Eros and the Arms of Achilles Author(s): Stella G. Miller Source: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 90, No.

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Eros and the Arms of Achilles

STELLA G. MILLER
(Pls. 12-14)

In MemoriamDemetriosR. Theochares Abstract

The occasional appearance in Classical times of Eros in scenes of the bringing of arms to Achilles leads the author to speculate on the possible meaning of this iconography. A fragmentary late fifth-century vase from Olynthus providesimportantevidence.The suggestion is
made that it shows the bringing of Achilles' first armor and that the helpful Erotes in the scene allude to the lovefriendship between Achilles and Patroclus. If so, then the

lated that the motif is part of a late Classical iconographic vocabularyused to indicatelove, male or female, in several different mythological situations taking place in or near the sea.

iconography forms a visual counterpart to the widespread contemporaryinterest in the nature of the relationship between the two heroes as attested in literary
sources. An iconographic parallel exists in the heterosexual love missions in sea settings which occasionally also combine, less startlingly, Eros and Nereids. It is specuI The question of the possible significanceof Eros in the context of the arms-bearing came to concern me while studying the ring from Homolion, no. 4 in the Catalogue (pl. 13, figs. 5, 6). Prof. Theochares always intended to publish this piece of which he was especially fond and which he had discoveredduring his tenure as Ephor of Antiquities in Thessaly. Nevertheless, he had kindly permitted me to publish a preliminary report on it in a study of the grave goods which were discovered with it: S.G. Miller, Two Groupsof ThessalianGold (University of California Publicationsin Classical Studies 18, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1979) 18-21, 56, pi. 1 c. In that study I discussed the ring type in general and commented on aspects of the iconography of Side A dealing with the arms-bearing(pl. 13, fig. 5) but not of Side B featuring Eros riding on a dolphin (pl. 13, fig. 6) which is publishedhere for the firsttime. I am deeply indebtedto Prof. G.H. Hourmouziades,immediate successorto Prof. Theochares as Ephor of Antiquities in Thessaly, and to the Greek ArchaeologicalService for permission to publish this ring. Photographs of it were kindly provided by the Volos Ephoreia. I am also grateful to S. Karouzou, L. Kahil, Stephen G. Miller, J.J. Winkler, and the anonymous reviewers of the AJA for helpful comments and suggestions. Their views, of course, do not necessarily coincide with mine, for which I take full responsibility. In addition to the standard AJA abbreviations,I have used the following: Dohle, "Achilleis" B. Dohle, "Die 'Achilleis' des Aischylos in ihrer Auswirkung auf die attische Vasenmalerei des 5. Jahrhunderts," Klio 49 (1967) 63-149. Dover, GH K.J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality (London 1978). K. Friis Johansen, The Iliad in Early Greek Johansen, Iliad Art (Copenhagen 1967). Kemp-Lindemann, D. Kemp-Lindemann, Darstellungen des Achilleus in griechischer und romischer Darstellungen Kunst, Archiologische Studien 3 (Bern and Frankfurt 1975). Kossatz-Deissmann, A. Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus,"LIMC "Achilleus" I.1 (1981) 37-200. 159 American Journal of Archaeology 90 (1986)

Eros or Erotes appear on rare occasionsin the late Classical period in scenes depicting Thetis and the Nereids bringing arms to Achilles.1 Although both arms-bringing Nereids and Erotes in a multitude of attitudeswere independentlypopular and well-established motifs by this time,2the question remains what they are doing together. We may begin by listing examples (and there are surely others) depictingEros in connectionwith the arms-bearingtheme.
Kossatz-Deissmann, A. Kossatz-Deissmann,Dramen des AischyDramen los auf westgriechischen Vasen (Mainz

1978). 2 The bibliographyon Nereids, Erotes,and dolphins is considerable. See esp., on arms-bearingNereids, H. Heydemann,Nereiden mit den Waffendes Achill (Halle 1879); RE 1 (1894) 221-45, s.v. Achilleus (J. Escher); W. Gang, Nereiden auf Seetieren (Diss. Weimar 1907); K. Bulas, Les illustrationsantiquesde I'liade (Eus Suppl. 3, 1929) 13-18, 55-57, 91-92; RE 33 (1936) 1-23, s.v. Nereiden (G. Herzog-Hauser); S. Lattimore, The Marine Thiasosin Greek Sculpture (Los Angeles 1976) with more recent bibliography, to which add: E. Bielefeld, "Drei Akroter-Statuen reichen Stils," AntP 9 (Berlin 1969) 47-64; and S. Karouzou, "'H ,l(Kpa roi OahaaAo-'ov Kal , E'vvota BOta'ov," o'4oppos rTOv ep/orITvXAvV ArchEph 1974, 26-44. On Erotes and dolphins see A. Furtwangler, Eros in der Vasenmalerei(Munich 1874); RE 4 (1901) 25042509, s.v. Delphin (M. Wellmann); RE 11 (1907) 484-542, s.v. Eros (O. Waser); E.B. Stebbins, The Dolphin in the Literatureand Art of Greeceand Rome (Menasha, Wisc. 1929) esp. 83-84, 11720; K. Shepard, The Fish-tailed Monster in Greek and Etruscan Art (New York 1940) 85-91; F. Lasserre,Lafigure d'Eros dans la poesie grecque (Diss. Lausanne 1957); A. Greifenhagen, Griechische Eroten (Berlin 1957); F.E. Zeuner, "Dolphins on Coins of the Classical Period,"BICS 10 (1963) 97-103; H. Dohl, Der Eros des Lysipp, Frihhellenistische Eroten (Diss. G6ttingen 1968) esp. n. 252; B.S. Ridgway, "Dolphins and Dolphin-Riders,"Archaeology 23 (1970) 86-95; W.-D. Albert, Darstellungen des Eros in Unteritalien (Amsterdam1979); A.G.E. Stibbe-Twiest,"Erosin de antieke kunst en litteratuur," Hermeneus 47 (1975) 33-45; A. Lesky, VomEros der Hellenen (G6ttingen 1976); K. Schauenburg, AntW 7.3 (1976) 39-52 and 7.7 (1976) 28-35; A. "Erotenspiele," Andriomenou,"Ein chalkidischerHelm aus Tithorea,"AthMitt 91 (1976) 189-202; M. Reho-Bumbalova,"Erose Delfino su di una lekythos di Apollonia Pontica," Meded 43, N.S. 8 (1981) 91-99; and P. Somville, "Le dauphin dans la religion grecque,"RHR 201 (1984) 3-24.

160 CATALOGUE

STELLA G. MILLER

[AJA 90

A. Representations which show Eros within the arms-bearing scene.

2.

1. A fragmentaryAttic red-figurecraterfrom Olynthus of late fifth-century date.3 Archaeological Museum, Thessaloniki, Olynthus inv. 8.70. Max. P.H. 0.36 m.
(P1. 12, figs. 1, 2) Six Nereids, Poseidon, two Erotes, and three male figures are preserved in three registers. In top register are lower parts of (from 1. to r.): front hooves of sea creature to r.; Nereid riding sea creature to r.; Nereid (Thetis?) with shield riding Scylla to r.; Nereid riding sea creature to 1.; tail of dolphin to r. In middle register are (from 1. to r.): semi-draped, wreathed male with trident, presumably Poseidon, standing three-quarters to r.; Nereid riding dolphin to 1.; Nereid riding dolphin to r.; back half of helmeted, draped warrior standing to r. with spears over r. shoulder, possibly with shield in 1. hand; nude, headless male seated three-quarters to 1., leaning against figure at r.; lower body of male in short garment and sandals seated three-quarters to r.4 In bottom register are (from 1. to r.): face, shoulder, and arm of figure, presumably Nereid, to r.; parts of two adolescent Erotes, including an arm holding a thymiaterion, 3 D.M. Robinson, Excavations at Olynthus, V: Mosaics, Vases, and Lamps of OlynthusFound in 1928 and 1931 (Baltimore 1933) 109-15, no. 131 (not in ARV). It has been noted especially by the following: A. Rumpf, Die antiken Sarkophagreliefs, V.1: Die Meerwesen auf den antiken Sarkophagreliefs(Berlin 1939) 117, 124, fig. 160; H. Metzger, Les representationsdans la ceramique attique du IVe siecle (Paris 1951) 290, no. 41; Lattimore (supra n. 2) 28; K. Bulas, "New Illustrationsto the Iliad,"AJA 54 (1950) 117; Heldensage3,368, no. 3; F. Jouan, Euripide et les legendesdes "chantscypriens" (Paris 1966) 220, n. 6; K. Tuchelt, "Skylla. Zu einem neugefundenenTonmodel aus Didyma," IstMitt 17 (1967) 180-81, 190, no. 19; Bielefeld (supra n. 2) 53, fig. 9; Karouzou (supra n. 2) 32-33, pls. 13-15; P. Themelis, "SKvAAXa iprETpLK'," ArchEph 1979, 142, n. 3; Kossatz-Deissmann, Dramen 17, n. 102; Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"124, no. 523, 128. On the shape of the fragmentaryOlynthian vase, evidentlya bell crater,see B. Shefton, "The Kraterfrom Baksy,"The Eye of Greece,FestschriftMartin Robertson, D. Kurtz and B. Sparkes, eds. (Cambridge 1982) 156-57. On Attic potteryof late fifth- and early fourth-centurydate at Olynthus see B.R. MacDonald, "Emigration of Potters from Athens,"AJA 85 (1981) 163. 4 On the reproductionof the drawing from OlynthusV (supra n. 3, 110, fig. 13, here pi. 12, fig. 2) I have obliterateda misleading sherd which originally was placed above the seated figure on the right, but has since been removedas non-joining (cf. pl. 12, fig. 1). The torso on the removedsherd may well belong to a Nereid. I am much indebted to I. Vokotopoulou, Ephor of the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, and her staff for permittingme to examine the vase. I am also grateful to E. Youri, who had years ago removed the non-joining fragment, for discussing the problems of the restorationwith me. 5Heydemann (supra n. 2) 20, vase G; Metzger (supra n. 3) 290, no. 42; K. Schefold, Untersuchungenzu den kertscherVasen(Berlin 1934) 15, no. 95 (dated by Schefold to 370-360, p. 75). 6 Cf. P. Herrmann and F. Bruckmann, Denkmdlerder AMalerei des Altertums(Munich 1904-1931) ser. 1, pl. 138; K. Schefold,Die Wande Pompejis (Berlin 1957) 252 (n). It is noted by Robinson (supra n. 3) 113 as a parallel for the Erotes on the Olynthian pot. Cf. also discussions of this painting by M.L. Thompson, "The Monumental and Literary Evidencefor ProgrammaticPainting in

3.

moving to r.; dolphin to r.; parts of one or more dolphins to 1. An Attic red-figure bell crater of the second quarter of the fourth century.5 British Museum, London, inv. F69. H. 0.045 m. (P1. 12, fig. 3) From 1. to r. are: Nereid with cuirass riding dolphin to r.; adolescent Eros with body turned partially to 1., head to r., standing slightly elevated and gesturing with both hands; Nereid with shield riding hippocamp to 1.; Nereid riding ketos to 1.; fish swimming in lower background above wave motif. A wall painting in Pompeii, Domus Uboni (IX.5.2) of the first century A.C.6 Dimensions unknown. (PI. 13, fig. 4) Nereid with helmet riding r. on Triton who carries spear and shield. At upper 1., pair of Erotes with a greave. Dolphin at upper r.

B. Objects which show Eros on one side and a portion of the arms-bearing scene on the reverse:7 4. A gold-and-glass swivel ring from Thessalian Homolion of about the middle of the fourth century.8 Archaeological Museum, Volos, inv. M58. L. 0.025 m.; W. 0.022 m. (PI. 13, figs. 5, 6) Antiquity," Marsyas 9 (1960-1961) 39-40, fig. 1A and R. Brilliant, Visual Narratives. Storytellingin Etruscan and Roman Art (Ithaca and London 1984) 67-68, fig. 2.6. The thematicprogramof the room seems to concern Achilles: Thetis bringing the arms to Achilles on the west wall (here pl. 13, fig. 4); Achilles on Skyroson the north; Thetis at the forge of Hephaistos on the east (on which see S. Lewis, " A Coptic Representationof Thetis at the Forge of Hephaistos,"AJA 77 [1973] 309-18, esp. 310, pl. 50.3). 7 In additionto the objectscited in Group B there is also a series of gold appliques associatedwith the Palaiokastro(?) Group which includes Nereids and Erotes: see H. Hoffmann and V. von Claer, Antiker Gold- und Silberschmuck.Museum fir Kunst und Gewerbe Hamburg (Mainz 1968) nos. 17-19. I have discussed elsewhere the problems connectedwith this material, problems which include contamination of the group and modern tampering with individual pieces as well as uncertaintiessurroundingthe excavation: "The So-called PalaiokastroTreasure," AJA 83 (1979) 17591. Among the appliques there are besides the Nereids (who ride dolphins but carry no arms) and Erotes (who stand and hold all manner of objects) also Maenads and theatrical masks. Similarly, see a necklaceof gilded terracottaelements which include a Nereid and Erotes, all riding dolphins and all unarmed. Nikai, dancers, and other figures are also part of the series (S. Mollard-Besques, Catalogue raisonne des figurines et reliefs, III. Epoques hellenistique et romaine,Grbceet Asie Mineure [Paris 1972] 65, pi. 86, inv. D379-396). Both groups are Hellenistic in date. It is not clear what, if any, connectionthere might be between these series and the material under considerationhere. 8 The rings come from one of a pair of graves discovered by chance in 1961 at ancient Homolion: Miller (supra n. 1) 5-7, Grave B. The ring was reported by Theochares in ArchDelt 17 (1961-1962) Chron 175-78, pi. 198c (Side A). See also the exhibition catalogue, Treasures of Ancient Macedonia (Athens 1978) 33.4, pl. 3 (Side A); and R. Higgins, Greekand RomanJewellery2 (London 1980) 131 with a suggested dating of 375 to 350. The latest of the finds in the graves indicate that the burial must have occurred in the last third of the fourth century with the jewelry itself dating to the secondor third quarterof the century (see Miller [supra n. 1] 19, 24).

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On Side A, Nereid with helmet and shield riding ketos to 1. (P1. 13, fig. 5) On Side B, adolescent Eros riding dolphin to r. (P1. 13, fig. 6) 5. A bronze mirror-cover,said to come from Corinth, of about the middle of the fourth century.9 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, inv. 98.672 (E.P. Warren Collection). Diam. of cover 0.185 m. (P1. 14, figs. 7, 8) On outside, in relief, Nereid with cuirass riding hippocamp to r. Waves in lower background. (P1. 14, fig. 7) On inside, incised, Eros riding dolphin to 1. Wave pattern around perimeter. (P1. 14, fig. 8) 6. Two gold earstuds (variously called reels, bobbins,earstuds, or spool-shaped ornaments),'0both said to come from Camiros on Rhodes. British Museum, London, inv. 2067. Diam. 0.023 m. (P1. 14, figs. 9, 10); Musee du Louvre, Paris, inv. C1783 (Bjl7). Diam. 0.023 m. (P1. 14, figs. 11, 12). The piece in the British Museum (6a) was reportedly discoveredwith finds of the third quarter of the fourth century." Its mate in the Louvre (6b) is said to be part of the same find.12 On Side A, Nereid with helmet riding dolphin to 1. (PI. 14, figs. 9, 11) On Side B, adolescent Eros with iynx leaning threequarters to r. against fluted pillar. (P1. 14, figs. 10, 12)
THE TWO SETS OF ARMS: ICONOGRAPHIC AND LITERARY BACKGROUND

With regard to all these representations a fundamental question must be raised at the outset, namely which of the two famous sets of arms is being presented, the original which Achilles received in Phthia to carry into the Trojan War, or the later set acquired as a replacement during that War?'3 Is it always the
9 M.Comstock and C. Vermeule, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes in the Museum of Fine Arts,Boston (Boston 1971) no. 366 ("circa350"); W. Zuchner, GriechischeKlappspiegel (JdI Erg. 14, 1942) 89, KS 147. It was noted in discussionsby D6hl (supra n. 2) no. 252; and Andriomenou(supra n. 2) 199. 10"Reel": F.H. Marshall, Catalogue of the Jewellery, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman, in the Departments of Antiquities, British Museum (London 1911) nos. 2065-69. "Earstud": Higgins (supra n. 8) 127-28. "Bobbin":The Searchfor Alexander, Suppl. Cat. (New York 1982) 17, no. S56. "Spool-shapedornament":G.M.A. Richter, Handbookof the Greek Collection.MetropolitanMuseum of Art (Cambridge, Mass. 1953) 157. Note also the related, but larger, gold spool-shaped rattles in the Metropolitan Museum: Notable Acquisitions 1980-1981, The MetropolitanMuseum ofArt (New York 1981) 11. On the subjectof earstuds see also F. Brein, "Ear Studs for Greek Ladies,"AnatSt 32 (1982) 89-92. 11Marshall (supra n. 10) no. 2067. Note the subject matter on one side of the red-figure pelike, London E424, reportedly found together with the British Museum piece: Peleus surprising Thetis at her bath (AR V2 1475.4; see Schefold, Untersuchungen[supra n. 5] 55, no. 508, 122, dated 340-330). 12 A. de Ridder, Musee National du Louvre. Cataloguesommaire des bijoux antiques (Paris 1924) no. 17. 13 On the two sets of armor in Homer see P.J. Kakridis, "Achilleus' Rustung,"Hermes 89 (1961) 288-97. On the intermediateset

same set being shown? Is there any reliable way of differentiating between the two? Much has been written on the subject of the two arming episodes in ancient iconography and there is considerable disagreement regarding the identification of many specific examples. It is usually accepted, however, that a group of Archaic vases clustered around the middle of the sixth century represents the first arming in Phthia and that there was a general preference for this earlier episode among Archaic vase painters.'4 On these vases the armor is regularly presented by Thetis, who is often labeled and who frequently is accompanied by Nereids in procession behind her.15 The theme of the first arming is rare in surviving ancient literature. In the Iliad it is referred to only in passing (where the arms are described as being those originally presented to Peleus as a wedding gift from the gods) and the Nereids are not involved in the delivery of the arms to Achilles.16 Only toward the end of the fifth century does the episode reappear in two separate passages in Euripides.17 It is of some significance that the Euripidean version differs from the Homeric in two particularly important aspects. First, the arms are not those of Peleus, but rather a set specially forged by Hephaistos; second, the arms are delivered by the whole company of Nereids, not by Thetis alone. The inclusion of multiple Nereids in the arming scene in Archaic vase painting has led to the suggestion that the subject of the first arming with the appropriate embellishment may have been handled in some lost epic poem around the middle of the sixth century.'8 Other possibilities exist, however, and one
of arms presented at Skyros see C. Vellay, Les legendes du cycle troyen I (Monaco 1957) 120-23; and Kossatz-Deissmann,"Achilleus" 69, 127. 14 It was convincingly argued by Johansen (Iliad 109-12) that the first arming is most clearly representedon a plate of Lydos in Athens (National ArchaeologicalMuseum 507, CC671) which includes the otherwise inexplicable figure of Peleus (ABV 112.56; Kossatz-Deissmann,"Achilleus" 70, no. 187). For a differentinterpretationof this scene as the second arming see S. Karouzou, "Ein friihes Bild des Achilleus?"AthMitt 91 (1976) 28. On the subjectof the first arming see also D. von Bothmer, "The Arming of Achilles," BMFA 47 (1949) 84-90; Kemp-Lindemann,Darstellungen 152-59; and Kossatz-Deissmann,"Achilleus"69-72. 15 Iconographically,the Nereids join Thetis in what is usually thought to represent the delivery of the first arms as early as the Chest of Kypselos (where they ride chariots);cf. Paus. 5.19.8. For the standard reconstructionof the Chest of Kypselos see W. von Massow, "Die Kypseloslade," AthMitt 41 (1916) 1-117, esp. 85-98; see also EAA 4 (1961) 427-32, s.v. Kypselos, Arca di (E. Simon); Johansen, Iliad 247-49; and Kossatz-Deissmann,"Achilleus" 71, no. 205. 16 Il. 17.193-97; 18.82-85. 17IA 1062-70 and El. 442-80. 18See Johansen, Iliad 120-23, 249; and Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"71-72 on this question.

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could also suspect, for example, that folk-tales, part of the common heritage of the age, may have influenced the vase painters' repertoire.19The imagination and creativityof an individual influential painter must also not be overlookedin searching for the possible source of the motif's diffusion. What possible connectionthere may be between the painterly tradition and the version appearing in Euripides is open to
discussion.20

The episode of the bringing of the second set of arms is thought with some degree of scholarly unanimity to be the subjectof most Classical renderingsof the theme. According to Homeric tradition, delivery of the second armor is undertaken by an unaccompanied Thetis,21but Aeschylus, in his treatmentof the subject, includes the helping Nereids, while at the same time introducing a new element, the sea creatures on which they ride. This arms-bearingmarine
thiasos forms the chorus of the Nereids in his Achilleis

trilogy which was probably first produced sometime early in the second decade of the fifth century.22In vase painting the Nereids as riders join the arming scene soon after, in the second quarter of the same century, probably as is widely believed, the direct result of Aeschylean influence.23Thereafter some form of this version dominates in vase painting.24Thus far the issue is fairly clear, but it becomes more complicated once we examine the iconographymore closely. Those fifth-century vases thought to represent the second arms-bringingcan be divided into two groups: one which may owe inspiration to Aeschylus and a much less homogeneousgroup comprisingall the rest. The first group, which has recently been thoroughly examined by Dohle in a reconstructionof the Achilleis,25 has a distinctiveiconography.It featuresa usually cloaked, but sometimes nude, seated Achilles in the throes of mourning Patroclus, whose corpse is often shown at his side. The new set of arms is being
a recent discussion of the subjectby R.M. Cook, "Artand Epic in Archaic Greece,"BABesch 58 (1983) 1-10. 20 See infra n. 26. 21 II. 18.612-16: 19.1-13. 22 Cf. Mette fr. 237. On the Achilleis see H.J. Mette, Die Fragmente der Trag5dien des Aischylos (Berlin 1959) 70-92; Mette, Der verlorene Aischylos (Berlin 1963) 112-21; H. Lloyd-Jones, Aeschylus II (Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge,Mass. and London 1963) 422-26, 429-30, 470-73; L. Ferrari, I drammiperduti di Eschilo2 (Palermo 1982) 21-32. On the date of the Achilleis see Dohle, "Achilleis"113 and n. 2 for literature;see also esp. B. Snell, "Achill bei Aischylos"in Szenen aus griechischen Dramen (Berlin 1971) 3, n. 5; and O. Taplin, The Stagecraftof Aeschylus(Oxford 1977) 456, n. 2 and 62, n. 4. 23 Cf. Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus" 122. Nereids riding on dolphins and ketai first appear on Melian reliefs dating to the second quarter of the fifth century: P. Jacobsthal, Die melischen Reliefs (Berlin 1931) 29, 41-42, 182-84, nos. 21, 47-48; cf. also H. Kenner, "ZurAchilleis des Aischylos,"OJh 33 (1941) 1-24; T.B.L.
19 Cf.

brought by Thetis and her sisters who normally ride sea creatures. On those relatively rare examples which include one or more companionsaroundAchilles, a reasonablysecureidentificationcan only be suggested when an elderly type in whom Phoenix can be recognized is present. Some aspect of Achilles' tent where the drama occurredusually appears in the setting. This group of vases is thus relativelystraightforward and readily recognizable. The other arms-bearing scenes in the Classical period defy closer categorizing. They tend to show rather formulaic renderings of a stock warrior type being presented arms by Nereids who characteristically are depicted riding sea creatures.Although the inclusion of the sea creaturesis generally assumed to be attributableto the influence of Aeschylus' drama and thus to provide evidence that the second arming is being shown, it seems to me by no means clear that their presence proves conclusively which arming is intended. Ambiguity in this regardmay be noted in the literary tradition.While it is very likely true that Aeschylus was the first to introducemountedNereids into the context of the second arming, as discussedabove, Euripides later used them, but in the contextof the delivery of the original armor.Specifically,he has the chorus in the Electra speak of the Nereids coming from Euboia to Pelion (i.e., over the water as well as land) to deliver the first arms. Their means of transport is not mentioned, but in the immediately preceding strophe the chorus has describedthe dancing Nereids and boundingdolphinswhich accompaniedthe Greek fleet on its voyage to Troy.26 A leap in time, space, and action is made between this and the arms-bearing of the antistrophe, but Nereids are involved in both events and the imageryevokedin the minds of the audience must surely have placed the Nereids on dolphins.27Clearly the notion of mounted Nereids will
Webster, Potter and Patron in Classical Athens (London 1972) 91-92, 256. 24 On the iconographyof the second arming see Dohle, "Achilleis" 125-36; Kemp-Lindemann,Darstellungen 159-64; KossatzDeissmann, "Achilleus" 122-28. The Eretria Painter produced what is often consideredto be a rare example in later art of the departurefrom Phthia but it does not include the delivery of arms (kantharos, Paris, Cabinet des Medailles 851, ARV2 1251.41; Kossatz-Deissmann,"Achilleus"71, no. 204). 25See Dohle, "Achilleis"99-121; see also Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"113-14. 26 El. 432-46. One recalls that Thessalian Cape Sepia was sacred to Thetis and the other Nereids (Herod. 7.191). On the Euripidean passage see esp. Johansen, Iliad 120-23, 249; Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achillleus"71-72; J.D. Denniston, Euripides Electra (Oxford 1939) 103-105; Metzger (supra n. 3) 291; and Jouan (supra n. 3) 218-22. 27 The point is well made by H. Gregoire,"Surun choeurd'Euripide,"EtCl 7 (1938) 321-30, although he did not take into account

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have been familiar enough to audiencesfrom Aeschylus' play producedsome half century earlier28as well as from the, by then, well established iconographyin vase painting. From all this it can be concludedthat at least by the end of the fifth century there is no reason to suppose that a visual differentiationwas made in the means of deliveryof the two sets of armor. Indeed, it may have been vase painters themselves who originally blurred the lines of distinctionbetween the two episodes, possibly even already at a much earlier date. To summarize:in survivingliteraturethe first arming is treated twice, however briefly, once in the Iliad where the delivery is made by Thetis alone and once in Euripides, who has the armor brought by Nereids, probably conceivedas riding dolphins. The rearming also appears twice, but in much more detail: first, in the Iliad where the episode features Thetis (still alone), and second, in Aeschylus, who has the transport effected by Nereids riding (probablyfor the first time) on sea creatures.In vase painting it is frequently not clear which arming is being shown. Archaic artists tended to show Thetis accompanied by Nereids, never mounted, with a possible preference for the first arming. Fifth-century painters (perhaps influenced by Aeschylus) readily embraced the iconography of Nereids as riders in scenes which more frequently depict the second arming. By the end of the fifth century, however, if not before, the iconography of the two armings may have become interchangeable with regard to the manner of arms delivery, making an identificationof the episode possible only with the aid of other criteria.

tation and requires careful examination. On it the general flow of activity focuses attention on the fragmentary male trio at the right. Within this group the headless central figure is surely to be identified as Achilles, both on the basis of his position within the trio and on the premise that the sole "heroic nude" must be the most prominent figure. A close relationship to the male on the right is indicatedby the intimate manner in which he leans against him; otherwise, all that characterizesthis seated companion is his short garment. One can imagine that both he and Achilles were lookingtowardthe third figure, a standing warriorcloakedin a long garmentand armedwith a helmet, spears, and probably a shield. But who might these companionfigures be? We must consider, in turn, their possible identificationsin the context of each arming episode. It has recentlybeen suggested (without discussion) by Kossatz-Deissmann that the vase depicts the second arms-bringing.29 If so, Achilles' companionsmust be among those closely involved with him at Troy. Now it seems safe to assume that the delivery of the second set of arms was motivated in all ancient accounts by Patroclus' death and the loss of the first armor;it was with these new arms that Achilles was to seek revenge. Therefore, in a second arming context, one might wish to identify the two figures flanking Achilles as those among his many companions who were most intimately involvedwith the death of Patroclus:Antilochus (seated) and the Greater Ajax (standing,fully armed). Antilochus,son of Nestor, is otherwiseonly a minor but Homer makes him Achilles' favorite comfigure, THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VASE FROM OLYNTHUS panion after Patroclus.30Homer, and probably Aes(NO. 1) chylus as well, assigns Antilochus the onerous task of With this backgroundwe can now turn to our se- informing Achilles of Patroclus'death and then casts ries of objects all of which belong to the difficult sec- him in the role of comforter.31 Antilochus thereafter ond category. Of these, no. 1, the vase from Olynthus functions as something of a substitute figure for Pa(pl. 12, figs. 1, 2), bears the most detailed represen- troclus.32Ajax, son of Telamon, who according to
a reconstructionof Aeschylus'Nereids and thereforeconcludedthat Euripides was the first to introducethe riding Nereids. 28 On the date of the Achilleis see supra n. 22. On the date of the Electra, probably produced in 413, see Denniston (supr. n. 26) xxxiii-xxxix; on the date of the Iphigenia at Aulis, probably first producedposthumouslyin 405, see E.B. England, The Iphigenia at Aulis of Euripides (New York 1979, reprint of 1891 ed.) xxxixxxii. 29 Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"124, no. 523. 30 Od. 24.78-79. 31 II. 17.691-93; 18.2-21; and Mette fr. 227. See Dohle, "Achilleis" 87-88. 32 Achilles, Patroclus, and Antilochus were grouped together in Polygnotos'painting of the Nekyia in the Knidian Lesche at Delphi (Paus. 10.30.3; on the subject see most recently O. TouchefeuMeynier, Themes odysseens dans l'art antique [Paris 1968j 133-34, 143-44; and M. Robertson,A History of GreekArt [Cambridge 1975] 266-70 with earlier literature). Antilochus is subsequently killed by Memnon (Od. 4.187-88; Aithiopis, ap. Procl., Chr. 118-19; Quint. Smyrn. 2.244-58; cf. Pind. Pyth. 6.28-39; and Philostr., Imag. 2.7) and it would appear that Achilles avengesAntilochus' death on Memnon in the Aithiopis (ap. Procl., Chr. 189; cf. Quint. Smyrn. 2.388-548) just as he avengesthe death of Patroclus on Hector in the Iliad (II. 22.317-30; see Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"133-47). On Proclus see T.W. Allen, Homer; The Origins and the Transmission(Oxford 1924) 51-55. On the Chrestomathia of Proclus see A. Severyns, Recherches sur la "Chrestomathie"de Proclus. Bibl.fac. phil.-lett. Liege 170 (Paris 1963); on Quintus Smyrnaeus see F. Vian, Recherchessur les posthomerica de Quintus de Smyrne (Paris 1959). Antilochus lacks a distinctive iconographyof his own, but it may be significant that he appears (labeled AM0IAOXOZ) on an Apulian volute crater in a scene of the ransomingof Hector in a pose reminiscentof that on the Olynthian vase:the young hero is seated at ease near Achilles with lower legs crossed (Leningrad, Hermitage 1718, St. 422; Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"151, no. 664; A. Kossatz-Deissmann, "Antilo-

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Homer was secondonly to Achilles himself in the eyes of the Greeks,33 is also closely involvedwith the events the death of Patroclus; indeed, he takes surrounding command during the battle in which Patroclus is killed and gives orders in subsequent developments.34 Although these identificationsseem reasonable,however, they are no more than possibilities. Let us now consider the alternative, that the scene shows the arming in Phthia, a suggestion first made by Robinson in the original publication of the vase.35 Robinson called Achilles' seated companion Phoenix and the standing figure in front either Odysseus or Diomedes.36These identificationsrely heavily on the analogy with the established fifth-century iconography of the Embassy to Achilles, which frequently includesjust such a grouping.37 A majorobstacleto recPhoenix in the seated ognizing figure is, however, the
chus I," LIMC I.1 [1981] 833, no. 16; note that the lower scene containing Erotes is apparently modern). See also the youthful figure standing sympatheticallyin front of the mourningAchilles on a Severe Style Attic red-figure stamnos (Leiden XVIIIg32, PC88, ARV2 298.2; Johansen, Iliad 123-26, fig. 41; Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"123, no. 514). That figure is often identified as Antilochus (e.g., Kemp-Lindemann, Darstellungen 159-60; KossatzDeissmann, "Antilochus I" (supra) 832, no. 10, "wahrscheinlich A."). Antilochus' part in the funeral games of Patroclusis described in the Iliad 23.287-613, 740-97. On Antilochus see RE 2 (1894) 2429-31, s.v. Antilochos (R. Wagner); Kossatz-Deissmann,"Antilochus I" (supra) 830-38; and H.A. Shapiro, "Painting, Politics, and Genealogy: Peisistratos and the Neleids," Ancient Greek Art and Iconography,ed. W.G. Moon (Madison 1983) 90-91. Cf. also M.M. Willcock, "The Funeral Games of Patroclus," BICS 20 (1973) 1-11, esp. 6-8; and L.E. Roller, "FuneralGames in Greek Art," AJA 85 (1981) 107-19. 33Od. 24.17-18. Cf. Soph., Aj. 1340-41. 34We hear of him deliberating on the rescue of Patroclus' body (II. 17.626-39); sending Menelaos to dispatch Antilochus with word of Patroclus' death (II. 17.651-55); ordering Menelaos and Meriones to carry the body of Patroclus from battle with the backup protectionof himself and the Lesser Ajax (II. 17.715-21); and finally we hear of the two Ajaxes repeatedlybeating Hector back in his attempts to drag away Patroclus' body (II. 18.155-58). The Greater Ajax's closeness to Achilles is attested in other ways as well; indeed, from at least Pindar's time the two are cousins (Isthm. 6.19-27: Peleus and Telamon are sons of Aiakos). It is strikingthat we encounterjust this foursome (Achilles, Patroclus, Antilochus, and Ajax) reunited in the Underworld in the Odyssey(24.15-18). On Ajax see 0. Touchefeu, "Aias I," LIMC 1.1 (1981) 312-36; M.B. Moore, "Exekias and Telamonian Ajax," AJA 84 (1980) 417-34; S. Woodfordand M. Loudon, "Two Trojan Themes: the Iconographyof Ajax Carrying the Body of Achilles and of Aeneas Carrying Anchises in Black Figure Vase Painting,"AJA 84 (1980) esp. 25-30; and D. Williams, "Ajax, Odysseus and the Arms of Achilles,"AntK 23 (1980) 137-45. 35 Robinson (supra n. 3) 115. Kossatz-Deissmann initially considered a first arming possible (Dramen 17, n. 102) but has more recently included it (with no new discussion) among scenes of the secondarming: "Achilleus"124, no. 523. On the iconographyof the first arming see supra n. 14. 36 Note that Robinson's published drawing included a non-joining upper torso on the seated companion (see supra n. 4). On the identificationof the figures, in agreementwith Robinson,see Bulas, "New Illustrations"(supra n. 3) 117; Metzger (supra n. 3) 190, no. 41; Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"124, no. 523 and cf. 127.

absence of that measure of aged dignity which vase painters were inclined-to give him. Indeed, the short garments argue rather to the contrary and indicate that a much youngerperson is intended.38 Patroclusis an obvious candidate.39 For the standing figure in the trio, one of the recruitersof Achilles to the Trojan Expeditionwould be most logical, if one understandsthe scene as a conflationin time sequence:recruitmenttogether with arms-bringing.Thus, following epic tradition, one could think of, besides Robinson's Odysseus, either Menelaos or Menestheus.40Otherwise, if the scene is taken to representstrictly the arming episode, the field of candidatesis broadand could include any one of a number of Myrmidons. There is, in any case, no single clear alternative to the suggestion of Patroclus.41 To summarize:the lack of distinctiveiconographic
37The iconographyhas recentlybeen tracedto the Myrmidonsof the Achilleis trilogy by Dohle, "Achilleis." 38 Peleus, who could otherwise appear close to Achilles in a firstarming context, may be disqualified for this figure on the same grounds. 39Patroclus, labeled, stands behind Achilles as he takes leave from Thetis in the company also of Menelaos and Odysseus on a black-figurekantharos in West Berlin (F1737, not in ABV; Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"70, no. 189). An unidentifiedyoung warriorstandingnext to Achilles being broughtarmorby Thetis on an amphora by the Camtar Painter in the Louvre (C10521, ABV 84.4) has been identifiedas Patroclusby von Bothmer(supra n. 14) 85, 88, figs. 4, 6; cf. Kossatz-Deissmann,"Achilleus"71, no. 201; and Johansen, Iliad 94-95, figs. 26-27. On Patroclussee also EAA 5 (1963) 990-92, s.v. Patroclo (L. Guerrini). 40 As recruitersto the war effort Nestor and Odysseus are paired in the Iliad (11.767-72) and Nestor and Menelaos are paired in the Cypria (ap. Procl., Chr. 110-11, 118-19). Another possibility would be Menestheus, labeled as such on the black-figurekantharos in Berlin cited supra n. 39 (but note that von Bothmer[supran. 14] 85 thinks the label should read "Menesthios"). 41 The presenceof Poseidonas an onlookeradds nothing in either episode as the sea god is never out of place in any sort of marine thiasos even though he has no known function in connectionwith the arms. It is hardly likely to be any other figure, although one could perhaps consider Nereus as father of the Nereids as a candidate. Arguing against this is the age of the Olynthian figure who is shown as a mature but vigorous-seemingman; Nereus, gray from birth, was typically portrayedwith emphasison his elderlyappearance (as on the Francois Vase, AB V 76.1, Paralipomena29; cf. E. Simon, Die griechischen Vasen [Munich 1976] 71,pl. 56 top). In any case, the age of our figure and the presenceof the trident make an identification of Poseidon reasonable. On Nereus see RE 33 (1936) 24-28, s.v. Nereus (G. Herzog-Hauser); EAA 5 (1963) 421-23, s.v. Nereo e Nereidi (H. Sichtermann);and R. Glynn, "Herakles, Nereus and Triton: A Study of Iconographyin Sixth Century Athens,"AJA 85 (1981) esp. 121-23. Justification of Poseidon's presence in this scene, if justification is needed, actually exists in the person of his wife Amphitritewho, at least in Hesiodic tradition, is herself a Nereid (Th. 243). Plato's referencesto Nereids surroundingthe statue of Poseidonon Atlantis suggestsat least a familiar image (Criti. 116E). Cf. also the tradition of Quintus Smyrnaeus (3.766-87) in which Poseidon rises from the sea and speaks to Thetis offering immortalityto Achilles and transportof his body to the island in the Pontus Euxinus. In addition,Achilles' immortalhorses Xanthos and Balios (II. 16.148-49; 19.400) derive ultimately, accordingto later sources, from Poseidonwho had pre-

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traits makes positive recognitionof Achilles' companions impossible on these grounds alone. One can only surmise that the figure to the right of Achilles must be a very close friend and is probably,in view of his short garment, young; Patroclus and Antilochus are excellent choices, respectively,in the first and second arming episodes. The standing armed figure is presumably distinguished in military exploits, but there is nothing about him to narrow the many possibilities which include obvious choicessuch as Odysseus in the first arming and perhaps the Greater Ajax in the second. How then to choosebetween the two arming versions? The key to the identificationof the episode lies, I believe, in the presence of the Erotes. It will be noted that on the Olynthian vase the Erotes occupy a prominent position, flying toward the male trio on the right and helping to focus attentionin that direction. Rumpf observed long ago, however, that Eros truly has no place in this scene and belongs rather in such marine thiasoi as those representing Europa on the bull or the wedding of Poseidon and Amphitrite.42He is indeed comfortably at home in such contexts, as will be discussedbelow, but I would argue that the Erotes also have a very legitimate place here. They perform their usual function and allude, just as in those scenes, to an erotic aspect of the event, in this instanceto the love-friendshipbetween Achilles
sented them to Peleus as a wedding gift (Schol. Pind., Pyth. 3.167; Quint. Smyrn. 3.754-59; on Quintus Smyrnaeus see supra n. 32). Finally we may note Poseidon'sappearancein the enigmaticlargescale thiasos of Scopas which, accordingto the testimony of Pliny (HN 36.26), included Poseidon, Thetis, Achilles, and Nereids riding all sorts of sea creatures,real and fantastic.Whether this group represented an enlarged version of the arms-bearing scene (Pliny says nothing of armor) or perhaps the Voyage of Achilles to the Isles of the Blessed is, however, controversial.See esp. C. Picard,

and Patroclus.43 This conclusionhas importantimplications for the interpretationof the arming episode.
THE RELATIONSHIP OF ACHILLES AND PATROCLUS

Before proceeding, however, it is pertinent to review the ancient perception of the relationship between Achilles and Patroclus. In Homer, of course, their closeness from boyhood days in Thessaly is stressed and Achilles accepts responsibility for the safety of his friend as they embarkon the Trojan Expedition;44they are, at least overtly, represented as best friends, but as no more.45From at least the early fifth centuryonward, however,literarysourcesadd an explicitly homosexual aspect to the relationship. It is especially evident in fragments preserved from Aeschylus' Myrmidons,the first of the Achilleis trilogy.46 This particularaspectof their friendshipis elaborated upon by Aeschines and Plato, as well as by later authors.47Achilles' paroxysm of grief over the death of his beloved friend, killed by Hector while wearing Achilles' own armor,48was a favorite subject among ancient artists and it paralleled the current dramatic and philosophicalunderstandingof the nature of feeling involved. The suggestion that Eros alludes to the love between Patroclus and Achilles is nevertheless only truly appropriate in a scene actually depicting these
Gymnasion[BEFAR 196, Paris 1960] 37-38; and J. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionaryof Ancient Athens [New York 1971] 42). For Hellenistic dedications of Erotes at the gymnasium of Delos see A. Jaquemin, "Notes sur quelques offrandes du gymnase de Delos," BCH 105 (1981) 155-69, esp. 157-63. See also infra n. 47.
44 II. 18.324-27.

adolescent. La pederastie dansla Greceantique(Paris1980)esp.

251-61, 331-33; Greifenhagen (supra n. 2) 53-56. It is, of course, significant that Eros was worshipped at various gymnasia, including that in the Athenian Academy (cf. Ath., Deip. 13.609d; Paus. 1.30.1. See Buffiere, 344-45; Greifenhagen, 58-60; J. Delorme,

sique-IVe siecle (Paris 1948) 673-87; Lattimore (supra n. 2) 13-27; A.F. Stewart, Skopas of Paros (Park Ridge, N.J. 1977) 100-101; Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"126, no. 533. For attribution of the group, however, to a different Scopas of the second century see P. Mingazzini, "Scopas Minore," ArtFig 2 (1946) 137-48, esp. 141-42; and F. Coarelli, "L"aradi Domizio Enobarbo' e la cultura artistica in Roma nel II secolo a.C.," DialAr 2 (1968) 302-68, esp. 325-27. On Poseidon in general see RE 43 (1953) 446-557, s.v. Poseidon (E. Wiist); EAA 6 (1965) 405-408, s.v. Posidone (L. Vlad Borelli); U. Heimberg, Das Bild des Poseidon in dergriechischen Malerei (Diss. Freiburg 1968). 42Rumpf (supra n. 3) 124. Bulas ("New Illustrations,"supra n. 3) 117 and Lattimore (supra n. 2) 28 commenton the Erotes without offering explanation. See also Heydemann'scomment(supra n. 2) 10 with regard to the London crater, no. 2 (pl. 12, fig. 3), that Erotes are simply to be expected in a context of beautiful ladies. 43On Eros symbolizing homosexual love see F. Buffiere, Eros

Manueld'archeologie Periodeclasgrecque, 1.2: La sculpture.

45 Much has been written about the relationshipof the two. See recent interpretationsby W.M. Clarke, "Achillesand Patroclusin Love," Hermes 106 (1978) 381-96 (but see comments by H. Patzer, Die griechische Knabenliebe, SBFrank 19.1 [1982] esp. 94-98); D.S. Sinos, Achilles, Patroklosand the Meaning of 'Philos' (Innsbruck 1980) esp. 55-70; and W.T. MacCary, Childlike Achilles. Ontogenyand Phylogeny in the Iliad (New York 1982) esp. 127-36, 178-95. 46 Cf. Mette frr. 228-31. On the Achilleis see supra n. 22. On fr. 228 see R. Merkelbach, "Zwei Vermutungen zu Tragikerfragmenten,"RheinMus 112 (1969) 109-11, followed by Ferrari (supra n. 22) 28-29, who attribute the words not to Achilles, as usually assumed,but ratherto a friendof his, Antilochusor some Myrmidon;the significance,however, remains the same. The erotic attractionof the thighs is attested elsewhere (see Dover, GH 70) and the literary imagery is paralleled in the iconographyof Attic vase painting where animal thighs are presented as love gifts; see G. Koch-Harnack,Knabenliebeund Tiergeschenke (Berlin 1983) 13442; also Patzer (supra n. 45) 119. 47 Aeschin. 1.133; P1. Symp. 179e-80b. On the general subject see Dover, GH, esp. 53, 197; Buffiere(supra n. 43) 367-74; Patzer (supra n. 45) esp. 119; also W. Kraus, "Aischylosals Erotiker betrachtet,"WS 96, N.S. 17 (1983) 5-22, esp. 6-13. 48 II. 18.80-85. With regardto the plot of the Achilleissee Dohle, "Achilleis."

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Therefore, if this is the significance of Eros, then we must be dealing on the Olynthian vase with the first arming and it is logical to conclude that, whoever the standing figure may be, the two seated heroes are to be identified as Achilles and Patroclus. The means of arms-delivery on sea creatures, though probably originally associated with the later episode, is employed here as a familiar decorative device. At this point several fundamental issues with regard to Eros must be addressed. First, is it certain that this is truly Eros rather than some other winged creature? Second, assuming a positive answer to the first query, is it legitimate in terms of late fifth-century iconography to postulate the use of Eros in a capacity suggesting homosexual love? To address the first question: In the late fifth century, the pluralization of the winged figure, as on the Olynthian vase, is no argument against Eros.50 The Olynthian figures could of course equally well be Himeros and Pothos, whose iconography is indistinguishable at this time from that of Eros.5' But even if this were the case, their function within the scene would remain essentially the same as that which I have suggested for Eros. On the other hand, it could be argued that the figure, either single or doubled, could be one of the many other winged males who are
49 A rather special case is provided by a Roman relief depicting Eros in connection with Patroclus' death: B. Neutsch and E. Walde, "Das Achilleus-Relief von Maria Saal und seine ikonographische Verbindung zur Magna Graecia,"Classicaet Provincialia, Festschrift Erna Diez, G. Schwarz and E. Pochmarski,eds. (Graz 1978) 141-49; cf. Kossatz-Deissmann, "Achilleus"144, no. 636. The relief, dated to the early second century A.C., shows Achilles dragging Hector's body behind his chariot with Eros flying above the horses' backs. Neutsch and Walde convincinglyargue that the action refers to the third round at the grave of Patroclus with the latter appearing as a heroic statue. They conclude,"Indem Fligelgenius ... wird Eros als Personifikation bruderlicher Freundschaftsliebe (Achill-Patroklos)zugleich also mildernde Motivation der grausamen Rache Achills an Hektor erkannt"(148-49). 50On the pluralization of Erotes see T.G. Rosenmeyer, "ErosErotes,"Phoenix 5 (1951) 11-22. For an example in vase painting of multiple Erotes, labeled as such, see a white-ground lekythos by Douris in Cleveland (66.114, Paralipomena 376, 266bis; D.C. Kurtz, Athenian White Lekythoi[Oxford 1975] 30, pls. 10.2, 11). 51Cf. a roughly contemporaryhydria by the Meidias Painter in Florence (81948, ARV2 1312.1; CVA Florence 2 pls. 60; 64.1) which has a labeled Himeros and Pothos very much like our figures; the position is the same with legs similarly posed and the advanced figure, Pothos, even holds a closely related thymiaterion. 52 For other winged figures who might be consideredcandidates for our "Erotes,"see esp. Greifenhagen (supra n. 2) 34-39; H.A. Shapiro, Personificationof AbstractConceptsin GreekArt and Literature to the End of the Fifth Century B.C. (Diss. PrincetonUniversity 1976); A. Delivorrias, G. Berger-Doer, and A. KossatzDeissmann, "Aphrodite,"LIMC 11.1 (1984) 117-18. On the difficulties of identification see also H. Reinhardt, "Thanatos oder Zephyros?"AntK 23 (1980) 44; the thoughtful essay of C. IslerKerenyi, "Boreade oder Eros?" AA 1984, 383-86; and E. Vermeule, Aspectsof Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1979) esp. 145-78.

frequentlyseen in vase paintingsand often are hard to identify, perhaps a demon of some sort or one of the winds.52Eros is, of course,himself a multi-facetedfigure who can encompass many different concepts and it is not impossiblethat he embodiesseveralof these in the iconography under discussion if indeed it is he who is depictedon the Olynthian vase. How then can one determinethe true identity of the figure? I would suggest that the attributeshe carrieson the Olynthian vase and on one of the other objectsunder consideration here point toward the answer. On the Olynthian vase it is a thymiaterion,one of the items of ritual use frequently associatedwith him or his closest cohorts, Himeros and Pothos.53Even more telling, however,is the iynx on the earstuds (nos. 6a and 6b; pl. 14, figs. 10, 12) whose significancewill be discussed below.54 Who else but Eros would be shown holding this love charm? The secondissue concernsthe presenceof Eros in a scene dealing with homosexual love. More familiar during the late fifth century are the many scenes in which Eros regularly appears attendanton Aphrodite or involved with feminine activity in general.55Earlier, however, Eros does in fact appear not infrequently in Attic vase painting in a context of homosexual love.56 It has been observed by Brendel and others
53 E.g., by the Pothoson the vase in Florencecited supra n. 51. On thymiateria see K. Wigand, "Thymiateria,"BonnJbb 122 (1912) 1-97, esp. 40-87; RE 11 (1936) 706-14, s.v. Thymiaterion (A. Hug); EAA 4 (1961) 126-30, s.v. Incensiere(G. Marunti); and M. Almagro, Los thymiateriallamados,candelabrosde Lebrija (Madrid 1964). A large numberof thymiateriaof fourth- and third-century date from Ruoti (Basilicata) have recently been published by E. Fabricotti, "Ruoti (Potenza). Scavi in localita Fontana Bona, 1972," NSc ser. 8, 33 (1979) 347-413. A related phenomenoncan perhapsbe notedin an arms-bearingsceneof the late fith centuryon a very fragmentarypyxis lid:Jacobsthal (supra n. 23) 183, 185, fig. 57. On it are preservedtwo Nereids, one riding a sea-monster,the other floating beside a dolphin, while at the break on the left there appears a disembodied hand holding a lamp or torch. Although there is no hint as to the identityof the holder,the parallel situation on the Olynthus vase suggests that it might be another Eros. 54On the iynx as a love charmsee Pind. Pyth. 4.214; A.S.F. Gow, "IYFr, POMBO?, RHOMBUS, TURBO," JHS 54 (1934) 1-13; Gow, Theocritus2 (Cambridge 1952) 41. 55Metzger (supra n. 3) passim; and Delivorrias et al. (supra n. 52) passim. 56Among the pictorial representationsof Eros symbolizing and encouraginghomosexual love one can cite: a kylix by the Telephos Painter in Munich (Museum antiker Kleinkunst 2669, J.1101; ARV2 818.26) which shows (A) Eros crowning a youth singing probably to his lover and (B) Eros carrying a love gift between a man and a boy (Greifenhagen [supra n. 2] 54-56, figs. 40-41; cf. Koch-Harnack[supra n. 46] 142, fig. 75, cat. no. 111with restored drawing of [B]); and a stamnos by the Siren Painter in London (British Museum E440, ARV2 289.1) showing three flying Erotes bearing love gifts (Greifenhagen 32, fig. 25, and Koch-Harnack 226, fig. 111, cat. no. 176). For Eros with Zeus and Ganymedesee a craterby the Ariana Painter in Paris (Cabinetdes Medailles 416, ARV2 1101.8; cf. S. Kaempf-Dimitriadou,Die Liebe der GOtter in der attischen Kunst des 5. Jahrhundertsv. Chr. [AntK Suppl. 11,

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that, whereas homosexual courtship scenes in Attic vase painting (including those with Erotes) were popular during the period between approximately 560 and 475 B.C., they virtually cease thereafter.57 Starting in the second quarter of the fifth century love scenes become nearly exclusively heterosexual and Erotes belong more and more to the strictly feminine world.58In view of this and if the hypothesisconcerning the late fifth-century Olynthian Erotes has any validity, then one must concludethat the iconography of the vase represents an exception to the rule.59 Whether it follows from this that the scene is necessarily derived from an earlier prototype is, however, open to debate.
THE ICONOGRAPHY OF EROS AND THE NEREIDS

Before examining this point further, the remaining objectsin the Catalogue must be consideredin light of the interpretation of the Olynthian vase suggested above. The London crater (no. 2; pl. 12, fig. 3) shows a much abbreviatedversion of the story:a few travelThe arms carried ling Nereids and a gesturing Eros.60 by several of the Nereids identify the scene securelyas the bearing of the arms of Achilles. Without the aid of the Olynthian vase, however, it would be difficult, if not impossible, for us to make sense of Eros' presence; indeed the absence of Achilles and Patroclus does place him so out of context as to seem virtually meaningless. It may be symptomatic, however, that Eros
1979] 10-11, cat. no. 38, pl. 4.1); and a white ground alabastronby the Diosphos Painter once in Berlin (F2032; Kaempf-Dimitriadou 7, cat. no. 3, fig. 1). For a recent iconographicdiscussionon Eros in this capacity see E. Olshausen, "Erosmit dem Barbiermesser," AA (1979) 17-24. On Eros as an aggressivepursuer of boys see recent comments by Greifenhagen (supra n. 2) 57-58; and H.A. Shapiro, "CourtshipScenes,"AJA 85 (1981) 142 and references,n. 71. On the general subjectof erotic art in antiquity see O.J. Brendel, "The Scope and Temperament of Erotic Art in the Greco-Roman World," in Studies in Sex and Society, ed. T. Bowie (New York 1970). 57 Brendel (supra n. 56). Shapiro (supra n. 56) recently convincingly tied the phenomenon,both of this popularityand its cessation, to the political climate of Peisistratidand post-PeisistratidAthens. 58 Shapiro (supra n. 56). 59P.H. von Blanckenhagen has discussed an exceptional late fifth-century courtship scene by the Dinos Painter: "Puerilia,"In Memoriam OttoJ. Brendel, L. Bonfante and H. von Heintze, eds. (Mainz 1976) 37-41; cf. Shapiro (supra n. 56) 143. 60 On his gesture see G. Neumann, Gesten und Gebirden in der griechischen Kunst (Berlin 1965) 23-37 ("Gesten der Aufforderung"). 61 The presenceof an Eros which appears in a scene with Nereids (without armor) on a late fourth-centuryApulian pyxis in a German private collection may perhaps be explained in a similar sense (K. Schauenburg,"Erosund Nereiden auf einer apulischen Kugel-

has here been enlarged to almost menacing proportions. The painter may have attemptedby this means not only to retain but to emphasize the emotional tenor of the by now much abbreviatedstory.61 The Pompeian wall painting (no. 3; pl. 13, fig. 4) also shows an abbreviated version of the story, but with a different accent. The Nereid riding Triton dominates the picture, but the viewer's attention is drawn to the pair of Erotes strugglingwith a greaveat the upper left. Although the questionof prototypesfor Roman wall paintings is extremely complex,62on the basis of our present understandingof ancientpainting styles it does not seem unreasonableto suppose that some Greek monument, most likely itself a painting and perhaps dating to the later Classical period, served as the model for the Pompeian painting. With regardto the Erotes, it might initially be assumedthat they are merely playing at carrying the armor and mark the Roman copyist's prettificationof an otherwise serious subject.63 That they are part of the marine thiasos and not simply floating disjointedly in space is, however,indicatedby the presenceof the dolphin in the upper right corner.We must thus think of the painting as executed in registers, a scheme which is believed to be characteristicof many Classical prototypes.64In any case, the recognitionof Eros' possible significancein late-Classical versionsof the armsbearing scene permits one to speculatethat the Erotes were present in the prototypeas well.65
62 Cf. most recently, M. Robertson (supra n. 32) 571-86 and P.H. von Blanckenhagen,"Paintingin the Time of Alexander and Later,"Macedoniaand Greecein Late Classicaland Early Hellenistic Times (Studies in the History of Art 10, 1982) 250-60 with references. 63 As in the commentaryto Herrmann and Bruckmann (supra n. 6) pl. 138. 64 For example, in the reconstructionof Polygnotan wall painting; cf. esp. E. Simon, "PolygnotanPainting and the Niobid Painter," AJA 67 (1963) 43-62; J.P. Barron,"New Light on Old Walls: the Murals of the Theseion,"JHS 92 (1972) 20-45; and Robertson (supra n. 32) 240-70. 65 The Erotes have, to be sure, been rejuvenated into chubby little children in the Roman painting, but this was a trend which began already in later Classical times and may here have been simply drawn to its full conclusionin accordwith Roman and indeed Hellenistic taste;see Dohl (supra n. 2) 69 on the subject.The notion of Erotes playing with armorto suggest an erotic moodwas, of course, familiar in Greek art. One thinks of Aetion's painting of the Wedding of Alexander and Roxane as described by Lucian (Herod. 4.6); it included Erotes playing with Alexander'sarmor (see recent commentsby T. Holscher, "Gemaldeder Hochzeit Alexandersund der Roxane von Aetion,"in GriechischeHistorienbilderdes 5. und 4. Jahrhundertsv. Chr. [Beitrige zur Archaologie6, 1973] 196-98; Robertson,[supra n. 32] 496, 573; and J. Onians, Art and Thought in the Hellenistic Age [London 1979] 95-96). In addition, Erotes not infrequentlyappear in the same capacitywithin picturesshowing Ares and Aphrodite (e.g., in the House of Mars and Venus at Pompeii, vii.9.47; Schefold, Wtinde[supra n. 6] 197-98; cf. however, L. Curtius, who believed the Erotes to be an addition of the copyist:Die WandmalereiPompejis [Leipzig 1929] 252-54, pl. 1).

chariot is flankedby a dolphin-ridingNereid on either side. Schauenburg 18, puzzled by the inclusion of Eros among the Nereids, had suggested tentatively that Eros might in this context be replacing Helios as charioteer.

di archeologia 2 [1978]16-22).Onit Erosdriving a pyxis,"Rivista

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Once it is granted that Eros has a legitimate (if not common) place within the broader iconographical scheme involving arms-delivery (Group A of the Catalogue), one may speculate that those objects which feature Eros on one side and an arms-bearing Nereid on the other (Group B of the Catalogue) are, in fact, thematically related. Thus, on the Rhodian earstuds (nos. 6a and 6b; pl. 14, figs. 9-12), the relationship of Eros turning the iynx to the Nereid on the other side may be understood in light of the newly suggested interpretation: the love charm in Eros' hands emphasizes his loving role in the proceedingsin much the same manner as the thymiaterion on the Olynthian vase. Indeed, as discussedabove, it is these attributes which help assure the identificationof the winged figures as Erotes. On the ring from Homolion (no. 4; pi. 13, figs. 5, 6) and the mirror in Boston (no. 5; pl. 14, figs. 7, 8), Eros on a dolphin is paired with a dolphin-riding Nereid on the reverse. In these examples Eros therefore joins the ranks of the mounted Nereids in what we must think of as a long procession for the purpose of encouragingtheir progressin delivering the armor.66 Eros has, however, as already noted, other connec66 This hypothesis may to some degree be substantiatedby examples in Western Greek and Etruscan iconographyof the late fourth to early third centurieswhich feature a dolphin-ridingEros in company of riding Nereids. An example is a Sicilian lekanis from Lipari now in Cefalu (Cefal6 20; A.D. Trendall, The Red-Figured Vases of Lucania, Campania, and Sicily [3rd Suppl. BICS Suppl. 41, 1983] 302, no. 456c). It is less clear how to identify the subject matter on a fourth-centuryAttic pelike in the Louvre (MN 736) which shows a dolphin-riding Eros gesturing toward a running, unarmed female; Metzger (supra n. 3) 299, no. 2, pl. 40.1, may well be correctin identifyingher as Amphitrite.Etruscanexamples of what may be Erotes riding in company of Nereids include a bronze cista lid from Praenestenow in the local museum (Palestrina, Museo Archeologico 1496; see G. Bordenache Battaglia, Le ciste prenestine I [Florence, 1979] 151-53, no. 46, pl. 196, details, pl. 200 for drawing of whole lid. Cf. also G. Foerst, Die Gravierungen der prdnestinischen Cisten [Rome 1978] no. 48, pl. 36d). One may also note a winged youth (perhaps an Eros) who appears alone bearing a sword and riding a sea creatureon a bronze mirror cover from Bomarzo and dating to the late fourth to early third century, now in Berlin (Berlin-Charlottenburg,Antikenmuseum Fr. 56. See U. Fischer-Graf, Spiegelwerkstiittenin Vulci [Archaologische Forschungen8, Berlin 1980] 92, Cat. V56, pl. 24; cf. comments by Foerst 66, n. 288, who suggests it should perhaps be considered a Nereid. On iconographyand Greek prototypesfor Etruscan mirrorssee J.M. Turfa, "Stylesin Engraving:Classical,"in A Guide to Etruscan Mirrors, ed. N.T. de Grummond [Tallahassee 1982] 143-54). In such context there are a few other objectsin the minor arts which fit into this scheme and deservemention. First is a bezel in Berlin which is very closely related both technically and iconographicallyto the Homolion ring (Antikensammlung1966.8; see A. Greifenhagen, Schmuckarbeitenin Edelmetall 2 [Berlin 1975] 75, pl. 56, 13-15). Said to be from Tarentum, the Berlin ring features on one side an arms-bearing Nereid which is virtually identical to the Homolion version of the same figure (see Miller [supra n. 11]19-21, pl. 11a, b) and on the reverse, a hippocamp

tions with Nereids: in certain romantic scenes with oceanic settings centeredaround ladies such as Europa or Amphitrite pursued by Zeus or Poseidon, respectively. Just when the relevant iconography may have developedis not easy to determineprecisely, but it may have happenedas early as the late fifth century togetherwith the arms-bearingunder discussion,at a time, that is, when the popularity of sea themes was rapidly gaining momentum. It is well known that Europa's mythologicalpresence is limited almost entirely to her taurine adventure and that from Archaic times on she is regularly shown on or beside the bull.67By at least the first half of the fourth century, however, both Attic and South Italian vase painters occasionally show her accompanied by riding Nereids and flutteringErotes.68 Particularly instructivein this regard is an Apulian amphora in Berlin (ill. 1) which shows Europa on the bull and surroundedby riding Nereids.69Before her the beckoning Eros holding a taenia is clearly acting in the same capacityas his counterparton the London arms-bearingvase (no. 2; pl. 12, fig. 3). The rounded objectheld by the Nereid at the right looks much like a shield reducedin scale (here a tympanon?).Could it
surroundedby dolphins. Lattimore (supra n. 3) 33 has suggested that Erotes riding in a position of equal prominencewith Nereids in the marine thiasosmay be a Hellenistic development.It seems to me, however, that the evidenceof the objectsbeing consideredhere might indicatean earlier introductionof Eros in this status, an iconography possibly itself developed in the minor arts. If so, one might imagine the putative prototype to have included a whole series of figures comprising the marine thiasos among which were the arms-bearingNereids (duplicatedon the Berlin and Homolion pieces), a dolphin-riding Eros (reproducedon the Homolion ring) and numerous other sea creaturesof which the hippocamp on the Berlin ring providesone example and a ketoson a relatedring from the Pavlovsky Barrow, Taman Peninsula another (Leningrad, Hermitage Museum, Hlab. 4; M.I. Artamonov, The Splendor of ScythianArt [New York 1969] 73, pls. 274-75; cf. Miller [supra n. 1 20-21, pl. 11e, f). 67 On Europa see RE 11 (1907) 1287-98, s.v. Europe (Escher); W. Technau, "Die Gottin auf dem Stier,"JdI 52 (1937) 76-103; K. Schauenburg, "Gottergeliebteauf unteritalischen Vasen," Antike und Abendland 10 (1961) 88-90; W. Bihler, Europa (Munich 1968); Kaempf-Dimitriadou(supra n. 56) 22; and E. Zahn, Europa und der Stier (Wurzburg 1983; cf. review by C. Isler-Kerenyi, Gnomon 57 [1985] 163-66, with comments on the difficulties of distinguishing Europa from other goddessesconnectedwith bulls). 68 Cf. Metzger (supra n. 3) 309-12. Attic examples include a series of fish plates in Leningrad: Hermitage St. 1915 (Metzger 307, no. 18); Hermitage 14784 (Metzger 307, no. 19); and other fragments in the Hermitage (Metzger 307, no. 20). An Apulian dinos with the relevant iconography is in Bloomington, Indiana University Art Museum 80.27.2 (A.D. Trendall and A. Cambitoglou, First Supplement to the Red-Figured Vases of Apulia [BICS Suppl. 42, 1983] 81, no. 233a). 69 Berlin F 3241: A.D. Trendall and A. Cambitoglou, The RedFigured Vases of Apulia 2 (Oxford 1982) 524, no. 234; cf. K. Schauenburg, "Europa auf einer Situla im Kunsthandel," RomMitt 88 (1981) 107-16, esp. 115-16, pl. 30.

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Ill. 1. Apulian amphora. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, F 3241. (Drawing after J. Overbeck,Atlas der griechischen Kunstmythologie[Leipzig 1872] pi. 6.18) perhaps indicate that the vase painter was using a stock type of Nereid suitable, with minor changes, for various marine processions? In any case, the similarities between this vase and the expanded arms-bearing processions are obvious. The case with Amphitrite is somewhat different. She is, after all, from at least the time of Hesiod consort to Poseidon and thus most frequently appears in a dignified capacity befitting her elevated status.70 In the relatively rare scenes which render the original love-pursuit by Poseidon, Amphitrite-at least in the fourth century-sometimes rides a dolphin with Eros to encourage her progress.71 The motif of the wedding to Poseidon, complete with full marine thiasos and numerous Erotes, seems, however, to be essentially a Roman creation.72 A possible exception might be a fragmentary floor mosaic from Olynthus dating to the late fifth or early fourth century.73 It provides a tantalizing hint that the expanded theme may have appeared already at this much earlier date. On it are three Nereids and part of a fourth. Two of the Nereids ride dolis no Eros-but the phins, one a hippocamp-there are most objects they carry significant: a taenia, a and a chest. this has to do, not with wreath, Clearly Achilles and the arms-bearing, but rather more likely with the wedding procession of Amphitrite and Posei70 Hesiod, Theog. 930-33. On Amphitrite see Kaempf-Dimitriadou (supra n. 56) 26; and Kaempf-Dimitriadou, "Amphitrite," LIMC 1.1 (1981) 724-35. 71 E.g., on a fourth-centurypelike from Kerch in Leningrad (St. 2164; Kaempf-Dimitriadou, "Amphitrite"[supra n. 70] 727, no. 33; cf. Metzger [supra n. 3] 299, no. 3). 72Cf. Kaempf-Dimitriadou,"Amphitrite" (supra n. 70) 730, nos. 68-74a and pp. 734-35. 73 Cf. Robinson (supra n. 3) 2-3, pls. II (color) and 11; cf. also

don. 74In the original publicationRobinsonsuggested tenuously that the pivotal charactersmay have been shown in the destroyedcentralpart of the mosaic;Eros could very well have accompaniedthem. It is thereforetempting to postulatea late fifth-century iconographic development featuring Erotes together with Nereids in a variety of scenes of romantic nature taking place in a sea setting. If this is the case, then the Erotes on the Olynthian vase, rather than standing in splendid isolation, can be understoodas part of a commoniconographicvocabulary.
THE QUESTION OF A PROTOTYPE

It has not infrequentlybeen suggestedthat the existence of some unattestedmonumentalpainting of the fifth century may account for the popularity of the arms-bearing motif during the late Classical period. The absence, however, of any sure evidence concerning such a prototype caused Lattimore in his recent study of marine thiasoi to doubt its existence.75Indeed, it could be argued, for instance,that the interest engenderedby theatricalproductionalone might have sufficed to inspire craftsmen in the minor arts. Although the lack of written sources can always be attributed to chance, it is in fact striking that, whereas Trojan material formed the basis of much public
Lattimore (supra n. 2) 29. 74 Robinson (supra n. 3) 2. Cf. also Lattimore (supra n. 2) 29. It is perhapsrather less likely to have been the Weddingof Peleus and Thetis (cf. Lattimore 40, n. 26) since that wedding usually (from Archaic times) shows a procession of the gods (cf. RE 11 [1936] 230-32, s.v. Thetis [M. Mayer]; also Roscher, Lexikon 5 [19161924] 787-88, 796, s.v. Thetis); see, for example, the FrancoisVase (Simon [supra n. 41] figs. 56-57). 75Lattimore (supra n. 2) 29.

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painting producedby the great artists of fifth-century Athens (Polygnotos, Mikon, Panainos, and others), there is no record of any painting of the bearing of Achilles' arms or indeed of any other subjectfocusing on Achilles.76 Despite the silence of extant testimonia, the special case of the Classical tradition of involving Erotes in the arms-bearingscene must still be consideredon its own merits. Does such an unusual scene require a pictorial prototype?If so, what is the most likely medium of the prototype? To address the second point first:the impressive size of and particularlythe use of multiple registers on the Olynthian vase suggest a monumental source. Such registers, however, although clearly descendedfrom the Polygnotan tradition, appear frequently among contemporaryvases.77 One is therefore not compelled from a compositional point of view to look upon the Olynthian vase as reproducinga large-scaleversionof the same scene. Stylistically, the vase, with all its fussy detail, is a good representativeof the fashion of the day. On the other hand, if the admittedly highly speculative interpretation offered above is correct,the Erotes are anachronistic in this context and would be most at home some three quarters of a century or so earlier. How then, if we tentatively rejectan earlier monumental prototype as unwarranted,did the vase painter arrive at this iconography?We can assume that he wished, by means of the Eros, to injectin his own medium something of the lively interest of his day in the love-relationship between the two heroes; the relationship between Achilles and Patroclus may have held special significance for him or perhaps his client.78Searching for the appropriatemeans of expression he hit upon an old, well-used formula in the fig-

ure of Eros. Even if the use of Eros to signify masculine love was outmoded at the time, the concept obviously was not. Furthermore,if, as speculatedabove, the late fifth-century repertoire expanded the Nereid's cortege to include Erotes in scenes with females as love objects, scenes where we in any case understand and indeed expect them, then our vase will in this regardhave simply been fashionablyup to date. Presumably, of course, since the vase in question was destined to travel northwardto Olynthus, it will not itself have provided the impetus for the further dissemination, however limited, of the specific motif surrounding the arms-bearing. Rather, we can perhaps assume it to be but one (and by chance the earliest) surviving example of an iconographic detail which capturedthe imaginationof certain craftsmen, probablyall working in the minor arts toward the end of the fifth century. These and the cluster of fourthcentury objectscollected here can thus be seen to reflect late Classical literary imagery and, at the same time, certainpreoccupationsof societyat large. Iconographically,the Olynthian vase is at or near the head of a traditionwhich linked Eros and the Nereids, perhaps more commonly in other contexts, through the rest of antiquity. In any case, the presenceof Erotes in the arms-bearingscene, to the extent that its significance was even noticed,will surely have posed no difficulty.After all, as remarkedat the outset, Erotes and Nereids in various roles and guises were in and of themselveshighly popular motifs in this era.
DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS CARL BLEGEN LIBRARY 226 UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI CINCINNATI, OHIO 45221

76 He makes a single appearance in Polygnotos' Nekyia (Paus. 10.30.3); on the Nekyia see supra n. 32. In the fourth century several paintings of Achilles are attested: one by Parrhasios (Pliny, HN 35.71); another by Athenion (Pliny, HN 35.134); on the latter see von Blanckenhagen(supra n. 62) 252 with referencesto earlier literature. 77See P.E. Arias and M. Hirmer, A History of 1000 Years of Greek Vase Painting (New York 1962) 376 on this aspect of fifth-

century vase painting. 78 One is reminded of Alcibiades' shield which was emblazoned with Eros and a thunderbolt(accordingto Plut., Alc. 16.1-2). The motif surely carriedvarioussortsof overtones,includingthe specifically erotic; on the subject see P.H. von Blanckenhagen, "The Shield of Alcibiades,"Marsyas Suppl. 1, Essays in Memoryof Karl Lehmann, ed. L.F. Sandler (New York 1964) 38-42.

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FIG. I. Crater from Olynthus, no. i. Archaeological Museum, Thessaloniki, Olynthus inv. 8.70. (Courtesy Archaeological Museum, Thessaloniki)

FIG. 2. Drawing of the crater from Olynthus, no. I. (After Olynthus V,

I, fig.

I2)

FIG. 3. Bell crater, no. 2. British Museum, London, inv. F69. (Courtesy Trustees of the British Museum)

FIG. 4. Wall painting in the Domus Uboni, Pompeii (IX.5. 2), no. 3. (After Herrmann and Bruckmann, Denkmaler der Malerei des Altertums, ser. i, pl. 138)

FIGS. 5, 6. Ring from Homolio Museum, Volos, inv. M58. (C Museum, Volos)

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FIGS. 7, 8. Mirror cover,no. 5. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, inv. 98.672, E.P. Warren Collection.(CourtesyMuseum of Fine Arts, Boston)

FIGS.9, Io. Spool-likeobject,no. 6a. British Museum, London,inv. 2067. (CourtesyTrustees of the British Museum)

FIGS.I I, I 2. Spool-likeobject,no. 6b. Musee du Louvre, Paris, inv. CI 783(Bj 7). (CourtesyChuzeville)