis 2; Brul, P., La cit en ses composantes: remarques sur les sacrices et la procession des Panathnes, Kernos 6 (1996) 3763; Khler, J., Pompai. Untersuchungen zur hellenistischen Festkultur (1996); Bremmer, GrRel 3941; Graf, F., Pompai in Greece. Some Considerations about Space and Ritual in the Greek Polis, in Hgg, Polis (1996) 5565; Kavoulaki 1; Gebauer, Pompai; Laxander, H., Individuum und Gemeinschaft im Fest. Untersuchungen zu attischen Darstellungen von Festgeschehen im 6. und frhen 5. Jh. v. Chr. (2002); Tsochos, C., a

28

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. The signicance of staging a procession is clearly revealed in Aristophanes description of Dikaiopolis preparations for the celebration of the rural Dionysia253: Say words of good omen! Say words of good omen! [Then, addressing his daughter, who is carrying the sacricial basket and his slave who is carrying the phallus]. The basket bearer should step forward a bit. Xanthias should hold the phallus up straight. Daughter, put down the basket, so I can perform the preliminaries. [The daughter turns to the mother] Mother, hand me the broth ladle, so I can pour broth over this cake. [Dikaiopolis comments] There, thats beautiful. [After a short prayer to Dionysos, Dikaiopolis continues]. Come now, daughter, make sure you bear the basket beautifully, beautiful as you are, and keep a look on your face as if you were eating a savoury. Blest is the man who will wed you and make you plenty of kittens, for no one farts better than you when the dawn comes. Forward march! And take care that no one steals your gold jewels unnoticed. Xanthias, you too must carry the phallus erect behind the basket bearer! And I will follow singing the phallic song. And you, wife, watch me from the roof. Forward!. Dikaiopolis, a farmer, takes care of every detail: the arrangement of the procession, the sequence of ritual actions, the appearance of the procession ( \ ), and public order. His daughter should carry the basket in a beautiful manner, the slave the phallus erect, the participants should watch their tongue. We also notice that the daughter wears her jewels. Dikaiopolis even makes sure that he has an audience. He sends his wife to the roof of his house to watch the procession from there. These are exactly the arrangements made by ancient cult regulations that concern themselves with the organisation of rituals254. A good example is the decree concerning a festival established in Antioch near Pyramos (c. 160 B.C.) to commemorate the end of a conict with Antioch near Kydnos255. Every year, on the an128, l. 3 (cult calendar, Dardanos, Imperial period); LSAM 81, l. 7 (festival of Homonoia, Antiocheia near Pyramos, c. 160 B.C.); : LSCG 46, l. 7 (Bendideia, Piraeus/Athens, late 3rd cent. B.C.); a : LSAM 9 = I.Ilion 52, l. 2930 (Iliaka, Ilion, 2nd cent. B.C.); the opposite the bouleuterion: LSS 44, l. 9; LSCG 80, l. 15; 81, l. 7 (Eumeneia, Attaleia, Alkesippeia, Delphi, 2nd cent. B.C.); : LSCG 92, l. 3536 (Artemisia, Eretria, c. 350 B.C.). 252. LSAM 50 = Milet I 3, 133, l. 2531; Georgoudi, S., La procession chantante des Molpes de Milet, in Brul, P./Vendries, C. (eds), Chanter les dieux. Musique et religion dans lAntiquit grecque et romaine (2001) 153171; Herda (n. 157). 253. Aristoph. Ach. 241262; ThesCRA I 1 Processions, Gr. 12; Chaniotis, A., d e e (2009) 141142; Kavoulaki 2, 238242. 254. Chaniotis 2, 155161. 255. LSAM 81; Savalli-Lestrade, I., Antioche du Pyrame, Mallos et Tarse/Antioche du Cydne la lumire de SEG XII, 511: Histoire, gographie, pigraphie, socit,

corted a god; for instance, a procession escorted the cult statue of Kore from Halos to Therai (Paus. 3, 20, 7). The procession reected the social dimensions of a festival, the hierarchy and the legal positions of a community, its values for instance unity, concord, success , and its traditions; myths and local traditions were alluded to by the carried objects or the processional songs. Because of the processions importance as a medium of the presentation of civic values and local cultural memory, the authorities took care for the participation of the youth, of large number of citizens, and of foreign spectators248. Processions usually started early in the morning249. The place of departure, the route, the stops, and the place where the procession ended had a symbolical signicance and were carefully selected250. Often the starting point was a public building or an altar in the agora251; after occasional stops for oerings and the singing of hymns, usually the procession ended at the altar. A good example for such stops is presented by the cult regulation of the Milesian molpoi252, concerning a procession in the rst month of the Milesian year (Taureon). The procession stopped at a shrine or statue of Hekate; the deposition of a stone () may be compared to an analogous ritual in the Eleusinian mysteries, whose cult functionaries included stone-bearers (); a second stop was made at the shrine of Dynamis, a personication of divine power, followed by stops to honour the Nymphs (in a meadow on Mt. Akron), Hermes (at Kelados, which may be the name of a river or a shrine), Phylios, and (Apollo?) Keraites. The seventh stop seven was Apollos sacred number was made in front of the statues of the Branchidai; a second stone was deposited at the end of the procession, in front of the gate of the sanctuary at Didyma. These stops and the rituals (deposition of stones, singing and dancing) were connected with Apollos cult.
. Prozessionen von der minoischen bis zur klassischen Zeit in Griechenland (2002); ThesCRA 1 Processions, Gr.; Parker, Polytheism 178180; Connelly 165173; Edelmann (n. 29) 153167; see III.1.2.1 248. On the signicance of processions for society and cultural memory see Chaniotis 2, 156157; Sumi 4; Chankowski; Wiemer 1 and 2. 249. LSS 44, l. 910 (Eumeneia, Delphi, 160/159 B.C.): ; IG II2 334 = LSCG 33 B 34 (Panathenaia, Athens, late 4th cent. B.C.): . 250. Bmer 19091910. E.g. LSCG 15, l. 3740 (procession to Eleusis, Athens, 1st cent. B.C.); a boundary stone of the procession of the pythaists from Athens to Delphi: Agora XIX p. 29 H 34 (4th cent. B.C.): } \ w U . 251. : SEG 33, 675, l. 8 (festival for Ariarathes IV, Kos, c. 188166 B.C.); IPerg 246, l. 1516 (festival for a victory of Attalos III, Pergamon, c. 139133 B.C.); LSS 61, l. 4546 (foundation of Kritolaos, Aigiale, late 2nd cent. B.C.); IGRom IV 292, l. 43 (celebration for the inauguration of the Diodoreion, Pergamon, c. 85 B.C.); LSCG

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. niversary of the foundation of an altar dedicated to the Homonoia, the following celebration would take place: On the day, on which the altar will be founded, a procession shall be held as beautiful and glamorous as possible, from the altar of the council to the sanctuary of Athena. The procession will be led by the demiourgos and the prytaneis (the members of the council). They will oer a sacrice of a cow with gilded horns to Athena and to Homonoia. The priests, all the other magistrates, the winners of the games, the supervisor of the gymnasium with all the ephebes and the young men, and the supervisor of the children with all the children, shall participate in the procession. Sacred regulations, especially of the Hellenistic and Imperial period, provide information concerning the preparation, arrangement, and decoration of the procession256: the cleaning of processional roads, the purchase of implements (especially of objects carried during the procession), the timing and the setting of the procession, the dress of the magistrates and the population, the timing of the various rituals, the sacricial animals, the participation of horsemen257 and victorious athletes (see n. 255), the musical accompaniment258, the arrangement of the participants into groups according to tribes, age-classes, hierarchy, prestige, or duties259, and the supervision of this strict order by special ocials (I.4.3). The exact position of the participants in the procession was subject to strict rules, especially the question who took the leading positions (). The procession from Athens to Eleusis was lead by the two chief cult functionaries of the mysteries, the hierophantes and the dadouchos260. Even the sequence in which the sacricial animals were led in the procession was subject to control according to trib-

29

al subdivisions and sometimes as a result of a competition among the tribes for the raising of the most beautiful animal (, )261. At Bargylia, on the day before the sacrice a competition among the sacricial animals raised by the tribes determined the position of the animals in theprocession (); the same men who were responsible for judging the competition of manliness () among the tribes, served as judges262. Processions were supposed to present a pleasing spectacle to the divinity, which was invited to come and to be honoured in the festival. This explains the signicance of the aesthetic element in the procession and the sacrice, as part of the strategies applied by communities of worshippers in their communications with gods263. The interest in aesthetically pleasing elements can be seen in the use of the verb (to make the most beautiful oering) in connection with the selection of the most beautiful sacricial animal; the selected animal was designated as ; the words and were synonyms of to sacrice and sacrice, respectively264. Aesthetic aspects played an important part from the earliest times, but it is only from the midfourth century B.C. onwards that their arrangement became part of public discourse, reected by cult regulations and honorary decrees for the individuals responsible for the organization of festivals. The relevant documents place the beauty of the processions (, , , ) in the foreground. The arrangements aimed at pleasing the senses of an audience and the responsible magistrates were honoured because they oered a beautiful spectacle265. A decree of Kalindoia in Macedonia (1 A.D.) honoured a lo-

in Virgilio, B. (ed.), Studi Hellenistici 12 (2006) 119245; Chaniotis, A., Dynamic of Emotions and Dynamic of Rituals. Do Emotions Change Ritual Norms?, in Brosius, C./Hsken, U. (eds.), Ritual Matters. Dynamic Dimensions in Practice (2010) 214215. 256. Chaniotis 2, 155161. 257. LSCG 93, l. 67; SEG 32, 456, l. 10; cf. Plut. Phoc. 37, 1. Cf. the expression /: Bmer 19041905. 258. E.g. LSCG 65, l. 29; 92, l. 3840; 163, l. 2629; Plut. Arat. 53, 6. 259. Cf. Robert, tudes 179180; Robert, OMS I 493495; Bmer 1904. 19081909; Habicht 152; Burkert, Structure 99; Chaniotis 2, 156158. Examples: LSAM 9 = I.Ilion 52, l. 2223 (Iliaka, Ilion, 2nd cent. B.C.); LSAM 32, l. 3641 (festival of Zeus Sosipolis, Magnesia on the Maeander, c. 185 B.C.); LSAM 81, l. 816 (festival of Homonoia, Antiocheia near Pyramos, c. 160 B.C.); LSCG 65, l. 2832 (mysteries, Andania, 24 A.D.); 163, l. 67 (festival of Nike, Kos, 2nd cent. B.C.); LSS 14, l. 3437 (Thargelia, Athens, 129/8 B.C.); 44, l. 910 (Eumeneia, Delphi, 160/59 B.C.); 45 = Staatsvertrge 523, l. 4143 (Aktia, Aktion, late 3rd cent. B.C.); I.Ilion 31, l. 1417 (Ilion, festival for Apollo and Seleukos I, 281 B.C.); IPerg 246, l. 40 (celebration for a victory of Attalos III, Pergamon, c. 139133 B.C.); IGRom IV 222, l. 4446 (festival for the inauguration of the Diodoreion,

Pergamon, after 85 B.C.); SEG 33, 675, l. 810 (festival for Ariarathes, Kos, c. 188166 B.C.). 260. IG II2 949, l. 910; Clinton, SO 46. 261. E.g. LSAM 9 = I.Ilion 52, l. 2024; I.Ilion 31, l. 1417; LSS 83, l. 712; LSCG 65, l. 33; 92, l. 3538; 159, l. 716. Competition among the tribes: Zimmermann, K., Spthellenistische Kultpraxis in einer karischen Kleinstadt. Eine lex sacra aus Bargylia, Chiron 30 (2000) 451485 (on SEG 44, 1508). 262. SEG 45, 1508 A/B; Blmel, W., Inschriften aus Karien I, EpAnat 25 (1995) 3539; id., Ein dritter Teil des Kultgesetzes aus Bargylia, EpAnat 32 (2000) 8994; Zimmermann (n. 261) (Bargylia, late second/early 1st cent. B.C.). 263. Chaniotis, A., Theatricality Beyond the Theater: Staging Public Life in the Hellenistic World, in Le Guen, B. (ed.), De la scne aux gradins. Thtre et reprsentations dramatiques aprs Alexandre le Grand dans les cits hellnistiques (1997) 245248; id., d e e (2009) 141147; Kavoulaki 2, 238253. See also IV.1.3 264. K: e.g. LSCG 33 B 22; 96; LSS 41; : LSCG 92, l. 37; and : LSCG 118, l. 67; LSCG 83, l. 32; 156 B 10; LSCG 180, l. 45. 265. E.g. IEleusis 70. 85 ( [] ), 95; 295 ( [ ]d c []).

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. season, the other group carried head-baskets full of sacricial cakes and incense-burners with which they lled the air with sweet-smelling smoke. They held each others hand either in a straight or in a crossing chorus-line so that it was possible for them simultaneously to walk forward and to dance. The other chorus provided the actual musical song for them for it had the job of singing the entire hymn. When the procession reached the altar, a sacrice was oered, prescribed by the cult regulations for the specic festival273. Depending on the festivals character, the details of the sacrice diered substantially. Such details included the type of sacrice (bloody or bloodless); the number, age, gender, species, and nature of the sacricial animal (e.g. pregnant animals, yearlings, black animals, etc.); the manner of the animals killing; restrictions concerning the participation of women; the consumption of the animals meat (e.g. consumption on the spot, distribution of parts of the animal among the recipients, burning on the altar, etc.); the virtual presence of a god (; see n. 152). Sacrices were accompanied by oral performances (acclamations, prayers, hymns, ritual cries274) and followed by the banquet275. The banquet was a social event of great importance. The participants were arranged in a manner that corresponded to their civic status usually according to civic subdivisions276. In the Hellenistic and Imperial periods, additional funding for the banquet was provided by benefactors, who invited to it groups of individuals who lacked citizenship guests of honour, foreign envoys, visitors from allied or neighbouring cities, Romans, foreign residents, the population of the countryside, or even slaves and competed with benefactors of the past or with the organisers of festivals in neighbouring

cal benefactor for organising a procession described as colourful () and worth seeing () and for not neglecting the spectacular aspects of the festival (), entertainment (), and pleasure ( )266. Similarly, in Theocritus Adoniazousai, the women who attended the Adonis festival in Alexandria went there as spectators of a show267. The procession expressed in many ways the specic character of a festival. The starting point and the destination were connected with the god, who was honoured and often connected with two interrelated cult places. The procession of the Oschophoria started in a sanctuary of Dionysos and led to the sanctuary of Athena in Phaleron, at a place called Oschophorion (see n. 213). On the rst day of the Thesmophoria the women marched in procession from the Thesmophorion at Halimous to the Thesmophorion in Athens (V.1); every four years a procession connected the old sanctuary of Artemis in Brauron with the small cult place of Artemis Brauronia on the acropolis268. On 14 Boedromion the sacred objects were brought from the sanctuary of Demeter in Eleusis to the Eleusinion in Athens, and on 19 Boedromion they were returned to Eleusis269. At the Skira, a procession led by the priestess of Athena and the priests of Helios and Poseidon brought the worshippers from the acropolis of Athens to a cult place called Skiron270. The objects that were carried during the procession were connected with the festivals specic prole (n. 106). During the procession songs were sung and choral performances took place271. Heliodoros describes the performance of girls choruses during a theoria from Thessaly to Delphi272: They were divided into two choruses. The girls in one chorus bore hand-baskets lled with owers and fruits in

266. SEG 35, 744: c d [] e c [] [, a d] c d c [] [d c ] []. 267. Theokr. 15, 2125. On this topic see IV.5.1. 268. Parker, Polytheism 230231, 463. 269. Deubner 72. 270. Deubner 46; Parke, Festivals 156162; Burkert, HN (1983) 143149; Brumeld 156181; Simon, Festivals 2224; Parker, Polytheism 173177. 271. Furley/Bremer, Hymns I 2832; Kowalzig; on choral performances see also Calame, Choruses; Athanasaki, L., \A . O b d e c c d c (2009). 272. Heliod. Aith. 3, 2; cf. Furley/Bremer, Hymns I 30. 273. Sacrice (Entretiens); Rudhardt, Notions 249300; Detienne/Vernant, Cuisine; tienne/Le Dinahet, Lespace sacriciel; Bruit Zaidman/Schmitt Pantel 2839; van Straten, Hiera; Rosivach; Bremmer, GrRel 4043; ThesCRA I 2 a Sacrices, Gr.; Georgoudi, S./Belayche, N. (eds.), La cuisine et lautel: les sacrices en question dans les socits de la Mditerrane ancienne (2005); Hgg, R./Alroth, B. (eds.), Greek Sacricial Ritual, Olympian and Chthonian (2005); Mehl, V./Brul, P. (eds.), Le sacrice antique. Vestiges, procdures et stratgies (2008);

Petropoulou, M.-Z., Animal Sacrice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism and Christianity, 100 BCAD 200 (2008); Pirenne-Delforge 179241. On changing perceptions of sacrice see Heyman, G., The Power of Sacrice. Roman and Christian Discourses in Conict (2007); Stroumsa. 274. Acclamations and ritual cries: Chaniotis (n. 148) 199218. Prayers: Versnel, H. S., Religious Mentality in Ancient Prayer, in Versnel, Faith 164; Pulleyn, S., Prayer in Greek Religion (1997); Jakov, D./Voutiras, E., Gebet, Gebrden und Handlungen des Gebetes, in ThesCRA III (2005) 104141. Hymns: Furley/Bremer, Hymns. 275. Rudhardt, Notions 158162; Schmitt Pantel, P., Le festin dans la fte de la cit grecque hellnistique, in La fte, pratiques et discours. DAlexandrie hellnistique la mission de Besanon (1981) 8599; ead., La cit au banquet. Histoire des repas publics dans les cits grecques (1992); Mango, E., Bankette im hellenistischen Gymnasion, in Kah, D./ Scholz, P. (eds.), Das hellenistische Gymnasion (2004) 273311; Schmitt Pantel/Lissarrague; Stavrianopoulou, E., Die Bewirtung des Volkes. entliche Speisungen in der rmischen Kaiserzeit, in Hekster, O./Schmidt-Hofner, S./Witschel, C. (eds.), Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire (2009) 159184. 276. SEG 32, 1243, l. 43; 45, 1508 B 1719; IEphes 3066; IPriene 113, l. 4243; MAMA VIII 413 d, l. 2122.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. cities in the sums that they spent, the number of animals that were sacriced, and the number of individuals invited to the banquet277. Most festivals included contests in their programme (I.2). Besides these common elements of most festivals, there are some aspects that recur only in some of them (I.1.6), such as purications278 and rituals of atonement279, nocturnal celebrations () usually of women280, the consultation of an oracle on a specic day281, the collection of gifts (; see n. 146), orations282, the reading of sacred texts (Paus. 8, 15, 2), initiation in mysteries (I.1.2, V.4), etc. Festivals acquired their distinctive prole through such unique features (I.1.6), such as for instance the story-telling during the Athenian Oschophoria (Plut. Thes. 23, 3). The rituals of mystery cults and Dionysiac celebrations, whose popularity increased in the Imperial period, had very distinctive features and the members of the associations performed specic roles283. An inscription from Torre Nova (Rome, c. 160-165 A.D.), which lists initiates and functionaries of a Dionysiac family association, gives us an impression of such celebrations284. The torch-bearers () presuppose nocturnal ceremonies; several designations (, , , ) reect the carrying of sacred objects (the gods statue, the basket with sacred symbols, a phallus, torches, the liknon) and the burning of aromatic substances (); several other functions (, , , , ) are also related to the procession. The terms , , and suggest the use of costumes. The term e

31

is connected with the reception of a new dress by the initiate. The staging of the ritual in an articial cave is suggested by the term . Festivals oered an opportunity for the organisation of market days, for which tax exemptions were sometimes granted285. Some examples of the programme of festivals are provided below (V.2, 4, 5).

4. Organisation of festivals and contests 4.1. Funding

The nancial administration of the Greek cities was quite sophisticated, including a regular budget for the cult. In many cities one can observe eorts to establish a coherent and ecient administration of public and sacred funds (a , d ). Magistrates responsible for sacred funds are attested in several cities, such as d (Pergamon), (Priene), (Samos), (Smyrna), and (Ephesos)286. Funds were needed in particular for sacrices, festivals, and the prizes given to the winners of contests. Information about the diverse expenses for festivals is provided primarily by the accounts of sanctuaries, which survive in large numbers but only from a few cities (Athens, Delphi, Delos), by the accounts () of the agonothetai (e.g. in Boiotia), and by decrees concerning the organisation of celebrations287. Additional funds were made available through revenues which were explicitly dedicated to festive

277. See e.g. the benefactions of Diodoros Pasparos in Pergamon (1st cent. B.C.?; IGRom III 294, l. 619), Kleanax in Kyme (c. 2 A.D.; SEG 32, 1243), and Epameinondas in Akraiphia (mid-1st cent. A.D.; IG VII 2712). Other examples: IPriene 113, l. 3860; 118, l. 1215 (1st cent. B.C.). See Robert, OMS VII 3439; Chaniotis 11; Stavrianopoulou (n. 275). 278. Parker, Miasma; Rudhardt, Notions 163175; ThesCRA II 3 a Purication, gr. (p. 1112, purications in festivals). See also I.5.1 and I.5.4. 279. E.g. in Corinth, atonement for the murder of Medeas children: Nilsson, Feste 5761. 280. See I.5.1 and I.5.2; Bravo; Parker, Polytheism 182, 256258. Further examples: Panathenaia: IG II2 334; Asklepieia and Epidauria: IG II2 704. 775 (SEG 18, 19). 974976 + SEG 18, 2728; SEG 18, 21; cult of Hebe: IG II2 1199; Chalkeia: Agora XV 253; cult of Demeter: IEphes 10. See also MAMA III 50. 281. LSCG 83 (oracle of Apollo at Korope, c. 100 B.C.). 282. E.g. at the Theseia in Athens: Follet, S./PepasDelmouzou, D., La lgende de Thse sous lempereur Commode daprs le discours dun phbe athnien (IG II2 2291A + 1125, complts), in Romanit et cit chrtienne. Mlanges en lhonneur dYvette Duval (2000) 1117. 283. Mystery cults: see n. 5759. Dionysiac celebrations: Dillon 140153; Jaccottet 63146. 284. IGUR 160. See Ricciardelli, G., Mito e performance nelle associazioni dionisiache, in Tortorelli Ghidini,

M./Storchi Marino, A./Visconti, A. (eds.), Tra Orfeo e Pitagora. Origini e incontri di culture nellantichit (2000) 265282; Jaccottet 3053. For an analogous list of functionaries in an association in Thessalonike see SEG 49, 814 and Nigdelis, P. M., \Ea . c c c d c (2006) 101128 no. 1 (SEG 56, 754). 285. Chandezon, C., Foires et pangyries dans le monde grec classique et hellnistique, REG 113 (2000) 70100. On trade activities in sanctuaries see IG XII 6, 169 (Heraion of Samos, c. 245 B.C.). 286. Migeotte, L., Les nances publiques des cits grecques: bilan et perspectives de recherche, Topoi 5 (1995) 732; id., La haute administration des nances publiques et sacres dans les cits gecques, Chiron 36 (2006) 379394. On the nancial aspects of cult see also Lo Monaco 283299. 287. On the funding of sacrices in Athens see Rosivach. For Delphi see CID II. For Delos see a few representative documents in Prtre, C., et al., Nouveaux choix dinscriptions de Dlos. Lois, comptes et inventaires (2002) 59124. 143198 (IG XI 2, 161 A. 287 A; IDlos 399 A. 442 A). A few further examples: IG II2 334; LSCG 33; ThesCRA I I 1 Processions, Gr. 17 (Panathenaia, 335/4 B.C.); IDlos 290 l. 5, 59, 6768, 82, 91 (Thesmophoria, Antigoneia, Artemisia, Britomartia, Aphrodisia, Ptolemaia, 246 B.C.); ICos ED 145, l. 1415: a a ; cf. Loukopoulou (n. 11) E7 (Abdera): e b [] e [] a .

32

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. may have been expected by the community as summa honoraria for her appointments as priestess296. In Iasos (second century B.C.), the high expenses for theatrical performances at the Dionysia and the construction of the theatre were at least in part covered through voluntary donations of the citizens, who participated in a public subscription ()297. During or at the end of the competition of the Dionysia, the citizens were publicly asked to make a contribution for the next year; inscriptions record the names of those who contributed ( ). The nancial burden on both the cities that organised agonistic festivals and on the cities of victors that had to pay cash prizes was sometimes so great that they cancelled contests or cheated the winners of their awards; Hadrian had to intervene in 134 A.D. to protect the rights of athletes and artists298: The agonothetes should count over the money for the prize to a representative of the Roman administration one day before each entry. The money was then displayed in a sealed bag beside the crown, so that the victor could receive it together with the crown with everybody watching. The contributions which the cities owed to sacred victors were to be given in cash only, not in wheat or wine, on xed days under the responsibility of civic magistrates. From the Hellenistic period onwards many festivals and contests were endowed by individuals for the commemorations of the founder and/or members of his family (2, V.6). They were funded from the revenues of the endowment; detailed provisions are provided in the relevant documents, e.g. by the dossier concerning the Demostheneia at Oinoanda (V.6)299. For example, at Derriopos in Macedonia a citizen, M. Vettius Philon, left to the council money on con-

activities. For instance in Eleusis the revenues from the leasing of quarries were to be used for the performance of a beautiful sacrice for Herakles in Akris288, the Lesser Panathenaia were partly funded from revenues from leasing a territory called Nea289, and at Bargylia the prot from the selling of the skin and other parts of the sacricial animals was added to the sacred revenues290. Also the leasing of provisional shops () generated revenues291. To ensure the regular celebration of agonistic festivals endowments had to be deposited and administered; for example, when the cities of the province Asia had an agon for L. Valerius Flaccus the Older (before 90 B.C.), the funds for the agon were deposited in Tralleis292. Although public festivals were supposed to be funded with public funds (c , , )293, a successful festival very much depended on the contributions of individuals, often in the form of institutionalised nancial obligations imposed on the better-o citizens on the basis of their property (). The best known liturgy is the Athenian for the funding of tragic and other choruses294. Contributions were also expected on a more or less voluntary basis from priests and other ocials295. A nice example is oered by an inscription from a small village in the Kaystros Valley (259/60 A.D.), in which a priestess, Herodiane, narrates the ritual services that she had provided: She performed the rite of puricatory bathing and sacriced for the Twelve Gods and performed a day for the Caesar. She also provided bread and wine to the village and to all nearby dwellers paying from her own dowry. And she became legitimate priestess of Hera and Zeus and of all the gods and performed the rite of puricatory bathing for all the gods and spent money on all of them. These expenditures

288. IEleusis 85 (332 B.C.): [] . On the funding of festivals in Boiotia see Migeotte. Cf. MAMA IX 16 (Aizanoi, 1st cent. A.D.): the revenues of a village were used for funding contests. 289. Agora XIX L7; Sosin, J., Two Attic Endowments, ZPE 138 (2002) 123128. 290. SEG 45, 1508 A 1314 Bargylia (late 2nd/early 1st century B.C.). 291. SEG 38, 380 (Chaironeia, rst century B.C.); see Knoeper 1; Migeotte. 292. Erkelenz, D., Cicero, pro Flacco 5559. Zur Finanzierung von Statthalterfesten in der Frhphase des Koinon von Asia, Chiron 29 (1999) 4357. On endowments see Laum I 6096. 293. c : SEG 48, 1112, l. 2728; ILaodikeia I 1, l. 23; IPriene 113, l. 74; TAM V 2, 983, l. 1011. Cf. IGRom IV 291: E a []0. c : e.g. IHistriae 1, l. 19; SEG 30, 852, l. 1314; IAmyzon 38, l. 56; IEphes 987, l. 1920; TAM V 2, 983, l. 10. c : IG XII 8, 2, l. 1213. 294. Wilson 1. Choregoi are also attested in many other cities: e.g. IOropos 512519 (Oropos); SEG 50, 725 (Delos); IG XII 5, 544 (Keos); IG XII 6, 166 and 172 (Samos); IG XII 7, 228. 246. 387. 389 (Amorgos); IG XII 9, 273 (Eretria); ICret I xvi.27 (Lato, Crete); I.Iasos 97, 105122.

114166; IDidyma 162. For the possibility that the production of drama was leased in an auction see Wilson, P., Choruses for Sale in Thorikos? A Speculative Note on SEG 34, 107, ZPE 161 (2007) 125132. 295. Expenses of agonothetes: IG II2 956 (Athens, Theseia, 161 B.C.), 968 (Athens, Panathenaia, c. 140 B.C.). 296. Akkan, Y./Malay, M., The Village Tar(i)gye and the Cult of Zeus Tar(i)gyenos in the Cayster Valley, EpAnat 40 (2007) 1822 no. 4: d e d K d c d c H d e d d d . For the distribution of bread and wine cf. IPerge 66 ( r d ). 297. I.Iasos 160218. Migeotte, L., De la liturgie la contribution obligatoire: le nancement des Dionysies et les travaux du thtre Iasos au IIe s. av. J.-C., Chiron 23 (1993) 269294; Chaniotis 10, 63; Crowther, C., The Dionysia at Iasos. Its Artists, Patrons, and Audience, in Wilson 2, 294334. 298. Petzl/Schwertheim 3444. 4748. 5961. 9293 (SEG 56, 1359); cf. Jones (n. 178) (with English translation). 299. E.g. Laum I 115236; Wrrle 151172.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. dition that the interest would be used for the celebration of a commemorative day with banquet for Vettius Bolanus, consul in 66 A.D. and probably former governor of Macedonia; the celebration was to take place on October 19th, obviously Bolanus birthday300. In Perge a testator donated land to Apollo Lyrboton, which should be leased under the responsibility of the local ocials; the revenues should be used for sacrices to Apollo, for the purchase of wine and bread for a commemorative celebration and banquet for the testator, his brother, and his mother (on the 3rd day of the 9th month), and for contests301; for any violations of the testament a ne was to be paid to Artemis Pergaia. Another testator donated a sum of money, with which land for Apollo was to be bought; the revenues would be used for sacrices and a commemoration of the deceased on the 20th day of the 1st month302. In addition to public funding and endowments, the expenses were covered with nancial contributions of citizens, especially of the agonothetai, an oce usually occupied by wealthy citizens (sometimes for life), the founder of the festival, or even the emperor (I.2). The nancial contribution of agonothetai is either explicitly stated (e.g. )303 or can sometimes be inferred from honorary inscriptions, which mention events that clearly surpassed what was common or expected. The organisers of contests were in a contest themselves with the agonothetai of the past304. Additional nancial contributions were made voluntarily by other magistrates, e.g. of the gymnasiarchoi, who provided olive oil to gymnasia and baths305.

33

4.2. Officials
The responsibility for the celebration of festivals was divided among dierent authorities. Magistrates supervised the funding and matters of

organisation; ritual experts bore the responsibility for the correct performance of the ritual activities assisted by other members of the cult personnel. Normally, the religious duties were in the hands of priests, who had been elected or appointed by lot on an annual basis or had purchased the priesthood306. But the more exceptional the ritual prole of a festival, especially of festivals connected with mystery cults, the greater the role played by genuine experts, who usually inherited their expertise from the ancestors. They included expounders of cult traditions, such as the exegetai in Athens; cult ocials, such as the hierophantes and the kerykes in the Eleusinian mysteries;307 the sacricial priests ()308; cult experts in the cult of the Korybantes and in mystery cults309. The rituals performed during the festival required cult ocials, whose designations were as diverse as the duties that they had to perform. These designations often were nouns composed with -phoros, indicating the object that was carried during the procession or the ritual; these objects (images of the gods and emperors, sacricial paraphernalia such as water jugs and the sacricial basket, sacred objects, torches, phalluses, etc.) depended on the character of the festival and its patron (see n. 106). The cult ocials were assisted in their duties by personnel with practical assignments, such as lighting the lamps ()310, the raising of cows and oxen as sacricial animals ()311, the preparation and distribution of meat after sacrices (, )312, etc. Secular ocials of the city or its subdivisions (strategoi, demarchoi, gymnasiarchoi, etc.) were also engaged in festivals, especially in the oering of sacrices313. Matters of organisation and administration were divided among numerous magistrates. For instance, in Athens the archon eponymos was responsible for the contests at the Thargelia and the Dionysia, the archon basileus for the Lenaia and the torch-races, and the polemarchos for the

300. IG X 2 2, 300, l. 1215: \ > O B (95 A.D.). 301. IPerge 77, l. 79 (early 2nd cent. A.D.): \A d e d [] e d e \ e d c 0 [] d K e d K M c . 302. IPerge 78 (2nd cent. A.D.). See also SEG 47, 1771: donation of land for the funding of an eneateric contest (Termessos, 2nd cent. A.D.). 303. E.g. IPerge 61 and 63 (Imperial period). 304. E.g. IG VII 2712 (Epameinondas of Akraiphia in Boiotia, early 1st cent. A.D.). 305. E.g. SEG 38, 1080 and 1082 (Stratonikeia, 1st/2nd cent. A.D.). 306. Recent studies on priests and priestesses: Beard, M.,/North, J. (eds.), Pagan Priests. Religion and Power in the Ancient World (1990); Parker, R./Obbink, D., Sales of Priesthoods on Cos I, Chiron 30 (2000) 415449; Wiemer,

H.-U., Kuiche Priestertmer im hellenistischen Kos, Chiron 33 (2003) 263310; Parker, Polytheism 9399; Connelly; Dignas, B./Trampedach, K. (eds.), Practitioners of the Divine. Greek Priests and Religious Ocials from Homer to Heliodorus (2008). The designation of priests as (e.g. Nilsson, Feste 28; ISide II 70. 77. 81) probably implies that they served during a year in which a pentaeteric festival was celebrated, rather than that they served for ve years. 307. Parker, AthRel 293297. 300302; Clinton, SO. Allusions to their duties in IEleusis 637. 308. Winand, J., Les hirothytes. Recherche institutionnelle (1990). 309. Korybantes: Ustinova (n. 116). Mystery cults: see n. 5759. 310. IG II2 4771; ILeukopetra 40. 311. SEG 45, 1508A/B. 312. Mageiros: Berthiaume, Mageiros; : IMylasa 869870. 313. Sacrices of the demarchoi at the Haloia, Chloia, Kalamaia, and Dionysia: IEleusis 229 (165 B.C.).

34

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. prizes or organising banquets following the contests323. Some men, usually the founders of a festival or their relatives, occupied the oce of the agonothetes for life324. Even an emperor could occupy this oce, giving a festival greater splendour325. The high priests of the imperial cult of cities and local or provincial Koina often also served as agonothetai326. The increasing importance of contests (I.4.1) made the oce of the to one of the most important and visible functions in festivals.

contests in honour of the war-dead314; in Argos, separate functionaries were responsible for the equestrian contests connected with the cult of Hera ( )315. Financial ocials managed the nancial matters; civic ocials supervised the procession (, , , , )316 and the market (, 317); the magistrates who were responsible for the education of the boys and the young men (, , ) made sure that the youth participated in the procession318; the gymnasiarchos made sure that the gymnasion was open and olive oil was provided319. Great care was given to matters of security, good behaviour, and the safety of the celebrants (I.4.3). A Hellenistic innovation was the active participation of associations of theatre artists (Dionysiac technitai) in the organisation of festivals320. In the Imperial period often a chairman of the festive gathering (, 321) had the general responsibility, while a chairman of the contests () organised the competitions. The duties of the agonothetai were very diverse and can be reconstructed thanks to the abundance of epigraphic sources322. They were responsible for the announcement of the celebration and above all for fair play, for the nancial administration and the orderly award of prizes to the winners, for the announcement of the victors and often also for inscribing their names. Agonistic festivals were a nancial burden, and for this reason this oce was usually occupied by wealthy citizens, whom the community expected to make nancial contributions for the success of the celebrations, e.g. by providing luxurious
314. [Aristot.], Ath. Pol. 58, 1; Rudhardt, Notions 152153. On the co-operation between civic magistrates and priests see Gschnitzer, F., Bemerkungen zum Zusammenwirken von Magistraten und Priestern in der griechischen Welt, Ktema 14 (1989) 3138. 315. SEG 54, 427 (early 4th cent. B.C.). 316. E.g. Syll.3 388, l. 23; SEG 30, 1073, l. 19; IEleusis 225; LSAM 9 = I.Ilion 52, l. 2729; LSAM 61 = IMylasa 303; LSS 15, l. 2327; LSS 45 = Staatsvertrge 523, l. 4143; LSCG 33; 65, l. 4145; 83, l. 2426, 5051. 317. IG II2 659; LSCG 39 (Athens). 318. Plkidis, C., Histoire de lphbie attique des origines 31 av. J.-C. (1962) 211256; Ziebarth (n. 135) 148153. E.g. IG II2 1006, l. 832; see also n. 377379. 319. E.g. SEG 38, 1080 and 1082 (Stratonikeia, 1st/2nd cent. A.D.). 320. Aneziri 2; cf. Aneziri 1, 269283. 321. E.g. IMylasa 108; IEphes 2072; IEryth 228; IPerg 163; MAMA IX 16; TAM V 2, 1192. 322. E.g. IG II2 956958; I.Ilion 910; MAMA IX 1822; Schwertheim/Petzl (SEG 56, 1359). On the duties of the agonothetai see Wrrle 183209; cf. Rumscheid (n. 224). Cf. the athlothetai in Argos: SEG 54, 427. 323. E.g. IPriene 118. 324. E.g. SEG 49, 817; IGRom III 382; Byrne, M. A./ Labarre, G., Nouvelles inscriptions dAntioche de Pisidie daprs les Notebooks de W. M. Ramsay (2006) no. 12; ISide II 121126.

4.3. Order
A topos in Middle and New Comedy is the rape of a citizen girl during a festival, often during the participation in a procession327. Festivals were large gatherings of people, sometimes drunk, irritated, emotional, litigious, or simply interested in taking advantage from the jostling on the streets and in the sanctuaries to steal, rape, or attempt political murders328. To maintain order and to control these masses was a dicult task, especially during nocturnal celebrations ()329 and the problems connected with it are revealed by cult regulations, but also by honorary decrees for ocials, who took care of order and the safety of the festive community330. Especially in the case of festivals in extra-urban sanctuaries, such as the sanctuary in Eleusis, which the worshippers reached after covering a long distance from Athens, security was a major issue, especially during wars331. One of the most common suggestions in military treatises was to launch an attack during a festival or a day in which the defenders would be unprepared, out of the town or drunk332. We know in fact of attacks during a
325. Titus was agonothetes of the Sebasta in Neapolis in 70, 74, and 78 A.D.: Miranda, E., Tito a Napoli: una nuova dedica onoraria, Epigraphica 50 (1988) 222226. 326. E.g. SEG 49, 815818; ICentral Pisidia 105; IPessinous 12. 14. 17; IPerge 4243. 4748. 6061. 63. 327. E.g. Men. Epit. 234237; Ps.-Herakl. epist. 7 ed. Attridge. See also Lape, S., Democratic Ideology and the Poetics of Rape in Menandrian Comedy, ClAnt 20 (2001) 79119. 328. E.g. Thuk. 1, 126, 6; 6, 5459; Polyb. 4, 35; IMylasa 3; IEphes 2 (SEG 36, 1011); IG V 2, 262 = Thr, G./Taeuber, H., Prozessrechtliche Inschriften der griechischen Poleis: Arkadien (1994) 8. 329. E.g. IG II2 704 (3rd cent. B.C.); SEG 33, 115, l. 2829 (Athens, 3rd cent. B.C.); IG XII 2, 499 (Lesbos, order in a sanctuary during a pannychis). 330. Chaniotis 2, 159. On order in festivals see Robert, L., Sur loracle dApollon Koropaios, Hellenica 5 (1948) 2224; Dunand 1, 208209; Wrrle 219220. 331. See Plut. Alc. 34, 35. See also honorary decrees for ocials responsible for security during the celebration of the mysteries: IEleusis 185 (an epimeletes of the mysteries, 3rd cent. B.C.). 211 (a general, 209 B.C.). For c in Eleusis see also IEleusis 181. 185. 192. 332. Philon D 24 and 27, ed. Garlan; Garlan, Y., Recherches de poliorctique grecque (1974) 397; cf. Aen. Tact. 10.4; 17; 22.1618; 29.3.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. festival or on New Years Day333. The existence of an important sanctuary in a city often motivated a community to seek the recognition of its inviolability (asylia) and a truce () for the duration of a festival334. But order was an important issue also at peacetime. The (still unpublished) law of Amphipolis concerning the duties of the ephebarchos (23 B.C.) includes a clause about the orderly behaviour of ephebes when they attend theatrical, musical, or gymnical contests: they should avoid making noise and whistling335. Also the cult regulation of the mysteries of Andania contains a long section which deals with order (V.4)336. The responsibility for order was shared by dierent magistrates, e.g. the agoranomoi and astynomoi (see I.4.2). In many festivals and celebrations order was in the charge of whip-bearers (), who often were appointed under the responsibility of high-priests and agonothetai336. Special attention was given to the supervisors of women under the responsibility of 337.

35

4.4. Preparation, decoration, and building measures

From the accounts of sanctuaries, especially those from Delos and Delphi, one gets an excellent overview of the work that had to be done in preparation of a festival, which ranged from building measures and the purchase of timber to the raising of sacricial animals339. For instance, the

accounts of the hieropoioi in Delos for the year 279 B.C. include expenses for cleaning the theatre and the altars, for engaging musicians for choral performances, for libations and the decoration of statues, for a chariot on which the statue of Dionysos was carried, for torches, myrrh, timber, sponges, oil, charcoal, and wax for various rituals340. The preparations for the celebration of a festival started already days in the case of major agonistic festivals, months before the day of the festival. Sacred envoys (; in the case of the Eleusinian mysteries) were sent in order to invite Greek communities to the festival and to announce the sacred truce (, ), in those cases in which a major festival was connected with truce341. The route followed by the theoroi and the logistics of their journey were designed with precision, and the poleis appointed (recipients or hosts of sacred envoys) in the cities, to which they dispatched sacred envoys, in order to make sure that they received the assistance required for their task342. The celebration of festivals required extensive measures in sanctuaries (cleaning and purication of sanctuaries, painting of altars, preparation of lodgings, construction and maintenance of processional roads, etc.)343. Cult objects, decoration, torches, incense, timber and other items needed for sacrices, processions, and other rituals had to be procured344; robes to be oered to the gods had to be made345; pasture land () had to be assigned to the horses for equestrian competitions346; sacricial animals had to be raised

333. ICret I ix.1; IOSPE I2 343; Plut. Marc. 13, 23; Aen. Tact. 4, 8; 17, 15; 29, 3; cf. 22, 1516. 334. Rigsby 1112; Parker, Polytheism 79. E.g. Strab. 8 C 343: truce at the Samia for Poseidon Samios; ISide II 134 and 143: g (Hiera Pythia in Side); IG V 1, 18 B 10; in Sparta during the Leonideia. 335. Lazaridi, K., Te \A, in M . . d c M d (1990) 254: , , a d . 336. Deshours 99114. 337. Robert, OMS V 131132; Wrrle 219220. E.g. IPerge 4748. 193. 350351. 338. E.g. LSCG 65 (see 5.4); LSAM 2 and 32; Wehrli, C., Les gynconomes, MusHelv 19 (1962) 3338; cf. Dunand 1. 339. Delphi: CID II. Delos: e.g. IG XI 2, 161 A. 287 A; IDlos 290. 399 A. 442 A. Construction works: LSS 65; Deshours 8889 (Andania). Raising of sacricial animals: SEG 45, 1508 (Bargylia). 340. IG XI 2, 161 A, l. 81124; see Prtre (n. 287) 5986. 341. Announcement of festivals: Klauser, T., RAC 7 (1969) 767785 s.v. Festankndigung; Parker, Polytheism 79. Theoroi: Boesch, P., Theoros (1908); Rudhardt, Notions 153; Parker; Vial 324; Parker, Polytheism 7982. spondophoroi: Sakourai, M., The Eleusinian Spondai and the Delian League, Kodai 5 (1994) 2736 (on IG I3 6). 342. Perlman, P., City and Sanctuary in Ancient Greece. The Theorodokia in the Peloponnese (2000); ead., . Panhellenic Epangelia and Political Status, in Hansen, M. H. (ed.), Sources for

the Ancient Greek City-State (1995) 113164. The best example of a list of theorodokoi is provided by Delphi: Plassart, A., La liste des thorodoques, BCH 45 (1921) 185; Robert, L., Villes de Carie et dIonie dans la liste des thorodoques de Delphes, BCH 70 (1946) 506523; see also Argos: SEG 23, 189; Epidauros: IG IV2 1, 94; Nemea: SEG 36, 331; Miller, S. G., The Theorodokoi of the Nemean Games, Hesperia 57 (1988) 147163. 343. E.g. Deshours 8896 (Andania); IG II2 380, l. 1923 (processions for Zeus Soter and Dionysos, Athens, 320/19 B.C.): f [], w c d [ ]d , i d [] ; Syll.3 1048, l. 1722 (procession to Eleusis, 321/20 B.C.): [] [a] a d [ ][][] [] [][] ; Bruneau, Cultes 316319 (repairs of steets in Delos for a Dionysiac procession). See also ThesCRA I 1 Processions, Gr. 8. Outtting of altars: IG II2 334; LSCG 33; ThesCRA I 1 Processions, Gr. 17 (Panathenaia, 335/4 B.C.). 344. E.g. IG II2 333 (Athens, c. 335 B.C.) concerns the funding of cult objects and other decoration (kosmoi) in a series of cults; see Lambert, S., Athenian State Laws and Decrees, 352/1322/1. II. Religious Regulations, ZPE 154 (2005) 137143 no. 6. See also Paus. 1, 29, 16 = ThesCRA I 1 Processions, Gr. 31. 345. E.g. the peplos for Athena at the Panathenaia: III.2.1.1; Brul, Fille 99105; the peplos for Hera in Elis: Paus. 5, 16, 2; the robe for Apollo at the Hyakinthis: V.2. 346. E.g. SEG 38, 380 (Chaireoneia, rst century B.C.); see Knoeper 1.

36

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. lic scrutiny. Through their ritual activities, their functions, and the symbols associated with them, by assigning specic roles to individuals and groups as well as to representatives of dierent genders and age-classes festivals and contests expressed the structure of the cult community, its concerns, its cultural memory, its identity and its values355; they were an important medium of selfrepresentation of the community (or the king) that organised them; they were closely connected with the political relations between communities; they could be exploited in order to directly or indirectly promote political aims356; and they expressed competition among communities. In many festivals important roles were assigned to members of either specic families for instance, holders of hereditary priesthoods and cultic functions such as those of the ocials of the Eleusinian mysteries (, , ) and the in Athens357 and d in Tralleis358 or, generally, to representatives of various groups. The procession of the Oschophoria was led by two boys belonging to the most prominent Athenian families (); the daughters of metics in Athens carried vessels in the Panathenaic procession (); the daughters of Athenian elite families served as bearers of the sacricial basket in the same procession () and were selected to perform the secret rites of the Arrhephoria; only women of the elite attended the Thesmophoria in Halimous and were elected as archousai at the Thesmophoria in Athens359. During the money distribution that took place at the Demostheneia of Oinoanda (second century A.D.) 1500 denarii were distributed to the representatives of the elite and only 300 denarii to the rest of the citizens360. Even on the occasions in which groups of noncitizen status (metics, dependent population, slaves) were allowed to attend a festival e.g. the Spartan Hyakinthia (V.2) and the banquet (I.3), the exceptional nature of this arrangement was stressed, thus not subverting but conrming social hierarchies and structures. Cases of ritual transvestism

() and selected or inspected to determine whether they were t for sacrice, sometimes through a very complex ritual ()347; musicians had to be hired348; the prizes for the victors had to be made or repaired, if prizes did not become the winners property but were re-used349. An Athenian decree contains instructions to the astynomoi for measures in preparation of the procession in honour of Aphrodite Pandemos: they were to prepare a dove for purication of the shrine, wipe the altars, pitch the doors and wash the statues; and also prepare purple of a weight of two drachmas350. Delphic honoric inscriptions occasionally mention the services of honorands who contributed to the better performance of the Pythian festivals, e.g. by constructing a road, dedicating a statue, making the decoration for Athena Pronaia, or donating shields for the more glamorous performance of the athletic contest of the Pythia351. Some sanctuaries were opened only on the day of the festival, and this means that they had to be cleaned and prepared for the celebration. For instance, most dedications of slaves in the sanctuary of Meter Theon Autochthon at Leukopetra near Beroia (second century A.D.) are dated to 18 Dios352, which must have been the day of the major celebration. The acts of dedication refer to this celebration in connection with the duty of the dedicated slave to serve the goddess in the sanctuary (/ ) during certain days, as prescribed by the custom ( , ), and on the days of the goddess festivals353. In one case the service is specied: the dedicated slave should serve as an oboist354.

5. Socio-political dimensions of Greek festivals and contests

Festivals and contests were important public activities under the responsibility of magistrates and other representatives of the community, usually publicly funded, and always under close pub-

347. See the Koan lex sacra concerning the selection of the sacricial animal for Zeus Patroios (LSCG 151, 4th cent. B.C.); Nilsson, Feste 1721. For see the cult regulation of Bargylia (late 2nd/early 1st cent. B.C.) mentioned in n. 261262 and 290. Cf. the cult regulation of Andania: LSS 65, l. 6473. 348. SEG 50, 725, l. 56: (Delos, 168 B.C.) 349. Slater/Summa 295297. E.g. CID II 139, l. 9. 350. IG II2 659; LSCG 39 (c. 283/2 B.C.); Parker, Polytheism 461. 351. CID IV 18, l. 4, 26, 27, 39, 54. 352. ILeukopetra 20. 70. 76. 86. 9195. 108. 116118. 353. ILeukopetra 12. 1623. 29. 3334. 43. 46. 52. 5556. 6162. 7476. 79. 81. 83. 98. 113. 120. 128. 131132. 136. 143. 354. ILeukopetra 131. 355. Assmann; Chaniotis 1 and 2; Rogers (n. 250); Wrrle 253254; Brul (n. 247); Sumi 1; Chankowski; Wiemer

1 and 2; see also IV.1.3. For transmission of cultural memory through dramatisations in festivals see I.1.5 and I.1.6. 356. For examples see Nilsson, M. P., Cults, Myths, Oracles, and Politics in Ancient Greece (1951); Smarczyk, B., Untersuchungen zur Religionspolitik und politischer Propaganda Athens im Delisch-Attischen Seebund (1990). 357. Parker, AthRel 287288. 358. ITrall 67. 359. Oschophoria: Hesych. s.v. \; ThesCRA VI 1 b Childhood, Gr. 3.2.2.5; Panathenaia: Brul (n. 247); see also 3. Arrhephoria: Burkert, HN (1983) 150154; Brul, Fille 7998; Dillon 5760; ThesCRA VI 1 b Childhood, Gr. 3.2.1.1; Kanephoroi: Dillon 3739; ThesCRA VI 1 b Childhood, Gr. 3.2.1.3; Thesmophoria: V.1. See also IV.3.5.1 on the role of aristocratic families at the Daphnephoria. 360. Wrrle 253254.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. e.g. boys dressed like girls in the procession of the Oschophoria (Plut. Thes. 22, 35) , of reversal (n. 165) e.g. slaves behaving like masters in a festival of Hermes in Kydonia, women assuming the role of men at the Argive Hybristika, and of ritual abuse e.g. insulting bystanders of a higher rank at the Dionysia ()361 fullled the same function: a short period of the exceptional and temporary suspension of the natural order of things ended with the return to normality, thus conrming the existing order and eliminating the evil eects of envy. Ritual theory has pointed out that in complex hierarchic societies, festivals overturn the social order through licence, disorder, play, and inversion, and then restore it362. Generally, many cult activities were reserved to either men or women. Some rituals (not festivals), such as the sacrice at the beginning of the popular assembly or pre-battle sacrice, were exclusively performed and attended by men for legal and practical reasons: only men attended the assembly; women occasionally participated in battles, but only men built up organised military contingents. Other gender-specic rituals and celebrations include for instance some agonistic festivals, from which women were excluded both as active participants and as audience (I.2), banquets, life-cycle celebrations (e.g. the oath ceremony of ephebes and citizens)363. Women were occasionally excluded from some sanctuaries or from parts of the ritual activities (e.g. the banquet that followed a particular sacrice)364. Gender had a great impact on ritual activities and vice versa, ritual activities dened gender. The representatives of the two genders often had dierent roles in a festival, especially as bearers of cult objects (e.g. women: ; men at the Panathenaia), participants in choruses, and ociants in sanctuaries365. Exclusively female festivals are better attested than exclusively male festivals366. The best known is the festival of the Thesmophoria (V.1), which

37

at least in the periods from which explicit textual evidence survives was celebrated only by women all over the Greek world and expressed and enhanced the social functions of women. There were also festivals connected with rites of passage of girls367. Other festivals exclusively celebrated by women are the Adonia, again a festival with wide diusion in the Greek world; the Aphrodisia, at least in Athens; the Skira in Athens; the Heraia in Stratonikeia368. The exclusivity of these festivals is connected with gender-specic roles and expectations apparently, with the expectation of fertility. Sometimes, women played a predominant role in a festival, without entirely excluding men; e.g. the Eisiteria in Magnesia on the Maiander was a predominantly female festival; men participated only in some of its cult activities (see n. 365). Exclusively male festivals are only indirectly attested and their existence is not the result of gender-specic expectations but of the norms that governed the free movement and the proper behaviour of women: the Olympia, the festival of and contest for Zeus Olympios in Olympia, is not per se a male festival, but women were excluded as active participants and audience from the contest with the exception of the priestess of Demeter (audience) and the female owners of horses in the equestrian events (participants). Women were sometimes excluded from festivals of Herakles369. Within a festival, there were some rituals and cult activities which were only performed by men. For example, the slaughtering of the sacricial animal and the participation in athletic competitions were almost exclusively reserved to men. Although some rites of passage were performed on an individual basis, in some cases all the representatives of an age-class performed rites of passage during a public festival370. Such festivals are better known in connection with the institution of the ephebeia and with the acceptance of new citizens and a new age-class of ephebes, often on the

361. Semos, FGrH 396 F 23; Cole 2633; Cole, S. G., Achieving Political Maturity. Stephanosis, Philotimia, and Phallephoria, in Papenfu, D./Strocka, V. M. (eds.), Gab es das griechische Wunder? Griechenland zwischen dem Ende des 6. und der Mitte des 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (2001) 209210. 362. Handelman 52. See also Versnel, Inconsistencies II. 363. Oaths of ephebes: e.g. (Athens); ICret. I ix.1 (Dreros); cf. Chaniotis 3, 124125. Oaths of citizens: e.g. ICret III iv.8 (Itanos); Syll.3 360 (Chersonesos in Tauris); SEG 53, B 33-41 (Maroneia). Treaty oaths: Chaniotis 3, 6668. 364. E.g. Osborne, R., Women and Sacrice in Classical Greece, ClQ 43 (1993) 392405; SEG 54, 744. 365. E.g. the Eisiteria in Magnesia on the Maeander: Dunand 1. 366. On womens role in mysteries of Demeter see Sfameni Gasparro (n. 57). On girls and women in public rituals in Athens see Wagner (n. 2) 218272; Brul, Fille; Dillon 3772. 367. Brul, Fille; Bruit Zaidman/Schmitt Pantel 67; Gentili, B./Perusino, F. (eds.), Le orse di Brauron. Un rituale di iniziazione femminile nel santuario di Artemide (2002).

For a dierent aproach to the arkteia see Faraone, C. A., Playing the Bear and Fawn for Artemis. Female Initiation or Substitute Sacrice?, in Dodd/Faraone (n. 2) 4368. See also II.11.1. 368. Adonia: Detienne, M., The Gardens of Adonis (1977); Dillon 162169. Aphrodisia: Pirenne-Delforge, Aphrodite 176177. 281286. 393398. Skira: Deubner 4050; Parke, Festivals 156162; Simon, Festivals 2224. Heraia: Nilsson, Feste 28. Thyiades (an embassy of Athenian women to Delphi): Parker, Polytheism 83; III.2.2. On womens celebrations, generally: Bremmer, GrRel 7681; Dillon 109138. See also II.12. 369. E.g. LSS 63. 370. Brelich, Paides remains fundamental; see now also Vidal-Naquet, P., The Black Hunter. Forms of Thought and Forms of Society in the Greek World (1981); Hatzopoulos, M. B., Cultes et rites de passage en Macdoine (1994); Dodd/ Faraone (n. 2); Burkert, W., Initiation, in ThesCRA II (2004) 118123. Cf. Bruit Zaidman/Schmitt Pantel 6367; Bremmer, GrRel 4448; Lo Monaco 113135 (rites of passage in connection with Artemis Orthia).

38

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. Twelve Gods on the 7th, the festival of Zeus Soter, endowed by Pythokles, on the 10th, a sacrice for Dionysos on the 12th, a procession to the sanctuary of Apollo Delios on the 15th, a procession in honour of the Muses on the 19th, and a procession for Attalos II on the 26th. In the case of women, festivals were important for their rites of maturation380. Choral performances expressed values concerning the position of women in society, especially as brides and mothers. Every year, the archon basileus in Athens selected among the girls who were between seven and eleven years old, four girls of distinguished families. Two of them participated in the weaving of Athenas robe, the two others carried out a sacred ceremony, which is described by Pausanias. The priestess of Athena placed on their head certain things, about which neither the priestess nor the girls knew anything; they brought these unspeakable things () to a precinct of Aphrodite in the Gardens and left them in a subterranean chamber, getting other equally unknown objects to carry back381. Services exclusively performed by women in festivals include the carrying of the sacricial basket (; n. 359) and the weaving of robes for the statues of the gods (n. 345). Since the celebration of a festival was primarily a matter for a civic community, citizenship was usually a requirement for participation in the festival and its rituals, and a parameter which determined the function that an individual had in a festival. Individuals of a dierent legal status (foreign residents, slaves) could be excluded from the entire festival or from certain ritual and other activities382. This is best attested through provisions

rst day of the new year371. The best evidence for these practices comes from Crete, where festivals during which all the members of an age-class were ceremonially accepted in the citizen-body and received military dress372 existed until the Hellenistic period373: in Phaistos the \E (from = to undress, rather than from = to emerge)374 and in Lyttos, the (from = the warriors attire)375. In Dreros, it seems that a new age-class of ephebes was sworn in on the rst day of the year376. In addition to these rites, ephebes were often required to attend public festivals. In Hellenistic Athens, e.g. the ephebes participated in processions and other rituals, especially in festivals that had a specic ideological weight: e.g. the festival for Artemis Agrotera, which was also the commemorative anniversary of the battle of Marathon, the festivals connected with Theseus, the archetypical ephebe, the agons which honoured the local hero Aias in Salamis, and the sacrice to Zeus Tropaios in Salamis, which commemorated the famous sea battle of the Persian Wars, and the procession for the personication of Democracy377. In Samos, the ephebes participated in an annual procession to the temple of Thea Rhome/Dea Roma and Augustus378. The importance of festivals as part of the training of young men is clearly demonstrated by a calendar of celebrations in the gymnasium of Kos379. In the month Artamitios alone, the calendar lists eight civic sacrices and festivals in which participation was mandatiory: the festival of Poseidon on the 4th, a procession for Eumenes II on the 6th, the festival of Apollo and processions to the sanctuaries of Apollo Kyparissios and the

371. E.g. SEG 41, 1003 II; Chaniotis 9, 163164. 372. Ephor., FGrH 70 F 149 = Strab. 10, 4, 21 C 483484. 373. General discussions: Brelich 1, 200202; Cucuzza, N., Considerazioni su alcuni culti nella Messar di epoca storica e sui rapporti territoriali fra Fests e Gortina, RendLinc Ser. 9, 8 (1997) 2327; Capdeville, G., Volcanus. Recherches comparatistes sur les origines du culte de Vulcain (1995) 202214; Leitao; Chaniotis 3, 124133; Gehrke, H.J., Gewalt und Gesetz. Die soziale und politische Ordnung Kretas in der archaischen und klassischen Zeit, Klio 79 (1997) 3135; Waldner, K., Geburt und Hochzeit des Kriegers. Geschlechterdierenz und Initiation in Mythos und Ritual der griechischen Polis (2000) 236242; Scanlon, T. F., Eros and Greek Athletics (2002) 7477; Chaniotis, A. Functions of Extra-urban Sanctuaries in Ancient Crete, in Deligiannakis, G./Galanakis, Y. (eds.), The Aegean and its Cultures (2009) 5967. The archaeological evidence for rituals of the ephebes: Lebessi, A., Te e ^E d \A c B. I 1. X a (1985) 188198; ead., Te e ^E d \A c B. III. Ta (2002) 269282; Prent, M., Cretan Sanctuaries and Cults. Continuity and Change from Late Minoan IIIC to the Archaic Period (2005) 481484. 557558. 577582. 374. Ekdysia: Cucuzza (n. 373) 2327; Capdeville, G., Volcanus. Recherches comparatistes sur les origines du culte de Vulcain (1995) 202214; Leitao (esp. 131136); Waldner (n.

373) 236242. On the meaning of ( in the Cretan dialect) see Chaniotis 3, 124 and 212. 375. ICret I xix.1, l. 1619; cf. Chaniotis 3, 13, 125. Cf. the \E of Argos: Nilsson, Feste 371 n. 2. In other Cretan cities this ceremony seems to have been connected with the festivals of Zeus (^Y) and Dionysos (): Chaniotis 3, 125. 376. ICret I ix.1, l. 1014 (reference to the oath of the ephebes). 145147 (reference to the rst day of the year, ); discussion in Chaniotis 3, 195201. 377. E.g. IG II2 1006; SEG 29, 116; Plkidis, C., Histoire de lphbie attique des origines 31 av. J.-C. (1962) 211256; Chaniotis, A., War in the Hellenistic World. A Social and Cultural History (2005) 5152. 237239. 378. IG XII 6, 7 (5 B.C.). 379. LSCG 165 (c. 156145 B.C.). 380. Sourvinou, C., Studies in Girls Transition: Aspects of the Arkteia and Age Representation in Attic Iconography (1988); Ingalls, W. B., Ritual Performance as Training for Daughters in Archaic Athens, Phoenix 54 (2000) 120; Dillon 3772. 211219. On the rite involving the Lokrian maidens see Dillon 6366; Redeld, J. M., The Locrian Maidens: Love and Death in Greek Italy (2003); III.2.4. 381. Brul, Fille 7998; Dillon 5760; Parker, Polytheism 221222. 382. E.g. Plut. mor. 301ef (thiasoi in Aigina). Isaios (6, 50) condemns a female slave who participated in a procession that she was not allowed to attend (the Thesmophoria?); cf. Deubner 53 n. 6.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. concerning the position and role of citizens and non-citizens in the procession as well as through restrictions as regards access to sanctuaries, participation in contests (especially in athletic competitions), and receiving a share of the sacricial animal383. For instance, foreigners were prevented from entering the sanctuary of Apollo Archegetes in Delos (fth century B.C.)384; only Spartans competed at the Leonideia385, only Athenians were permitted to participate in some disciplines at the Panathenaia, e.g. the apobates386, a race called the \ ^P at the Amphiaraia and Rhomaia of Oropos was restricted to citizens of Oropos387, the Eleans were excluded from the Isthmia (II.7), the athletic contests at the Demostheneia were only for citizens (V.6), the d of the Imperial period were probably only open to citizens388, and there were contests of provincial koina reserved only to their citizens389. The indignation caused by intruders in a sacricial feast can be clearly recognized in the strong emotional language used in a decree of the small community of Olymos390. Although participation in the sacrices and other acts of worship was restricted to the members of the three subdivisions of the citizen-body, some honorary members of the subdivision claimed for themselves the right to participate in the gatherings of the citizens: some of them only dared to attend the sacrices; however, others even dared occupy the oces of the sacred ocial, the priest, and the prophet. The rights of the people and the care of the gods were violated in an impious way through this shameless appropriation of rights, which they did not deserve ( b ). The decree hoped to put an end to this evil pretence (a ). That the participation of non-citizens was not at all self-evident is best expressed by those decrees and cult regulations which explicitly allow the participation of individuals of a dierent legal status. Such regulations, common from the Hellenistic period onwards, aimed at expressing the coherence and concord of the polis, inviting all, men and women, free and slaves, citizens, foreign residents, and residents of the territory with inferior

39

civic status, to participate in the festival391; however, by using a phraseology which explicitly refers to the dierences in status, these texts did not abolish, but in fact underlined the dierences as they also underlined the exceptional character of the festive day; e.g. it was only on this day that slaves were freed from chains. The social signicance of festivals is clear also in connection with the opportunity they oered to honour benefactors and ocials, with a special seat in the contest (prohedria), with the announcement of honours before the beginning of contests, with a special share of the sacricial meat in the sacricial banquet, with honours for the victorious athletes who had brought glory to the city392. Victorious choregoi increased their reputation by erecting monuments in commemoration of their victory393. Also, manumissions of slaves usually took place during festivals or contests394. The rst day of the year ( ) was also the day on which a new set of magistrates took oce and usually a new age-class of citizens was accepted into full citizenship and took the oath of citizenship. These socio-political activities were marked by sacrices (, ; I.1.8). Festivals were sometimes celebrations of local identity, an opportunity to show continuation of traditions and to express dierences from others. One of the best examples is provided by Messenia, an area which for long periods of its history lacked freedom; religious traditions, in particular those connected with the cult of the Great Gods of Karneasion (Dioskouroi?) at Andania and the festival of this old mystery cult, helped the Messenians shape and express a local identity after their liberation from Spartan domination395. The eort to provide a festival with a distinctive local prole by means of peculiar ritual actions was part of the construction of local identities and the competition among cult communities. This is particularly clear in the Imperial period, when small and large poleis revived ancestral rituals ()396. Festivals carried a clear political meaning, especially when they were founded in commemoration of recent political events. Antigonos Gonatas established the festivals Soteria and Paneia in Delos in 245 B.C. either to celebrate a recent naval vic-

383. E.g. LSAM 58. 384. IDlos 68 = LSS 49; Schlesier, R., Menschen und Gtter unterwegs: Rituale und Reise in der griechischen Antike, in Hlscher, T. (ed.), Gegenwelten zu den Kulturen Griechenlands und Roms in der Antike (2000) 129157. Further examples: Butz, P. A., Prohibitionary Inscriptions, , and the Inuence of the Early Greek Polis, in Hgg, Polis 7595. 385. Dem. 61, 2324. 386. Parker, Polytheism 256. 387. IOropos 521, l. 62; 525, l. 6869; 529, l. 2223. See Strasser 1, 299301. 388. But Wrrle 189190, interprets the d as urban contests rather than contests only open to citizens.

389. E.g. c T in Side, only for Pamphylians (ISide II 121126). 390. LSAM 58; IMylasa 861 (late 2nd cent. B.C.). 391. E.g. IG VII 190 l. 1118. 2712 l. 6374; XII 5, 721 l. 2628; further examples in Stavrianopoulou (n. 275). 392. Prohedria: Maas, M., Die Prohedrie des Dionysostheaters in Athen (1972). Announcement of honours: Chaniotis 10, 5459. Share of the sacricial meat: e.g. IEleusis 93. 99. Athletes: Rudhardt, Notions 153154. 393. Wilson 1, 158262; Agelidis, S., Choregische Weihgeschenke in Griechenland (2009); II.6. 394. See n. 352 on the date of the manumissions at the sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods at Leukopetra, near Beroia. 395. Deshours 167211. 396. Chaniotis 11.

40

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. audiences404 and statesmen and kings to make important announcements. Alexanders decree concerning the return of exiles was announced during the Olympic festival of 324 B.C., and Titus Flamininus announced the award of freedom to the Greek cities during the Isthmia of 198 B.C.405. Agonistic festivals count among the most important promoters of Greek identity (but cf. II.7).

tory over a Ptolemaic eet or to respond to the announcement of the Aitolian Soteria in Delphi in 246 B.C.397. The festival Basileia (dedicated to Zeus Basileus) in Lebadeia, was founded after the Boiotian victory at Leuktra (371 B.C.) and revived in the aftermath of the victory of the Hellenic League over the Spartan king Kleomenes III (221 B.C.), expressing anti-Spartan sentiments398. Festivals played an important part also in interstate relations. Powerful cities expressed their hegemonic position and the domination over other communities by obliging dependent communities to make dedications in their sanctuaries. During the period of the Athenian Hegemony, the Athenians obliged their allies to make rst-fruit oerings (oerings of wheat and barley) to Eleusis399. Similarly, powerful Cretan cities obliged dependent communities to make dedications to important city and extra-urban sanctuaries. The island of Kaudos, a dependent community of Gortyn, had to oer a tithe to the sanctuary of Apollo Pythios in Gortyn; the dependent community of Rhizenia was obliged by Gortyn to make a contribution to the sacrice oered to Zeus on Mt. Ida400. The recognition of the inviolability of a sanctuary was often connected with the foundation, reorganization or upgrade of a festival401. Thus the eorts of communities to upgrade their festivals often developed into major diplomatic enterprises, which strengthened the relations among communities, brought them together in joint ritual actions (-, -)402, but they also made Greek cities seek the help of monarchies and thus enhance their dependence on them403. The Panhellenic festivals, but also other festivals that attracted large audiences, gave an opportunity to orators with a political agenda to address large
397. Champion, C. B., In Defence of Hellas: The Antigonid Soteria and Paneia at Delos and the Aetolian Soteria at Delphi, AJAH NS 3/4 (2004/05 [2007]) 7288. 398. Nassi, M., Zeus Basileus di Lebadea. La politica religiosa del koinon beotico durante la guerra cleomenica, Klio 77 (1995) 149169. For other commemorative anniversaries see n. 92. 399. IG I3 78. Smarczyk (n. 356) 167298; Bowden, H., Classical Athens and the Delphic Oracle. Divination and Democracy (2005) 125139; Cavanaugh, M. B., Eleusis and Athens. Documents in Finance, Religion, and Politics in the Fifth Century BC (1996) 2995. 400. Chaniotis (n. 373); see Staatsvertrge 216; Chaniotis 3, no. 69 A, l. 1819. 401. Rigsby 5967 (Ptoia of Akraiphia, late 3rd cent. B.C.). 6875 (agon of Dionysos Kadmeios in Thebes, late 3rd cent. B.C.). 7781 (Amphiaraia, 86 B.C.). 106153 (Asklepieia of Kos, 241 B.C.). 179279 (Leukophryena in Magnesia on the Maeander, 208 B.C.). 341350 (Soteria of Kyzikos, c. 200 B.C.). 351353 (Klaria in Kolophon, 3rd cent. B.C.). 354357 (festival in Bargylia, Hellenistic period). 362377 (Nikephoria of Pergamon, 182 B.C.). On the political dimensions see Buraselis, K., Zur Asylie als auenpolitischem Instrument in der hellenistischen Welt, in Dreher, M. (ed.), Das antike Asyl. Kultische Grundlagen, rechtliche Ausgestaltung und politische Funktion (2003) 143160.

6. Historical development and dynamic of festivals

Festivals are institutions and as such they are subject to change406. An anecdote narrated by Agatharchides is a very instructive407: The Boiotians sacrice to the gods those eels of the Kopaic Lake which are of surpassing size, putting wreaths on them, saying prayers over them, and casting barley-corns on them as on any other sacricial victim; and to the foreigner who was utterly puzzled at the strangeness of this custom and asked the reason, the Boiotian declared that he knew one answer, and he would reply that one should observe ancestral customs, and it was not his business to justify them to other men. The Boiotians continued to sacrice eels, not because of an original meaning (possibly because for them eels were the equivalent of a domesticated animal), but because of the importance attached to the preservation of ancestral traditions for the coherence and identity of their community. The function of this ritual had shifted from an oering to a god to a marker of distinctiveness. In the conservative elds of religion and ritual changes occurred slowly and reluctantly but they did occur. The popularity of some festivals increased at the expense of others (I.1.3); rituals
402. E.g. SEG 37, 388; Strab. 10, 487. 403. The best example is the diplomatic enterprise of Magnesia on the Maeander for the recognition and upgrade of the Leukophryena (208 B.C.); IMagn 1687; Rigsby nos. 66131; Ebert, J. Zur Stiftungsurkunde der Leukophryena in Magnesia am Mander, Philologus 126 (1982) 198216; Chaniotis, A., Empfngerformular und Urkundenflschung: Bemerkungen zum Urkundendossier von Magnesia am Mander, in Khoury, R. G. (ed.), Urkunden und Urkundenformulare im Klassischen Altertum und in den orientalischen Kulturen (1999) 5169; Slater/Summa. See also Syll.3 590 (Didymeia); Nachtergael (n. 42) (Soteria); Robert (n. 181) 156173 (Koreia); Ameling, W./Bringmann, K./ Schmidt-Dounas, B., Schenkungen hellenistischer Herrscher an griechische Stdte und Heiligtmer I (1995) 134140 (Mouseia of Thespiai). See Wrrle 1, 198202; Jones, C. P., Joint Sacrice at Iasus and Side, JHS 118 (1998) 183186. 404. Examples: the Olympic Orations of Lysias (Lysias 33) and the Panathenaic Oration of Isokrates; cf. Rudhardt, Notions 155. 405. Exiles decree: Dmitriev, S., Alexanders Exiles Decree, Klio 86 (2004) 348381. Flamininus: Plut. Flam. 10. 406. Chaniotis 7; Parker, Polytheism 156157; II.5; II.9; IV.1.1. 407. FGrH 86 F 5; Athen. 7, 297d/e.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. changed and separate festivals merged to one; celebrations which were interrupted because of wars were sometimes revived and sometimes forgotten408; nancial constraints led to downsizing; new festivals were founded (I.2); innovative aspects in the programme of one festival became trendsetters and inuenced the programme of others the spectators of a festival did talk to others about what they had seen409; as a festive community changed due to social, political, cultural, and religious developments so did the signicance of a festival for the community that celebrated it; a festival originally dedicated to one deity was connected with the cult of another410; rituals and celebrations with a long tradition in one community were adopted by another411; pious individuals and religious experts made changes to traditional celebrations412. Most sources concerning festivals date to the Hellenistic and the Imperial period (historians, Plutarch, Athenaios, lexicographers, commentaries, inscriptions); abundant information is also provided by the polemic comments of Christian fathers. The information provided by a late author may be valid only for a specic historical period or place; it may be the result of the misunderstanding of an earlier source; it may represent the eort to oer a rational explanation of a ritual that was no longer understood. Only the comparison between sources representing dierent genres, dating to dierent periods, and originating in dierent places may allow us to recognize developments. A variety of factors inuenced the programme, signicance, and very existence of festivals. Let us take for example the Athenian Oschophoria (cf. n. 213 and 359). This festival combined the cult of Dionysos with that of Athena Skiras413; the leg-

41

end of Theseus return from Crete after the killing of the Minotaur served as the festivals aetiological myth; however, this aition is connected neither with Athena nor with Dionysos, but rather with rites of passage and ritual transvestism414. Allegedly, Theseus had replaced two of the virgins that he was supposed to take with him to Crete with young men with girlish faces; kept away from the sun, taking warm baths, smoothing their skin, using unguents, and arranging their hair, these two youths looked like girls; for this reason, the procession was led by two young men in female garments415. Here a complex set of associations aimed at explaining why elements of very dierent origins (the cult of Dionysos, rites of passage, the cult of Athena) had merged into one festival. For instance the return of Theseus at the time of the vintage oered an explanation for the role of Dionysos. Arguably, some of the ritual elements can easily be reconciled with an agrarian festival416, but others cannot. Consequently, we need to assume that at some point elements of dierent origins (dierent festivals, cults of dierent gods, dierent cult places) merged into a single celebration. The Daphnephoria in Thebes is another example of a festival with a complex history417. Originally celebrated in the springtime, it included a procession in which the laurel was carried or worn by the participants. In the late Classical or Hellenistic period this procession was merged with the carrying of the statue of a goddess from the city to its frontiers. Later elements of the Delphian Septerion and the Athenian Oschophoria may have been incorporated into the Daphnephoria. When, how, and why a change happened is not known in most cases, but a comparison between festivals with complex developments (Anthesteria,

408. Habicht, C., Versumter Gtterdienst, Historia 55 (2006) 153166, with many references to revivals of festivals. On the revival of the Pythais see Parker, Polytheism 8387 409. Theokr. 15, 2125: z , z f c . Cf. Chaniotis 11, 7274. A characteristic example is the diusion of agonistic festivals of the Hellenic type in the Roman West; see Caldelli, M. L., Lagon Capitolinus. Storia e protagonisti dallistituzione domizianea al IV secolo (1993); ead., Gli agoni alla Greca nelle regioni occidentali dellimpero. La Gallia Narbonensis (1997). 410. For these phenomena see Chaniotis 49 and 1113. 411. See e.g. Bowden, H., Cults of Demeter Eleusinia and the Transmission of Religious Ideas, Mediterranean Historical Review 22 (2007) 7183 (on the diusion of cults and festivals of Demeter Eleusinia); e.g. Paus. 2, 14, 1 412. E.g. Methapos in Andania: Paus. 4, 1, 8. More examples in Chaniotis 6. 413. The association of Athena Skiras with the Oschophoria is connected with the cults of a group called the Salaminians (LSS 19). The exact context has been the subject of an unresolved debate. See Ferguson, W. S., The Salaminioi of Heptaphylai and Sounion, Hesperia 7 (1938) 168; Nilsson, M. P., The New Inscription of the Salaminioi, in id., Opuscula Selecta II (1952) 631741; Osborne, R., Archaeology, the Salaminioi, and the Politics

of Sacred Space in Archaic Attica, in Alcock/Osborne, Sanctuaries 143160; Taylor, M. C., Salamis and the Salaminioi. The History of an Unocial Athenian Demos (1997); Lambert, S. D., The Attic Genos Salaminioi and the Island of Salamis, ZPE 119 (1997) 85106; id., IG II2 2345, Thiasoi of Herakles and the Salaminioi Again, ZPE 125 (1999) 93130; S. Batino, O a e e . Ruolo di un genos nella denizione degli spazi sacri nella citt e nel suo territorio, ASAtene 81 (2003) 83152. On the Oschophoria see Deubner 142147; Parke, Festivals 7780; Simon, Festivals 8992; Parker, Polytheism, 211217. 414. van der Loe, R., De Oschophoriis, Mnemosyne 43 (1915) 404415; Jeanmaire, Couroi 338363; Calame, Thse 324348. 415. Plut. Thes. 23, 23. 416. Deubner, L., Das attische Weinlesefest (1943). This does not mean that Dionysos was the festivals original god. He plays no part in the inscription of the Salaminioi and the procession leads from his sanctuary to the sanctuary of Athena; this suggests that Dionysos was the younger partner in the festival. 417. Schachter, A., The Daphnephoria of Thebes, in Angeli Bernardini, P. (ed.), Presenza e funzione della citt di Tebe nella cultura Greca (2000) 99123. On this festival see also IV.3.5.1.

42

3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. ual practices of one festival inuenced the programme of another (ritual transfer)424. Political factors, especially the merging of two or more communities into one (synoecism) aected the festive calendar, as one can observe in the synoecism of Mykonos425. Political events sometimes transformed the signicance of a festival: the battle of Marathon took place on 6 Boedromion, which was the day of the festival of Artemis Agrotera; the Athenian victory on that day (490 B.C.) transformed Artemiss festival into the commemorative anniversary of an important political event426. Festivals with political overtones were abolished when the political reasons for their establishment no longer existed. In Thebes an agonistic festival for the Goddess Rome was established in the second century B.C., probably after 146 B.C.; it was abolished during the Mithridatic Wars (c. 88 B.C.)427. On the other hand a recent political event or the veneration of a ruler added both a further designation to a festivals name and a political signicance. A name such as M K \E K in Thessalonike clearly reects the complex history of an agonistic festival which combined the cult of the local god Kabeiros with that of Apollo Pythios and the emperor, and commemorated a victory over the Goths in 260 A.D.428. Also the programme of festivals changed following the trends of the times. This can be best observed in the agonistic festivals, which continually introduced new disciplines (I.2). At the Mouseia of Thespiai, one of the most traditional music festivals, the programme changed at the cost of the traditional musical and poetic competitions because of the increased importance of declamation, closely associated with political and civic glorication429. Gladiatorial combats and venationes were introduced in the festivals for the imperial cult under the inuence of the munera in the West and became extremely popular in the second and third centuries A.D.430. The great amounts spent on festivals and the increasing number of spectacles in

Daidala, Thargelia, Hyakinthia, etc.418) allows us to identify several parameters that lead to such a merging: for instance, the interruption and reorganisation of a festival419; the arrival of a new population group; the connection of two celebrations because they were linked with similar concepts (e.g. association of vegetative growth and fertility with human growth and fertility); the merging of two festivals, which were celebrated at approximately the same time, into one; the re-interpretation of a religious term420. In the course of Greek history we can observe clear shifts in the popularity of festivals, although we can rarely determine their causes. In the calendars of Greek cities we nd innumerable months whose names derive from festivals that lost their signicance421. We have already seen in the case of Athens (I.1.3) with the Elaphebolia, which were overshadowed by the Dionysia, and the Hekatombaia, which left no trace in the rituals. Political and social developments, such as the development of Hellenistic monarchy and the great mobility in the Hellenistic world and in the Roman East, had a great impact on festivals. New festivals for kings were introduced in Greek cities and the monarchies established their own dynastic cults (I.1.1); new cults were introduced because of the mobility of populations or the activity of benefactors (I.1.2); the signicance of private cult associations and their rituals increased (I.1.2). A signicant factor for changes in the celebration of a festival was the wish to increase its glamour in order to make the gratitude towards a deity more visible but also in competition with other communities (n. 129 and 397). An interesting example is provided by the festival for Artemis Kindyas at Bargylia (late second/early rst century B.C.), where measures were taken for improvements in the raising of sacricial animals422. The competition among communities was also an essential factor. The Apollonia of Ephesos may have been founded in the context of the rivalry between Ephesos and the Great Klaria of Kolophon423. Rit-

418. Anthesteria: Humphreys 223275. Daidala: V.3. Thargelia: Chaniotis 12, 100101. Hyakinthia: V.2. 419. Good examples for the reorganisation of festivals in the Hellenistic period are provided by Boiotia; see Nassi (n. 399); Knoeper 2; Schachter, Boiotia. 420. E.g. van der Loe (n. 415) has argued that the Athenian festival Oschophoria, originally a festival of male transition, derives its name from (young branch and scrotum); when the transitory rite lost its importance, the name of the festival was re-interpreted as deriving from (vine branch) and the festival was associated with the cult of Dionysos. For a similar re-interpretation of a term see V.1 (Thesmophoria). 421. Greek months: Trmpy 1. 422. See n. 262. 423. SEG 46, 422 (2nd/1st cent. B.C.); Habicht, C., Neues aus Messene, ZPE 130 (2000) 121126. 424. On ritual transfer in Greek religion see Chaniotis 5, 8, 13 and Chaniotis (n. 29).

425. LSCG 96 (c. 200 B.C.). 426. Chaniotis 1, 136 (with further examples). 427. Knoeper 4 (SEG 54, 516). 428. SEG 49, 817; 56, 748. 429. Bonnet 6166. 430. Robert, L., Les gladiateurs dans lOrient grec (1940) still remains the work of reference on this subject; see also Ritti, T./Yilmaz, S., Gladiatori e venationes a Hierapolis di Frigia, MemLinc 10 (1998) 443542; Kayser, F., La gladiature en gypte, REA 102 (2000) 459478; Bouley, E., Jeux romains dans les provinces balkanodanubiennes du IIe s. av. J.-C. la n du IIIe s. ap. J.-C. (2001); Hrychuk Kontokosta, A. C., Gladiatorial Reliefs and lite Funerary Monuments, in Ratt, C./Smith, R. R. R. (eds.), Aphrodisias Papers 4. New Research on the City and its Monuments (2008) 190229. The number of nds increases continually: e.g. SEG 49, 815818; 50, 578583; IBeroia 6869.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. the Imperial period were criticized by intellectuals but also by the Roman administration. Hadrian encouraged the initiative of the authorities at Aphrodisias to request money from high priests instead of gladiatorial shows431. Under Roman inuence, new types of celebrations were introduced, e.g. annual rites in honour of the dead (rosalia, , ; parentalia)432. A signicant factor for the organisation of festivals was private initiatives of individuals, driven by piety or ambition or both433. A certain Dionysios in Side is such an example: to celebrate the 24th jubilee of his priesthood (of Apollo?) he founded the g in honour of Apollo Theos Patrios Ktistes434. The physician and composer of medical poems Herakleitos of Rhodiapolis (rst/second century A.D.), who also served as priest of Asklepios and Hygieia, donated 15,000 denarii for the organisation of \A435. A priest of Themis in Side founded the agonistic festival \Ac d \A436. As part of a hierarchical system of celebrations, festivals experience changes in their status and popularity. Indicators of the specic signicance of a festival in a hierarchical system of celebrations include the expenses made by the community (e.g. the number and price of sacricial animals); the duration; the suspension of administrative activities; the invitation of foreign athletes and artists to the competition; the type of prize given to the winners. In many cases we cannot determine the causes of a change. A private cult association in Rhodes was dedicated to the cult of Hermes and (Demeter) Thesmophoros (^Ed ); although men were excluded from the Thesmophoria, this association included men among its members. The festival of Demeter Thesmophoros that they celebrated had nothing to do with the traditional Thesmophoria; the combination of Hermes and Thesmophoros suggests a chthonic cult, but we cannot be certain about this. This cult was strongly shaped by the initiative of
431. Reynolds, K., New Letters from Hadrian to Aphrodisias: Trials, Taxes, Gladiators, and an Aqueduct, JRA 13 (2000) 520 (SEG 50, 1096). For this attitude of the Roman authorities cf. Wrrle 244245. 432. E.g. IG X 2 1, 260; X 2 2, 152; Philippi II 29. 133. 597. 636; IGBulg II 796; SEG 49, 1790; IJO II 171. See Herrmann, P./Polatkan, K. Z., Das Testament des Epikrates und andere neue Inschriften aus dem Museum von Manisa (1969) 30 with n. 41; Kokkinia, C., Rosen fr die Toten im griechischen Raum und eine neue -Inschrift aus Bithynien, MusHelv 56 (1999) 204221. On Roman inuence in festivals and rituals see the collections of studies (with further bibliography) by De Blois, L./Funke, P./ Hahn, J. (eds.), The Impact of Imperial Rome on Religions, Ritual and Religious Life in the Roman Empire (2006) and Hekster, O./Schmidt-Hofner, S./Witschel, C. (eds.), Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire (2009). 433. Laum I 6096. Cf. Chaniotis 6. 434. ISide II 129.

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its founder437. Similarly, a cult association in Smyrna, again consisting of men, celebrated a mystery cult dedicated to the Great Goddess, who protects the city, Demeter Thesmophoros438. Other examples of the signicance of private initiatives are the cult of the hero Naulochos founded by a Cypriote in Priene (or Ephesos?), upon command given to him in his dream (three times) by Demeter and Kore439, and a mystery cult in Philadelpheia with great emphasis on concepts of purity (c. 100 B.C.)440. Dicult to detect are those changes in festivals which were connected with deeper changes in the perception of the divine, in ideas of the afterlife, and in views concerning the communication between mortals and gods. Signicant developments are connected with the diusion of mystery cults and esoteric religions, with a trend sometimes designated as pagan monotheism, and with the trend to place more emphasis on the praise of gods with words rather than with (or in addition to) rituals441. angelos chaniotis

II. Das griechische Heiligtum als rumlicher Kontext antiker Feste und Agone bibliographie : Agelidis, S., Choregische Weihgeschenke in Griechenland (2009); Alcock, S. E./Osborne, R. (Hsg.), Placing the Gods. Sanctuaries and Sacred Space in Ancient Greece (1994); Bubenheimer, F., et al. (Hsg.), Kult und Funktion griechischer Heiligtmer in archaischer und klassischer Zeit (1996); Coulson, W./Kyrieleis, H. (Hsg.), Proceedings of an International Symposium on the Olympic Games (1992); Dieterle, M., Dodona. Religionsgeschichtliche und historische Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Entwicklung des ZeusHeiligtums (2007); Gruben, G., Griechische Tempel und Heiligtmer (20015); Frevel, Ch./von Hesberg, H. (Hsg.), Kult und Kommunikation. Medien in Heiligtmern der Antike (2007); Friese, W., Den Gttern so nah. Architektur und Topographie griechischer Orakelheiligtmer (2010); Hlscher, T., entliche Rume in frhen griechischen Stdten (1998); Hornblower, S./Morgan, C. (Hsg.), Pindars Poetry, Pa435. IGRom III 733; Robert, L., tudes pigraphiques et philologiques (1938) 52. 436. ISide II 120. 437. IG XII 1, 157 (1st cent. B.C.). 438. ISmyrna 655 (undated): e . Cf. the mystery cult of Demeter Karpophoros, Demeter Thesmophoros, and the Emperors in Ephesos (IEphes 213, 83 A.D.). 439. IPriene 196 (c. 350 B.C.). 440. LSAM 20; TAM V 3, 1539 Barton, S. C./Horsley, G. H. R., A Hellenistic Cult Group and the New Testament Church, JbAC 24 (1981) 741. 441. On such transformations, generally, see Bremmer, GrRel 8597. Mysteries: see n. 5759. Pagan monotheism: Mitchell, S./van Nuelen, P. (eds.), One God: Pagan Monotheism in the Roman Empire (2010). Praise of the gods as opposed to ritual automatism: Bradbury, S., Julians Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrice, Phoenix 49 (1995) 331356; cf. Stroumsa; Chaniotis 13, 2223.

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. V. Exemplary discussion of a selection of festivals bibliography: see under I. The shared features of festivals but also the particular features of individual festivals and their development over time are exemplied through the brief discussion of a small selection of festivals from dierent regions of Greece (Thesmophoria in Athens, Hyakinthia in Sparta, Daidala in Plataia, the festival of the mystery cult at Andania, the agonistic festival of the Demostheneia in Oinoanda). Further examples are discussed from the perspectives of archaeology, art history and literature: see II.8 and III.2.1.1 (Panathenaia), III.2.2 (Dionysia, Anthesteria), III.2.4 (festival of Persephone in Lokroi), II.7 (Olympia). See also ThesCRA VII Festivals and contests, Rom. 4.2.7 (Kaisareia in Gythion).
1.

groen kanonischen Texte bezieht, bleibt die Festpoetik dann selbst noch in spteren Literaturformen grundlegend. Das Verhltnis von Fest und Lied hat man sich also in einem permanenten gegenseitigen Austausch vorzustellen. Elemente des Rahmens ieen wiederum in den Text ein, der den Kontext besttigt, und bestimmen ihn. Das Fest schreibt sich also gewissermaen ein in seine Performance. Umgekehrt kann man sich den Ursprung von solchen Auhrungen als Zustze zu bestimmten Festelementen wie der Prozession, dem Opfer und der theoria erklren. Eine Gruppe tut etwas sthetisches zum Gefallen der Gtter. Da die reine rituelle Aktion begrenzt ist, ranken sich schnell weitere sthetische Auhrungen um sie herum. In solche Wucherungen im Festgeschehen wird der Rahmen zum Teil in Form einer mise en abime integriert. Zudem werden im agonistischen Kontext oft die musikalischen Performances der Poesie noch mit anderen, vor allem krperlich-sportlichen Wettspielen in Verbindung gebracht. Hier wie dort stehen die berwindung des Todes und der Nachruhm durch herausragende Taten im Zentrum. Kultur ist zugleich nie lediglich die ewig identische Abspiegelung von einbettenden Kulten und Riten, die Fortfhrung des Immergleichen. Vielmehr haben wir es mit einem spielerischen Verfahren zu tun, in dem man auf einzelne Bestandteile aus unterschiedlichen Kontexten zurckgreift. Kulturelle Poetik bedeutet, Versatzstcke von Festen und anderen Kompositionen frei zu variieren und zu kombinieren. So entsteht ein dynamisches Spiel der Interaktion von Wort, Musik, Bewegung, Rhythmus, Melodie und Praktiken der festlichen Rahmung. Von Intertextualitt zu sprechen ist wohl erst im Hellenismus sinnvoll. Vielmehr handelt es sich in der griechischen Poesie um ludisch hergestellte Phnomene von interperformativen Austauschbewegungen: also Interperformance, Interritualitt und in der spezischen Fokussierung auf das Fest Interheortologie. anton bierl

Thesmophoria

Most Greek festivals were celebrated only in a single polis or sometimes by a single Greek tribal community (e.g. the Hyakinthia by Dorians or the Apatouria by the Ionians). Except for the Dionysia, attested as an agonistic festival primarily with musical competitions all over the Hellenistic world (but not earlier), there is only one festival which is so widely diused: the womens festival Thesmophoria1. It is either directly attested or its existence can be inferred from the existence of a specic type of sanctuary of Demeter (Thesmophorion), typically located outside the city2. Sanctuaries that have been interpreted as Thesmophoria have been excavated in many places in the Greek world; typical nds include statuettes of Kourotrophoi or of a pair of goddesses, representations of pigs, piglets, snakes, phallic symbols, and pomegranates, as well as kernoi and miniature vases3. This wide diusion suggests both a very old origin and great signicance. The festivals origin

1. Discussions: Nilsson, Feste 313325; Deubner 5060; Parke, Festivals 8288, 158160; Simon, Festivals 1822; Brumeld 173; Bremmer, GrRel 7679; Zeitlin, F. I., Travesties of Gender and Genre in Aristophanes Thesmophoriazousai, in Foley, H. (ed.), Reections of Women in Antiquity (1981) 169217; Versnel, Inconsistencies II 235288; Bierl 1; Dillon 110120; Parker, Polytheism 270289. 2. For a representative but not complete list see Nilsson, Feste 313316. The area in which the festival Thesmophoria is attested includes Attica, Megara, Boiotia, Thessaly, Lakonia, the Cyclades (Delos, Paros), Crete, Euboia, Thasos, Thrace, Asia Minor (Antiocheia of Pisidia, Gambreion), Cyrene, Sicily, and Alexandria. But the epithet Thesmophoros is more widely diused, e.g. in Arkadia (IPArk 20), Chios (de Coulanges, F., Inscriptions de Chios BCH 16, 1892, 324325 no. 3), Mesembria (IGBulg I2 342), Pantikapaion (CIRB 18), Ephesos (IDidyma 496;

IEphes 1236), Erythrai (IEryth 69, 225), Smyrna (?, ISmyrna 727), Pergamon (IGRom IV 282). Also the month name Thesmophorios/Thesmophorion is widely attested: see Trmpy 1, 292. 3. Examples of excavated Thesmophoria: Corinth: Pemberton, E. G., Corinth XVIII 1, The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: the Greek Pottery (1989); Bookidis, N./Stroud, R. S., Corinth XVIII 3, The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore. Topography and Architecture (1997); Merker, G. S., Corinth XVIII 4, The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore. Terracotta Figurines of the Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman Periods (2000). Delos: Bruneau, Cultes 269294. Eretria: Metzger, I. R., Eretria VII. Das Thesmophorion von Eretria (1985). Gela: Orlandini, P., Il scavo del Thesmophorion di Bitalemi e il culto delle divinit ctonie Gela, Kokalos 12 (1966) 835; id., Gela: Nuove scoperte nel Thesmophorion di Bitalemi, Kokalos 13 (1967) 177179; Kron, U., Frauenfeste in Demeterheiligtmern: das Thesmophorion von Bitalemi,

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. in pre-Hellenic religions has been suggested but there is no evidence for this. Unfortunately, none of the ancient authors who refer to the Thesmophoria had been allowed to observe its celebration. Men were strictly excluded from the celebrations and several anecdotes as well as Aristophanes Thesmophoriazousai (411 B.C.) allude to this prohibition4. Most information comes from Athens. Aristophanes Thesmophoriazousai takes place on the second day of the festival and this parody of the celebration provides some information5. Another detailed source, a scholion on the second hetairic dialogue of Lucian, is problematic, as it confuses three related rites (Thesmophoria, Arrhephoria, and Skira)6. The festival derives its name from and ; as in all festivals or rituals with names of this type (e.g. Oschophoria, Arrhephoria etc.), the name refers to a physical object which is ritually carried, in this case in the meaning things laid down (see below)7. This word was understood from the Hellenistic period onwards and is still being understood by modern scholars as referring not to an object but to institutions and alluding to Demeter Thesmophoros, the goddess of agriculture, which contributed to the establishment of civilized communities and brought the laws (Demeter legifera) or the knowledge of the correct performance of rites8. The aition of the Thesmophoria is attested as early as the seventh century B.C. with the Homeric hymn for Demeter and the myth of the abduction of Kore/Persephone. According to related narratives, Eubouleus, a swinherd observed the abduction; his pigs disappeared in the same opening of the earth through which Plouton brought Persephone to the underworld; his brother Triptolemos was given corn by Demeter. In Athens and in a few other cities (Abdera, Sparta) the festival lasted for three days; in Syracuse, where the cult of Demeter was very prominent, it lasted for ten. In most regions it was cel-

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ebrated in the fall (or at the end of the summer), in the time of sowing or just before this activity started, e.g. in Pyanopsion (early October) in Athens, at the beginning of the sowing season in Syracuse, in Demetrios in Boiotia, in Metageitnion in Delos (late August)9. In Athens the three days (1113 Pyanopsion) were called (ascent), (fasting) or (the middle day), and (good birth)10. Before the ocial festival started on 11 Pyanopsion, two related celebrations took place. The festival on 9 Pyanopsion was a nocturnal celebration, during which women teased each other with obscene jokes; on this day the prytaneis oered a sacrice to Demeter and Kore11. On 10 Pyanopsion the Thesmophoria were celebrated in a sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in the demos of Halimous (near Phaleron) by the women of the most distinguished families of Athens. The celebration included the performance of dances; phallic symbols played a part, but details are not known12. It is assumed that this festival aimed at expressing the connection between Halimous and the Athenian state. The city Thesmophoria took place in the Thesmophorion, probably on the hill Pnyx, south of the Agora13. On the rst day (anodos) the women went to the Thesmophorion. Only married women were allowed to attend; unmarried women, prostitutes, and adulteresses were excluded. The name of this day (ascent) has been subject to dierent interpretations: ascent on the hill of Pnyx, return from Halimous to Athens, the recovery of the secret objects (thesmoi), or the ascent of Kore/Persephone from the underworld14; in some sources this day is, however, called kathodos (descent)15. This ascent to the sanctuary may have had the form of a procession. In the Thesmophorion, which was protected by an enclosure and searched to assure that no man was present, tents were erected providing accommodation for several women ( = those sharing the same tent, derived from the analogous military term

AA (1992) 611650. Iasos: Levi, D., Gli scavi di Iasos, ASAtene 45/46 (1967/68) 569579. Knidos: Newton, C. T., A History of the Discoveries at Halicarnassus, Cnidus and Branchidae I 2 (1863) 375426. Knossos: Coldstream, J. N. (ed.), Knossos: The Sanctuary of Demeter (1973). Priene: Schede, M., Die Ruinen von Priene (1934) 95. Syracuse: Voza, G., Lattivit della Soprintendenza alle antichit della Sicilia orientale, Kokalos 22/23 (1976/77) 551561; 26/27 (1980/81) 680684. Thasos: Rolley, C., Le sanctuaire des dieux Patroi et le Thesmophorion de Thasos, BCH 89 (1965) 441483. Thesmophoria (as sanctuaries of Thesmophoros) are sometimes mentioned in inscriptions: Arvanitopoulos, A., Polemon 1 (1929) 32 (Demetrias, 3rd cent. B.C.); LSAM 16 (Gambreion, 3rd cent. B.C.). 4. Dillon 110. 5. Cf. Bierl 1. 6. Printed in Deubner 4041 n. 5; Parker, Polytheism 273. 7. Trmpy 3. 8. For a discussion of various theories see Brumeld 173, who argues that the name Thesmophoros designates

Demeter as the one who brings divine rites. The connection of with laws is also attested in the cult of Isis, e.g. in her hymn in Andros (IG XII 5, 739, l. 159160: ; 1st cent. B.C.). 9. Dillon 111. 10. Deubner 52 with n. 2 (sources). 5460 (reconstruction of the rites of the three days). 11. Deubner 5253. 12. Deubner 52. 13. Thompson, H. A., Pnyx and Thesmophorion, Hesperia 5 (1936) 151200. Other locations have been suggested by Broneer, O., The Thesmophorion in Athens, Hesperia 11 (1942) 250274 (Eleusinion north of the Acropolis); Travlos, TopAth 198 (a building south of the Eleusinion). Clinton 1, suggests that the City Eleusinion functioned as the Thesmophorion of the deme of Melite; it may be the place where the action of the Aristophanic Thesmophoriazousai takes place. 14. Deubner 5455; Dillon 113. 15. Deubner 59.

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. lieved that the noise made with cymbals and kettledrums imitated the search for Kore, after her disappearance. An unresolved question is when the living piglets were thrown, together with other symbols of fertility, such as representations of pine branches with cones and of phalluses and snakes, in the megara. If we are to judge from the Arrhephoria, during which every year sacred things were collected and other were deposited24, it seems that the piglets were thrown on the last day of the Thesmophoria, in order to be collected in the next celebration a year later25. On the third day (kalligeneia, good birth)26, a female herald () invoked Demeter Kalligeneia and other gods. The celebrants elected two women of distinguished families as their magistrates ()27. Sacrices of pigs took place (); a decree of the deme Cholargos mentions also bloodless sacrices of cakes made of grain, barley, dry gs, wine, oil, honey, sesame, puppy seeds, cheese, and garlic28. In Eretria, the women grilled the sacricial meat in the sun, without the use of re, in commemoration of a primitive life style. Hesychios mentions two further sacrices: a sacrice of atonement () for any misdemeanour during the festival and an enigmatic sacrice allegedly in commemoration of the fact that Athenian women once chased enemies as far as Chalkis (Xe )29. Such a complex festival requires a complex interpretation, which takes into consideration the possibility of changes and local variations. The ancient sources unequivocally characterize the Thesmophoria as a festival which promoted fertility in agriculture. The anonymous scholiast of Lucian (see I n. 245) explicitly calls it an indication of the birth of fruits and humans ( d ), and many aspects of the festival can easily be connected with agriculture and fertility: the deities that are worshipped during the festival (primarily Demeter and Persephone but also Ploutos, as god of wealth and the underworld, and the Charites); the epithets with which they are invoked (Kalligeneia, Kourotrophos, Zeus Eubouleus in Delos); the use of the substances which were collected dur-

)16. The women slept on beds () made of branches of plants believed to have an anti-aphrodisiac eect17. In Miletos, the women placed branches of spruce, symbols of fertility, under the beds. During the festival the female participants practiced sexual abstinence and returned to the state of unmarried women ()18. We have more information concerning the second day (nesteia = fasting)19. This day, which was a general holiday the assembly and the courts were not convened was regarded as the gloomiest of the festival. The aition was Persephones myth. While Demeter was looking for her, she had fasted. The women sat on the ground and fasted; they were allowed to eat the gifts of Demeter, probably bread, vegetables, pomegranates but not seeds that had fallen on the ground20. The exceptional character of the day was underlined by the prohibition to wear wreaths made of owers. If Aristophanes, whose Thesmophoriazousai takes place on this day, is to be trusted, the day started with an assembly of the women, during which a series of gods were invoked: the Thesmophoroi (Demeter and Kore), Ploutos, Kalligeneia, Kourotrophos, Hermes, and the Charites21. Dances and songs were performed and obscene jokes, a typical feature of festivals connected with fertility, were exchanged. Whether a nocturnal celebration (), in which torches were used, took place in the night of the second or the third and last day is not known. Such nocturnal celebrations are also known in Ephesos and Lakonia. A central ritual of the Thesmophoria was the collection of the rotten meat of piglets, which had been thrown, still alive, into subterranean cavities (). The megara were generally regarded as a specic feature of the sanctuaries of Demeter andKore22 and is a synonym of . The rotten meat was collected by functionaries of the festival, the , in order to be mixed with seeds and put on altars (of Demeter?); it was then taken and used during the sowing (in the following month Maimakterion) as a promoter of fertility. This probably took place in the night (of the second day?); the snakes whichwere believed to live into the megara were scared away with noise23. In Thebes, it was be-

16. Aristoph. Thesm. 624, 658; Deubner 5455. Cf. Dubois, L., Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Sicile (1989) 155 (Bitalemi near Gela, 5th cent. B.C.): a dedication to the Thesmophoros by the tent of Dikaio. 17. Deubner 56. 18. Versnel, Inconsistencies II 235288. 19. Main sources: Aristoph. Av. 1519; Thesm. 984; Plut. Dem. 30, 5; mor. 378e; Athen. 307 F; Schol. Soph. Oid. K. 681. See Deubner 5556. 20. Pomegranates: Clem. Al. protr. 2, 19, 3. 21. Aristoph. Thesm. 295371; Deubner 55. 22. Trmpy 3. 23. Deubner 5051, 59. 24. Deubner 917; Brul, Fille 7998. 25. This is indirectly supported by Pausanias (9, 8, 1),

who narrates how a newly born piglet was thrown in the megara and was believed to reappear a year later in Dodona. Deubner 4050, has argued that this occurred at the Skira on 12 Skirophorion. 26. On the rites attributed to this day see Deubner 57. 27. Isaios 8, 19; IG II2 1184. 28. X: Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 338. The decree of Cholargos: IG II2 1184. 29. Deubner 5960. Z: Hesych. s.v. ; Suda, s.v. Xe . Cf. the tradition that women chased the Messenians during the Thesmophoria in Aigila in Lakonia during the Second Messenian War (Paus. 4, 17, 1); Detienne, M., The Violence of Wellborn Ladies. Women in the Thesmophoria, in Detienne, M./Vernant, J.-P. (eds.), The Cuisine of Sacrice Among the Greeks (1989) 130.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. ing the festival for the blessing of the land; the presence of various symbols of fertility (piglets, phalluses, snakes, spruce branches, pomegranate)30; the of the sacricial cakes. Also, ritual practices which are connected with sexuality (obscene language, phallic symbols, wish of healthy children), can easily be associated with fertility in nature31. And yet, some of the ritual details cannot be easily reconciled with concepts of fertility: the exclusivity of the festival, sexual abstinence, military overtones. For this reason, recent research tends to focus on the social roles invoked in the festival, rather than its signicance for agriculture and fertility. The Thesmophoria have been interpreted as a new year festival with allusions to insecurity and anxiety at the end of a year (fasting, sexual abstinence), purication, renewal (cf. military victories of women), and joy32; as a transitory festival of women closely connected with the Arrhephoria33; as a festival connected with the menstrual cycle of women34 associated with fertility in nature35. More conclusive are interpretations which focus on the social functions of women as reected in the rituals of the Thesmophoria. Participation in the festival was a privilege of married women of citizen status, who worshipped the goddess whose epithets alluded to the institutions of organised urban life (Thesmophoros = the bringer of institutions, as misinterpreted in late times) and the birth of legitimate and healthy children (Kalligeneia); hence, the festival strengthened the polis and the institution of legitimate marriage36. The paradox of sexual abstinence on the one hand and promotion of fertility on the other has been interpreted by F. Zeitlin as an expression of the opposition between the nature of women and a culture dominated by men. A similar line of thought is followed by H. S. Versnel, who has argued that the complex rites of the festival transferred married women to the state of premarital virginity in order to renew their reproductive powers37. For three days the normal division of roles was suspended: the festival took place on the Pnyx, which in everyday life was the place of the mens assembly; in Thebes, the Thesmophoria were celebrated in the place of the citizen assembly38; the women adopted male institutions (, , ); other elements of suspension of the ordinary include the temporary lib30. Swine: Henderson, J., The Maculate Muse. Obscene Language in Attic Comedy (19912) 131133. Snake: Kster, E., Die Schlange in der griechischen Kunst und Religion (1913). Pomegranate: Lugauer, M., Untersuchungen zur Symbolik des Apfels in der Antike (1967); Littlewood, A. R., The Symbolism of the Apple in Greek and Roman Literature, HSCP (1968) 147181. 31. Thesmophoria and fertility: Deubner 5052. 57; cf. Simon, Festivals 2122. Obscene jokes and symbols at the Thesmophoria: Deubner 5758. 32. Brumeld 1, 7073. 33. Jeanmaire, Couroi 266282, 303305; Prytz Jo-

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eration of prisoners39 and the oering of sacrices by women. For a few days primitive conditions were re-established (huts, cooking of meat without re). The re-establishment of normality at the end of the festival conrmed the social order. A problem of these interpretations is that they consider evidence from Athens. Are the social aspects which are alluded to by Aristophanes and his scholiasts primary elements of the festival or epiphenomena? Unlike other festivals, the Thesmophoria has a wide distribution in the Greek world. Many similarities in its celebration in distant areas suggest a very conservative character. In addition to this, its restrictive and exclusive nature (the limitation of the participants among married women) and the secretive character of the rites did not encourage additions and changes. For this reason, we may assume that the Thesmophoria had retained archaic elements more than other festivals. In the case of such a conservative festival, it would be misleading to isolate one particular symbolism and ignore all the aspects that do not suit it. At rst sight, the various elements do not seem to constitute a unity. What characterizes this festival and its aetiological myths are main oppositions of life in an extreme form: woman and man; marriage and virginity; sexual abstinence and obscene atmosphere; life and death; this world and the underworld; joy and mourning; fear and hope; rotting and renewal; fasting and banqueting; celebrations during the day and in the night; freedom and slavery. This polarity is the essence of the celebration: the experience of an extreme situation conrms normality. A rst polarisation concerns the genders. The men were physically excluded, but symbolically present: in the cakes which were formed in the shape of phalluses, in the obscene language, in the wish for children, in the arousal of sexual desire through sexual abstinence. The men were present even in the roles performed by women: the correspond to the ; the to the heralds; the to the ; the military victories of the women (in Athens and Lakonia) correspond to the military roles of men; the celebration took place in the place of the assembly of the men. Through the exclusion of men male values were conrmed. A second polarisation concerns food. Fasting, generally, functioned as a preparatory rite, as it
hansen, J., The Thesmophoria as a Womens Festival, Temenos 11 (1975) 7887. 34. Burkert, Structure 242246. 35. Wagner, B., Zwischen Mythos und Realitt. Die Frau in der frhgriechischen Gesellschaft (1982) 225231. 36. Detienne (n. 29) 137138. 37. Zeitlin (n. 1); ead., Cultic Models for the Female: Rites of Dionysus and Demeter, Arethusa 15 (1982) 129157; Versnel, Inconsistencies II 235288. 38. Xen. Hell. 5, 2, 29. 39. Marcellinus ad Hermog. Rhet. gr. 4, 462, 2; Deubner 58.

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. The festival is directly attested for Sparta, and the Cretan cities Knossos and Tylisos (both believed to be colonies of Argos)43, but there is indirect evidence from many other Doric areas. The month name Hyakinthios is widely attested in Doric cities44, on Crete (Lato and Malla), in the Dorian Aegean (Thera, Rhodos, Kalymna, and Kos), and in the Doric colonies (Knidos and Byzantion). Cults of Apollo Hyakinthos existed in the Spartan colony of Taras and of Artemis Hyakinthotrophos (the one who nourished Hyakinthos) in Knidos and possibly Taras45. Since the calendars of the aforementioned cities are of early origin (and not the product of late Spartan inuence), the Hyakinthia, the festival from which the month was named, must have existed among the Dorians as early as the period of their establishment in the Aegean islands. The festival was dedicated to Apollo. It derives its name from Hyakinthos, whose pre-Hellenic origin is suggested by the ending -nthos. In the historical period Hyakinthos was regarded as a hero, whose grave was shown in Amyklai, near Sparta (cf. Paus. 3, 19, 15). He was a beautiful boy, with whom Apollo and the wind god Zephyros fell in love. While Apollo and Hyakinthos were competing in discus throwing, the jealous west wind made Apollos discus turn and kill the boy. The homonymous ower was created from his blood, and the god demanded his lovers worship46. The myth and its iconography allude to a homoerotic element, which played some part in the upbringing of young men in Sparta and other Doric areas (especially Crete)47, and to premature death. The latter was associated by earlier scholarship with the cycle of vegetation and the periodic death and birth of a pre-Hellenic male god (e ), patron of vegetation, whose cult was overshadowed by that of Apollo48. More recent scholarship, under the inuence of social anthropology, recognized in this motif an allusion to a male rite of passage49 and to the ritual death of the ephebe before he is accepted into the citizen-body. There is, however, a dierent tradition, in which Hyakinthos was an adult man, a Spartan living in Athens with his four daughters50. When Athens was suering from a plague, his daughters oered themselves for sacrice following an orapresencia del culto de Apolo Jacinto en Tarento, Gerin 22 (2004) 8199. Knidos: IKnidos 59. 171. 220. 606. 46. Villard, L./Villard F., LIMC V (1990) 546550 s.v. Hyakinthos. 47. Davidson, J., The Greeks and Greek Love. A Radical Reappraisal of Homosexuality in Ancient Greece (2007) 300343. 48. See especially Mellink, M., Hyakinthos (Diss. Utrecht 1943); cf. Nilsson, Feste 129140; id., TMMR 556558; id., GrRel3 I 316317. 49. Brelich 1, 141148. 177207; Calame, Choruses 317318; Pettersson, Apollo. 50. Apoll. bibl. 3, 15, 8; Pettersson, Apollo 3538.

contributes to the purication of the body. Consequently, the fasting at the Thesmophoria has been interpreted as an eort to protect the women and their fertility from negative impacts40. But if we take fasting as part of a polarisation, then a dierent signicance emerges: fasting means exposure to the bitter reality of hunger. It is not the voluntary abstinence from an imagined normality of auence, but the voluntary excess of the experienced reality of shortage. The women experienced for a short period a voluntarily shortage and hunger in the beginning of the fall, in the expectation to be freed from this with the harvest of the coming spring, just as they experienced abstinence from sexual intercourse and the fullment of marital duties in expectation of fullment of their sexual desires and their social roles as wives after the festival. The specic signicance of sexual abstinence at the Thesmophoria becomes clear from the context. Although sexual intercourse was forbidden, the celebration was full of sexual symbols; although the women slept on beds made of plants with anti-aphrodisiac eect (, , ), symbols of fertility were hidden under these beds. The sexual abstinence at the Thesmophoria was not the common abstinence before the fullment of a cultic obligation, but abstinence in expectation of intensive sexual activity. As H. S. Versnel has shown, the plants associated with this festival had a very specic connection with the virgins and their preparation for the wedding (pomegranate)41. Married women returned for three days to the state of premarital virginity in order to renew their reproductive power. The common denominator of all the symbols of the Thesmophoria is the temporary abstinence from what it wished: fertility of the elds and of humans. Despite the historical evolution of the Greek world, this symbolism remained valid until the Classical period, perhaps later.

2. Hyakinthia
Not unlike the Thesmophoria, a festival with a wide diusion in the Greek world, the Hyakinthia also had a relatively wide diusion, but it was celebrated by a single ethnic group, the Dorians42.
40. Deubner 5556. On fasting: Arbesmann, P., Das Fasten bei den Griechen und Rmern (1929). 41. Versnel, Inconsistencies II 236238. 245250. Cf. the connection of agnus castus (chaste tree) with the annual wedding of Hera and Zeus in Samos and with Artemis. See Nilsson, Feste 4849. 42. Cf. Dietrich, B. C., The Dorian Hyacinthia: A Survival from the Bronze Age, Kadmos 14 (1975) 133142; Villard, L./Villard F., Hyakinthos, LIMC V (1990) 546. 43. Sparta: Pettersson, Apollo. Knossos and Tylissos: Staatsvertrge II 148 A 17. 44. Trmpy 1, 294. 45. Taras: Polyb. 8, 28; Hernndez Martnez, M., La

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. cle; a similar story was told about Erechtheus daughters, known in some sources as the Hyakinthides51. The sculptor Bathykles, who decorated the grave of Hyakinthos in Amyklai with reliefs (late sixth century B.C.), represented Hyakinthos as a bearded man, whom several gods brought to Olympus together with his sister Polyboia52. This tradition is generally regarded as earlier, and M. Pettersson has argued that the perception of Hyakinthos as a boy is an invention of Attic vase-painting under the inuence of the homoerotic element in the Archaic symposia53. This view does not take into consideration the existence of a cult of Artemis Hyakinthotrophos in Knidos and possibly Taras; Greek owers (hyacinth) are associated with boys and girls rather than with adult men. It is also not certain that Bathykles work is earlier than the earliest representations of the young Hyakinthos in Attic vase painting. Finally, it is quite likely that the Attic tradition of the Hyakinthidai is not related to Hyakinthos, but originates in the tradition that Erechtheus daughters were sacriced in a place called Hyakinthos Pagos (the dark blue rock). The priority of the adult Hyakinthos over the young is unfounded. The representation of Hyakinthos ascending the Olympus as a bearded man may have been inuenced by the analogous representation of Herakles and cannot be used as evidence for the original perception of Hyakinthos. The assumption that Hyakinthos was a preHellenic deity, whose name is related to the plant Hyacinthus orientalis, is attractive but far from certain. In addition to his pre-Hellenic name, the fact that his cult was located in Amyklai, where cult activity is already attested for the late Mycenaean period (13th-11th centuries)54, may suggest an early date for this cult, predating the coming of the Dorians (and possibly of the Greeks). The archaeological nds do not allow the identication of the recipient of the cult, but the discovery of Psi-idols (women with raised arms, mourners?) does not exclude a chthonic cult. Cult activity (not necessarily the same cult) continued from 1200 to c. 900 B.C. According to the literary tradition, Amyklai was the last community that was conquered by the Dorians and received several privileges. After the coming of the Dorians, Apollo was worshipped in the sanctuary at Amyklai, a cult precinct without a temple, and his cult may have overshadowed an
51. Demosth. 60, 27. 52. Paus. 3, 19, 35; Pettersson, Apollo 3841. 53. Pettersson, Apollo 36. 54. Dimakopoulou, K., Te e e e \A d YE III c (1982). 55. Martin, R., Bathycls de Magnsie et le trne dApollon Amyklae, RA (1976) 205218; Prontera, F., Il trono di Apollo in Amiclae, AnnPerugia 18 (1980/81) 215230; Faustoferri, A., The Throne of Apollo at Amyklai: its Signicance and Chronology, in Palagia, O./Coulson, W. (eds.), Sculpture from Arcadia and Laconia (1993) 159166; Georgoulaki, E., Le type icono-

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earlier cult. The most important building in the sanctuary was Apollos throne built on Hyakinthos grave55. Its form is not known in complete detail. The central element was Hyakinthos grave with sacricial niches. A huge bronze statue of Apollo with lance, arrow, and helmet (13 m) stood on the grave. Around 500 B.C., Bathykles of Magnesia designed the marble throne (4 m) around the statue, decorated with columns and reliefs. The existence of the grave of a hero in the sanctuary of a god is not unusual (e.g., Pelops grave in the sanctuary of Zeus in Olympia, Epopeus grave near the altar of Athena in Sikyon). Since the ancient sources only mention the Spartan version of the festival, it seems that it acquired a more or less xed shape in Amyklai, from where it was diused to other Doric areas. When Taras was founded around 700 B.C., the colonists erected there a grave of Hyakinthos and worshipped Apollo with the epiklesis Hyakinthos (see n. 45); the chthonic element in this cult (probably along with other details) must have been part of the Hyakinthia already in the eighth century. Although the Hyakinthia was a festival that predates the eighth century and may have incorporated pre-Doric and possibly pre-Hellenic elements, all the information concerning its rituals comes from the latest phase of a long development and almost exclusively concerns Sparta56. In Sparta, it was celebrated in the month Hekatombeus, which was dedicated to Apollo Hekatombaios57; in other Doric cities a sacrice or festival must have taken place in the month Hyakinthios. During the festival the Spartans had to interrupt warfare, hence the celebration must have taken place during the usual period of military expeditions (from May to October), probably in the summer58. The main source is Athenaios, who discusses the festival in connection with the Spartan syssitia and quotes various earlier Spartan local historians59. His information is often contradictory. For example, according to Polykrates the Spartans did not sing the paian, whereas other historians report that the Spartans interrupted military campaigns precisely in order to sing this ritual song60. But as the festival had a complex structure, consisting of a rst sad and a second joyful part, the discrepancies may be explained by the contrast between these two parts.
graphique de la statue cultuelle dApollon Amyklaios: un emprunt oriental?, Kernos 7 (1994) 95118; Faustoferri, A., Trono di Amyklai e Sparta. Bathykles al servizio del potere (1996). 56. Recent treatment (with earlier bibliography): Pettersson, Apollo 941. Cf. Davidson (n. 47) 233251. 57. Eur. Hel. 1474 designates the Hyakinthia as , an allusion to the sacrice of oxen. 58. Hdt. 9, 11; Xen. Hell. 4, 5, 11; Paus. 4, 19, 4. 59. Athen. 4, 139cf. 60. Polykrates, FGrH 588 F 1. Singing of the paian: Xen. Ages. 2, 17; Hell. 4, 5.

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. against the Amyklaioi65. The festival culminated with a banquet, in which the meal was again the kopis, but this time with bread. Wearing ivy crowns all worshippers, including the slaves, attended the banquet66. Joyful nocturnal dances of women probably took place on the second day67. The rites of the third day are not known. In later times contests were added to the programme. The festival in the form in which it was celebrated in the time of our sources seems to consist of heterogeneous elements. Although there are some indications of a festival related to the cycle of vegetation, what one observes in the foreground of the celebration are patriotic elements, allusions to gender roles (virgins, boys), military overtones (Apollos representation as a warrior, Timomachos armour, the military iconography of the altar). There is nothing among the nds at the Amyklaion which would indicate a fertility cult (e.g., kernoi, libation vases, representations of patrons of fertility), whereas images of warriors and iron weapons are present from the earliest phases onwards. When Pausanias visited the sanctuary in the second century A.D., what he noted were war dedications and dedications of athletes. The celebration of a festival of fertility by the Spartan military community would have been surprising. Unlike other cities, where the free farmers were the basis of political life, economy, and society, the warriors were the central element of Spartan society; here the women did not highlight the reproductive powers of nature, but were mothers of soldiers. For the Dorian warrior shield and lance had the signicance that the plow and the sickle had for the farmer, as the song of the Cretan Hybrias explicitly states68. For this reason, some scholars have proposed an interpretation of the Hyakinthia as a festival of initiation69. Hyakinthos death in the festivals aition would symbolize the ritual death of the young man in the context of a rite of passage. According to Pettersson, the Hyakinthia constituted together with two other festivals, the Gymnopaidiai and the Karneia, a ritual cycle of male initiation. Other elements that could support such an interpretation are the homoerotic element in the myth, the temporary stay in a liminal place, in a primitive camp of tents, the military atmosphere. However, the existence of a ritual cycle overlooks the fact that the Hyakinthia were also celebrated in cities where the Gymnopaidiai did not exist; such a cycle could have only existed in
esents dances of women in connection with a sacrice to Apollo: Schrder, B., Archaische Skulpturen aus Lakonien und der Maina, AM 29 (1904) 2431 g. 2; Pettersson, Apollo 12 n. 21; ThesCRA II 4 b Dance 193, 4 c Music, gr. 192, = LIMC II Apollon 958. 68. Athen. Deipn. 15, 695f = PMG 909 ed. Page. 69. Jeanmaire, Couroi 524540; Brelich 1, 139154. 171191; Calame, Choruses 317318; Pettersson, Apollo; cf. Chirassi 157177.

According to Polykrates (apud Athenaios), the Spartans, also foreigners and only during this festival the dependent population, gathered in the Amyklaion and constructed tents and beds made of branches. On the rst day, a sacrice () was oered to Hyakinthos (in the evening?)61. A bronze door on the left side of the altar led to his grave, where the sacrice took place. It was probably on this rst day that the wearing of wreaths, the singing of the paian, and the consumption of bread and baked food were not permitted. Instead a specic meal was prepared, the , about which the local historians provide contradictory information. It seems that it consisted of the meat of sacriced goats, various vegetables (fresh and dried beans and lupines), green cheese, dried and fresh gs, a soup, and a cake, but unlike the normal kopis it did not include any kind of bread62. It seems that the rites of the rst day expressed grief for the death of Hyakinthos (cf. the use of the term ), although I. Chirassi has oered an alternative interpretation: the prohibition of bread and the tents represent a return to the primitive life of communities that do not yet practise farming63. Such a temporary suspension of normal life in an agricultural community could aim at rearming the value of agriculture (cf. V.1 on the Thesmophoria); rites of mourning can be part of celebrations connected with the promotion of fertility. The second day was characterized by an entirely dierent mood. A procession went along a processional road (e ^Y), which led from Sparta to Amyklai. Girls were brought to the sanctuary on richly decorated wagons (), accompanied by riders. Girls had woven in a special building a robe () for Apollo, which was probably brought to the god during this procession. In Amyklai, boys wearing the archaic long girdled chiton sang songs for Apollo to the accompaniment of kithara, young men performed local works ( ), dances were performed to the music of the aulos, and choruses of men under the direction of a sang the paian; the kings participated in the choruses, taking the place that was assigned to them by the choropoios. Innumerable animals were sacriced, and re burned on that day on the grave of Hyakinthos in Taras64. An apparently late addition to this celebration was the showing of the bronze armour of Timomachos of Thebes, who according to legend had assisted the Spartans in their war
61. Paus. 3, 19, 3. Cf. Pirenne-Delforge 183201 on enagismos. 62. Sources and discussion: Pettersson, Apollo 1417. 63. Chirassi 157177. 64. Taras: see n. 45. 65. Aristot. fr. 532 ed. Rose. 66. Banquet and wreaths: Pettersson, Apollo 1519. 67. Eur. Hel. 1470: . But Euripides may be confusing the nocturnal rite of the rst day with the dances of the second. A stele from the Amyklaion repr-

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. Sparta. But there are other diculties with this interpretation. Our most extensive sources stress the participation of the entire population: men and women, young and old, free and slaves. Everyone attended assuming a function which reected ones social position, age, and gender. The Spartan men danced and sang in choruses separated according to age and following strict rules, which the kings too had to obey. A striking feature is the participation of slaves and foreigners. Unlike in festivals of reversal, at the Hyakinthia the slaves did not assume the role of masters: they were simply invited to attend. The girls participated in a procession, which resembled a wedding procession, thus alluding to their future role as wives. Besides the expression of order ( in Polykrates words), another important aspect is the focus on local traditions and local patriotism. Traditional songs were sung, local dances were performed, the armour of a national hero was on display, the celebrants were surrounded by monuments of local military glory. The festival culminated in the oering of a new robe to Apollo. The entire community, as in the Panathenaia, renewed the garment of its most important deity70. In Athens this occurred in the rst month of the year, as an expression of renewal and a new beginning. At least in a late period, this aspect of renewal was visible in the myth of death and renewal (Hyakinthos ascent to heaven) and in the progress from the sad mood of the rst day to the joyful celebration of the second. These heterogeneous elements probably represent the result of a long development. The festival that was celebrated in Amyklai in the pre-Dorian period may well have been a festival of fertility; and some of the rites reected the social roles of age classes. But in the Classical period it was a festival in which the entire Lacedaemonian community communicated with its most important deity and reconrmed the existing order, placing the entire community under his patronage.

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3. Daidala
The Daidala is another example of a festival with heterogeneous elements, probably as the result of a long historical development. The earliest literary references to this Boiotian festival date from the Imperial period71. A fragment of Plutarchs treatise on this festival (Peri ton en Plataiais Daidalon) gives us two versions of the aetiological myth72. The rst of the two myths oers an explanation of why Hera was worshipped as the marrying one (Nympheuomene) and as the patron of marriage (Teleia and Gamelios): when
70. This is stressed by Brelich 1, 151. 71. For possible earlier iconographical sources see Simon, E., Hera und die Nymphen. Ein botischer Polos in Stockholm, RA (1972) 205220; Avagianou 6465. 72. Plut., FGrH 388 F 1.

Hera was abducted by Zeus from Euboia, Kithairon provided them shelter and deceived Heras nurse, telling her that Zeus was hiding there with Leto. The wedding of Zeus and Hera became known and then Hera was worshipped as Teleia and Gamelios; this version is not related to the rituals of the Daidala but only to Heras cult. The second version is a real aition: once Hera was hiding after a quarrel with Zeus. Alalkomenes advised Zeus to deceive her, by pretending as if he would marry another woman. Zeus secretly cut a big and beautiful oak, shaped and decorated it as a bride and called it Daidale. The wedding song was sung, the nymphs of the river Triton gave her the nuptial bath, and Boiotia provided for autists and revellers. Losing her patience, Hera came down from Mt. Kithairon full of anger and jealousy, followed by the women of Plataia. But when she realized that Daidale was a doll, she reconciled herself with Zeus with joy and laughter and took the role of bridesmaid. She honoured this wooden image and named the festival Daidala. Nonetheless, she burned the image because of her jealousy. A similar version, but also a description of the festival allegedly heptaeteric, but possibly annual73 is given by Pausanias (9, 2, 79, 3, 3)74. This is how they celebrate the festival. Not far from Alalkomenai is an oak grove. Here the trunks of the oaks are the largest in Boiotia. To this grove come the Plataians, and lay out portions of boiled esh. They keep a strict watch on the crows, which ock to them, but they pay no attention to the other birds. They mark carefully the tree on which a crow settles with the meat he has seized. They cut down the trunk of the tree on which the crow has settled, and use it to make the daidalon; for this is the name that they give to the wooden image. This festival the Plataians celebrate by themselves, calling it the Little Daidala, but the Great Daidala, which is celebrated with them by the Boiotians, is a festival held with intervals of fty-nine years, for that is the period during which, they say, the festival could not be held, as the Plataians were in exile. There are fourteen wooden images ready, having been provided each year at the Little Daidala. Lots are cast for them by the Plataians, Koronaians, Thespians, Tanagraians, Chaironeis, Orchomenians, Lebadeis, and Thebans. For at the time when Kassandros, the son of Antipater, rebuilt Thebes, the Thebans wished to be reconciled with the Plataians, to share in the common assembly, and to send a sacrice to the Daidala. The towns of less account pool their funds for images. Bringing the image to the Asopos, and setting it upon a wagon, they place a bridesmaid also on the wagon. They again cast lots for the position they
73. On the problems of the periodos of the festival see most recently Inversen, P., The Small and Great Daidala in Boiotian History, Historia 56 (2007) 381418. 74. Paus. 9, 2, 79, 3, 3; Pirenne-Delforge 223226.

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. (ninth century B.C.)80 shows in two panels two images of a winged goddess on a chariot. In the one panel she raises her hands on which two birds are seated. On the other the goddess has dropped her arms, her wings are lowered, the birds y away. The trees in the rst representation blossom, the trees on the other side do not. According to Burkerts plausible interpretation, the two panels are connected with a festival of the coming and the departure of the great goddess of fertility; the chariot implies that an image of the goddess was brought into the city. The interpretation of this image is plausible, but its connection with the Daidala unlikely. The representation from Knossos is the image of a goddess; the wooden daidala were not; the daidala were burned; there is no indication that the image on the Knossian pithos is that of a bride. Burkert recognized another parallel in a festival of Persephone81. A tree was cut and was used for the construction of the image of a maiden, which was then brought to the city; there, it was mourned for forty days; on the evening of the fortieth day, the image was burned. This ritual is supposed to reect the annual cycle of nature. The joy at the coming of the goddess was followed by the sadness at her departure in the fall. Again, the dierences from the Daidala are no less striking than the similarities. Persephones periodical death nds no analogy in any known cult of Hera; the wooden daidala were not brought to the city, they were not mourned, and they were not supposed to represent the periodical death of a virgin. A similar festival of Aphrodite existed at Eryx in Sicily. It owed its name (\A) to the departure of Aphrodite, who was supposed to leave for Africa, followed by birds (pigeons). Nine days later a very beautiful pigeon was seen coming from the south, and its coming was celebrated as the festival K. In this festival there is no image, no marriage, no pyre. Burkert suggested associating this group of festivals with mankinds primordial fears: Threatened by draught, bad harvest, infertility, and bad weather, people leave from time to time the area of agricultural activity and return to the forest, where they used to nd food at the stage of hunters and food collectors. Another line of interpretation focuses on the conception of the burning of the images as a sacrice. K. Meuli interpreted the sacrice of the Daidala as a sacrice oered to chthonic deities whose dangerous power should be appeased (chthonisches Vernichtungsopfer)82; the fact that the daidala cannot be conceived as divine images
78. Schachter, Boiotia I 247. 79. Burkert, W., Kataggia-Anaggia and the Goddess of Knossos, in Hgg/Marinatos, EarlyGCP 8187. 80. (= ThesCRA II 5 Cult Images 583 , VIII Add. Animals and plants, Gr. 67). 81. Firm. err. 27, 2. 82. Meuli, K., Griechische Opferbruche, in Phyllobolia fr P. von der Mhll (1946) 209210.

are to hold the procession. After this they drive the wagons from the river to the summit of Kithairon. On the peak of the mountain an altar has been prepared, which they make in the following way. They t together quadrangular pieces of wood, putting them together just as if they were making a stone building, and having raised it to a height they place brushwood upon the altar. The cities with their magistrates sacrice a cow to Hera and a bull to Zeus, burning on the altar the victims, full of wine and incense, along with the daidala. Rich people as individuals sacrice what they wish; but the less wealthy sacrice the smaller cattle; all the victims alike are burned. The re seizes the altar and the victims as well, and consumes them all together. I know of no blaze that is so high, or seen so far as this. Recent scholarship agrees that the rituals which were celebrated in the Imperial period present the result of amalgamations and articial transformations, often under the inuence of political factors,75 although there is no agreement in the eorts to trace the dierent origins of these components. Since the construction and burning of the wooden image or images was the central element of the festival, traditionally the festival has been associated with the spring and mid-summer bonre festivals of modern Europe (Maypole, Johannesfeuer). According to Frazer, the Daidala represent the marriage of powers of vegetation; Heras retirement is a mythical expression for a bad season and the failure of crops76. M. P. Nilsson assumed that the image represented a demon of vegetation that had to go through re in order to secure the warmth of the sun for everything that grows; since this re ritual intended to promote fertility, it was at a late stage perceived as a wedding and the patron of marriage, Hera, was associated with it. The discrepancies in the myths and the rituals reect the late conation of two separate festivals, a re festival and a festival of Hera77. The prominent position of a holocaust oering at two festivals of Artemis, the Laphria and the Elaphebolia, has led A. Schachter to the assumption that, similarly, the burning of the images at the Daidala was originally dedicated to Artemis and at some later point connected with the cult of Hera78; however, the burning of wooden images and slaughtered sacricial victims at the Daidala diers from the throwing of living animals on the pyre at the Laphria. For W. Burkert the Daidala belongs to rituals that celebrate the periodical departure and return of a goddess of fertility79. A pithos from Knossos
75. Kerenyi, K., Zeus und Hera. Urbild des Vaters, des Gatten und der Frau (1972) 114; Frontisi-Ducroux, F., Ddale. Mythologie de lartisan en Grce ancienne (1975) 199. 204; Furley, Fire 206210; Schachter, Boiotia I 248250; LoucasDurie; Prandi; Knoeper 3; Chaniotis 4. 76. Frazer I 2 140141. 77. Nilsson, Feste 5455; Nilsson, GrRel3 I 130131. 431.

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. led E. Loucas-Durie to the assumption that their burning was the substitute of a human sacrice, which may have constituted a central part of the ritual in its early phase83. In view of the festivals political nature, so prominent in Pausanias report, L. Prandi argued that the Daidala represent the amalgamation of a ritual at Alalkomenai, in which the daidala were perceived as a symbol of fertility, of a sacred wedding celebrated on Mt. Kithairon, in which Hera must have had a predecessor (Leto?), and of the cult of Hera; at some point of its history, Plataia was able to take under its patronage this Pamboiotian festival84. Observing that the participation of the Boiotian cities in the procession of the Daidala corresponds to the division of Boiotian cities into districts, D. Knoeper has shown that the festival celebrated the reconciliation of the Boiotian cities and solemnly armed the unity of Boiotia85. The arrangement concerning the statues and the decision concerning the propompeia, i.e. the sequence of the representatives in the procession, must have been added to the celebration in the course of an articial re-organisation of the festival as a Pamboiotian festival in the Classical or Hellenistic period. The discrepancies between myths and ritual and the incompatibility among the various rituals which were part of the Daidala in the Imperial period suggest that the celebration described by Pausanias and the myths narrated by him and by Plutarch present the result of amalgamations and articial transformations. We may tentatively identify three separate pre-Classical sources for the rituals which later constituted one single festival86: 1) In Plataiai, as in other parts of Greece, a hieros gamos of Hera and Zeus was celebrated. Traces of this ritual are still recognizable in the epikleseis of Hera, in the rst version of the aetiological myth, and in the joint sacrice oered to Zeus and Hera on Mt. Kithairon. A wooden image may have been used for this celebration. Since marriage, departure, and return of Hera seem to constitute a unity in the aetiological myths, the idea of the periodical departure and return of a goddess of fertility may have been connected with this sacred marriage at some point. 2) A separate ritual consisted in the construction and the burning of a wooden image or images. Several elements of the festival recall re rituals, which according to recent research were associated with fertility.
83. Loucas-Durie. 84. Prandi. 85. Knoeper 3; cf. Clark, I., The Gamos of Hera. Myth and Ritual, in Blundell, S./Williamson, M. (eds.), The Sacred and the Feminine in Ancient Greece (1998) 25. 86. Chaniotis 4. 87. IG V 1, 1390; LSS 65; Syll.3 735/736. New critical edition and commentary: Deshours; cf. Lo Monaco 5562 (cult). 715725 (sources). English translation: Meyer, N. M., The Ancient Mysteries. A Sourcebook (1987) 5255. The

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3) There are strong indications that yet another separate re ritual, probably repeated at irregular intervals, had the character of a propitiatory sacrice. It may have included the ritual enactment of the sacrice of the daughter of a king, dressed as a bride, in order to appease a goddess wrath. A wooden image, a daidalon, may have been used for this ritual enactment as well. In historical times the festival had a predominantly political character. The motif of reconciliation had overshadowed other motifs (fertility, sacred wedding, and atonement). The troubled history of Plataia resulted in several interruptions and reorganisations of these celebrations, which in the end were combined into one.

4. The festival of Andania

The so-called mysteries of Andania (near Messene) are known primarily from two sources: a very detailed regulation concerning the celebration of the festival (probably dated to 24 A.D.)87; and an account of the cult by Pausanias88. The festival was dedicated to the cult of the Great Gods, who are most likely to be identied with the Dioskouroi89, but other divinities were also part of the worship (Demeter, Apollo Karneios, Hermes, and Hagna), and between the time of the cult regulation and Pausanias the Eleusinian goddesses may have been added to the cult90. The cult regulation, the result of a reform approved by an oracle given to Messene at the initiative of Mnasistratos, a prominent citizen91, allows to a certain extent a reconstruction of the way the celebration took place in the early Imperial period. The following summary only takes into consideration this regulation, without an attempt to reconstruct earlier forms. The main functionaries of the celebration included a priest and a priestess, the Ten (ten elected citizens over forty years), sacred men and sacred women (, ), who represented the civic subdivisions and were appointed by lot92. Twenty of the sacred men, qualied for this service, served as club-bearers () and were responsible for order; other sacred men served as leaders of the initiates (). The sacred women included representatives of three age-classes (girls, marriageable women, and married women). Additional functionaries included the supervisors of the women (), an
date was recently established (see SEG 54, 447); earlier publications date this text to 92/91 B.C. 88. Paus. 4, 12; 4, 26, 8; 4, 33, 45. We shall not discuss here the problems of the historicity of this account. See more recently Deshours 167207; Pirenne-Delforge 204312. 89. Deshours 209. 90. Deshours 213222. 91. Deshours 6677; cf. Syll.3 735, l. 1728. 92. Deshours 7783.

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. the traditional ritual norms (l. 4: b d )96. The regulation determined the exact garments worn by the functionaries and the worshippers (l. 1326): wreaths for the sacred men, white hats () and long robes for the sacred women, a tiara () for the chief initiates at the beginning of the initiation and a laurel wreath at the end, white robes and no shoes for the initiates; in addition to this, there were restrictions concerning the female initiates and the sacred women as regards the use of transparent clothes, the decoration of their clothes with wide bordures, their value, the use of jewels, extravagant hair-dresses, and make-up. Presumably the procession started soon after dawn and it must have taken at least three hours to arrive at the Karneiasion. Here the purications and puricatory sacrices must have taken place, which are referred to in the regulation (l. 50 and 66: ). The sanctuary was puried if it had not been puried on the days preceding the festival and places for the tents and other activities marked out. Also the theatre, where the mysteries were most likely performed, was puried (l. 68). The sequence of ritual actions after this is not stated in the text. It is assumed that rst sacrices to Demeter, Hermes, the Great Gods, Apollo Karneios, and Hagna (the pure goddess) took place, followed by a banquet (e ; l. 9599), attended by cult functionaries. The initiation into the mysteries presumably took place after the sacrice (on a dierent day?). Next to nothing is known about the mysteries. They were open to men and women, girls and married women, free individuals and slaves, who had to follow certain purity regulations97. The probably were individuals who were initiated for the rst time. They wore a particular, tiara-like headgear, which they removed and placed by a wreath when the sacred men commanded them to do so, either at the beginning of the sacrice98 or during the initiation. There was also some kind of ritual drama, with women impersonating gods, and ritual dances were performed99. There is no allusion to dierent grades of initiation. The mention of an agonothetes implies that the festival included an agon100 probably at the end of the celebration. The regulation also included measures for the nancial administration of the festival, building
gamos); Despinis, G./Stefanidou-Tiveriou, T./Voutiras, E., Catalogue of Sculpture in the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki I (1997) 141143 no. 111 g. 330 (a priest impersonating Anubis); Chaniotis 5, 73 and 78 (in the cult of Alexander of Abonou Teichos); Clinton 2 (in the Eleusinian mysteries); Connelly 104115. 96. Deshours 5960, 99108. 97. Deshours 118119. 98. Deshours 133. 99. Deshours 134136. 100. Deshours 125126.

agonothetes, a herald, musicians, a supervisor of the market (), and an architect. As soon as the sacred men were appointed and gave their oath, they contracted the raising of numerous sacricial animals, which were checked ten days before the beginning of the mysteries (l. 6473). They also hired musicians (oboists and citharists) for the sacrices and the mysteries (l. 7375). The festival was probably celebrated early in the fall and must have lasted for at least two days. One day before the celebration, the sacred women were sworn in by the priest and the sacred men in a sanctuary of Apollo Karneios in Messene. In the sanctuary at Andania, tents were prepared in assigned areas (l. 3441); traders brought their wares for a fair (l. 99103); and runaway slaves took the opportunity to seek asylum in the sanctuary (l. 8084)93. The cult regulation reveals nothing about the mysteries, the purications, and the initiation. The only rituals that it refers to are the oaths of the various functionaries (sacred men, sacred women, the priest of the Great Gods, the Ten, the supervisor of the women), the procession, and the sacrice94. The procession must have started in Messene, perhaps in the sanctuary of Apollo Karneios, and ended in Andania, in the sacred place designated as Karneiasion. Therefore, the procession belongs to the type of centrifugal processions such as the one that brought the initiates from Athens to Eleusis or the procession from Sparta to Amyklai during the Hyakinthia (V.2). Mnasistratos, the man responsible for the re-organisation of the cult, led the procession, followed by the priest and the priestess, the agonothetes, the sacricial priests (), ute-players, the sacred girls leading the wagons on which the sacred objects of the mysteries were carried, the woman who organised the banquet of Demeter () and her assistants, the priestesses of two cults of Demeter, the sacred women, the sacred men, and the sacricial animals. Some of the sacred women participated in the procession (and the mysteries) impersonating goddesses95. It is not explicitly stated but quite probable that also the individuals who were to be initiated attended the procession. Great attention was given to solemnity (l. 3: ; l. 8: ), justice (l. 3: e e ), decency (l. 4: b ; l. 42: ), order (l. 42: ), and
93. Deshours 109112. On asylia for slaves cf. Chaniotis, A., Conicting Authorities: Greek Asylia between Secular and Divine Law in the Classical and Hellenistic Poleis, Kernos 9 (1996) 7983. 94. On the procession, the sacrices, and the mysteries see Deshours 119137. 95. l. 2425: b , e e \ n i d ; Clinton 2, 85; Deshours 135136. On the impersonation of gods in festivals cf. Polyain. 8, 59; Lukian. Alex. 3840; Paus. 1, 43, 2; LSS 51, l. 121125. See also MacMullen, Paganism 1827; Avagianou (rituals of hieros

3. feste und spiele, gr. / feste e giochi, gr. works, security, order, the use and protection of water resources, and the supplication of slaves (l. 3464. 7584. 8995. 103111)101.

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5. Demostheneia at Oinoanda
A dossier of ve documents preserved in an inscription at Oinoanda provides exceptionally rich information concerning the endowment of an agonistic festival102. 1) On 24 July 124 A.D., C. Iulius Demosthenes, a Roman knight and one of the wealthiest and most prominent citizens of Oinoanda in Lycia, appeared in the council of his city and promised to establish a thymelic contest bearing his name, to be celebrated every fourth year ( c ; labelled c c in the decree of the council). The festival was to be funded by his private means (4,450 denarii per celebration). Until landed property was designated, which would yield this amount, Demosthenes promised to pay an annual amount of 1,000 denarii, which together with the interest would cover the expenses. 2) On 29 August 124 envoys of Oinoanda met with emperor Hadrian in Ephesos and received his approval for the contest (labelled in his letter as g ) and the conditions of the foundation. 3) It took almost a year between the original promise and the decree of the council concerning the detailed programme of the celebration and the participation of village communities in the sacrices (5 July 125 A.D.). This suggests that Demosthenes proposal was discussed, negotiated, and possibly met with some reservations, thus presenting a nice example for the discourse connected with festivals and, more generally, with ritual matters103. During this period of negotiations, Demosthenes original concept was enlarged to include elements connected with the cult of the emperor: Demosthenes was to donate a crown bearing the images of emperor Hadrian and Apollo; in addition to this, the festival was now to include a procession of civic ocials, including the priest and the priestess of the imperial cult and the representatives of 35 villages on the territory of Oinoanda. 4) After the festivals statutes were approved by the council, the assembly voted to recommend Demosthenes to the governor and to request tax exemption for the market day. 5) This was then approved by the governor. The festival was celebrated in the month of Artemision, starting on the rst day of the month

(Artemisiou Sebaste). According to the original concept, the various events were spread over 22 days, providing for breaks during which the council and the assembly could take place. The agonistic programme included competitions in music and vocal performances (choraulai, kitharodoi, trumpeters, heralds, prosaic encomium, poetry), and theatrical contests (comedy and tragedy). The athletic contests ( ) were open only to the citizens. In addition to the programme of competitions, there were paid performances () of mimes and other spectacles104, and a market day. We know the exact programme of the contest and the money prizes for the rst and sometimes the second winner (amounts indicate denarii): 1st Artemisios: trumpeters (50) and heralds (50); 5th Artemisios: prosaic encomium (d ; 75); 6th Artemisios: market-day; 7th Artemisios: poets (75) and choraulai (125/75); 10th11th Artemisios: comedy (200/100); 12th Artemisios: sacrice to Apollo Patroios; 13rd14th Artemisios: tragedy (250/125); 15th Artemisios: sacrice to Apollo Patroios; 16th17th Artemisios: kitharodoi (300/150); 18th Artemisios: contests among the winners in the individual disciplines (a ; 150/125/50); 19th21th Artemisios: additional paid spectacles (mimes, musicians, etc.); 22nd Artemisios: athletic contests for citizens. The main ocial was the agonothetes ( etc.). Demosthenes nephew was to serve as the agonothetes for the rst celebration. According to Demosthenes original promise, his successor was to be elected from among the members of the council at the elections for magistrates that took place one year before the celebration. This arrangement was changed by the assembly: the acting agonothetes nominated his successor one year before the celebration of his own contest, that is ve years in advance. The agonothetes was not required to spend his own money although some agonothetai, members of the founders family did but to administer the money of the endowment and give an account in the month Audnaios after the celebration to a committee of three leading citizens in the sanctuary of Apollo. He was to wear a purple garment and golden crown decorated with busts of Hadrian and Apollo, donated by Demosthenes105; he had a place of honour in public festi-

101. Deshours 108114. 102. Edition and commentary of the relevant documents: Wrrle (German translation); SEG 38, 1462; SEG 44, 1164. Further discussions: Jones, C. P., A New Lycian Dossier Establishing an Artistic Contest and Festival in the Reign of Hadrian, JRA 3 (1990) 484488; Rogers, G. M., Demosthenes of Oenoanda and Models of Euergetism, JRS 81 (1991) 91100.

103. Further examples: Chaniotis 6. 104. Wrrle 252. 105. Rumscheid, J., Kranz und Krone. Zu Insignien, Siegespreisen und Ehrenzeichen der rmischen Kaiserzeit (2000). Her view that such bust crowns were only worn by agonothetai is not convincing; they were also worn by high priests of the imperial cult; see EBGR (2001) 159.

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3. festivals and contests, gr. / ftes et jeux, gr. and trends; they arouse emotions and forge solidarity. Festivals and celebrations mark transitions in the cycle of human life and highlights in the cycle of the year. The more infrequently they are performed (once a year, every second or fourth year) the more intense the emotional arousal that they produce110. Festivals and celebrations accompany human activities, from birth to burial, from farming to ghting, from the relations between the genders to the relations between one group and another. Precisely because festivals occupy such a central position in the life of a community, they are often referred to both in the public documents of Greek communities (cult regulations, accounts, honorary decrees for magistrates and priests, etc.) and in the narratives of their historians. Yet, not a single festival is suciently known in all its details. And when we do know how a festival was supposed to be celebrated, we can hardly detect deviations from the norm during its celebration on a particular occasion. The response to these problems should not be resignation but a holistic approach to Greek festivals. Such an approach takes into consideration the continually growing body of evidence, thanks to new discoveries of inscriptions and objects of material culture; it goes beyond Classical Athens and studies the abundant material from other areas, including the periphery of the Greek world; it focuses on developments instead of questions of origins; it studies the part played by festivals in interactions, competitions, conicts, and trans-fertilizations among communities in the multicultural environments of the Mediterranean, the Black Sea, and the Near and Middle East; and it is engaged in a fruitful dialogue with the continually evolving theoretical approaches to rituals and festivals. Festivals mirror the community that celebrates them. They reect its social organisation and its values, its concerns and hopes, and the way it wishes to shape its relationship to the gods. For this reason festivals are a very common subject of the public documents of Greek communities and the narrative works of their historians. angelos chaniotis

vals and meetings of the council and the assembly. In the year of the celebration he appointed from among the members of the council three , who supervised the market-day, and ten (from among the citizens) who, dressed in white robes and wearing celery wreaths, headed the procession (on the days of the sacrices) and carried the busts of the emperors, the statue of Apollo, and an altar, covered with silver, donated by Demosthenes and inscribed with his name106. Twenty citizens were appointed by the agonothetes as whip-bearers (); dressed with short cloaks and equipped with shields, they marched at the head of the procession fullling police duties in the theatre during the contests. In addition to the competitions, the highlight of the festivals was the sacrice of many animals under participation of village communities, followed by banquet107. The festival is on record as late as 233 A.D.108. VI. Envoi Plutarch (Ant. 63) narrates the following story of Timon the Misanthrope: He never admitted anyone into his company, except at times a certain Apemantos, who had a similar temper and imitated his way of life. At the celebration of the festival of the Choes [on which the Athenians used to drink in silence], Timon and Apemantos celebrated the feast together. When Apemantos said to him, What a pleasant party, Timon!, he responded, It would be, if only you were away. For the rest of the Athenians the day of the Choes, the second day of the Anthesteria, was a day of reversal of the proper order of things. They invited friends to drinking parties, which however diered from the ordinary symposia: the guests had to bring their own wine and food and all discussions were banned. For Timon, to celebrate alone and in silence was the proper way of things. This anecdote was invented to illustrate lack of communal spirit and disregard for conviviality and solidarity. As Timons behaviour at the Choes mirrors his character, festivals in general mirror the values and structure of the community that celebrates them109. They reect social positions, expectations, concerns, and hopes. They show the way a community wishes to shape its relationship to the gods. They inspire literary narratives and images and provide occasions for cultural performances; they invigorate economic activities and contribute to the movement of individuals, religious ideas,

angelos chaniotis (General coordination, I, V, VI) anton bierl (IV) ingrid krauskopf (III) joannis mylonopoulos (II)

106. Wrrle 216220. 107. Wrrle 254. 108. Cousin, G., Voyage en Carie, BCH 24 (1900) 344345 nos. 10/11. These texts also mention cash prizes and statues in a e .

109. On the functions of public events see Handelman. 110. On low frequency/high arousal-rituals see Whitehouse, H., Modes of Religiosity: A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission (2004) 105118.