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The Journal of Development Studies

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Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries

Miet Maertens & Johan F.M. Swinnen
a a b

Bio-economics Division, Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Leuven, Belgium
b

LICOS Centre for Institutions and Economic Performance, Department of Economics, University of Leuven, Belgium Version of record first published: 24 Jul 2012.

To cite this article: Miet Maertens & Johan F.M. Swinnen (2012): Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries, The Journal of Development Studies, 48:10, 1412-1430 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2012.663902

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Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 48, No. 10, 14121430, October 2012

Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries

MIET MAERTENS* & JOHAN F.M. SWINNEN**
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*Bio-economics Division, Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Leuven, Belgium, **LICOS Centre for Institutions and Economic Performance, Department of Economics, University of Leuven, Belgium

Final version received October 2011

ABSTRACT The rapid spread of modern supply chains in developing countries is profoundly changing the way food is produced and traded. In this article we examine gender issues related to this change. We conceptualise various mechanisms through which women are directly aected, we review existing empirical evidence and add new survey-based evidence. Our results suggest that, although modern supply chains are gendered, their growth is associated with reduced gender inequalities in rural areas. We nd that women benet more and more directly from large-scale estate production and agro-industrial processing, and the creation of employment in these modern agro-industries than from smallholder contract-farming.

1. Introduction During the past decades the integration of developing countries in global markets accelerated with increased participation in international trade and growing foreign direct investment (FDI) inows. This has resulted in rapid change in developing countries agri-food systems with rapid expansion of so-called modern food supply chains (Swinnen, 2007). These modern supply chains (MSC) comprise the production and trade of high-value produce, usually destined for export to high-income markets or for supermarket retail in high-income urban market segments. MSC are expanding rapidly across developing regions as global trade in high-value agricultural products such as fresh fruits and vegetables, sh and seafood products is increasing sharply and increasingly originates from developing countries1 (Aksoy and Beghin, 2005) and as supermarkets are spreading rapidly across developing countries (Reardon et al., 2003). MSC are characterised by the use of high standards to govern quality and food safety throughout the chains, high levels of vertical coordination including contract-farming in the chains, a high degree of consolidation of the supply base and agro-industrial processing whereas traditional food supply chains in poor countries are governed through spot market transactions involving a large number of small traders. While there is consensus that the emergence and spread of MSC is profoundly changing the way food is produced and traded, with important eects for rural households in developing countries, there is still debate on the welfare implications. Some studies show that the expansion

Correspondence Address: Miet Maertens, Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Leuven, Celestijnenlaan 200E, Box 2411, Leuven 3001, Belgium. Email: miet.maertens@ees.kuleuven.be ISSN 0022-0388 Print/1743-9140 Online/12/101412-19 2012 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2012.663902

Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries 1413 of MSC increases rural incomes and alleviates rural poverty (Maertens and Swinnen, 2009; Maertens et al., 2012; Minten et al., 2009). Other reports have argued that MSC exacerbate existing inequalities because the poorest farmers may be excluded or exploited by large, often multinational, companies dominating the chains (Key and Runsten, 1999; Farina and Reardon, 2000; Minot and Ngigi, 2004). In the discussion on MSC and welfare, gender issues have received less attention, which is surprising since women play a very important role in agriculture and in development in poor countries. Yet, only few studies have analysed the gender eects of high-value agri-food trade and modernisation of supply chains (Fontana et al., 1998). A rst set of studies has focused on the exclusion of women in high-value contract-farming and the implications of contract-farming for womens work intensity (Eaton and Sheperd, 2001; Dolan, 2001, 2004; Singh, 2002). A second set of studies has focused on gender discrimination in employment in high-value supply chains and the impact of codes-of-conduct on gender discrimination and workers wellbeing (Barrientos and Smith, 2007; Barrientos et al., 2003; Nelson et al., 2007). These studies point to prevailing gender inequalities in access to contracts and in employment conditions, and to the inability of currently applied codes to adequately address these inequalities. There are two main shortcomings in the current literature on gender and MSC. First, studies have identied and analysed important specic gender aspects but the literature lacks a more comprehensive view on dierent eects and their interactions. Second, existing empirical evidence is mainly qualitative and there is a need for more quantitative and survey-based evidence. While important insights come out of qualitative studies, complementing these with quantitative analyses is important to come to more objective and more generally valid ndings and to provide causal explanations of qualitative explorations. One of the key contributions of our quantitative approach is that data collection is based on a random and representative sample which allows measuring size eects and statistical analysis. The objective of this article is to contribute to a better understanding of the gender implications of the growth in high-value agricultural production and trade and the associated modernisation of agri-food supply chains. The article attempts to do so in three ways. First, we analyse and conceptualise the various channels through which women are aected by the emergence of MSC. Second, we review existing empirical evidence and add new survey-based quantitative evidence from two high-value horticulture supply chains in Senegal. Third, we identify a series of questions and issues on which there is no or very little empirical evidence and which require answering before conclusive assessments can be made. Our review focuses mainly, although not exclusively, on high-value horticulture supply chains in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). This focus is of particular relevance because horticulture sectors have been highly dynamic and strongly aected by processes of globalisation and modernisation (Aksoy and Beghin, 2005; Maertens et al., 2012) and because gender inequality is a very important issue in SSA (Quisumbing and Mc Claerty, 2006). 2. Conceptual Framework and Related Literature In this section we present a conceptual framework to identify mechanisms through which women are aected by the growth in MSC. To understand how MSC aects gender inequality and female empowerment, it is necessary to combine insights from the supply chain literature, particularly insights on the structure of supply chains and the channels through which rural households are aected, with insights from intra-household economics. We discuss ve important gender issues related to the growth in MSC: (1) gender bias in access to contracts; (2) gender bias in contract conditions; (3) changes in the time allocation of women; (4) changes in gender-specic cropping patterns and technology; and (5) changes in income and intra-household decision-making power over income. This is not meant to be an exclusive list of gender implications but rather a list of important possible eects which have been discussed in the literature. These issues are primarily direct gender eects and do not include possible spillover

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1414 M. Maertens & J.F.M. Swinnen eects through indirect and more complex causal linkages.2 In addition, we restrict ourselves to gender issues surrounding the economic activity of women and do not refer to the reproductive task of women. Both issues, spillover eects and the reproductive work of women, are important in a gender analysis of MSC but they are as yet not addressed in the literature and our case studies do not have data on them. We believe our focus on the direct economic eects is a reasonable approach in this rst quantitative attempt to analyse and measure gender implications of MSC and requires results to be interpreted with care. Therefore, we specically discuss unresolved issues related to indirect eects and reproductive activities in the concluding section. To understand intra-household gender eects, it is important to have a good perspective on how MSC aect rural households themselves. Previous research on the poverty eects of MSC has shown that there are dierent channels through which households are aected, product-market and labour-market channels, with important implications for poverty reduction (Maertens and Swinnen, 2009; Maertens et al., 2011). We therefore start with a review and discussion of household eects; we then explain the ve potential (intra-household) gender eects; and in the rest of the article we then empirically analyse these gender issues with survey data from two casestudies in Senegal and relate our ndings to other empirical studies in this literature. Modern Supply Chains and Rural Households The modernisation of food supply chains entails important structural changes in the food supply system. First, MSC, such as fresh fruit and vegetable export supply chains and supermarketdriven fresh food chains, are increasingly governed through stringent food standards, including public regulations as well as corporate standards. Second, MSC usually entail a certain degree of consolidation and the involvement of agro-industrial rms or large buyers. This consolidation can happen at the level of food processors, exporters or food distributors but also at the level of primary production. Third, rather than being based on spot market transactions MSC entail varying levels of vertical coordination at dierent nodes in the chains. This is most apparent in the form of contract-farming between agro-industrial rms or food distributors and primary producers. In the most extreme case, primary production is completely vertically integrated in upstream processing and trading activities. Fourth, vertical coordination in MSC often involves some kind of market interlinking. This implies that transactions are carried out in multiple markets (Swinnen and Vandeplas, 2009); for example the delivery of inputs and credit to farmers by food companies in return for supplies of primary produce under contract-farming arrangements. There are large variations in the degree of supply base consolidation, the extent of agroindustrialisation, the level of vertical coordination and the occurrence of market interlinking across countries and sectors (Swinnen and Maertens, 2007). These variations are important in determining how rural households are connected to and aected by MSC: through product markets or through labour markets. First, farm-households are aected through the production and marketing of high-value produce in contract-farming schemes with the agro-industry. Contract-farming has often been criticised for exploiting unequal power relations and extracting rents from supply chains (for example, Little and Watts, 1994; Wilson, 1986). However, recent theoretical work on contract-farming shows that under conditions of weak contract enforcement and market interlinking realistic conditions for MSC contracted farmers are likely to benet (for example, Swinnen et al., 2010; Swinnen and Vandeplas, 2009). Also recent empirical studies have shown that farmers generally gain from participation in high-value contract-farming schemes through enhanced access to inputs, reduced production and marketing risk, improved technology and productivity, and ultimately higher incomes which has been empirically demonstrated by various authors (for example, Swinnen, 2007; Minten et al., 2009). Second, if high-value supply chains are characterised by contracting with large commercial farms or by vertically integrated estate production, or if labour-intensive post-harvesting and processing is needed for example, because of increased requirements for sorting, grading, washing, labelling

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Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries 1415 etc. incorporated in public regulations and private standards local households may be aected through employment and labour market eects. Empirical studies have demonstrated that especially the poorest households benet through labour market eects (for example, Maertens and Swinnen, 2009; Maertens et al., 2011). Intra-Household and Gender Issues The impact of the growth in high-value export supply chains on total household income and welfare is only part of the story. Individual household members may have dierent preferences and may not pool resources (Ellis, 1998). It has been observed that income controlled by women has a superior development impact because such income is more likely associated with improved child nutrition, and increased spending on childrens education, health care, and so forth (Quisumbing and McClaerty, 2006). So, the participation of women in MSC and female control over income derived from MSC matters as this might be positively associated with reduced gender inequality in rural areas and broader development goals. There are several possible eects that need to be taken into account when analysing the gender implications of the growth in MSC. A rst issue is whether the access to production and labour contracts3 in these chains is biased against women. It has been demonstrated in the literature that poorer households are often excluded from high-value contract-farming for lack of access to sucient productive resources (Maertens and Swinnen, 2009; Neven et al., 2009). Likewise, women might be excluded from production contracts because they generally have less access to land, capital, credit, information and technology. In addition, cultural, social and religious norms might prevent women from wage work outside the home and family farm (Lanjouw and Lanjouw, 2001; Haggblade et al., 1988), and from labour contracts in the agro-industry. Also gender dierences in the level of education and skills might contribute to a gender bias in the access to production and labour contracts in MSC. Exclusion of women from contracting might result in women being deprived of the economic benets MSC bring about. Second, even if women are included in MSC through production or labour contracts, contract conditions might be gendered. Given their lower level of education and poorer access to information, technology and productive resources, women might be in an inferior bargaining ` -vis agro-industrial companies and therefore face unfavorable employment position vis-a conditions, such as lower wages or longer working hours, or worse contract specications, such as lower prices. Such gender discrimination in wages and work conditions has been documented for other sectors (Canagarajah et al., 2001; Fontana et al., 1998; Lanjouw and Lanjouw, 2001; Zhang et al., 2004) . Third, if women are excluded or disadvantaged in the access to production and labour contracts in MSC, they might not only be deprived favorable economic opportunities, they might even be adversely aected through changes in the amount and quality of the work they do. If men turn to wage labour in agro-industries, their labour on the family farm might be substituted by female labour. Likewise, men might rely on female family labour for the production of highvalue crops under contract. This increases womens work intensity and might also increase the level of drudgery and risk (for example, through agro-chemical use) in womens work. Especially when the division of labour in agriculture is gender sequential4 with men and women performing separate (and joint) tasks on the same plots women might be adversely aected through increased work intensity if their husband or male siblings are involved in production or labour contracts with the agro-industry. Fourth, the exclusion of women from production contracts might lead to additional adverse eects and increased gender inequality. High-value contract-farming is likely to change the cropping pattern and the level of technology on the household farm. Many authors have indeed documented contract-farming leading to technological improvements (e.g. Minten et al., 2009). These changes might relegate women to the lowest productivity branches of agricultural

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1416 M. Maertens & J.F.M. Swinnen production while increasing the productivity of men, contributing to gender inequality. Changed cropping patterns might result in a reallocation of land to contract production, jeopardising food production done by women, and ultimately lead to the deterioration of the food security situation of women and children (Baumann, 2000). Especially when the division of labour in agriculture is gender specic5 with men and women cultivating dierent crops on dierent plots women might be adversely aected through this mechanism. Fifth, the direct access of women to production and labour contracts in MSC might play an important part in determining their bargaining power over the additional income derived from the chains, and ultimately determine womens economic independence and empowerment. On the one hand, the growth in MSC might increase household income but if women are largely excluded from contracting, they might not have much decision-making power over the additional income. Female family labour is often unpaid or inadequately remunerated, which results in women not benetting directly from contract-farming even if they perform part of the work on contracted plots controlled by their husband or male siblings. On the other hand, if women are the contracted party themselves they might have a higher bargaining power over the derived income because they directly receive cash earnings or wages from the agro-industry, and because these earnings are more directly attributable to their labour (Zhang et al., 2004). Moreover, if the income derived from contracting between the agro-industry and female household members becomes an important part of total household income, the bargaining and decision-making power of women in the household might increase, resulting in a higher economic independence and empowerment for women (Bussman, 2009). 3. Case-Studies To empirically document and quantify the gender eects in MSC in developing countries, we use insights from two case-studies of high-value horticulture export chains in Senegal. The casestudies represent the two main horticulture zones in Senegal: (1) the area Les Niayes from where over 90 per cent of exported beans and a large share of exported mango originate and (2) the Senegal River Delta area from where the large majority of tomato exports originates. Beans, tomatoes and mangos are the main horticulture export crops in Senegal, accounting together for more than two thirds of total horticulture export value. Fresh fruit and vegetable (FFV) exports from Senegal to the European Union (EU) have increased tremendously in the past 10 years: from 5 million US$ in 2000 to 30 million US$ in 2009 (Figure 1). The export supply chains for tomato, bean and mango dier substantially in certain aspects. The tomato supply chain6 is dominated by one multinational company organising the complete production and export of tomatoes from the Senegal River Delta area to several European

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Figure 1. Value of horticulture exports from Senegal, 20002009 Source: Comtrade (2010).

Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries 1417 countries. The company a subsidiary of a French holding with food production and distribution aliates in Europe, Africa and Latin America started investing in horticulture in Senegal in 2001. The export tomato chain is completely vertically integrated and local smallholder suppliers are completely excluded. The company hires some 3,000 local labourers to work on its estate farms and in its processing unit. The multinational holding aims at highstandards production through using labour codes such as those specied by ETI (Ethical Trading Initiative) and through certication by dierent schemes, including GlobalGAP (formerly EurepGAP), BRC (British Retail Consortium) and Tescos Nature Choice. The bean supply chain7 involves several exporting companies in the Niayes region and is based partially on smallholder contract-farming and partially on vertically integrated agro-industrial production. Companies in this sector increasingly seek compliance with GlobalGAP standards and for that started their own integrated estate production, which is causing a profound shift in the governance structure of the bean supply chain. The share of produce interviewed exporters procure from local smallholders decreased from 95 per cent in 1999 to 45 per cent in 2007.8 Many local farm-households are involved in bean export production either as contract-farmer or as employee. The mango supply chain also involves several exporting companies in the Niayes region and is (still) largely based on smallholder contract-farming. In 2007, interviewed companies were sourcing 85 per cent of produce from smallholders. Yet, several mango export companies were at the time of the interview investing in establishing new large-scale vertically-integrated mango estates. A similar shift from smallholder contract-farming towards large-scale agro-industrial production can be expected for the near future when newly established mango orchards become productive. In line with the discussion above, these structural dierences in the export supply chains result in rural households being directly aected only through labour markets in the case of tomato exports in the Senegal River Delta region and through labour and product markets in the case of bean and mango exports in the Niayes region. 4. Data In each of the case-study areas, we organised extensive primary data collection at dierent levels of the supply chains; including qualitative interviews with experts, farmers organisations and village representatives; quantitative interviews with exporting companies; and a large and comprehensive household survey. The quantitative rm-level interviews cover 13 bean exporting companies, of which eight also export mango, in the Niayes region interviewed in April 2005 and June 2007 and the sole multinational company dominating tomato exports from the Senegal River Delta area interviewed in September 2005 and March 2006. These companies together represent 46 per cent of bean exports, 46 per cent of mango exports and 60 per cent of tomato exports. The household survey in the Niayes region was conducted in JulyAugust 2007 and covered 450 households.9 The household survey in the Senegal River Delta region was conducted in FebruaryApril 2006 and covered 300 households. Sampling was done through village clustering and stratied random selection of households within the clusters, with contract farmers and agro-industrial employees in the horticulture export sector being oversampled. Sampling weights are used to correct for that oversampling and draw correct inferences from statistics. The survey data include, besides general household level information, quantitative and genderdisaggregated data on employment and working conditions in the FFV agro-industry including recall information on employment and on contract-farming with the export industry. The survey data from the Niayes region include additional gender-disaggregated data on land ownership, control and management of plots, livestock ownership, access to credit, child education, and membership of associations. Data were obtained using a survey instrument with specic sections for dierent respondents: (1) for the (mostly male) household head; (2) for the

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1418 M. Maertens & J.F.M. Swinnen spouse or in case of polygamist households for the spouse responsible for the housekeeping; (3) for the farmer, if any, having a contract with the export industry for the production of fruits and vegetables; and (4) for a women, if any, employed at a horticulture export company. A strength of our data is the detail in income data that allow calculating household net income from farm and o-farm sources, the latter in a gender-disaggregated way. A limitation of our data for this study10 is a lack of detail in labour data: the data do not allow calculating gender disaggregated time allocation to agriculture and other income-generating activities.

5. Gender Outcomes 5.1. Access to Production Contracts

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Female farmers are mostly excluded from contracting with agro-industrial rms for the delivery of high-value produce. Our data from Senegal show a clear gender bias in access to production contracts. Within the sample, only two out of 73 contracted bean farmers and two out of 58 contracted mango farmers are women. This is consistent with other ndings in the literature. Although there are some examples of successful integration of women as contracted party in contract-farming schemes, most available studies indicate that female farmers are largely excluded from high-value contract-farming. Dolan (2001) observes less than 10 per cent of female farmers in smallholder FFV contract-farming schemes in Kenyan and Eaton and Sheperd (2001) nd that in large contract-farming schemes involving many thousands of farmers in China contracts were exclusively with men. The reasons for this exclusion of female contractors relate to their limited access to productive resources. Interviewed horticulture exporting companies in the Niayes region in Senegal stated that they are strongly biased towards men in selecting contracted suppliers in order to secure access to land and labour. In addition, women are disadvantaged in contracting with the export industry because they lack claims to irrigation water and infrastructure, which is a crucial input for bean production. Also Dolan (2001) nds that the preference of food companies to contract with men is driven by companies need to secure access to land and labour for a guaranteed supply of primary produce and that women are excluded because they lack statutory rights over land and because they have less authority over family labour compared to their husband and male siblings 5.2. Access to Labour Contracts In sharp contrast to production contracts, there is no bias against women in the access to labour contracts in MSC. In fact, the agro-industrial estates and agro-processing companies that dominate MSC employ a large number of workers and a large share of them are female workers. This is documented for several SSA horticulture export chains in Table 1. The gures show that a large share of the thousands of employees in specic horticulture export sectors is female. In our casestudies in Senegal 90 per cent of the employees in mango and/or bean exporting companies and 60 per cent in the tomato exporting company are female. Also in other countries the share of female labourers in the FFV agro-industry is particularly high; for example in the ower industry in Kenya and Uganda (75%) and the fresh vegetable sector in Zambia (65%). These gures reveal that the growth in MSC in developing countries has been associated with a feminisation of rural labour markets. The survey data from Senegal allow measuring the importance of the observed gender and labour market eects. We nd that in both casestudy regions almost one third of rural households have women who are currently employed in the FFV agro-industry (Figure 2). In the Niayes area female employment in the horticulture export industry increased from less than 5 per cent of local households in 1999 (before the largest companies moved away from smallholder contract-farming towards integrated estate production) to more than 30 per cent of households in 2007. Similarly, in the Senegal River Delta area

Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries 1419

Table 1. Employment in the horticulture export agro-industry in selected sub-Saharan African countries Country Cameroon Cote dIvoire Kenya Senegal Uganda Zambia Commodity Banana Banana and pineapple Flowers Fruits and vegetables French beans Cherry tomatoes Flowers Vegetables Flowers Deciduous fruit Year of survey 2003 2002 2002 2005 2006 1998 2002/03 2002/03 1994 Number of employees in the FFV agro-industry 10,000 35,000 40,00070,000 2,000,000 12,000 3,000 3,300 7,500 2,500 283,000 Share of female employees

75% 90% 60% 75% 65% 35% 53%

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South Africa

Source: Maertens et al. (2012).

Figure 2. Gender disaggregated participation in agro-industrial employment in two case-study regions in Senegal Source: Calculated from survey data.

the share of households having female members employed in the tomato export industry increased sharply from 2002 onwards (when tomato export activities in this region started) and reached about 30 per cent in 2006. In this case male employment is almost as high as female employment while in the Niayes region male employment in the horticulture agro-industry represents less than 10 per cent of households. These are large and important eects, especially since employment in the agro-industry mainly concerns relatively poorer households11 and since other o-farm employment opportunities for (poor) women are very limited in the casestudy regions. Of the women employed in the horticulture export industry in the Niayes region 89 per cent indicate to have never been employed outside the home and the household farm before, and 83 per cent indicate to have no other possibilities for wage employment outside the horticulture export industry. Similarly, in the Senegal River Delta area only 11 per cent of households have female household members working as o-farm wage laborer outside the tomato export industry (compared to 22% for male household members).

1420 M. Maertens & J.F.M. Swinnen Agro-industrial rms mention their preference to hire female workers to be related to the capabilities of women for delicate harvesting and handling of fresh produce; except for harvesting mango, which involves climbing trees and for which male workers are preferred. There may be other explanations. Dolan (2004) argues that the concentration of female labour in horticulture export supply chains in Kenya is related to low cost and exible labour adjustment to just-in-time strategies of overseas supermarkets at the downstream end of the supply chain. Another possible explanation is that women are more ecient in certain tasks: in the bean sector in Kenya female farmers were found to do a much better job in harvesting, leading to substantially higher prots (Kimenye, 2005). Finally, gender biased employment for specic activities may reect local traditions and cultural factors, as specic tasks have been traditionally performed by either men or women. We do not have good empirical evidence to test these various potential explanations. However, we can conclude that the growth of MSC in Senegal, and other developing countries, has resulted in a feminisation of the rural labour market. This is an important nding in itself, given that o-farm employment opportunities for rural women in developing countries are often lacking while female wage employment is positively associated with womens wellbeing and broader development goals. 5.3. Employment Conditions in Labour Contracts Some studies argue that labour markets themselves may be bearers of and even reinforce gender inequality (Casale, 2004; Barrientos et al., 2003). Gender discrimination in labour markets may come from wage dierentials between male and female workers and from gender dierences in job security, working conditions, type of contracts, etc. Tables 2 and 3 present gender disaggregated data on the employment characteristics of hundreds of workers in the bean, mango and tomato export chains in Senegal. First, a quarter of female workers in the bean and mango industry in the Niayes region is remunerated as pieceworkers based on the number of bags or boxes of produce handled while all male workers receive daily wages (Table 2). We have no information on whether the piecework performed by women is more or less strenuous and entails more or less work for the same wage. However, we do nd that there is no signicant dierence in the actual daily wages between pieceworkers (1645 FCFA, Francs Communate ` re Africaine, on average) and daily wage workers (1700 FCFA on average). Financie Second, in the Senegal River Delta region, nearly all female workers in the tomato export industry are casual or seasonal labourers while 30 per cent of the male workers are permanent employees12 (Table 3). During our interview, the tomato exporting company explained that the reason for this gender dierence in permanent and temporary labour is the higher skills needed for permanent positions and the general low level of education among women. Here we do nd a statistically signicant dierence, at the 1 per cent level, in the actual daily wages between casual or seasonal workers (2062 FCFA on average) and permanent employees (3984 FCFA on average). Third, we nd that women have shorter employment periods than men, but work somewhat more hours per day when employed. Female workers in the bean and mango export industry work on average 8.6 hours per day, 11 per cent more than the average of 7.8 hours per day for male workers. They are employed on average 3.6 months a year, 16 per cent less than the average of 4.3 months for men (Table 2). Likewise, female workers in the tomato export industry work on average 5.7 months a year compared to 8.1 months for male workers (Table 3). The shorter employment periods for women might be because several women of the same, often polygamist, households often take turns in working in the agro-industry and staying at home for housekeeping and child care. Fourth, there are large and signicant dierences in daily and hourly wages between male and female workers in both regions. Daily wages are on average 1664 FCFA for women compared to 1895 FCFA for men in the bean and mango industry in the Niayes region (Table 2); and on

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Table 2. Gender disaggregated employment conditions for dierent type of workers, Niayes region, 2007 Employment in the export agro-industry Male workers t statistic 79 100% 0% 8.9% 91.1% 1,309 7.4 5.42 180.7 4.07*** 0.006 0.86 4.36*** 30 100% 0% 6.7% 93.3% 1,995 7.4 6.13 294.4 t statistic Female workers Male workers Female workers 33 36.4% 63.6% 0% 100% 1,391 8.5 8.42 166.5 Other agricultural employment (on family farms) Other non-agricultural employment Male workers 64 18.8% 81.3% 1.6% 98.4% 2,846 10.3 9.73 306.5 t statistic

Female workers

Workers in the sample Share of casual/seasonal workers Share of permanent workers Share of pieceworkers Share of xed rate workers Daily wages (FCFA) Working hours per day Working months per year Hourly wages (FCFA)1 bean subsector mango subsector 2.59*** 72.47*** 2.43*** 3.61*** 0.44 0.73

228 97.8% 2.2% 25.9% 74.1% 1,664 8.6 3.66 205.1 194.2 265.8

53 96.2% 3.8% 0% 100% 1,895 7.8 4.35 257.8 204.0 283.2

3.85*** 2.76*** 1.74* 2.88***

Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries 1421

Source: Calculated from survey data. 1 Hourly wages are calculated from observations on daily wages and working hours per day. Daily wages, working hours per day, working months per year, and hourly wages for female and male workers are compared using ttest: t statistics are reported for the hypothesis H0: mean (male worker) mean (female worker) 0 with statistically signicant dierences indicated with *p 5 .1, **p 5 .05 and ***p 5 .01.

1422 M. Maertens & J.F.M. Swinnen

Table 3. Gender disaggregated employment conditions for dierent type of workers, Senegal River Delta region, 2007 Employment in the export agro-industry Female workers Workers in the sample Share of casual/temporary workers Share of permanent workers Share of pieceworkers Share of xed rate workers Daily wages (FCFA) casual/seasonal workers permanent workers Working months per year 303 98% 2% 0% 100% 2,055 2,045 2,500 5.73 Male workers 196 70% 30% 0% 100% 2,712 2,100 4,134 8.14 t statistic Other employment Female workers 43 93% 7% 0% 100% 2,062 2,082 1,805 5.53 Male workers 82 82% 18% 0% 100% 2,948 2,405 5,497 6.42 t statistic

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5.04*** 0.49 6.97***

1.95** 1.99** 1.27*

Source: Calculated from survey data. Daily wages and working months per year for female and male workers are compared using ttest: t statistics are reported for the hypothesis H0: mean (male worker) mean (female worker) 0 with statistically signicant dierences indicated with *p 5 .1, **p 5 .05 and ***p 5 .01.

average 2055 FCFA for women compared to 2712 FCFA for men in the tomato industry in the Senegal River Delta region (Table 3). However, gender wage dierentials disappear when comparing male and female wages within the bean and mango subsectors (Table 2) and among seasonal and permanent workers in the tomato industry (Table 3). This suggests that men and women receive equal wages for the same jobs and hence that there is no direct gender wage discrimination. Gender wage discrimination is indirect and related to the fact that men and women are involved in dierent types of jobs. The fact that wages in the mango sector, where more men are employed, are higher as compared to the bean sector is likely related to the season: mango is harvested and exported during the main agricultural season when labour is scarce and hence more expensive. These ndings are in line with previous studies showing that employment conditions in labour markets in high-value supply chains are gendered, for example Barrientos and Kritzinger (2004) and Nelson et al. (2007) on the South African fruit and wine export sectors, and Dolan (2004) on the Kenyan horticulture export sector. Most of these studies point to occupational segregation: men have permanent positions and higher skilled jobs while women have low skilled and casual or seasonal jobs, resulting in indirect wage discrimination. 5.4. Gender Inequality in Labour Markets The above evidence suggests that labour markets in horticulture export supply chains in Senegal are gendered due to indirect wage discrimination and dierences between men and women in terms of job tenure, remuneration methods, working hours and employment periods. However, to understand the impact of the growth in MSC on gender inequality, one should also compare gender inequality in other forms of employment. Hence, an equally, and possible more, important issue is whether employment in MSC has more or less gender bias compared to other rural employment. In other words, does the growth of MSC reduce or increase gender inequality in wages and employment conditions? To analyse this, we compare gender dierences in wages and working conditions in employment in the export agro-industry with gender dierences in other wage employment. For this comparison in the Niayes region we can distinguish between employment in other agricultural activities and in non-agricultural activities (Table 2) but in the Senegal River Delta

Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries 1423 region we need to pool all other employment because of a small number of observations (Table 3). The data show that also among workers in other wage employment, men more often have permanent positions and longer employment periods, and that there are large and signicant gender dierentials in wages (Tables 2 and 3). Moreover, the observed gender wage gap is much larger in other employment sectors than in the horticulture export industry. For the Niayes casestudy, we nd that the dierence in mean daily wages of males and females is 231 FCFA in the horticulture agro-industry compared to 686 FCFA in other agricultural and 1455 FCFA in non-agricultural employment (Table 2). For the Senegal River Delta case study the evidence points to the same result with gender dierences in mean wages much smaller in the horticulture agro-industry 55 FCFA for casual workers and 1634 for permanent workers than in other employment 323 FCFA for casual workers and 3692 FCFA for permanent workers (Table 3). Hence, gender wage dierentials in MSC are only a fraction, one third to one sixth, of the observed wage dierential in other rural employment sectors. Another important aspect in this comparison is that wages for female workers in the horticulture agro-industry are higher than in other employment sectors. In Table 4 we compare hourly wages for workers in dierent sectors. The gures indicate that hourly wages for female workers in the export agro-industry are signicantly larger (205 FCFA) than wages in other agricultural employment (180 FCFA) and non-agricultural employment (166 FCFA). These dierences, again, are substantial: the wage premium for women in the agro-industry is 23 per cent compared to non-agricultural employment. These dierences appear particularly important because this does not hold for the wages of male workers, for which there is no signicant dierence between the agro-industry (257 FCFA) and other agricultural employment (294 FCFA) while wages in non-agricultural sectors are 16 per cent higher (306 FCFA). In summary, these ndings indicate that the growth of modern food supply chains in Senegal is reducing the gender inequality in rural labour markets. Moreover, the reduction is large. Wage gaps in MSC are much smaller than in other types of wage employment. Possible reasons why there is less direct gender discrimination in MSC than in rural labour markets in general relate to the use of high standards and the involvement of foreign companies in the chain. First, high-value supply chains are governed through stringent public and private standards, including labour standards and codes of conduct that are meant to improve poor working conditions and abolish gender (and other types of) discrimination. Other studies examining the impact of such labour standards and codes of conduct nd that they improve certain, but not all, aspects of employment conditions (Barrientos and Smith, 2007), that they lead to higher wages and improved wellbeing of workers (Nelson et al., 2007) but that they fail to

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Table 4. Gender disaggregated comparison of hourly wages across sectors, Niayes region, 2007 Female workers Wages (FCFA) Employment in the export agro-industry Other agricultural employment Other non-agricultural employment 205.1 180.7 166.5 724.4 738.6 714% 723% 71.92** 71.84** Di. (other- agro-industry) Di. % Di t statistic Wages (FCFA) 257.8 294.4 306.5 36.6 48.7 12% 16% 1.23 1.41*** Male workers Di. (other- agro-industry) Di. % Di t statistic

Source: Calculated from survey data. Hourly wages for female and male workers in employment in the export agro-industry and in other employment are compared using ttest: t statistics are reported for the hypothesis H0: mean (employment in the agro-industry) mean (other employment) 0 with statistically signicant dierences indicated with *p 5 .1, **p 5 .05 and ***p 5 .01.

1424 M. Maertens & J.F.M. Swinnen address complex gender needs (Barrientos et al., 2000, 2003). Second, studies on foreign direct investment often nd that foreign companies pay higher wages because they use higher levels of technology and that they adopt better labour practices out of reputational concern (Colen et al., 2009; Lipsey and Sjo holm, 2004). The bean, mango and tomato export sectors in Senegal include a variety of companies, including companies adopting and not adopting high labour standards, and FDI and domestic companies, but our survey data are not detailed enough to analyse formally how work conditions and wages dier between companies. 5.5. Contract-Farming and Resource Allocation Rural households participating in MSC through production contracts allocate (part of) their land, labour and capital resources to the production of the contracted crops. This might have direct implications for the allocation of these resources within the household and the access to productive resources for women. Table 5 presents gures on farm characteristics and resource allocation for contract and noncontract farm-households. The gures suggest no large eects of export contract-farming on land and labour allocation. First, as could be expected, given that women are largely excluded as contracted parties and given that usufruct and ownership rights on agricultural land in the Niayes region are held mostly by men, the area under contract is almost exclusively controlled by men. In addition, very little agricultural land is controlled by women and the gures indicate no large dierences in female control over land between contracted and non-contracted households. Second, female family members perform some of the work on contracted bean and mango plots but this is only a relatively small share: 6.5 per cent on average in bean production and 17.8 per cent in mango production (Table 5). These relatively low gures are related to the fact that mango contract-farming does not increase per hectare labour requirements much as the most labour intensive task, harvesting, is in 90 per cent of the cases performed under the control of and by labourers from the contractor company. In addition, contract-farmers in the bean sector are relative better-o farmers13 who have the means to hire additional labour, resulting in 34 per cent of the farm work on contracted bean plots being performed by hired labour (Table 5).

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Table 5. Gender related farm characteristics for contracted and non-contracted farm-households, Niayes region, 2007 Bean contract farmers Number of contracted farm-households Number of female contractors Average farm size (ha) Share of cultivated area controlled by women (%) Average contracted area (ha) Share of contracted area controlled by women1 (%) Amount of labour on contracted plots (persondays) Share of female labour on contracted plots (%) Share of hired labour on contracted plots (%) Gross revenu from farming (FCFA) Gross revenu from contract-farming (FCFA) Share of revenu from contract-farming controlled by women (%) 73 2 4.50 3.7% 0.75 3.7% 274.79 6.5% 34.8% 1,854,113 751,953 2.7% Mango contract farmers 58 2 7.15 1.7% 3.42 1.7% 234.26 17.8% 1.8% 2,116,276 732,107 3.4% Non-contract farmers 321 3.50 4.8%

1,056,241

Notes: 1Control over agricultural land is dened as taking management decisions (such as what to plant, when to plant, when to harvest) on the plot. 2 Control over gross revenue is dened as to whom the earnings belong. Source: Calculated from survey data.

Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries 1425 These ndings from Senegal contradictother empirical ndings. Some studies show that while men control the contracts as contracting party, the majority of the farm work done on contracted plots is performed by women as family labourers and thereby replacing labour from food production: for example Singh (2002) on vegetable contract-farming in the Indian Punjab; and Eaton and Sheperd (2001) on contract-farming in China. Other studies report conicts over land and labour resources between high-value contract production by men and basic food crop production by women: for example Eaton and Sheperd (2001) on China and Dolan (2001) on vegetable production in Kenya. The dierence in ndings might be related to specic case study settings but also to the peculiarities of a gender division of labour in agriculture. In the Niayes casestudy the results might be driven by specic aspects of the environment, the farming system and the market. The Niayes region is not a land scarce region and beans are exported during a conned period from November till April (when the domestic supply in the EU is small) which does not coincide with the main rainy season when food crops are cultivated. Also, women usually work on the same plots and crops as men but perform dierent tasks such as sowing, weeding and especially marketing. With such gender sequential division of labour in agriculture, the eect of contractfarming on intra-household resource allocation might be more limited compared to for example case studies from Kenya where the labour division might be more gender specic. In addition, gender roles in the Senegalese horticulture export sector might change when the export sector further develops and the season extends or when land becomes more scarce. 5.6. Income and Intra-Household Decision-Making Power In previous work, we have shown that high-value contract-farming and employment in agroindustries results in substantial increases in household income. We nd that wage employment in the export industry increases income by 60 per cent in the Niayes region and 80 per cent in the Senegal River Delta region, and that bean contract-farming increases household income by 110 per cent (Maertens and Swinnen, 2009; Maertens et al., 2011). An important gender issue is whether the increased income also benets women directly. Gross revenue from contract-farming in the Niayes case study is mainly controlled by men. The data in Table 5 show that there is a discrepancy in the share of work that is done by women on contracted plots and the share of the revenue from contracting that they control. In bean contracting women represent 6.5 per cent of the labour force but control only 2.7 per cent of the revenue and in mango contracting they perform 17.8 per cent of the work for controlling only 3.4 per cent of the revenue. These data suggest that the exclusion of women from MSC as contracted farmers results in very limited control over the additional income derived from contract-farming. Women involved in MSC through labour contracts with the agro-industry might benet more directly. In this case women are themselves the contracted party and directly receive cash wages. Figure 3 present total household income for the 12-month period prior to the survey, disaggregated over dierent sources and, where possible, over gender.14 It is clear that in both case studies an important share of the income derived from wages in the horticulture agroindustry is earned by women and that these wages contribute importantly to the income of those households that are employed in the sector. In the Niayes region, these wages are 80 per cent earned by women and make up a quarter of total household income. In the Senegal River Delta region agro-industrial wages have become the major source of income and constitute 50 per cent of household income while female wages in particular account for 26 per cent of total income. In comparison, in households without members employed in the horticulture agro-industry, female income earned outside the own family farm represents only a small part of total household income: 8.8 per cent in the Niayes region and 6.5 per cent in the Senegal River Delta region. Hence, apart from leading to higher household incomes, the growth in MSC also has a large impact on the importance of wages earned by women in total household income.

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1426 M. Maertens & J.F.M. Swinnen

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Figure 3. Gender disaggregated sources of income in two case-study regions in Senegal Source: Calculation from survey data.

This change in the level and composition of household income has implications for intrahousehold bargaining power and for female empowerment. Women in the Niayes region were specically asked for additional advantages of their employment in horticulture export companies: 94 per cent of these women indicated that their decision-making power in the household has increased, 67 per cent indicated that they receive more respect in their community and 78 per cent indicate that the contact with other women is a main additional advantage of the employment. The evidence from Senegal suggests that the growth in MSC has created direct economic gains for women through labour market channels and that female-generated wage income has become an important part of household income, leading to more economic independence and empowerment of women. 6. Conclusions In this article we reviewed the literature on gender aspects of the growth of MSC, and identied several mechanisms through which women are aected. We used original survey data from Senegal to quantify various eects. We nd that the growth of MSC in developing countries has important and complex gender implications. Part of the complexity is due to the fact that the industrial organisation of these supply chains has taken various forms. In some of the chains companies use smallholder contract-farming to source their supplies. Others are organised as vertically integrated supply chains with large-scale farm production. Our analysis shows that these dierent organisational arrangements lead to very dierent gender eects in Senegal. In MSC with smallholder contract-farming schemes, female farmers have been mostly excluded, in the sense that the contracts are almost exclusively signed with men. Women do perform some of the work on contracted plots controlled by men but the share of female family

Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries 1427 labour is relatively small. In contrast, women make up a large share of the work-force on large farms, where they benet from employment and direct access to wages, which also enhances their bargaining power in the households. The growth in MSC has increased access to rural labour markets for (poor) rural women. It thus leads to an increased feminisation of rural labour markets. Moreover, while there appears to be gender discrimination in employment in MSC, the gender discrimination is much smaller than in other sectors. We nd evidence that in the Senegalese horticultural chains there is gender discrimination in wages, be it mostly indirect, and in other employment conditions. This corroborates earlier ndings from the literature and the validity of policy conclusions drawn in previous studies about the need to address gender discrimination in rural labour markets and the need for more gender sensitivity in labour standards and codes of conduct. However, our results from Senegal also show that MSC entail much less direct and indirect gender discrimination as compared to other rural employment sectors. Therefore the growth of MSC might contribute to decreasing albeit not eliminating existing gender inequalities in rural labour markets. An important insight from this article is that women benet more and more directly through labour market eects than through product market eects in these chains. Women benet more as hired employees in the agro-industry because of direct access to wages and because the wages they receive improve their bargaining power over household income while income derived from contract-farming is mainly controlled by the mostly male contractors. This is a particularly important result since earlier studies have indicated that labour market channels in MSC are also more eective in reducing rural poverty as compared to product market channels from which poorer households are often excluded (see Maertens and Swinnen, 2009; Maertens et al., 2012). Hence, MSC can be more eective in assuring that the benets from high-value production and trade are more equally shared among the rural poor and rural women when supply chains are based on agro-industrial production and hired labour rather than on smallholder contractfarming and family labour. These ndings contrast strongly with most studies in the literature, and with most development policy. Development policy in this eld almost exclusively focuses on the inclusion of smallholder farms in modern value chains and the promotion of smallholder contract-farming to assure an equitable distribution of the gains from high-value agricultural trade. While one should be careful not to generalise based on a few casestudies, our ndings should at least induce people to reect on the potential benets of other types of development models. Hence, there is a need for integrating insights on labour market eects of MSC, including gender aspects, in policy thinking. The focus of this article was on gender issues related to the direct economic eects of MSC and many issues, especially related to indirect eects and the interaction with the reproductive activities of women, remain unresolved. We need better conceptual frameworks and more empirical evidence. Some issues which certainly need more research are the following. First, there is mixed evidence on whether high-value contract-farming results in land and labour resources being shifted away from basic food production and it is unclear what the ultimate eects are in terms of food security and child nutrition. The reallocation of resources between high-value contract production controlled by men and basic food crop production controlled by women might strongly depend on the gender division of labour in agriculture. Second, there is very little evidence on whether, besides employment eects in the emerging agro-industries, MSC entail indirect labour market eects through an increased demand for hired labour on contracted smallholder farms. If such indirect labour market eects exist, their implications in terms of female participation and gender discrimination is a potentially important issue as well. Third, the allocation of female labour to rural o-farm wage labour in emerging modern agroindustries might have indirect eects on the allocation of household resources. On the one hand, the wage income generated by women might increase their decision power in the household. On

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1428 M. Maertens & J.F.M. Swinnen the other hand, resources, including land, household labour and the claim on income from other household activities, might be taken away from women working outside the home and the family farm. Fourth, as womens economic activities interfere with their reproductive work, the growth in MSC and the related feminisation of rural labour markets might entail consequences for matters such age at marriage, maternal age, fertility rate, and so forth. In addition, while female income is discussed to be positively related with spending on childrens education, the feminisation of rural labour markets might have adverse eects on the schooling of girls if they withdraw from school either to participate in the labour market or to replace their mothers in household maintenance and child care activities. None of these issues have been substantively analysed, and certainly require attention. In summary, important questions remain. Specic characteristics of the commodity, the region, the company involved, and the prevailing social and gender norms may make our casestudy a unique positive outcome. However, gender outcomes might even be better in other cases and regions, for example, where there is more competition for labour among companies. We can speculate on this, but we acknowledge that the gender eects documented in this article could be less, equally, or more successful in other cases. Institutions, infrastructure, commodity characteristics, government regulations, constraints in accessing inputs, existing gender roles and socio-cultural norms are factors which dier between locations and which may aect the outcome. That said, our study challenges several conventional wisdoms and will hopefully induce further research on this important issue. Acknowledgements ` le Ange The authors thank the editors and two anonymous reviewers. The authors thank Fide Dedehouanou, Thijs Vandemoortele, the Institut Senegalaise de Recherche Agricole (ISRA) in Dakar and Saint-Louis and the NGO Amicale Socio-Economique Sportive et Culturelle des Agriculteurs du Walo (ASESCAW) in Ross Bethio for their much appreciated assistance with data collection. The authors gratefully acknowledge research funding by the KU Leuven Research Council (Excellence Financing and Methusalem Project), and the Research Foundation Flanders (FWO). Notes
1. The share of high-value non-traditional exports in total food exports from developing countries increased from 14 per cent in 1985 to 30 per cent in 2005 (Maertens et al., 2012). 2. Indirect eects in MSC include consumption eects, analysed by Minten and Reardon (2008), investment spillover eects, analysed by Maertens (2009) and technology spillover eects, analysed by Minten et al. (2009). 3. Contracts are dened here in a broad sense and can include an informal oral short-term agreement as well as a signed formal contract extending over a longer period of time. 4. When agricultural production involves gender sequential labour women perform dierent tasks (often planting, sowing, weeding, harvesting) than men (often ploughing, land preparation, fertiliser application) on the same plots. This type of gender division of labour in agriculture is often observed in Western African countries. 5. When agricultural production involves gender specic labour women cultivate dierent crops (often food crops) than men (often cash crops) on dierent plots. This type of gender division of labour in agriculture is often observed in Eastern and Central African countries. 6. See Maertens et al. (2011) for more details on the tomato supply chain in Senegal. 7. See Maertens and Swinnen (2009) for more details on the bean supply chain in Senegal. 8. Similar observations on supply chain restructuring have been observed in other studies, for example by Jaee (2003) for Kenyan vegetable exports, by Minot and Ngigi (2004) for FFV exports from Cote dIvoire, and by Danielou and Ravry (2005) for pineapple exports in Ghana. Usually increasing food standards are mentioned as the main driving forces of these changes. 9. Three hundred of the 450 households surveyed in 2007 were already surveyed in 2005 as described in Maertens and Swinnen (2009) and constitute a panel data set. For the purpose of this article we only use the 2007 data as the second survey round is richer in terms of gender disaggregated data.

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Gender and Modern Supply Chains in Developing Countries 1429

10. Additionally, our data do not cover the dynamics of intra-household bargaining. 11. This has been documented by Maertens and Swinnen (2009) for the Niayes region and by Maertens et al. (2011) for the Senegal River Delta region. These studies nd that employment in the export agro-industry is biased towards households with less land and non-land assets and a lower level of education. 12. Our sample from the Niayes region does not include permanent workers as the bean and mango exporting companies in this region are mainly family-run businesses where the permanent positions are lled by family members which are not included in our sample of rural farm-households. 13. Maertens and Swinnen (2009) provide descriptive and econometric evidence on this issue. 14. The data do not allow distinguishing between male and female income for income derived from the own farm and for transfers. In addition, farm input data are not detailed enough to distinguish income from contract-farming from other farm income.

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