Abstract This paper is concerned with the recent wave of Hong Kong immigrants int o Vancouver.

The stage is set for this discussion by first explaining some backg round behind Canadian immigration policy and then discussing the history of Chin ese immigrants in Vancouver. From these discussions we are informed that Canadia n immigration policy was historically ethnocentric and only began to change in t he late 1960s. It was at this point that we see a more multicultural group of im migrants into our nation. The history of Chinese immigration in Vancouver, and f or that matter, Canada is not positive one. The experiences and prejudices which were developed over 100 years ago still colours the way in which we view one an other. The recent wave of Hong Kong immigrants began in the 1970s. This group i s different from most others before it because of it's scale and the fact that t hey tend to be well-educated, affluent people. The result of their immigration i nto Vancouver has been a booming economy and social tension. With greater unders tanding and awareness on both sides we can alleviate the social tensions.

Introduction There is a school in Vancouver which is offering a four year immersion p rogramme to its students. That in itself is not highly unusual in our bilingual nation, what is unusual is that the language of choice for the immersion program me is not French, it is Mandarin. The programme was voted in by parents who beli eved the Mandarin language to be more important to their children's futures in V ancouver than French. This situation shows quite effectively the transition whic h is taking place in Canada's third largest city. Vancouver is a city which is c onsistently looking more and more to the Pacific Rim nations, especially Hong Ko ng, for its economic and social connections. Vancouver is the most asian Canadian city in outlook. At $1.3 Billion, British Columbia accounts for the greatest Asian investment of all the provinces . As the urban center of the province, Vancouver is the destination for most of this capital. With an Asian population of over 18%, perhaps it is not so surpris ing that so much Asian capital is invested in the city. The draw of Vancouver fo r Asians has numerous reasons including, security, an opportunity to continue bu siness in Asia, and a feeling of welcome. The result is that the city is being c ompletely rebuilt with asian money. As a consequence of this influx, all is not well, there are tensions within the city that have recently been surfacing. Befo re entering into this discussion, however, it is important to understand the con text of immigration in Canada as well as the history of asian immigration into o ur nation. Policy Jurisdiction Jurisdiction over immigration is shared between the Federal and Provinci al governments. The Federal government is responsible for establishing admission requirements while the provinces are becoming increasingly interested in the se lection of applicants and their settlement. The governments set out numerous con trols, including those over the ethnocultural composition of incoming immigrants , the total number of immigrants admitted, the categories of immigrants admitted , and the regional settlement of immigrants once they arrive. History of Immigration in Canada Historically, Canadian immigration policy has been consistently ethnocen tric. It was only recently that the Canadian government sought to maintain a 'wh ite' society by selectively advertising abroad as well as granting prospective a

pplicants from Europe, the US, New Zealand, and Australia preferential treatment . During the 1960s this distinction between preferred and non-preferred contries was replaced with a points-system. Along with the new points-system it was hope d that applicants from all countries and of all ethnic origins were treated equa lly. The effects of this shift has been significant. Fig. 1

As can be seen in the above table, the majority of the immigrants arriving befor e 1967 were of European background. From 1967 onward the flow of immigrants has been internationalized. Throughout the 20th Century the Canadian government has set targets for the number of immigrant entries based upon economic criteria. Periods of encoura gement have included the early decades of this century along with the reconstruc tion era of Post World War II. The 30s, 40s and the recession of the early 80s h ave been periods during which the national government has discouraged immigratio n. At times, economic concerns have given way to humanitarian ones such as durin g the Soviet invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia, and during the Vietnamese refugee crisis of the 70s. Generally, however, Canadian immigration targets have reflected the rate of economic expansion and employment. An exception to this rule was during the latter part of the 1980s. Worry over the declining fertility rate and our ageing population led the federal government to raise its annual targets despite high unemployment. Most recently, under economic pressures, the most recent Liberal g overnment once again lowered the immigration level. The Geography of Immigration There have also been attempts at controlling the geography of immigrant settlement. The Federal government stated that one of the primary goals of immig ration is to, "foster the development of a strong and viable economy and the pro sperity of all regions in Canada." Immigration in our country has been seen as a means of promoting economic development in less prosperous regions, as well as supporting heartland areas. While the government has attempted to influence the geography of immigra nt settlement, they have been able to achieve few results. Most immigrants still gravitate to areas of demonstrated economic growth. Immigrants have avoided the Atlantic provinces, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan while they have been attracted t o Alberta (mainly during the economic boom of the 70s), British Columbia, and es pecially Ontario. In the table below we are able to clearly see that, as a perce ntage of their own population, Ontario, B.C. and Alberta dominate the remaining provinces with their share of the immigrant population. Fig. 2

An even greater degree of concentration is apparent when urban destinati ons are considered. In 1991 Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver accounted for 60% o

f the intended destinations stated by those immigrants arriving into Canada. Nearly 80% of immigrants intended to settle in just ten cities. The Tabl e below shows the intended urban destination of immigrants to Canada in 1991. City Total Immigrants Percentage Toronto 63,891 27.7 Montreal 46,300 20.1 Vancouver 26,361 11.4 Top Three 136,552 59.2 Mississauga 9,082 3.9 Ottawa-Hull 7,977 3.5 Edmonton 7,629 3.3 Calgary 7,307 3.2 Winnipeg 5,173 2.2 London 3,752 1.6 Hamilton 3,745 1.6 Top Ten 181,217 78.5 Remainder 49,564 21.5 Of all immigrants, those entering under the business category exhibited the most clustered pattern of settlement. 80% of this group chose to live in eit her Toronto, Montreal, or Vancouver. The following table breaks down the intended urban destination of business immigrants to Canada in 1991. Fig. 4 City Business Immigrants Percentage Toronto 582 15.7 Montreal 1102 29.7 Vancouver 1,294 34.9 Top Three 2,978 80.3 Edmonton 86 2.3 Calgary 79 2.1 Winnipeg 72 1.9 Hamilton 37 1.0 Mississauga 31 0.8 Ottawa-Hull 19 0.5 London 12 0.3 Top Ten 3,314 89.3 Remainder 396 10.7

Chinese Immigration The first major influx of the chinese into Canada was during the 1850s and 1860s, when they were lured to this country by the promised bounty of the Fraser River gold rush. By 1860, the new colony of British Columbia counted amongst its population 4,000 Asians but their numbers tended to fluctuate according to the prosperity of the mines. The greatest period of chinese immigration occured between 1881-1884 when over 17,000 chinese came to work on the CPR. Pressured by the railway companies, who viewed the chinese as reliable, cheap labour, the federal government vetoed any attempts to halt their entrance into the country until the railway was completed. With the final completion of the railway chinese immigration remained in flux by continued to grow in absolute numbers. History of Discrimination The chinese were always discriminated against, they were consistently treated as outcasts. The chinese immigrant was thought, by mainstream Canadian society to be "taking" jobs away from whites at half the "acceptable"

wages. This was said even though the chinese usually were employed in jobs which the majority of whites thought were beneath them. For instance, many chinese immigrants employed themselves by providing laundry services in mining camps, or in cities. It was at this point that the chinese began a tradit ion of entrepreneurship in Canada which they still maintain today. Fig. 5 is a picture cut out of a Vancouver newspaper at the turn of the century entitled "The Unanswerable Argument". It essentially epitomizes the cities views of itself and those of the chinese immigrant. FIG. 5

In 1885 discrimination against the chinese received official sanction with the implementation of the "head tax". Originally this tax was set at $10 but, by 1893 it had grown to $500. It never had the desired effect of stopping chinese immigration, but it certainly slowed it down considerably. In 1923 the discrimination continued as the federal government barred all immigration from China; a provision which was not lifted until 1947. Until 1947 the chinese were also prevented from practicing medicine, law, or becoming members of any other professions. It was only in the late 40s that chinese/canadian citizen s were even allowed to vote in Canada. The numerous restrictions placed upon this group of people ensured that chinese communities were made up of bachelors as only single adult men could afford to immigrate. From the time that Vancouver was incorporated in 1886 there was a geographical reference to the racial category "chinese" at Carall and Dupont (E. Pender) streets (indicated in Fig. 4 as Chinatown). One-hundred forty-three merchants founded associations and ran businesses in the area, usually with attached homes, to service the chinese immigrant population of 2,053 in 1901. At that time the community included over 1,500 labourers. Many of the individuals in this district depended upon chinese bosses to find them contract work in laundries, saw mills, brickyards and canneries. Others worked within the community in construction, restaurants and tailoring firms. Ottawa had seen an economic interest in the idea of a cheap "chinese" type of labour and set a precedent for widespread economic subordinization of the chinese. Vancouver's Bell-Irving said in 1901, "It is the destiny of the whi te man to be worked for by inferior races." In 1885 proprietor R. Dunsmuir said that in his mines the "chinese are put to the type of work that best suits them ordinary, manual labour." Fig. 6

Local white workers were equally willing to believe in the idea of a unique "chinese" type of labour. They even resorted to violence on February 24, 1886

when 300 whites invaded a camp of chinese workers in the West End to rid the city of "unfair competition". With tacit approval of local police and officials, the white labourers attacked the camp and sent the chinese residents of Dupont st. to New Westminster. The provincial government stepped in at this point and sent special constables from Victoria to restore law and order. The rioters were eventually brought to trial. The banished chinese returned from New Westminster and the West End contract was completed. Many of the labourers gravitated to the original Dupont st. settlement. It was only the senior state interaction which allowed the chinese to settle peacefully in a somewhat reluctant Vancouver. This history of chinese settlement in Vancouver is extremely crucial to the understanding of the present situation as it still plays in the psyche of these two groups in their daily interactions in the city. New Immigrants There has been a shift in chinese immigration over the past thirty years. No longer are the majority of chinese immigrants poor, single-adult males from rural farming communities in mainland China; today, the dominant chinese immigrants are middle to upper-class, generally educated, urbanites from Hong Kong. Some of the changes which were talked about earlier in this paper made to the Canadian immigration policy have encouraged more middle-class/ professional immigration in order to boost Canada's skill profile and to help generate employment. These changes have caused a shift in the orientation of the immigrant population and capital flows into Canada. Fig. 7

In particular, the countries of the pacific rim have risen in relative importance as source regions for both international finance and migrants into Canada. Fig. 7 shows the transition in the importance of certain countries as sources of immigrants. The table shows all immigrants in Canada and compares them to the most recent immigrants in the country. One can see from this table that Pacific Rim nations, especially Hong Kong, have contributed the most immigrants in recent years. These new immigrants are not following the traditional pattern of chinese settlement in Vancouver. No longer is Chinatown the destination of chinese immigrants into Vancouver. Since the 1970s the new wave of immigrants has been moving out of the central city, usually skipping it altogether and into the suburbs. The fastest growing chinese communities throughout Canadian cities are no longer found in downtown's but rather on the fringes. In Vancouver, this translates into a booming Chinese population in such suburbs as New Westminster and Richmond. Richmond's population, for example, is made up of over one-third recent immigrants from Hong Kong. The Business-Immigrant As was shown in Fig. 4, Vancouver is the destination for the majority of th e

business-class immigrants. Over 30% of all immigrants entering the country under this category are destined for Vancouver, that is greater than any other single city in Canada. According to Roslyn Kunin, author of a government report on immigrant investment, $3Billion was brought into Canada by business immigrants between 1986 and 1991. The majority of that money came from Asia. For those five years, business immigrant financial investment amounted to 10% of all business sector growth. Impressive as those numbers are on their own, they are even higher for British Columbia, where, in 1992, a full 25% of the $4Billion invested in the province came from Hong Kong alone. Thanks to these new immigrants, the province enjoyed a growth of 3.3% in 1992, far exceeding the 0.7% growth of the rest of Canada. The Hong Kong Bank of Canada, after purchasing the Bank of British Columbia and Lloyds Bank of Canada, has become the country's largest foreign bank with assets of $12.6Billion. Its most profitable branch: Vancouver Chinatown. The Exodus Why is it that their are so many recent immigrants from Hong Kong? Fears of an uncertain future for the country after the reigns of power are given over to the People's Republic of China are the primary driving force. Many of the affluent members of Hong Kong society fear that what they have worked for may be taken away, they fear political, social and economic repression. The calming voices coming out of Beijing have not convinced many Hong Kong residents. China is not trusted. Also, the political and economic climate of the territory have driven many people away. Emigration has long been a feature of Hong Kong life and Canada has been, and continues to be, a favourite destination for the disillusioned. The Case of Toronto Vancouver is not alone in the changes taking place within its city. Toronto's Chinese population is also decentralizing. No longer is its Chinese population centered upon an area in the downtown core called Chinatown. Canada's largest Chinese community is now found in six centers throughout the Toronto region. Three of these centers are within the city, while three are without, but the growth is in the suburbs - Scarborough, Mississauga, North York. The transition is from a central, condensed Chinatown area into more sparsely populated North American style neighborhoods. Chinese have been more slow to move to the suburbs than other ethnic groups, mainly due to the extremely harsh racism which was outlined earlier. The Chinese, it is thought, needed Chinatown to protect themselves, something which, arguably, is not necessary any more. Why Vancouver? The change in structure of this new immigrant group as well as their location amongst the community has caused many problems to surface. Vancouver tends tobe one of the most popular destinations for new Hong Kong immigrants, especially for the business-minded. Why is Vancouver so popular? There are three core reasons for this popularity 1)The provincial and civic governments have given clear signals to the Hong Kong community that the city is open for business (i.e. the sale of exp o lands to Li Ka Shing). There has been a marked shift in view by policy makers in the region away from the East where Europe and Central Canada lie, towards the West, and the pacific rim nations. 2)Asian entrepreneurs are able to do business in Vancouver around the clock. Vancouver is located in such a way as to be in perfect position for Asian entrepreneurs, it is almost exactly halfway between Tokyo and London. As a result businessmen can conduct business in

London in the morning, the west coast in the middle of the day, and Tokyo or Hong Kong in the evening. 3)Asian businessmen also are begining to see how they can take advantage of Nafta. By settling in Vancouver they are taking advantage of the first two benefits and possibly using this third one. By immigrating into Canada and ensuring that the Canadian content of the business is 51% or greater the businessmen can take full advantage of Nafta benefits. Social Strains As Vancouver enjoys the economic benefits of record levels of immigration, the city of 1.6 million finds itself straining to accomodate the needs of an increasingly multicultural population. Citizens of longer standing, meanwhile, are asking other questions: as the face of the city changes, whose values will prevail, those of traditional Vancouver - or those of the newcomers? Vancouver is a city which still evokes strong British heritage, the visibly changing population might prompt an even deeper question, one that has profound meaning for the entire country. As the numbers of Canadians of nonEuropean origin increases, who are "we" anyways? In contrast to the immigrants of past decades, most of whom arrived in their new home with little money and a willingness to take any work that was offered, many of the most recent newcomers to the city, particularly the roughly one-fifth who arrive from Hong Kong, have both wealth and high expectations. As investors and consumers their growing presence has extremely visible consequences. The new economic immigrants arrive in Vancouver flush with cash. They are rich. At the Chinatown branch of the Hongkong Bank of Canada, half of the 20,000 clients have $3Million deposits. Ready to invest, they arrive in a city w ith little industry to invest in. As a result they turn towards real estate. Over th e course of 1993 the real estate prices in Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy, two communities popular with new chinese immigrants, rose over 40%. The following figure shows examples of the "monster homes" built in Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy on typical lots and compares them to examples of the more traditional homes.

Fig. 8

In late 1992, Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy were neighborhoods at the centre of a heated debate over the right of new purchasers to level existing homes and replace them with much larger dwellings that residents believed to be out of place. In a district where many long-standing homeowners are avid gardeners, it did not help that many builders felled full-grown trees in order t o accomodate the larger scale homes, and replaced greenery with multiple parking spaces. "There is suffering going on in the neighborhood. People are emotionally exhausted," says Johanna Albrecht, chairwoman of the West Kerrisdale Residents' Association tree committee about the greenery issue. At

the same time, the owners of the offending homes, many recently arrived immigrants from Hong Kong, insisted that they had met existing zoning rules and had a cleara right to do as they wished with their property. After a series of emotional public hearings during early 1993, a compromise was reached. In exchange for permission to build houses larger than anywhere else in Vancouver, City Hall now insists that builders of new homes take into account the style of the dwellings on either side. While city ha ll thinks that this solution is working, many residents are not so positive. Conclusions To be honest with ourselves, we must begin by admitting that not everyone rejoices in the "changing face" of our country. Nor is it the case that Canada opens its arms equally and impartially to all corners of the earth, or looks positively opun all of their cultural differences. Every Canadian nows tha t such preferences exist; the task of a nation which is truly commtted to human rights is to defy its own prejudices. Discriminatory attitudes and acts are not necessarily aimed at the least advantaged. 1995 was witness to several cases of vocal resentment directed against relatively affluent Asian minorities in cities such as Toronto and Vancouver. The cause of the disturbance is that some of these people have moved into neighborhoods with different ethnic backgrounds. The increased Asian visibility created a backlash, which in this case took the form of suggestions that the community was too "concentrated" or "exclusive," or insufficiently "divers." Perhaps what was most positive about these outbursts was that when people began to calm down things usually led to a greater dialogue and a determination by all sides to do better. For instance, a story about "overly prominent" Chinese-Canadians in Vancouver led to the publication of some advice in the city's Ming Pao Daily News suggesting that Canadians of Chinese origin might do more to avoid raising intercultural resentments and to examine their own cultural and racial prejudices. Perhaps this is good advice for all Canadians, especially in Vancouver in Toronto. One might ask whether the ideal of a color-blind and ethnically harmonious society would not be better served by putting such differences to the side rather than in-graining them through official hyphenization. If we are all Canadians together, why do we continue to qualify our geographic identifiers with words such as White, Black, French, Asian, German, Muslim, or Allophone?

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