Identity Politics & Class Struggle

Robin D. G. Kelley
[from New Politics, vol. , no. ! "ne# series$, #%ole no. !!, &inter '(()* Robert D. G. Kelley is Professor of History and Africana Studies at NYU. He is the author of Race Rebels: Culture, Politics , and the Black Working Class (1 !", #a$$er and #oe: %laba$a Co$$unists During the Great De&ression (1 !", and a forthcoming collection of essays titled 'o (o$$a)s Dis*unktional+ %nd ,ther -ssays on the Culture Wars in Black %$erica (1 .". 1nco$e ine4uality is staggering. 05eatsho&s and the sla6e labor conditions that acco$&any the$ are on the rise again. Cor&orate &ro*its are reaching record highs 5hile 7do5nsi8ing7 and ca&ital *light ha6e le*t $illions une$&loyed. 3one o* this sur&rises us. 9or the &ast 1: years, at least, 5e)6e 5itnessed a greater concentration o* 5ealth 5hile the li6ing conditions o* 5orking &eo&le ha6e deteriorated ;; te<tbook laisse8;*aire ca&italis$, to be sure. Certainly the Reagan=Bush re6olution ushered in a ne5 era o* cor&orate 5ealth and callous disregard *or the &oor. But President Bill Clinton ;; 5ith the hel& o* a right; 5ing Congress and right5ard;leaning De$ocratic Party ;; contributed $ightily to the &rocess 5ith the &assage o* 3%92%, G%22, and the $ost recent 5el*are re*or$ bill.
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2here is a sil6er lining, &erha&s. During the &ast cou&le o* years, at least, 5e)6e 5itnessed an intensi*ication o* class;based o&&osition to ine4uality, *alling 5ages, and the o6erall erosion o* 5orking;class li*e in the >nited 0tates. ,* course, 5e)re *ar *ro$ the intense labor struggles o*, say, 1?.. or 1 @A or 1 B:, but there are ho&e*ul signs o* $o6e$ent ;; *ro$ the resurrection o* the old %9/;C1, under Cohn 05eeney, /inda Cha6e8;2ho$&son, and Richard 2ru$ka, the res&onse to union su$$er, to the *ounding o* the /abor Party, the 3e5 Party, and other &rogressi6e 2hird Party *or$ations. 1n *act, e6en the language o* &o&ulis$ no5 &er$eating $uch o* %$erican &olitical discourse sho5s *lashes o* class analysis, i* not an outright e$brace o* class struggle: it)s 7us against the$7D ti$e to end 7cor&orate 5el*are as 5e kno5 it7D 5e are engaged in nothing less than a 7class 5ar.7 1 *ind it ironic that at the 6ery $o$ent 5hen radical rene5al $ight actually be on the hori8on, a hand*ul o* sel*;&roclai$ed s&okes&ersons on the /e*t ha6e

&ractically 5ritten the 7/e*t)s7 e&ita&h. 2he $ost 6ocal and 6isible o* the bunch are 2odd Gitlin (Twilight of Our Common reams! "hy America is "rac#ed $y Culture "ars" and (ichael 2o$asky (%eft for ead! The %ife& eath and Possi$le 'esurrection of Progressi(e Politics in America ", but so$e o* their ideas ha6e been echoed by the likes o* Richard Rorty, 0ean Wilent8, Robert (cChesney, and Ci$ 0lee&er, to na$e a *e5. (1 su&&ose Robert #ughes) Culture of Com)laint $ight 4uali*y since he 5rites about the absence o* class analysis, but it is so &ole$ical and so anti;(ar<ist that his &assing suggestions *or a rene5ed 7/e*t7 see$ gratuitous." 2o$asky and Gitlin, in &articular, set out to e<&lain 5hy the /e*t *ailed to $obili8e a $ass;based res&onse to the rise o* the Right, 5hy it re$ains s$all, di6ided, and &arochial, entrenched *or better or 5orse in the gro6es o* acade$e. 2heir e<&lanation: 72he /e*t7 has lost touch 5ith its -nlighten$ent roots, the source o* its uni6ersalis$ and radical hu$anis$, and instead has been hiEacked by a 7$ulticultural le*t7 5edded to 7identity &olitics7 5hich has led us all into a cul; de;sac o* ethnic &articularis$, race consciousness, se<ual &olitics, and radical *e$inis$. (uch o* the bla$e is assigned to 5o$en, gays and lesbians, and colored &eo&le *or *racturing the %$erican /e*t, abandoning honest class struggle, and alienating 5hite $en 5ho could be allies but aren)t because o* the terrible treat$ent $eted out to the$ by the /oud (inority. >ni6ersal categories such as class ha6e *allen be*ore the narro5, &articularistic $antras o* radical chic: race, gender, se<uality, and disability. 1ndeed, in their 6ie5 class is not Eust another identity, it transcends identity. 1* the 7/e*t7 5ants to sa6e itsel*, 5e $ust abandon our e6er shrinking identity niches *or the real$ o* $aEoritarian thinking. %*ter all, 5e)re told, the $aEority o* %$ericans are 5hite and heterose<ual and ha6e little interest in radical *e$inis$, $inority discourse, and struggles centered on se<ual identity. 1n so$e 5ays, 1 can sy$&athi8e 5ith these &eo&le about the li$itations o* 7identity &olitics.7 While the gro5ing interest in the &olitics o* identity has e<tended our analytical sco&e to o6erlooked or tri6iali8ed cultural s&heres and e<&anded our understanding o* intellectual history, in so$e circles it has also tended to li$it discussions o* &o5er to cultural &olitics. %nd 5hile so;called 7identity &olitics7 has al5ays &ro*oundly sha&ed labor $o6e$ents and ;; e6en $ore than 6ague, abstract notions o* class unity ;; has been the glue *or class solidarity, by the sa$e token it has also beco$e a noose around the necks o* o&&ressed &eo&le, as in the case o* 5hite racis$ or certain 6ariants o* black nationalis$.

the 7-nlighten$ent train7 5ill not lead us out. 2hese &eo&le assu$e that the uni6ersal hu$anis$ they *ind so endearing and radical can be easily se&arated *ro$ the historical conte<t o* its $akingD indeed, that it is &recisely 5hat can undo the racis$ and $odern i$&erialis$ it hel&ed to Eusti*y. 2he racialis$ o* the West, sla6ery, i$&erialis$, the destruction o* indigenous cultures in the na$e o* 7&rogress,7 are treated as aberrations, coincidences, or not treated as all. 2hey insist that these historical de6elo&$ents do not render the -nlighten$ent)s radical uni6ersalis$ any less 7radical,7 and those 5ho take u& this criti4ue are si$&ly reEecting -nlighten$ent &hiloso&hers because they)re 7dead 5hite $ales.7 2heir uncritical de*ense o* the -nlighten$ent (5hich includes a strange tendency to colla&se (ar<, /ocke and Ce**erson into the sa$e category", betrays an un5illingness to take ideas, let alone history, seriously. Gitlin certainly ackno5ledges these contradictions inherent in -nlighten$ent &hiloso&hy, as 5ell as the historical conte<t o* sla6ery, racis$, and colonialis$. But in an intellectual sleight o* hand he brackets these contradictions, reduces a huge body o* co$&le<, historically s&eci*ic ideas to transhistorical abstractions (5hich he uses selecti6ely to $ake his case against 7identity &olitics7", and then &resu$es that -nlighten$ent thought constitutes the central reser6oir o* ideas *or the 6ery identity $o6e$ents he critici8es. 0ays Gitlin:
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2he -nlighten$ent is not to be discarded because Foltaire 5as anti;0e$itic or #u$e, Kant, #egel, and Ce**erson racist, but rather *urther enlightened ;; *or it e4ui&s us 5ith the tools 5ith 5hich to re*ute the anti;0e$itis$ o* a Foltaire and the racis$ o* the others. . . . 1n none o* these cases 5as bigotry at the core o* the $an)s intellectual syste$D it re*lected the routine 5hite &reEudice o* the ti$e. 2he -nlighten$ent is sel*;correcting. 2he correcti6e to darkness is $ore light.7 (&. G1A". Good liberalis$, to be sure, but its analytical insight lea6es $uch to be desired. 2o &ose the 4uestion as &ro or con, kee& the -nlighten$ent or discard it, sideste&s *unda$ental 4uestions such as the legacy o* 1?th century social thought *or $odern conce&tions o* race or the &hiloso&hical under&innings o* racial sla6ery in an age 5hen *ree labor and *ree $arket ideology triu$&hed. 9or e<a$&le, 5hile racialist ideas can be traced to ancient thought and *or$s o* do$ination internal to -uro&e, the -nlighten$ent also ushered in a trans*or$ation in Western thinking about race. #o5 could it notH %*ter all, as $any co$$entators since the 9rench Re6olution ha6e obser6ed, the e<&ansion o* sla6ery and genocidal 5ars against non;-uro&ean &eo&les took &lace alongside, and by so$e accounts $ade &ossible bourgeois de$ocratic

re6olutions that ga6e birth (in the West" to the conce&t that liberty and *reedo$ are inalienable rights. 2his contradiction is *unda$ental to -nlighten$ent &hiloso&hy, notions o* &rogress, and de6elo&$ents in scienti*ic thinking. %s the 5ork o* George (osse, Da6id 2heo Goldberg, Cedric Robinson, and $any others has de$onstrated, $odern racis$ is one o* the 7gi*ts7 o* the -nlighten$ent. 1t is not an accident that during the 1?th century $odern science $o6es to5ard classi*ication as one o* its &ri$ary endea6ors, turning to aesthetic criteria deri6ed *ro$ ancient Greece as the source o* $easure$ent. 2hese -nlighten$ent scientists ;; in so$e res&ects, the *ounders o* $odern anthro&ology ;; begin to associate out5ard, &hysical signs o* 7beauty7 5ith inner rationality, &iety, intelligence and har$ony. 2hus a century be*ore social Dar5inis$ 5e see scienti*ic Eusti*ications *or racial hierarchy and do$ination. Christian (einers) in*luential book, Outline of the History of *an#ind (1.?A" &ut it bluntly: 7,ne o* the chie* characteristics o* tribes and &eo&les is the beauty or ugliness o* the 5hole body or o* the *ace.7 %t the sa$e ti$e, the ideali8ation o* the so;called 7&ri$iti6e7 (the 7noble sa6age idea7" es&oused by se6eral 1.th century tra6el 5riters, as 5ell as in *lashes o* Rousseau, began to gi6e 5ay to notions o* -uro&ean su&eriority 6is;a;6is %*ricans and 3ati6e %$ericans. 3on;-uro&eans 5ere una$biguously classi*ied as re&resenting a lo5er stage o* hu$an de6elo&$ent. 2he &ri$iti6e $ind 5as constructed as the 6ery o&&osite o* Reason: ata6istic, regressi6e, barbaric. %gain, science &ro6ided a rationale *or racial hierarchies. Cli$atic theories e<&laining the origins o* racial di**erence 5ere called into 4uestion by -nlighten$ent thinkers 5ho &ro&osed the radical idea that %*ricans, %sians, and 71ndians7 originated *ro$ di**erent s&ecies. Foltaire certainly $ade this clai$, as did 0cottish Curist /ord Ka$es in his S#etches of the History of *an (1..B", and Charles White in his celebrated An Account of the 'egular +radation in *an (1. ". -nlighten$ent thought not only o&ened the door *or *uture argu$ents about the inherent in*eriority o* di**erent 7races,7 but it shar&ly li$ited the de*inition o* 7hu$anity.7 2hus, at the 6ery $o$ent 5hen a discourse o* uni6ersal hu$anis$ is *inding 6oice in the bourgeois de$ocratic re6olutions o* the era, colored &eo&le and -uro&eans rendered $arginal to ci6ili8ation (Ce5s, 1rish, etc." are being 5ritten out o* the *a$ily o* 7(an.7 (1s this 5hy the #aitian Re6olution is still not considered one o* the $ost i$&ortant re6olutions o* the bourgeois de$ocratic eraH" Besides assu$ing that the 7uni6ersal7 is truly 7sel*;e6ident,7 the neo; -nlighten$ent /e*t cannot concei6e o* $o6e$ents led by %*rican %$ericans,

5o$en, /atinos, gays and lesbians, s&eaking *or the 5hole or e6en e$bracing radical hu$anis$. 2he i$&lications are *rightening: the only &eo&le 5ho can s&eak the language o* uni6ersalis$ are 5hite $en (since they ha6e no in6est$ent in identity &olitics beyond rene5ed ethnic $o6e$ents arising here and there" and 5o$en and colored &eo&le 5ho ha6e transcended or reEected the &olitics o* identity. (oreo6er, they either don)t understand or re*use to ackno5ledge that class is li6ed through race and gender. 2here is no uni6ersal class identity, Eust as there is no uni6ersal racial or gender or se<ual identity. 2he idea that race, gender, and se<uality are &articular 5hereas class is uni6ersal not only &resu$es that class struggle is so$e sort o* race and gender; neutral terrain but takes *or granted that $o6e$ents *ocused on race, gender, or se<uality necessarily under$ine class unity and, by de*inition, cannot be e$anci&atory *or the 5hole. Don)t get $e 5rong. 1)$ not gi6ing &riority to 7identity &olitics7 o6er the struggle to dis$antle ca&italis$ and to build a 5orld 5e)6e ne6er seen be*ore ;; a 5orld *ree o* $arket *orces and all the terrible things that go 5ith it. Rather, 1 ha6e trouble 5ith their characteri8ation o* race, gender, and se<uality as narro5 identity &olitics 5hile 7class7 is regarded as so$e transcendent, uni6ersal category that rises abo6e these other identities. 1ndeed, Gitlin calls the *irst three, 7birthrights,7 and des&ite an obligatory nod to %nthony %&&iah, he *ails to treat these categories as social constructs that ha6e enor$ous conse4uences *or ho5 class is li6ed. %long 5ith these so;called 7identities7 co$e regi$es o* o&&ression. %re churches being burned because black &eo&le are alienating 5hite *olksH 1s that 5hy the Custice De&art$ent *ocuses $uch o* its in6estigation on black congregations rather than 5hite su&re$acist grou&sH 1s &ro;Pro& 1?. senti$ent and callousness to5ard i$$igrants the result o* (e<ican and Central %$erican i$$igrants) re*usal to be 7inclusi6eH7
1 913D 2#- 3-,;-3/1G#2-3(-32 P,0121,3 13CR-D1B/' PR,B/-(%21C G1F-3 W#%2 WK3,W o* the history o* class struggle in the >.0. 1t rests, not on a serious

analysis o* the social $o6e$ents lu$&ed together under the heading 7identity &olitics,7 but on caricature, stereoty&es, o$issions, innuendo, and historical analysis that borders on the co$ical at ti$es. 1ndeed, these $o6e$ents are rarely e6er na$ed and their &ositions ne6er s&elled out in any detail. 'et, des&ite the lack o* de&th and scholarly rigor, as 5ell as an o6er;reliance on &ersonal i$&ressions, these argu$ents see$ to be 5inning o6er a broad section o* high &ro*ile liberals=le*tists 5ho belie6e the ti$e has co$e *or us to 7transcend7 all this race and gender stu** and get to the $atter at hand: class 5ar*are against the bosses. During the recent labor teach;in at Colu$bia >ni6ersity, *or e<a$&le, both Betty 9riedan and Richard Rorty, taking a &age *ro$ Gitlin)s book, told the audience that the ti$e had co$e to graduate *ro$

narro5 identity $o6e$ents to the bigger &icture. 1t 5as as i* antiracist and antise<ist struggles 5ere not *unda$ental to the struggles o* 5orking &eo&le across race and gender lines, or 5orse, that they had been essentially resol6ed and 5ere no longer &ressing &roble$s. %lthough their books ha6e been 5idely re6ie5ed, 5e ha6e yet to subEect the neo;-nlighten$ent &osition to a serious &olitical criti4ue. 1 don)t kno5 ho5 $any ti$es 1)6e been told, 7Don)t attack the$, they)re on our side+7 Besides the ob6ious analogy to the issue o* the /e*t)s stance to5ard Clinton, 1)$ al5ays inclined to re&eat 2onto)s res&onse to the /one Ranger: 7What do you $ean 5e)H7 ,* course, to say 75e7 in6ites accusations o* 7identity &olitics,7 o* identi*ying 5ith colored &eo&le at the e<&ense o* the &oor /one Ranger, 5ho is $erely lo5;le6el $anager o* ca&ital rather than an o5ner. But this is &recisely the &roble$: the 75e7 1)$ s&eaking o* includes all o&&ressed &eo&le, including (r. Ranger i* he chooses to Eoin. 2he Gitlin=2o$asky grou& $akes the gra6e error o* rendering $o6e$ents struggling around issues o* race, gender, and se<uality as inherently narro5 and &articularistic. 2he *ailure to concei6e o* these social $o6e$ents as essential to the e$anci&ation o* the 5hole re$ains the *unda$ental stu$bling block to building a dee& and lasting class;based &olitics. Part o* their &roble$ has to do 5ith their *ailure to take seriously the ideas co$ing out o* these 7identity $o6e$ents.7 2heir argu$ents rest less on 5hat these $o6e$ents es&ouse than on their racial, ethnic or gender $ake;u& or their se<ual orientation. 7Choose a non5hite ethnicity,7 2o$asky sneers, 7co$bine it 5ith a se<ual &ractice or a &hysical condition, and there &robably e<ists a $o6e$ent to $atch.7 (&. ? " /et us take one o* their *a6orite 5hi&&ing girls: the 7black *e$inist,7 &articularly o* the lesbian 6ariety. 1n a bi8arre tautology, black *e$inists are narro5ly concerned 5ith their race and se< because they are black *e$inists. 1n *act, aside *ro$ %lice Walker and the state$ent issued by the Co$bahee Ri6er Collecti6e (a radical black *e$inist grou& *ounded in the $id;1 .!s", black *e$inists in their te<ts ha6e no na$es or organi8ations ;; they *unction as little $ore than signi*iers (or, to &ut the$ in a $ore traditional conte<t, as sca&egoats". 2o$asky 5as kind enough to 4uote one line *ro$ the Co$bahee Ri6er Collecti6e)s 1 .. state$ent, though the line he 4uotes is intended to de$onstrate ho5 narro5 identity &olitics can get. 9or hi$, the &rinci&les o* black *e$inis$ are succinctly e<&ressed in the *ollo5ing sentence: 7We belie6e that the $ost &ro*ound and &otentially $ost radical &olitics co$e directly out o* our o5n identity.7 What he neglected to $ention, ho5e6er, is that the sa$e state$ent &ro&osed a clear socialist agenda, arguing that e$anci&ation *or e6eryone could not take &lace until racis$, ho$o&hobia,

se<is$, and ca&italis$ are annihilated, and critici8ed $ainstrea$ *e$inist organi8ations *or not being inclusi6e enough ;; *or not dealing ade4uately 5ith the needs o* the &oor or 5ith racist o&&ression o* $en and 5o$en. 3or did 2o$asky ackno5ledge the i$&ortant line in the state$ent that 7as Black 5o$en 5e *ind any ty&e o* biological deter$inis$ a &articularly dangerous and reactionary basis u&on 5hich to build a &olitic.7 1n other 5ords, had 2o$asky and Gitlin taken the ti$e to read the $aterial 5ritten by black *e$inists instead o* si$&ly reducing the$ to caricatures o* their o5n i$agination, they $ight ha6e disco6ered so$e o* the $ost so&histicated state$ents o* the kind o* radical hu$anis$ they clai$ to e$brace. %nna Culia Coo&er, 5hose 5ritings continue to ha6e a &ro*ound i$&act on Black *e$inis$, 5rote in 1? @: We take our stand on the solidarity o* hu$anity, the oneness o* li*e, and the unnaturalness and inEustice o* all s&ecial *a6oritis$s, 5hether o* se<, race, country or condition. . . . 2he colored 5o$an *eels that 5o$an)s cause in one and uni6ersalD and that. . . not till race, color, se<, and condition are seen as accidents, and not the substance o* li*eD not till the uni6ersal title o* hu$anity to li*e, liberty, and the &ursuit o* ha&&iness is conceded to be inalienable to allD not till then is 5o$an)s lesson taught and 5o$an)s cause 5on ;; not the 5hite 5o$an)s nor the black 5o$an)s, not the red 5o$an)s but the cause o* e6ery $an and e6ery 5o$an 5ho has 5rithed silently under a $ighty 5rong. 2his radical hu$anis$, as theorist Patricia #ill Collins &oints out, has been a consistent &rinci&le o* black *e$inist thought. %lice Walker insists that a 75o$anist7 is 7co$$itted to the sur6i6al and 5holeness o* entire &eo&le, $ale and *e$ale,7 and is 7not a se&aratist7 but 7traditionally a uni6ersalist.7 Pauli (urray is e6en $ore e<&licit: 2he lesson o* history that all hu$an rights are indi6isible and that the *ailure to adhere to this &rinci&le Eeo&ardi8es the rights o* all is &articularly a&&licable here. % built;in ha8ard o* an aggressi6e ethnocentric $o6e$ent 5hich disregards the interests o* other disad6antaged grou&s is that it 5ill beco$e &arochial and ulti$ately sel*;de*eating in the *ace o* hostile reactions, d5indling allies, and $ounting *rustrations. ,ne could see this 6ision in the 5ritings o* $any black *e$inists, including Cune Cordan, Barbara Christian, %ngela Da6is, -lsa Barkley Bro5n, Pearl Cleage, %udre /orde, Pat Parker, Barbara 0$ith, Cheryl Clarke, Culianne (al6eau<, bell hooks, (argaret 0i$$s, and 9ilo$ina 0teady, to na$e a *e5.

,* course, had 2o$asky and Gitlin actually read this stu**, they $ight Eu$& u& in agree$ent and dis$iss these state$ents as e<ce&tions to the rule. (Whate6er the rule is, ho5e6er, al5ays goes unna$ed." But a close reading re6eals that they are not saying the sa$e thing. 71* all hu$an rights are indi6isible,7 then 5hy &ri6ilege $aEoritarian concerns o6er all others and ridicule $o6e$ents organi8ed around se<, race, and genderH Why &resu$e that such $o6e$ents are necessarily narro5 si$&ly because black 5o$en and their concerns are central to the$H 3othing could be *urther *ro$ the truth. ,ne 6ital outgro5th o* radical black *e$inis$ has been the black 5o$en)s healthcare $o6e$ent, its $ost notable $ani*estation being the 3ational Black Wo$en)s #ealth ProEect. %$ong other things, they ha6e sought to create a healthier en6iron$ent *or &oor and 5orking;class 5o$en and reduce 5o$en)s de&endence on a health care syste$ structured by ca&italis$ and run &ri$arily by $en. 1* they succeed, i$agine ho5 such a trans*or$ation $ight bene*it all o* us, irres&ecti6e o* race or genderH the radical hu$anist traditions that ha6e undergirded black *e$inist $o6e$ents, and this blindness has ke&t the$ *ro$ seeing ho5 black *e$inis$ could contribute to their o5n e$anci&ation. 0i$ilarly, they don)t see ho5 gay and lesbian $o6e$ents $ight also contribute to our collecti6e e$anci&ation ;; a criticis$ $ade elo4uently by (artin Duber$an in his re6ie5 o* 2o$asky)s book in The Nation. 0o$e things are ob6ious: the continuing struggle o* gays and lesbians against discri$ination in &ublic and &ri6ate li*e ha6e i$&ortant i$&lications *or national ci6il rights la5D the 5ork o* %C2 >P and other $o6e$ents ha6e $ade %1D0 6isible ;; a disease that)s killing $any heterose<ual &eo&le, es&ecially &oor black 5o$en. /ess ob6ious is the role o* scholarshi& co$ing out o* Gay and /esbian 0tudies &rogra$s as 5ell as Wo$en)s 0tudies &rogra$s ;; grist *or the anti;identity &olitics $ill. Iueer theory, *or e<a$&le, begins 5ith the &re$ise that se<uality is a 6ital &art o* hu$an e<istence, and that the 5ay se<ual identities are de*ined (and &oliced" has to do 5ith social relations o* &o5er, the role o* the state, &ublic institutions, and social $o6e$ents. 2he best 5ork understands that se<ual identities and &ractices are li6ed through race and class and can only be understood historically. What does this scholarshi& ha6e to do 5ith the rest o* usH What are the i$&lications *or the 7uni6ersal7H 9or one, 5e kno5 no5 that there is no uni6ersal $asculinity or *e$ininity. 2he idea o* 7nor$al7 beha6ior is a social construction, 5hich $eans that there is nothing natural or ine6itable about $ale do$inance, the o6erre&resentation o* $en in &ositions o* &o5er, or the tendency o* $en to use 6iolence to resol6e con*lict. 2hese are all ob6ious &oints, to be sure. But ho5 $any heterose<ual $en and 5o$en sto& to think about the e$anci&atory &otential o* a $ore
>39,R2>3%2-/', 2#-0- 3-,;-3/1G#2-3(-32 /-921020 %R- B/13D 2,

*le<ible se<ual and gender identity *or all o* usH Besides reducing ho$o&hobic an<ieties, *reeing u& sel*;e<&ression, and enabling us to reconstruct our relationshi&s to one another (isn)t that 5hat re6olution is all aboutH", 1 belie6e a less rigid de*inition o* $asculinity $ay actually reduce 6iolence ;; *ro$ &olice brutality to do$estic abuse. While Gitlin tends to be slightly $ore sy$&athetic to *e$inis$ and gay and lesbian $o6e$ents than 2o$asky, they both 6ie5 the$ as &ri$e e<a$&les o* dead;end identity &olitics. ,n the other hand, 5hen they &roclai$ a $o6e$ent or issue 7uni6ersal,7 they don)t sto& to analy8e ho5 race and gender sha&e 6arious res&onses to issues. 9or e<a$&le, 2o$asky belie6es he hit on a co$$on 6alue=agenda 5hen he 5rites: 7Working &eo&le in this country need a $o6e$ent that 5ill &ut their interests and li6elihoods *irst.7 9air enough. But 5ithout an analysis that takes racis$, se<is$, and ho$o&hobia seriously, or considers dee& historical di**erences, 5e 5on)t kno5 5hat 7interests7 $ean. /et)s take cri$e and the issue o* neighborhood sa*ety, an issue on 5hich $any &eo&le across race, gender, and e6en class lines can *ind co$$on ground. 'et, racis$ ;; not narro5 identity &olitics ;; &ersuaded $any %*rican %$ericans to o&&ose Clinton)s JGG billion Cri$e Bill, and the $aEority o* 5hite 6oters to su&&ort it. 9or $any black &eo&le, the issue o* neighborhood sa*ety is not Eust about $ore &olice but the kind o* &olice ;; 5here they li6e, ho5 they relate to the co$$unity. 1ndeed, no $atter 5hat 5e $ight think o* the 3ation o* 1sla$ (3,1", $any non;(usli$s see its *ight against drug dealers in black co$$unities as $ore e**ecti6e than the &olice. 1t is &recisely this kind o* econo$is$ that enables these &eo&le to clai$, 5ithout e6idence, that declining 5ages is uni6ersally $ore i$&ortant to $ost black &eo&le than &olice brutality or ha6ing to 5ait an hour *or a seat at Denny)s. ,ne is hard econo$ics that unites &eo&leD the other is Eust narro5 identity &olitics. 2hus, 5hen black gays and lesbians take to the streets to &rotest 6iolence against the$, that)s 7identity &olitics.7 When angry 5hite $ales clai$ that a**ir$ati6e action is taking Eobs *ro$ the$, that)s class &olitics $u**led beneath a racial blanket they the$sel6es don)t understand. When 5hite &eo&le 6ote *or Da6id Duke and Pat Buchanan, that)s class &olitics, not identity &olitics. 0o$ething)s 5rong 5ith this &icture. &%ose +eft,
C-32R%/ 2, 2#- 3-,;-3/1G#2-3(-32 /-92)0 C%0- %G%1302 0,;C%//-D identity

&olitics is a nostalgia *or the ,ld /e*t, back in the days be*ore the :!s 5hen e6eryone 5ho Eoined checked their race and gender identities at the door and e$braced a radical uni6ersalis$ that transcended skin color, ethnic a**iliations,

and se<. 1ntense debates o6er the 3egro Iuestion or the Wo$an Iuestion, not to $ention charges o* 7chau6inis$,7 si$&ly 6anish *ro$ this ro$antic narrati6e. 2hose 5ere the days o* 7real7 class struggle, the days o* the C1,, the Knights, /abor, the 1WW, the Reds, the rugged and $anly Re&ublican artisans in the %ge o* Cackson (%ndre5, not (ichael", the days be*ore identity &olitics eroded the class struggle and 5e kne5 5hat the 5orking class looked like. 2hen, around 1 .! according to 2o$asky, e6erything *ell a&art 75hen the %$erican le*t cashiered traditional class;based &olitics *or a ne5 6ariant in 5hich race and gender 5ere &ree$inent. . . . 9or black acti6ists, racis$ beca$e $ore i$&ortant than the e<&loitation o* 5orkers by ca&italistsD *or 5o$en, se<is$.7 Who is he talking aboutH Black Po5er and *e$inis$ had radical and conser6ati6e tendencies, and neither uni*or$ly &ri6ileged race or se<, or ignored class, *or that $atter. %nd 5hat about the black /e*tH 1* these acti6ists and the 3e5 /e*t $ore broadly abandoned 7the e<&loitation o* 5orkers by ca&italists,7 5hy did so $any o* these *olks Eoin (ar<ist;/eninist organi8ations in the early 1 .!s and begin 5orking in *actories to organi8e industrial 5orkersH Workers beca$e 6ery i$&ortant *or the 3e5 /e*t, &articularly *or %*rican;%$erican radicals. 1n 1 :? and 1 : , a *airly large contingent o* black, radical students at Duke and the >ni6ersity o* 3orth Carolina, Cha&el #ill hel&ed organi8e key strikes o* $aintenance and dining hall 5orkers. 9or$er Wayne 0tate students such as General Baker, (arion Kra$er, Ken Cockerel, Ken #a$blin, /uke 2ri&&, Charles Cohnson, and others organi8ed the Re6olutionary >nion (o6e$ent in Detroit)s auto &lants, 5hich cul$inated in the /eague o* Re6olutionary Black Workers (/RBW". 0o$e o* the organi8ers 5ho s&lit *ro$ the /eague Eoined *or$er 03CC leader Ca$es 9or$an and *ounded the Black Workers Congress. 3ot sur&risingly, in his book Gitlin dis$isses the industrial concentration $o6e$ent co$ing out o* the 3e5 /e*t in a sentence, &robably because it contradicts his central thesis that the late :!s 5itnessed the *light *ro$ uni6ersal class struggle. 'et, so$e o* these sa$e &eo&le contributed substantially to labor struggles during the 7dark ages,7 and can take so$e credit *or the current regeneration o* the $o6e$ent ;; *ro$ -ric (ann, 5ho led the ca$&aign to kee& G( Fan 3uys o&en in the 1 ?!s, to labor $ilitants like Coe %l6are8, currently the &olitical director *or the >nion o* 3eedletrades, 1ndustrial and 2e<tile -$&loyees (>312-". %l6are8)s &resence is no s$all $atter, *or >312- is one o* the biggest unions in the country, *or$ed in Culy o* 1 A through a $erger o* the 1nternational /adies) Gar$ent Workers) >nion (1/GW>" and the %$alga$ated Clothing and 2e<tile Workers >nion

(%C2W>". >312- has also taken the lead in the *ight against s5eatsho&s throughout the Western he$is&here, building cross;border alliances *ro$ /atin %$erica and the Caribbean to Canada. ,n the other hand, those 5hite construction 5orkers in the 1 :!s 5ho battled anti5ar &rotesters and su&&orted 3i<on ;; the *olks Gitlin calls 7the Co$$on $en7 ;; 5ere also notorious *or ha6ing the $ost racist, e<clusionary unions. 3o5, co$&are their unions to the local, state, and *ederal e$&loyees unions that su&&orted black struggles *or Eustice. ,r co$&are the$ to, say, District 11 o* the hos&ital 5orkers or so$e locals o* the 0er6ice -$&loyees 1nternational >nion (0-1>" ;; unions that e$braced the s&irit (and the &eo&le" o* the ci6il rights $o6e$ent. (ultiracial &ublic sector unions 5ere able to sur6i6e, e6en thri6e, 5hile construction 5orkers belong to so$e o* the $ost de6astated unions in the country. 1ndeed, 5hen unioni8ation 5as on the decline, &ublic sector unions increased their $e$bershi& by @.K. 1n other 5ords, gi6en black 5orkers) co$$it$ent to organi8ed labor, des&ite being o6erre&resented in the une$&loy$ent rolls and in occu&ations that ha6e historically been di**icult to unioni8e, it is ironic that %*rican %$ericans bear so $uch o* the burden *or the decline o* 7class &olitics.7 Black 5orkers, a*ter all, ha6e the highest union &artici&ation rate ;; in 1 B, G1K o* the %*rican; %$erican 5ork *orce 5as unioni8ed co$&ared to 1AK o* 5hites. 9urther$ore, a 1 ? %P=(edia sur6ey re6ealed that &eo&le o* color had stronger union sy$&athies than 5hites. When nonunion 5orkers 5ere asked: 7Would you Eoin a union at your &lace o* 5orkH7 A:K o* %*rican %$ericans ans5ered yes, as did B:K o* /atinos. %$ong 5hite 5orkers, only @AK res&onded a**ir$ati6ely. 1* rebuilding class &olitics is the goal o* the neo;-nlighten$ent le*t, and the labor $o6e$ent is one o* the 6ehicles *or doing so, 1 don)t understand 5hy they 5ould in6oke -nlighten$ent uni6ersalis$ to &ro$ote a 6ersion o* %$erican nationalis$ and su&&ort *or 7$aEoritarian7 6alues 5hich ;; it see$s to $e ;; is the 6ery o&&osite o* the cos$o&olitanis$ they clai$ to be e$bracing. Gitlin de&lores the *act that the Re&ublicans ha6e sei8ed the sy$bols o* &atriotis$ and that &rogressi6es ha6e *ailed to &ro$ote 7De$ocratic %$ericanis$, an %$ericanis$ o* constitutional *aith strong enough to o6erride the racis$ o* %$erican history. . . .7 What an incredibly nai6e state$entD it ignores actual historical conte<t and &resu$es one can $iraculously disentangle the language o* 7%$ericanis$7 *ro$ its roots in 5hite su&re$acy, con4uest, and <eno&hobia. 2o$asky)s chau6inis$ is e6en $ore strident:

2he >nited 0tates alone, si$&ly because its &o5er and 5ealth are still so 6ast, can set the direction *or the rest o* the ad6anced 5orld to *ollo5. . . . . %n %$erica that rises abo6e its o5n &articularis$s and ethnic ri6alries $ight be able to &osit itsel* as an e<a$&le *or others, in Bosnia, in (acedonia, in Russia, in the (iddle -ast and, 5ith so$e credibility, lead a Western coalition that lays do5n &rinci&les that *actions there $ust adhere to. %nd *or the 2hird World, es&ecially *or those &eo&le $aking si< dollars a day 5ea6ing those designer gar$ents, an %$erica de6oted once again to 5orking &eo&le 5ill surely bear *ruit. Can labor really a**ord to rally behind this sort o* nationalist rhetoric in the age o* global ca&italH 1$agine i* the %9/;C1, had been su&&orting &rogressi6e unions across the 5orld rather than >.0. *oreign &olicy dri6en by Cold War i$&erialis$H 1t took 3%92% to s&ur the %9/;C1, to take cross;border organi8ing $ore seriously, and though so$e ca$&aigns are succeeding, labor leaders no5 ha6e to break through a 5all o* sus&icion and distrust *ollo5ing decades o* %9/;C1,;su&&orted Cold War &olicy. %nd yet Gitlin la$&oons all 2hird World solidarity $o6e$ents. 2he *act is, the 0outh %*rican di6est$ent ca$&aign as 5ell as Central %$erican solidarity $o6e$ents o&ened doors to labor that $ight other5ise ha6e been shut.
R%2#-R 2#%3 W,RR' %B,>2 ,99-3D13G 7(%C,R12%R1%3 0-301B1/121-0,7

the labor $o6e$ent $ust $ake antiracis$, antise<is$, and anti;ho$o&hobia *oundational. 2he absurd argu$ent that $inority aggressi6eness is res&onsible *or 5hite $ale backlash at the tail end o* the 1 :!s $asks the *act that it has been 5hite racis$ that has tragically inhibited the gro5th o* $ost &rogressi6e $o6e$ents in the >.0. %s W.-.B. DuBois, Da6e Roediger, %le<ander 0a<ton, 2ed %llen, 3oel 1gnatie6, (ichael Gold*ield, -ric /ott, Da6id Well$an and others ha6e de$onstrated, racis$ has been a noose around 5hite 5orkers) necks since the %$erican Re6olution. 1n the 0outh during Reconstruction, a $isguided 5hite $aEority sided 5ith the 5rong class and reEected the black 5orkers and sharecro&&ers 5ho &ro&osed a De$ocratic 0outh 5ith $assi6e land redistribution. Des&ite the *act that the black *reedo$ struggle, in alliance 5ith the radical 5ing o* the Re&ublican Party, en*ranchised &oor 5hites 5ho didn)t ha6e the right to 6ote be*ore the 1Ath %$end$ent, the 6ast $aEority o* e<&loited 5hite labor still chose color o6er class. %nd in Cali*ornia, it 5as &recisely anti;Chinese senti$ent that gal6ani8ed the $ulti;ethnic 75hite7 5orking class and *orged a dyna$ic union $o6e$ent on the West Coast during the late 1 th century. ,* course, 5hite 5orkers 5ere ne6er uni*or$ly racist and there are enough stories o* interracial 5orking;class solidarity to *ill 6olu$es. But 5e also $ust recogni8e the &rice these $en and 5o$en had to &ay: 5hite

5orkers 5illing to co$$it 7race suicide7 o*ten *aced the 5orst o* state re&ression, ostracis$, and so$eti$es hostility 5ithin their o5n ranks. 1t)s not an accident, *or e<a$&le, that the $ost $ilitantly anti;racist unions e$erging out o* the C1, ca$&aigns o* the 1 @!s and B!s 5ere the $ain targets o* (cCarthyite 5itch hunts. 1 can)t stress enough the i$&ortance o* the *ight against racis$ right no5, es&ecially 5ith a gro5ing backlash against a**ir$ati6e action under the guise o* su&&orting a 7color blind7 society. %nyone seriously concerned about the labor $o6e$ent and building $ultiracial unity $ust recogni8e the *unda$ental role racis$ has &layed in destroying internationalis$. %nti;i$$igrant senti$ent, *or instance, is not Eust about class anger, because there really is no $obili8ation against Canadians or -uro&ean i$$igrants taking 5hat are essentially skilled Eobs. 1ts about dark &eo&le, 5hether so$e in6isible Paci*ic Ri$ e$&ire run by 7sneaky ,rientals7 or 75etbacks.7 2he history o* con4uest and, later, re&atriation in the 0outh5est is *unda$ental to understanding anti;i$$igrant senti$ent, the -nglish;only $o6e$ent, and &ro;Pro& 1?.. Blanket su&&ort *or 7$aEoritarian7 &ositions si$&ly &lays into %$erican nationalis$ and chau6inis$. 0o, ho5 $ight &eo&le build class solidarity 5ithout su&&ressing or ignoring di**erencesH #o5 can 5e build on di**erences ;; by 5hich 1 $ean di**erent kinds o* o&&ression as 5ell as di**erent identities ;; rather than in s&ite o* the$H ,ne 5ay to concei6e o* alliances across race and gender is as a set o* 7a**iliations,7 o* building unity by su&&orting and &erha&s e6en &artici&ating in other &eo&les struggles *or social Eustice. Basically, that old *ashioned 1WW slogan, 7%n inEury to one is an inEury to all+7 %*ter all, contrary to the neo; -nlighten$ent narrati6es, %*rican;%$erican social $o6e$ents ha6e been &racticing the &rinci&le o* 7an inEury to one is an inEury to all7 *or a 6ery long ti$e: black $ale abolitionists su&&orted 5o$en)s su**rage 5hen *e5 5hite $en 5ouldD black radicals throughout the early &art o* the century su&&orted the 1rish struggle *or sel*;deter$inationD black soldiers and Eournalists shed tears at the sight o* 3a8i death ca$&sD and since Roose6elt, 5e ha6e been $ainstays in the De$ocratic Party e6en to our o5n detri$ent. Black trade unions 5ere ne6er e<clusionaryD black labor leaders did not i$&le$ent Ci$ Cro5 locals. %nd 5hen the Chinese -<clusion %ct see$ed to ha6e uni6ersal su&&ort a$ong non; %sian 5orkers, it 5as a black $an, Ca$es 9errell o* the Knights o* /abor, 5ho told his co$rades that they ought to organi8e the Chinese rather than attack the$.

2he good ne5s is that $ost ele$ents o* the labor $o6e$ent understand this, unlike $any acade$ics 5ho a&&arently *ind the idea o* $ulti&le identities too co$&licated to deal 5ith. Des&ite their uncritical su&&ort o* the De$ocratic Party, the current leadershi& o* the %9/;C1, see$s to understand that the labor $o6e$ent is not about transcending these other social $o6e$ents derisi6ely labelled 7identity &olitics,7 but about building alliances and a**iliations and learning *ro$ the$. %cross the country, *or e<a$&le, unions ha6e e$braced cultural di6ersity education to reduce 5hite racis$, ethnic con*licts, se<is$, and ho$o&hobia. 2hey)6e sought assistance *ro$ do8ens o* uni6ersity;based &rogra$s, including those at 1ndiana >ni6ersity, Di6ision o* /aborD >ni6ersity o* 1o5a)s, /abor CenterD >ni6ersity o* (ichigan, /abor 0tudies CenterD >ni6ersity o* (innesota, /abor -ducation 0er6ice.
2#- (,02 D'3%(1C >31,30 %R- %/0, 2>R313G 13CR-%013G/' 2, C,((>312'; B%0-D ,RG%31L13G. 1n /os %ngeles, 5here /atino and %sian;%$erican gar$ent

5orkers are s&read across $any s$all &lants and sho&s, organi8ing sho& by sho& 5ould &ro6e costly and ti$e;consu$ing. 2he >nion o* 3eedletrades, 1ndustrial and 2e<tile -$&loyees (>312-" ado&ted a co$$unity;based strategy that has been 4uite success*ul. 1n Greensboro, 3orth Carolina, >312-)s ability to build a strong base in the black co$$unity ensured the success o* its boycott o* K;(art last year. -ssentially, >312- launched a ca$&aign to &rotest racial ine4uities in 5ages: K;(art 5orkers at the nearly all;black *acility 5ere $aking a $ere JB.:! an hour. 1n addition to *iling a co$&laint 5ith the --,C, the union enlisted all the key local black co$$unity leaders and 5ere able to get o6er 1!,!!! signatures on a &etition to K;(art)s chair$an de$anding an end to discri$ination. 1n other 5ords, rather than si$&ly a&&ealing to black 5orkers as 75orkers,7 they a&&ealed to the black co$$unity and ta&&ed a dee& tradition o* resistance to racis$ and inEustice. 0i$ilarly, $e$bers o* the /abor Party %d6ocates steering co$$ittee recogni8ed that in order to ha6e substantial re&resentation o* 5o$en and 5orkers o* color at the /abor Party)s *ounding con6ention, they could not rely solely on established union contacts. 0o they $ade &ro6isions in the con6ention rules *or 7designated 5orkers) organi8ations ;; o* 5o$en, 5orkers o* color and other 5orkers) grou&s including those *acing s&ecial discri$ination7 to ha6e 6oting &o5er i* they endorsed the /abor Party. %s a result, grou&s like the Coalition o* /abor >nion Wo$en, the Coalition o* Black 2rade >nionists, and Black Workers *or Custice 5ere able to &artici&ate and re&resent the interests o* 5orkers irres&ecti6e o* union a**iliation. 9inally, there are organi8ations, o*ten &roducts o* the best ele$ents o* 2hird World, *e$inist and black /iberation

$o6e$ents, that don)t see race, gender, and se<uality as 7&roble$s7 and are, instead, $o6ing 5orking;class &olitics in ne5 directions: 5e can &oint to the 0outhern ,rgani8ing Co$$ittee *or -cono$ic Custice, the /abor=Co$$unity 0trategy Center, 3e5 Directions, %a$or Notes, 0olidarity, etc., $any o* 5hich are led by 5hite radicals (%nn Braden, Cerry 2ucker, -ric (ann" 5ho understand that antiracis$ and antise<is$ are *unda$ental to class struggle.
2#-R- %R- C-R2%13/' (%3' 100>-0 %R,>3D W#1C# PR,GR-001F- %//1%3C-0 C%3 BB>1/2 ;; a rene5ed labor $o6e$ent, en6iron$ental Eustice, racial Eustice,

i$$igrant rights, anti;&o6erty, etc. Public transit is a site o* struggle that literally touches all these issues ;; a lesson /abor=Co$$unity 0trategy Center organi8ers understand 5ell. 2hey ha6e consistently $ade connections bet5een ci6il rights, en6iron$ental Eustice, labor struggles, &ri6ati8ation, and the &roble$s created by ca&italis$. Bus Riders >nion (BR>" organi8ers see their constituency in all o* its 7identities7 ;; as 5orkers, consu$ers, largely &eo&le o* color, and city d5ellers tired o* to<ic li6ing. 2he >nion)s de$ands ;; $ore resources de6oted to buses, a $oratoriu$ on o6er&riced rail ser6ice, lo5er *ares, better ser6ice, sa*ety, no;e$issions electric buses, (2% &olicies that create Eobs in inner city co$$unities ;; genuinely re*lect a range o* issues beyond the &roble$ o* trans&ortation. 2he BR> is *orging a ne5 social $o6e$ent, not by a&&eals to color blindness but by re;thinking class &olitics in a $ulticultural conte<t. BR> organi8ers also recogni8e the *unda$ental i$&ortance o* culture and identity *or $obili8ing 5orking &eo&le. 2he cultural 5ork o* the 0trategy Center, *ro$ its creati6e use o* gra&hics to attract $e$bers to its 7dance;a; thons7 and related cultural e6ents, sets an e<a$&le *or &olitical $o6e$ents that understand that 7cultural &olitics7 is $ore than an analytical category or 7&olitical esca&is$7 under a di**erent na$e. 1t is a &ractice. /iann #urst (ann, *ounding $e$ber o* he 0trategy Center and editor o* its ne5 bi;lingual &ublication Ahora Now,, is an architect and designer 5ho has dra5n on her e<&erience as a &olitical organi8er to de6elo& ne5 5ays to 76isuali8e7 $ultiracial, 5orking class struggles. Ahora Now, consistently carries articles and inter6ie5s e<&loring cultural 5ork, language, and identity that o**er i$&ortant lessons about 7art $aking7 in a &olitical conte<t. 1n collaboration 5ith the /.%.;based Cornerstone 2heater, the BR> &lans to trans*or$ the interiors o* buses into s&aces *or 7guerrilla theater.7 %s an e<tension o* the BR>)s longstanding and success*ul organi8ing ca$&aign, its bilingual &er*or$ances 5ill address co$&licated issues o* race and ethnic identity, citi8enshi&, gender, i$$igration, language, and ca&italis$ $ore broadly, 5hile building a $ultiracial, $ultiethnic social $o6e$ent. What is $ore, the BR> recently 5rested a settle$ent *ro$ the (2% that resulted in a 6ictory *or all

riders, including transit de&endent 5hite 5orkers, the disabled, the elderly, and students. 1t)s ludicrous to bla$e so;called identity &olitics o* the 1 :!s *or the colla&se o* the /e*t, the derail$ent o* &rogressi6e social $o6e$ents, or our inability to roll back &o6erty and unbridled cor&orate 5ealth. We ha6e others to thank *or that: Richard 3i<on, Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Bill Clinton, Cointel&ro, 5hite *light, red s4uads, red;lining, Contra;backed crack dealers, econo$ic restructuring, the 3R%, right;5ing think tanks, co$&lacent labor leaders. . . and the list goes on. ,* course, the /e*t ;; 5hate6er that $eans no5 ;; is not bla$eless. 2he scars o* sectarianis$ run dee& and trace their roots to the glorious days 5hen the ,ld (ar<ists 5ere su&&osedly $ore 7uni6ersal.7 0treet *ights eru&ted bet5een socialists and anarchistsD battles raged bet5een the 2rotskyists and 0talinists and a 6ariety o* sects clai$ing to be the true heirs o* /enin. %nd then China entered the &icture, along 5ith %lbania. 2hese battles 5ithin the (ar<ist 5orld contributed $ore to the internal i$&losion and &roli*eration o* le*t;5ing &arties than *e$inis$ and black nationalis$. %lthough identity &olitics so$eti$es act as a *etter on genuine $ultiracial=$ulticultural alliances, 1 belie6e it has also enriched our conce&tion o* class. 1ndeed, there are $any serious scholars ;; 1 count $ysel* a$ong the$ ;; trying to understand ho5 6arious *or$s o* *ello5shi&, racial solidarity, co$$union, the creation o* se<ual co$$unities, and nationalis$ sha&e class &olitics and cross;racial alliances. We are gra&&ling 5ith ho5 sel*;lo6e and solidarity in a hostile conte<t o* 5hite su&re$acy, the e$brace o* certain 6ernaculars, can be e<&ressions o* racial and class solidarity, and the 5ay class and racial solidarity are gendered. 3ot to recogni8e this is to 5onder 5hy $ore West 1ndian 5orkers &artici&ate in Carni6al than in the /abor Day Parade, or 5hy District 11 had the *oresight and 6ision to $aintain an 11 *loat and=or banner in the West 1ndian Day &arade. 2hose 5ho &ine *or the good old days be*ore identity &olitics, 5hen class struggle $eant rough guys 5ho understood that si$&ly *ighting the bosses united us, *orget that 'iddish 5as a source o* solidarity 5ithin the 1nternational /adies Gar$ent Workers >nion, to the &oint 5here union leaders 5ere o**ering courses in 'iddish *or black and Puerto Rican 5orkers in the late 1 A!s, to their dis$ay. 1dentity &olitics, in other 5ords, has al5ays been central to 5orking class $o6e$ents, *ro$ $instrelsy on u&. (ore i$&ortant, a care*ul e<a$ination o* the $o6e$ents dis$issed as &articularistic are o*ten 7radical hu$anist7 at their core and &otentially e$anci&atory *or all o* us. We need to seriously re;think so$e o* these

$o6e$ents, shi*ting our &ers&ecti6e *ro$ the $argins to the center. We $ust look beyond 5edge issues or 7$inority issues7 and begin to &ay attention to 5hat these $o6e$ents are ad6ocating, i$agining, building. %*ter all, the analyses, theories, 6isions e$erging *ro$ the black liberation $o6e$ents, the Chicano and %sian %$erican $o6e$ents, the gay and lesbian $o6e$ents, the 5o$en)s $o6e$ents, $ay Eust *ree us all. We si$&ly can)t a**ord to abandon the sub5ay, 5ith all o* its $ulticultural $essiness to Eu$& on board the -nlighten$ent train o* &ure, si$&le, color; and gender;blind class struggle. 3either /ocke nor Ce**erson o**er a truly e$anci&atory 6ision ;; not then and certainly not no5. %tte$&ts to 7transcend7 (read: outgro5" our race and se< does not $ake *or a uni*ied 5orking class. What does is recognition o* the $ulti&licity o* e<&eriences and &ers&ecti6es and a 5illingness to struggle on all *ronts ;; irres&ecti6e o* 5hat 7the $aEority7 thinks. Recogni8ing the i$&ortance o* en6iron$ental Eustice *or the inner cityD the critical role o* antiracis$ *or 5hite 5orkers) o5n sur6i6alD the necessity *or $en to *ight *or 5o$en)s rights and heterose<uals to raise their 6oices against ho$o&hobia. 1t)s in struggle that one learns about &o5er and ho5 it o&erates, and that one can i$agine a di**erent 5orld. %nd it)s in struggle, not in the resurrection o* ideas that ha6e also &ro6ided the intellectual Eusti*ication *or $odern racis$, i$&erialis$, and the tra**ic o* hu$an beings, that 5e $ust begin to de6elo& a ne5 6ision.