The Xolalpan to Prado-Corral Transition at the Upper Basin of

Rio El Marques, Tula Region, Hidalgo1

Laura Rodríguez Cano (INAH/ENAH), Patricia Fournier (INAH/ENAH), and

Alfonso Torres Rodriguez (ENAH)

Abstract

In this paper we present the results of

surface surveys in settlements dating to the
Classic period, located in the northwestern
fringe of the Tula region. We briefly discuss
the dynamics of Classic communities during Xhiti
phase (1- 350-400 a. d), their relationship with
the Teotihuacan sociopolitical system
represented by the provincial center of Chingu,
and focus on the regional sociopolitical
developments and material correlates dating to
the Atlan phase (350-400-600 a.d) and the
transition to the Coyotlatelco Prado-Corral
phase.

At the Tula region, based on our surveys and independent

studies, numerous Classic period settlements and small
archaeological sites have been located, mostly concentrated
in the southern portion of the Tula Valley and to the
northeast, particularly in the area of the Upper Basin of
the El Marqués River. The results of these surveys
illustrate Classic processes, and serve as a basis to
define a new occupational phase with ceramics of local
tradition that are contemporaneous with the Late Xolalpan
and Metepec phases.

Teotihuacan hegemony in the Tula region (1 AD to 350/400 AD)

During the first part of the Classic period (1 AD to

350/400 AD) the populations that settled in the southern

1 Ponencia presentada el 22 de marzo en Annual Meeting of the

Society for American Archaeology (SAA), Denver, E.U.

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portion of the Tula region were tied closely to the state-
level economic and socio-political system developed by
Teotihuacan. During the Tzacualli to Tlamimilolpa Phases, a
rapid growth in the number of sites with a high population
density can be observed related to each other in a
hierarchical network of settlements, possibly reflecting
the hierarchical character of the administrative and
economic system of Teotihuacan. The presence of different
local centers is particularly relevant, while in the Tula
Valley Chingú, the largest center located in the south, may
be considered a regional capital. Lithic and ceramic
materials from this period, as well as architectural
features, construction materials, and the actual outline of
the principal sites, evidence a perfect integration of
these communities and their regional capitals into the
socio-political system of Teotihuacan; although local
elements are present during this period, they appear in low
frequencies. The integration of the southern portion of the
Tula region into this system may represent the northern
fringe of Teotihuacan´s direct administrative control in
the arid lands of Mesoamerica.

Numerous settlements dating to this period have been

registered in the Tula region, located in the Tepetitlán,
Chapantongo, and Amealco Valleys. These Early Classic sites
are strongly linked to the socioeconomic reproduction
structures of the Teotihuacan system at least from the
Early Tlamimilolpa to the Early Xolalpan phases, our
regional Xithí Phase. The ceramic complex is similar to
those coeval in the Basin of Mexico. At Xithí sites, the
most abundant Tlamimilolpa types imported from Teotihuacan
exhibit service vessels, evidence of a strong domestic
component integrating the region into Teotihuacan’s ceramic
sphere. Bowls and tripod vases with flaring and outcurved
sides are abundant in our collections; some of the vessels

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present nubbin supports. Polished Monochrome wares, mostly
brown, and Bi-chrome Red on Natural wares with pattern
polishing and occasionally with incising that outlines the
painted designs dominate the assemblage. Monochrome black
bowls with everted rim, flat base, and nubbin supports are
also common; monochrome brown bowls with flaring sides, and
high-neck globular ollas with pattern polishing are also
part of the ceramic complex. Early Xolalpan Painted Wares
include vessels with flaring sides bathed in deep red
specular hematite paint.

Thin Orange has been identified in most of the

settlements although in different proportions. Central
centers such as El Huizachal, El Mogote San Bartolo, and
Chingú, and some secondary sites such as PS15 and Loma
Encinillas present high frequencies of this ware. Thick,
regular and eggshell Thin Orange are part of the
assemblages. The most frequent form is the hemispherical
bowl with ring base, incised on the exterior surface.

The types of local manufacture, also abundant, include

basically vessel forms for food storage and preparation,
and for water transport and storage. At Chingú, Clara Luz
Díaz (1980) reports that local manufactures account for
slightly more than 20% of the collected surface materials;
this percentage increases significantly during the
following phase.

The most common vessel forms dating to the Xithí Phase

include red-slipped ollas, jars, and amphorae, the latter
with tall neck and flat, convex or occasionally cone-shaped
base (El Calvario Monochrome Red or Bruno Red at Chingú).
These locally produced and consumed wares evidence that
local developmental factors were already in process.

In addition to ceramics, lithics characteristic of the

distribution and exchange networks associated with

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Teotihuacan are abundant; most artifacts are made of green
obsidian from Sierra de las Navajas, a source whose
exploitation apparently was controlled by Teotihuacan.

Classic period materials are also present in the

northern zone of the Tula region, although to a lesser
degree than at sites located in the southern portion.
Apparently, the settlement pattern consisted mostly of
small, disperse and possibly late villages and hamlets,
except for San José Atlán, which may have been a central
center. This pattern contrasts with the relatively high
population density, temporal depth and complex hierarchical
system for the southern populations linked to Teotihuacan.

The Atlán Phase in the Upper Basin of the El Marqués River (450 AD a 550
AD)

Towards the end of the Classic period, coeval with the

Late Xolalpan and Metepec phases (ca. 450-600 AD), ceramics
and lithics evidence a general trend to regional
developments. There is an emphasis on the production of
local materials, which contrasts with the previous
integration into the Teotihuacan hegemony. This regional
scenario, motivated perhaps by a change in the core-
periphery control strategies, or by a disruption of the
hegemonic system on the eve of the demise of Teotihuacan,
led to the development of local socio-political units that
possibly started to compete with Chingú, the former
provincial center.

This phase, known as the Atlán phase in the regional

sequence, is characterized by the development of a local
settlement hierarchical system, and possibly local ruling
lineages controlled the region. Nevertheless, motifs and
symbols of the new power structures are derived from
Teotihuacan´s iconography and symbolism. Clay figurines,
stone sculptures, and architectural styles at sites located

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northeast of the Tula Valley (sub-basin of the El Marqués
River), evidence this trend.

Among the most representative local materials are

Monochrome Polished Wares, either in brown or red. Vessel
forms include upright vases and bowls with flaring walls
and nubbin or rounded conical supports; they exhibit
scratch incising and occasionally basal grooving on
exterior walls (San Bartolo Brown Sgraffito and La Presa
Red Sgraffito). Red on Natural Wares consist of
hemispherical bowls with convex base or ring base, painted
with triangular and simple line motifs, or with red
blotches (Atlán Red/Brown equivalent to Florentino
Red/Brown of the Metepec Phase in Chingú).

Polished Wares also include craters, ollas and plates of

the Apolonio Rugoso type, and hemispherical bowls with ring
base, decorated with zonal burnishing, similar to the
Metepec materials of Teotihuacan. In addition, there are
monochrome brown or red ollas, amphorae, jars, and craters;
these vessel forms also present red slip, El Calvario
Monochrome Red type, having a long sequence, first
appearing during the Xithí Phase, and are equivalent to the
type Bruno Red from Chingú.

There are also richly adorned, mold-made figurines with

rear supports that follow the iconographic and stylistic
guidelines of Teotihuacan examples.

Trends towards regional development are also reflected

in lithic industries. Silex and fine-grained basalt were
exploited at local sources to manufacture flakes and
scrapers, the latter possibly associated with the
processing of agave fibers to manufacture textiles. At
Atlán phase sites, there is a decrease in the use of green
obsidian, presumably distributed through Chingú, while gray
obsidian probably from Ucareo forms the bulk of the

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collections, consisting of prismatic blades and projectile
points.

At the Amealco-Sayula zone and at the Upper sub-basin of

El Marqués River, survey results evidence the conformation
of a local settlement unit dating mainly to this phase,
centered in the San Bartolo Ozocalpan and Presa El Marqués
settlements. These sites present monumental architecture,
spatial distribution of features and general layout
reminiscent of those at Teotihuacan, also identified at
Chingú. At Presa El Marqués red volcanic tezontle was
employed as construction material, while floors are similar
to pavements from Teotihuacan. The central settlement is
located on a wide strip of alluvial lands, and is
surrounded by at least ten residential sites (Los Cuartos
Ozocalpan, El Salto, El Marqués, Norte Arroyo San
Sebastián, Rancho Nuevo, El Galván, Estación Encinillas,
Ladera Sur Cerro Cinzhá, Loma Encinillas and Zimapantongo)
mainly scattered in neighboring hillsides.

Three categories of settlements have been located:

1) small agricultural communities that cover between 1 and

2 hectares, with one or more residential compounds
located on low hills close to streams.

2) Medium sized local capitals (El Mogote San Bartolo y

Presa el Marqués), covering between 20 and 30 hectares (El
Huizachal y El Calvario), and between 80 to 100 hectares
(El Mogote y Villagrán) with several small satellites.
These sites are located close to streams, basalt quarries
and clay deposits. The Mogote

San Bartolo covers 1 km2, which is approximately one

third of the maximum size of Chingú, a change compared to
the earlier 1:10 size proportion for central and dependent
settlements of the previous phase. This relative increase
in size of the political units possibly is related to local

6
economic developments, although the reproduction of
symbolic and stylistic schemes shared with Teotihuacan
continues.

3) Regional centers, represented by Chingú, covering 254

hectares during the Xithí Phase. Ceramics of the Late
Xolalpan and Metepec phases mark an abrupt decline of
Teotihuacan´s presence at the site, since imported wares
form approximately 4% of the surface collections while the
abundant local complex forms 20% (with the types Florentino
Red on Brown, Apolonio Rugoso, and Bruno Red, part of the
Atlán complex). During the Late Xolalpan Phase, Chingú is
still the largest site in the region, covering almost two
square kilometers. The settlement possibly competed with
the emerging local capitals located in the El Marqués
Valley. In spite of the decrease of its population, Chingu
continues with its specialized production activities,
including the distribution of green obsidian blades and the
manufacture of domestic vessels inspired in Oaxacan
traditions. However, Metepec ceramics form about 1% of
surface assemblages, while the sites located northeast
continue with a high population density and with local
developments

The Late Xolalpan/Metepec-Prado/Corral Transition

Local dynamics leading to the regional development of

political units are consolidated during the Atlán Phase, at
the expense of the Teotihuacan’s political control
mechanisms. This trend eventually led to the rise of new
socio-political units during the Epiclassic.

At Late Xolalpan-Metepec sites, local manufactures and

new imports replace artifacts and raw materials previously
distributed by Teotihuacan. For example, local fine-grained
basalt is exploited to produce scrapers while green
obsidian is replaced by gray obsidian possibly from

7
Michoacan sources, as well as black volcanic glass. These
materials possibly arrived in the region through new
exchange networks.

Concerning ceramics, service and domestic vessels were

produced locally, while imported wares such as Thin Orange
appear in low frequencies. Thus, most service vessels
previously distributed by Teotihuacan are replaced by local
manufactures during the Atlán phase.

Settlement pattern also change, since new sites are

founded, several earlier centers (Huizachal and El
Calvario) are abandoned, while some are still occupied and
apparently their population increases. This pattern shows a
regional demographic reorganization and the rise of a new
control centers, particularly in The Upper Basin of El
Marqués River Basin. At his zone, San Bartolo Ozocalpan,
probably founded since Tzacualli times, may have rivaled
Chingú.

The size and hierarchical organization of the sites is

transformed. There is an increase in the number and size of
the new second-level population units.

In the demographic and economic realms, local

developments substitute the Teotihuacan hierarchical and
hegemonic network, although symbolic and political
production still shows Teotihuacan´s imprint. Construction
techniques, spatial patterning, and styles continue, as
well as the production of symbolic elements such as clay
figurines and stone sculptures, which partially reproduce
Teotihuacan´s hegemonic discourse, for example with the
presence of the storm god, the Xolalpan style portrait-type
figurines, and sculptures of the old god of fire.

The populations of the Upper Basin of El Marqués River

and presumably those living in the Tula Valley, were
trapped in a dichotomy between new political and economic

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regional developments slowly substituting previous ties
with Teotihuacan mediated by Chingú, and trends towards the
reproduction of the symbolic Teotihuacan discourse that
justified elite political and ritual power. Teotihuacan
looses power in the Tula region although elite symbolic and
political reproduction material correlates show that local
elites assimilate and reproduce the hegemonic discourse of
a state in decline. Some of the symbolic elements derived
from Teotihuacan, will prevail among Epiclassic populations
of the Tula region, who will organize new independent
sociopolitical units between 600 and 900 AD.