The Mediterranean and Western-European sphere in the ancient, Medieval and Early-Modern Periods was a world of complex and deeply rooted religious Pluralism. The essays in this volume explore what happened when Christians read the Bible faced with the challenges posed by this religious Pluralism. Topics covered include early Christianity's use of the Bible under persecution, Arab-Christian Biblical study within the Islamic World, Jewish-Christian scholarly interaction in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance.
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Original Title
. Scripture and Pluralism. Reading the Bible in the Religiously Plural Worlds of the Middle Ages and Renaissance Studies in the History of Christian Tr
The Mediterranean and Western-European sphere in the ancient, Medieval and Early-Modern Periods was a world of complex and deeply rooted religious Pluralism. The essays in this volume explore what happened when Christians read the Bible faced with the challenges posed by this religious Pluralism. Topics covered include early Christianity's use of the Bible under persecution, Arab-Christian Biblical study within the Islamic World, Jewish-Christian scholarly interaction in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance.
The Mediterranean and Western-European sphere in the ancient, Medieval and Early-Modern Periods was a world of complex and deeply rooted religious Pluralism. The essays in this volume explore what happened when Christians read the Bible faced with the challenges posed by this religious Pluralism. Topics covered include early Christianity's use of the Bible under persecution, Arab-Christian Biblical study within the Islamic World, Jewish-Christian scholarly interaction in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance.
Religiously Plural Worlds of the Middle Ages and Renaissance Edited by ThomasJ.Heffernan and Thomas E. Burman o Io!j > z o z 00 o
> z o z 00 The Mediterranean and Western-European sphere in the Ancient, Medieval and Early-Modern Periods was a world of complex and deeply rooted religious Pluralism - Jews, various sects of Christians, Muslims, and pagans all lived side by side and interacted regularly. The essays in this volume explore what happened when Christians read the Bible faced with the challenges posed by this religious pluralisln. Topics covered include early Christianity's use of the Bible under persecution, Arab-Christian Biblical study within the Islamic World, Jewish-Christian scholarly interaction in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance, and the role of late-medieval vernacular editions of the Bible in paving the way for the Reformation. Thomas J. Heffernan, Ph.D. (1977, University of Cambridge) , is Kenneth Curry Professor of the Humanities at the University of Tennessee. He has published widely in the field of hagiography, medieval religious literature, and is currently completing a critical edition of the Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis . Some of his other books are: Sacred Biography (Oxford University Press, 1988) and The Liturgy of the Medieval Church (2nd Edition; Western Michigan University, 2005) . Thomas E. Burman, Ph.D. (1991, University of Toronto), is Lindsay Young Associate Professor of History at the University of Tennessee. He is the author of Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabs, c. 1050-1200 (E.J. Brill, 1994) and, most recently, of Reading the Qur'an in Latin Christendom, 1140-1560, forthcoming from the University of Pennsylvania Press. ISSN: 1573-5664 www.brill.nl ISBN 90-04-14415-3 9 789004 144156 SCRIPTURE AND PLURALISM STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS FOUNDED BY HEIKO A. OBERMAN t EDITED BY ROBERT J. BAST, Knoxville, Tennessee IN COOPERATION WITH HENRY CHADWICK, Cambridge SCOTT H. HENDRIX, Princeton, New Jersey ERIC SAAK, Indianapolis, Indiana BRIAN TIERNEY, Ithaca, New York ARJO VANDERJAGT, Groningen JOHN VAN ENGEN, Notre Dame, Indiana VOLUME CXXIn THOMAS]. HEFFERNAN AND THOMAS E. BURMAN SCRIPTURE AND PLURALISM SCRIPTURE AND PLURALISM READING THE BIBLE IN THE RELIGIOUSLY PLURAL WORLDS OF THE MIDDLE AGES AND RENAISSANCE Papers Presented at the First Annual Symposium of the Marco Institute for Medieval and Renaissance Studies at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, February 21-22, 2002 EDITED BY THOMAS]. HEFFERNAN AND THOMAS E. BURMAN BRILL LEIDEN . BOSTON 2005 This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A C.LP. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISSN 1573-5664 ISBN 9004144153 Copyright 2005 by Koninklijke Brill NY, Leiden, The Netherlands Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill Academic Publishers, Martinus Nijhqff Publishers and VSP All rights reserved. No part if this publication mqy be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any firm or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or othenvise, without prior written permission }Tom the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items fir internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate .fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS CONTENTS Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. vn THOMAS E. BURMAN, Introduction ................................... . THOMAS]' HEFFERNAN, Nomen sacrum: God's Name as Shield and Weapon in the Acts if the Christian Marryrs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH, Arguing from Scripture: The Bible in the Christian/Muslim Encounter in the Middle Ages ................ 29 FRANS VAN LIERE, Andrew of St. Victor,Jerome, and the Jews: Biblical Scholarship in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance ........ 59 MICHAEL A. SIGNER, Consolation and Confrontation: Jewish and Christian Interpretation of the Prophetic Books .................. 77 CONSTANT]' MEWS, The World As Text: The Bible and the Book of Nature in Twelfth-Century Theology ........................... 95 LESLEY SMITH, William of Auvergne and the Law of the Jews and the Muslims ......................................................... 123 ANNE MARIE WOLF, Precedents and Paradigms: Juan de Segovia on the Bible, the Church, and the Ottoman Threat .............. 143 ANDREW Gow, Challenging the Protestant Paradigm: Bible Reading in Lay and Urban Contexts of the Later Middle Ages .. 161 E. ANN MATTER, Religious Dissidence and the Bible in Sixteenth-Century Italy: The Idiosyncratic Bible of Lucia Brocadelli da Narni ................................................. 193 BERNARD McGINN, Apocalypticism and Violence: Aspects of Their Relation in Antiquity and the Middle Ages ................ 209 List of Contributors .................................................... 231 Index of Biblical and Qur'anic References ........................... 235 Index of Persons and Places ........................................... 239 Subject Index .......................................................... 243 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 'Of the making of many books there is no end' (Ecclesiastes 12.12): nor is there any end to the debts that are piled up as all these books are made. This volume began as a series of papers given in February of 2002 at the first annual symposium of The Medieval and Renais- sance Curriculum and Outreach Project (now The Marco Institute for Medieval and Renaissance Studies) at the University of Tennessee. Laura Howes and Teresa Whaley played nearly heroic roles in get- ting that symposium off the ground and making it a lovely success. Robert Bast has been both indulgently patient and endlessly helpful in the preparation ofthe resulting book. Johanna Stiebert leant her exper- tise in Hebrew. Scott E. Hendrix provided essential help in copyediting and proofreading. Kelvin Massey was a diligent proofreader and irre- placeable indexer. Maura Lafferty, as always, answered the hard Latin questions. TJH&TEB June 13, 2005 INTRODUCTION THOMAS E. BURMAN Reading the Bible is a complicated business; reading it with an eye on communities with other beliefs, or even other scriptures, is particularly so. The essays in this volume all explore the complex act of reading the Bible in the religiously plural worlds of the Middle Ages and Renais- sance, and as a group they suggest that by teasing out the many threads of this complicated act, modern scholars will gain irreplaceable insight both into how one community's reading of the Bible shapes the ways it thinks about outsiders, and into how interacting with another religious community may well shape the ways the Bible itself is read. Of course the reading of any book at any time is a complicated matter, and coming to grips with the various practices and strategies that inform reading at any given point in human history is certain to shed valuable light on the broader cultural and intellectual world within which that reading occurs. For reading is, as modern scholars have recently been stressing, a learned set of behaviors that varies with time and place. If, as Roger Chartier has urged, we pay close atten- tion to the interworkings of three things-the texts that people read, the material format in which those texts appear, and the ways that peo- ple actually read those texts-we find that readers are both passive and active. The texts themselves and the ways in which they are packaged in the written manuscripts or printed books of a particular period do force specific interpretations on their readers. But readers also, and not uncommonly, 'turn the tables' on the texts in front of them and the prepackaged ways of reading them, and impose new interpretations on them. l As Anthony Grafton has shown, for example, the sixteenth- century French humanist and lawyer, Guillaume Bude, was often deci- sively influenced by the supplementary works that appeared in the 1488 edition of Homer that he carefully read and annotated-the pseudo- Herodotean and Plutarchan lives of Homer, among others-, but just as 1 Roger Chartier, The Order qf Books: Readers, Authors, and Libraries in Europe between the Fourteenth and Eighteenth Centuries, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Stanford: Stanford Univer- sity Press, 1994), x, 2-3. 2 THOMAS E. BURMAN often he ignored them, finding rather different meanings in the Illiad and the Odyssey than the ones they suggested. 2 But reading holy books is uniquely complex. As texts by means of which whole communities attempt to understand themselves and the world, and on the basis of which they do everything from praying to regulating their societies, sacred texts are the focus of a sort of scrutiny that is unparalleled elsewhere. Of this no other evidence is necessary than the vast literature of Biblical commentary-to speak only of the holy book of Jews and Christians-that came to surround the Bible. Indeed, by the end of antiquity Biblical interpretation had become a highly refined and self-conscious task, and one that would be taken up by countless scholars over the following millennium. One of the most important contributions of intellectual historians of the last two or three generations has been making clear how dynamic this tradition of Biblical scholarship was, scholars such as Beryl Smalley and, more recently, Gilbert Dahan and Frances Young, laying bare the contours of what really was the core intellectual discipline of much of the Middle Ages. 3 Throughout this whole period, however, the Bible was being read- at least somewhere, and often in many places-in the face of the sharp challenges of religious pluralism. Far from the homogeneous, Christian society that older general works on the Middle Ages depicted, Europe and the Mediterranean were in many ways a surprisingly mixed bag when it came to religion, as indeed was the enormous Arab-Islamic empire that was its principal rival, model, and interlocutor. Not only did Greco-Roman, Germanic, Celtic, Slavic, and other paganisms live on fairly far into the Middle Ages, but small Jewish communities en- dured and often thrived in many parts of the West. In the high Middle Ages, non-orthodox Christians-Cathars, Waldensians, Petrobrusians L 2 Anthony Grafton, 'How Guillaume Bude Read His Homer,' in his Commerce with the Classics: Ancient Books and Renaissance Readers (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 135-183 at 161-168. 3 Beryl Smalley, The Study if the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3 rd ed. (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1964); Gilbert Dahan, L'exegese chritienne de la Bible en Occident medieval, xii'-xiv' siecle (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1999); Frances M. Young, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation if Christian Culture (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 4 The Petrobrusians were the followers of Peter de Bruys (d. c. II30) who rejected infant baptism, the Mass, church buildings, and a number of other standard Catholic teachings and practices. On them see M.D. Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from Bogomil to Hus, 2 nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992),47-50. INTRODUCTION 3 with their own ways of reading the Bible, challenged Latin-Catholic dominance in Europe, and often paid for their temerity in brutal ways. In the Mediterranean basin Islamic civilization and Latin-, Greek-, and Arab-Christian civilizations actually overlapped each other across a wide band, Christians and Muslims living side-by-side, joined usually by large Jewish communities, under both Islamic rule, and, especially in the period from 1100 to 1500, under Latin-Christian rule as well. The medieval and early modern world was perfectly familiar with religious diversity. That the Bible was so often read in the context of religious pluralism -in the mixed Christian and pagan society of the later Roman Empire, in the medieval cities of Christian France and Germany inhabited by large Jewish communities, in the Muslim-ruled cities of the Middle East still home to vital Christian populations-complicated and enriched Bib- lical study even further. The essays in this volume, many of which were originally delivered at a symposium at the University of Tennessee in February of 2002,5 each explore in detail some aspect of this complex- ity. Thomas J. Heffernan argues, in his 'Nomen sacrum: God's Name as Shield and Weapon in the Acts if the Christian Martyrs,' that a particu- lar way of reading both the Old and New Testaments informed how Roman Christians faced up to the most dire circumstance that religious pluralism can create: murderous persecution. The accounts of the ways that early Christian martyrs used the divine name 'illustrate how the iteration of certain language, particularly some form of Christ's name, and the modeling of one's behavior after the Gospel narratives, pre- pares one through self-sacrifice to become an initiate with God, to be filled with God' (p. 28). This early Christian way of reading the Bible in the very moment of martyrdom both extended and transformed ear- lier Hebrew practices. While, say, the Maccabean martyrs, who were revered by early Christian martyrs, invoked the Lord's name at the point of death, the later Christian martyrs 'use [d] the sacred name less restrictively and as a part of the ritual of martyrdom' (p. 14). This freer use of the divine name was itself the product of religious diversity. For 5 The symposium bore the same title as this volume, and was the first of what have become a series of annual symposia sponsored by that university's Medieval and Renaissance Curriculum and Outreach Project (MARCO), now the Marco Institute for Medieval and Renaissance Studies. The essays by Heffernan, Griffith, van Liere, Signer, Smith, Gow, and Matter were all delivered at that symposium. 4 THOMAS E. BURMAN the Stoics the logos was an active principle, and this key element of one of the most lively traditions of ancient pagan philosophy, already incorporated in the famous prologue to John's Gospel, combined with Paul's 'proto-Trinitarian teaching' and early Christian reflection on the mystery of the Incarnation (p. 14) so that '[b] y the time of Acts, it appears that the utterance of the name was believed so powerful that invoked by the faithful it could overwhelm nature' (p. 16). During the great persecutions, 'a belief was emerging that a profession of faith-in which the name was used in some fashion-during torment would shield the one suffering from the pain' (p. 24). While physical torment was one outcome of religious pluralism, it was not the only-or even most common-one. More often different reli- gious groups managed to live side by side over long periods of time, one group usually with the upper hand, but allowing a sort of second-class citizenship to those not of its faith, violence being necessary on rather rare occasions to keep this structure intact. 6 In such environments, the Bible often became the site of religious dispute. In his 'Arguing from Scripture: The Bible in the Christian/Muslim Encounter in the Middle Ages,' Sidney H. Griffith demonstrates that Christian-Muslim dispu- tation in the eastern Mediterranean often became 'a conflict over the proper understanding of the narratives in the [Christian] scriptures' (p. 56). Moreover, in this conflict, ways of reading the Qur'an-on the part of both Muslims and Christians-interacted with ways of read- ing the Bible. One eighth-century Muslim author, Griffith points out, attempted to legitimize the prophethood of Muhammad by appealing to the Gospel of John. But the passage of the Gospel of John that he cited to support Muhammad's prophethood-the famous discourse on the Paraclete in verses 15.23-16.1-had to be suitably 'Islamicized' beforehand. Jesus' three very Christian references to 'my Father,' for example, have been changed to the more Qur'anic-sounding 'the Lord' (p. 38). Here 'Biblicizing' Muhammad (arguing that the Bible foretold Muhammad) and 'Islamicizing' the Bible (adjusting its text to make it reflect Islamic beliefs) both work together in a Muslim reading of the Christian scriptures, though as time goes on, Griffith argues, the lat- ter process largely displaces the former. Arab Christians, on the other hand, found that this encounter over the Bible meant that they had 6 I follow here the argument of David Nirenberg's influential Communities qf Violence: Persecution qf Minorities in Medieval Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996). INTRODUCTION 5 to adjust their ways of readings as well. The anonymous ninth-century author of the most important Arab-Christian theological work, the Summary if the Wtrys if Faith, found that while he could still argue for the core Christian beliefs from the Bible in the manner already widespread in the pre-Islamic Middle East, he nevertheless now had 'to counter the Biblical claims made by Muslim writers' (p. 45). In the process, such Arab-Christian writers discovered that their very religious language had been strikingly remolded by living in a heavily Qur'anic world: Jesus, the divine savior for them, was also the very Islamic 'Lord of the Worlds' (rabb al- 'iilamzn) invoked so frequently in the Qur'an (p. 48). But in the sustained religious pluralism of the medieval world, the Bible could also become the site of interreligious collaboration that could playa key role not only in changing how the Bible was read, but in larger cultural transformations as well. With Sir Richard Southern, Frans van Liere sees the much-discussed Renaissance of the Twelfth Century as 'an information revolution' (p. 73), and sees the remarkable Biblical studies of the Victorine Canons as a key part of it ('Andrew of St. Victor, Jerome, and the Jews: Biblical Scholarship in the Twelfth- Century Renaissance'). Like Gratian's intensive reworking of the ca- non-law tradition, the Biblical scholarship of Hugh and Andrew of St. Victor exemplifies how in the twelfth century 'texts were read, cate- gorized, used, re-used and disseminated' (p. 60) in new ways suited to a new scholarly world. Crucially, Andrew's extensive exposure to con- temporary Jewish methods of reading the Hebrew scriptures played a central role in how he revised Jerome's approach to the Christian study of the Old Testament. While Andrew's own skills as Hebraist were lim- ited, he had extensive personal contacts with disciples of Rashi among the rabbis of Paris. These Jewish fellow scholars, van Liere suggests, may well have 'helped to inspire one of the most important concep- tual hermeneutical changes in Christian exegesis in the twelfth century' (pp. 70-71)-the embrace of literal exegesis. The 'remarkable parallels' (p. 71) in the emergence of literal exegesis among both twelfth-century Jews and twelfth-century Christians in northern France indicate that the information revolution in which Andrew was such a central player grew in part out of an extensive Jewish-Christian encounter over the Biblical text. The next two essays make clear to us other dimensions of the Vic- torine transformation of Latin-Christian ways of reading scripture, a transformation whose centrality in the history of Biblical study in the West all who have read Beryl Smalley's great book will under- 6 THOMAS E. BURMAN stand. 7 In 'Consolation and Confrontation: Jewish and Christian Inter- pretation of the Prophetic Books,' Michael A. Signer makes clear that there were real limits to the Jewish and Christian cooperative reading of the Hebrew Bible. Although rabbis such as Rashi and priests such as Andrew both insisted on literal interpretation as the foundation of proper Biblical study, Signer points out, the literal interpretation that they undertook was by no means identical. While both had similar pur- poses in working out the historical meaning of the Biblical text, each did so through 'profoundly conflicting hermeneutical lenses' (p. 93). BothJews and Christians in this period wrote substantial commentaries on the same prophetic books, but the literal meaning that they sought depended ultimately on the larger meta-narrative, the larger story of God's dealing with his people, that their different canons of scripture told: 'to claim knowledge of the literal sense of scripture meant that the passage under consideration supported either the Christian ... reading of the Hebrew Bible as representing promises of Christ, or the Jewish reading of the scripture, that God would redeem Israel from its exile through the Messiah, son of David' (p. 83). This meant that, for exam- ple, while Andrew consulted Jews repeatedly on the literal meaning of the prophets, he was never persuaded to 'adopt fully a Jewish claim to the true interpretation of a messianic passage' (p. 89). Yet while the Victorines' interactions with the learned rabbis of Paris strikingly shaped their new ways of reading the Bible, other key forces were at work as well, as Constant J. Mews makes clear, especially a renewed-and characteristically twelfth-century-reflection on one of the central, but thoroughly non-Christian, strands of medieval Latin thought. In his 'The World As Text: The Bible and the Book of Nature in Twelfth-Century Theology,' Mews argues that the revived interest in Nature that Haskins and Chenu have shown to be so characteristic of that century's thought brought with it a conviction that Nature itself served as a site of revelation alongside the Hebrew and Greek Bibles. 8 This conviction that Nature is capable of 'leading the mind to God' (p. 107) was based ultimately on Platonic and Neoplatonic modes of 7 See Smalley, 83-195. 8 Charles Homer Haskins, The Renaissance qf the Twe1fth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1927, 1993), 303-340; M.-D. Chenu, 'Nature and Man-The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century,' in his Nature, Man, and Society in the Twe1fth Century, eds. and trans. Jerome Taylor and Lester K. Little (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 1-48. INTRODUCTION 7 thought, some of which had already come to influence patristic writers and, especially, John Scotus Eriugena. But it was particularly with Hugh of St. Victor's discovery of Pseudo-Dionysius' Celestial Hierarchy, a work which influenced him deeply, that this notion came to fruition in the West. The very exegete, therefore, who played such a preeminent role in advocating the study of the Bible's literal meaning, also asserted that 'this whole sensible world is like a kind of book written by the finger of God' (p. 99), a book that one must learn to read alongside the scriptures in order to gain the fullest possible understanding of God. Many later Bible readers followed Hugh's recommendation to read the Book of Nature alongside the Book of Revelation, especially the scholastic thinkers whose central intellectual project involved interpret- ing the Book of Nature by means of the philosophical system of Aris- totle. Yet scholastic intellectuals were also preoccupied with reading the Bible alongside other books-including the sacred texts of other religions-, as Lesley Smith indicates in her essay on 'William of Au- vergne and the Law of the Jews and the Muslims.' Even as he followed Hugh in studying the Book of Nature for theological purposes, and was 'the first or among the first to use Greek, Arabic and Hebrew sources' (p. 124) to do so, William also perpetuated Hugh's concern with literal Biblical exegesis, so much so that this approach to studying scripture fundamentally shaped how he read the holy book ofIslam. In his De fide et legibus William applies literal exegesis to both the Hebrew Bible and the Qur'an, ultimately arguing that while the literal meaning of the for- mer, despite its apparent absurdities, can be squared with reason, the literal meaning of the revelation to Muhammad cannot. It may seem odd that God should require sacrifices in the Hebrew Bible, William observes, for '[h]ow ... can the death of an innocent animal be pleas- ing to God (p. 131)?' Yet, strange as the sacrificial act is, it has a clear purpose: to give honor and veneration to God. Things are very differ- ent in the Qur'an, he asserts. If carried to its logical, literal conclusion, the Qur'an's account of paradise, for example, with its fleshly humans doing fleshly things for all eternity, must imply that the heavenly garden is a vast dung heap. Islam and its scripture were a perennially fascinating topic among Latin-Christian intellectuals,9 but were particularly so in the years just 9 See most recently John V Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), but also my 'Polemic, Philology, and Ambivalence: Reading the Qur'an in Latin Christendom,' Journal if Islamic Studies 8 THOMAS E. BURMAN after the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in I453. Anne Marie Wolf shows in her contribution to this volume ('Precedents and Paradigms: Juan de Segovia on the Bible, the Church, and the Ottoman Threat') that the intriguing views of one of the most important theo- rists of Christian-Muslim relations in this period were shaped by his own somewhat unusual approach to Biblical study. Like William of Auvergne and Hugh and Andrew of St. Victor, Juan de Segovia (d. 1458) was interested primarily in the literal meaning of the scrip- tures, but saw in that meaning what Wolf calls an 'operational hand- book' (p. 149) for human affairs. What was done in the Bible was important not in how it might be interpreted as, say, prophecy that illuminated contemporary events, but rather in how it could be seen as setting precedents for how humans should behave throughout the rest of time. Jesus and Paul, therefore, in establishing the clear pattern that the Gospel should be preached through peaceable means, rather than force, established a pattern that the church must follow even when it seemed to issue in no concrete results. Because of this way of read- ing the Bible in search of precedents to guide human acts, Juan, unlike most of his contemporaries, therefore unflinchingly opposed crusades against the Turks, advocating instead that Christians and Muslims work out their differences through amicable discussion that-Juan was equally certain-would ultimately persuade Muslims of the errors of their ways, and guide them toward baptism. The Bible and Biblical interpretation were, of course, at the center of the long disputes between Christians of the various post-Reformation confessions, but the relationship between Bible reading and the Refor- mation itself, Andrew Gow argues, is rather different from what the traditional, Protestant accounts have long insisted ('Challenging the Protestant Paradigm: Bible Reading in Lay and Urban Contexts of the Later Middle Ages'). Luther asserted in many of his works that in the pre-Reformation era, the Bible was essentially unknown among the great mass of Christian people, and general accounts of the Ref- ormation, especially in Protestant America, have repeated this view all the way down to the present. Yet '[e]ven in Protestant-influenced schol- arly circles' it has been well-known for two or three generations 'that there had been many channels through which Biblical material reached the laity and common people, and many printings of vernacular Bibles 15 (2004): 1 8 1 ~ 2 0 9 and my Reading the Qyr'an in Latin Christendom (forthcoming from University of Pennsylvania Press). INTRODUCTION 9 before the Reformation' (p. 164). This wide, popular knowledge of the Bible on the eve of the Reformation, the existence of which has so strikingly failed to make its way into the standard narrative of Refor- mation history, suggests, among other things, that rather than the Ref- ormation giving the Bible to the masses, the common peoples' already wide knowledge of scripture, derived from the vernacular Bibles that the reformers so often distrusted, 'may have done more than anything else to prepare the ground for a new, thoroughgoing Protestant Biblicism' (p. 189). But the sixteenth century brought forth a new Catholic Biblicism as well, a Biblicism that E. Ann Matter examines in 'Religious Dissidence and the Bible in Sixteenth-Century Italy: The Idiosyncratic Bible of Lucia Brocadelli da Narni.' This Biblicism derived, she arges, from a complex mixture of personal circumstances, emergent vernacular women's spirituality, and, intriguingly enough, an awareness of contem- porary Jews and their beliefs. Lucia Brocadelli, a Dominican Penitent famous as a prophet in early sixteenth-century Italy, left behind her a set of 'remarkably unmediated descriptions of [her] spiritual experi- of her way of reading the the form of her Seven Rev- elations (p. 196). Like Savonarola's Compendium if Revelation which influ- enced Lucia in notable ways, her revelations include a tour through heaven. Yet Lucia's account of this journey is distinctive, not least in how she uses the Bible. Where Savonarola quotes the Bible repeatedly and in profoundly liturgical ways, Lucia's use of the Bible is idiosyn- cratic. She quotes none of the passages that Savonarola does, and her citations are sometimes creative reworkings of the text in question. 'This is my son in whom I am well pleased' (Matthew 17.5), for exam- ple, is transformed into a description of the Virgin: 'This is the Queen about whom I have been always pleased' (p. 204). In their peculiarly macaronic character-she cites the Bible now in Latin, now in Italian, at least once in a mixture of both-they point to an intriguing vernac- ular interaction with the Bible. Yet collectively these Biblical quotations emphasize and defend Christ's power and divinity, and may, in their content, have been intended to challenge the very different views of the influential community of Jews who lived in her city, Ferrara. The final essay in this collection, Bernard McGinn's 'Apocalypticism and Violence: Aspects of Their Relation in Antiquity and the Middle Ages,' treats a single theme over the whole period that the other esssays in this volume cover collectively. In the apocalyptic tradition growing out of both the Old and New Testaments, the cosmos is envisioned as 10 THOMAS E. BURMAN a battleground between good and evil, with good understood as the eventual victor at the end of the age. The issue McGinn explores is the extent to which Jewish and Christian adherents of apocalypticism have been willing to march into this battle themselves, actually taking up arms against religious opponents whom they see as siding with the forces of evil. While making clear that throughout this period there are instances when this happens-the second-century CE Bar Kokhba revolt, for example, or the Anabaptist takeover of Munster exactly fourteen centuries later-he demonstrates that by no means are 'all apocalyptically inclined prophets, seers, and groups inherently "revolutionary millenarians'" (p. 210). Indeed, the apocalyptic vision in the book of Daniel expresses 'the dominant apocalyptic reaction to violence directed against the faithful-the counsel to endure and to wait patiently for divine deliverance' (p. 212), a view that shows up later in the likes of the twelfth-century Calabrian prophet,Joachim of Fiore. As a group these essays have many things to teach us about what happens when the Bible is read in the face of religious pluralism. But two lessons are worth mentioning here. Of course it is true, first of all, that peoples of the book turn to their books in order to help themselves make sense of people with other religious beliefs, but this process itself is far more subtle and dynamic than we might imagine. Secondly, and perhaps more unexpectedly, we find that when Christian Bible readers encounter other traditions of Biblical reading-or indeed entirely different holy books-their own traditions of Biblical study can be intriguingly transformed. NOMEN SACRUM: GOD'S NAME AS SHIELD AND WEAPON IN THE ACTS OF THE CHRISTIAN MARTYRS THOMAS J. HEFFERNAN On the IIth of July 2001 James Wilkens was executed by lethal injec- tion in the Texas Death House. His last spoken words were, 'Thank you Lord for giving me strength. Give them strength to forgive me ... I ask you to touch each and every one of them. I am truly repentant. In the name of Jesus Christ I love you.'! Although Wilkens, as a con- victed murderer suffering punishment for a crime, is clearly not part of the tradition of Christian martyrdom, his final remarks nonetheless illustrate a point pertinent to my thesis about martyrs and the use of the nomen Christi. Mr. Wilkens' heartfelt remarks represent a Christian response to persecution that is indebted to a New Testament tradition that acknowledges the authority of God, repentance, forgiveness for the oppressor at the time of death and Christ as savior. What is not part of the Gospel tradition in Wilkens' crie de coeur is his hortatory use of the phrase 'In the name of Jesus Christ'. The use of Christ's name at or just before the time of death has a most interesting history and is, as I hope to show, a characteristic of the literature of Christian martyrdom. Such use in this literature is indebted to the imitatio Christi trope as developed by post-Apostolic writers. Christ's name appears to function rather like a talisman and it figures prominently in those persecution texts composed chiefly from the middle of the second century through the persecutions of Diocletian, including the so-called 'Great Persecution' announced in Nicomedia on February 23, 303.2 Why was the name Jesus Christ' used so frequently in the Acta marryrii at the moment of ! www.tdjc.state.tx.us/stat/ executedoffenders.html. 2 On Diocletian's persecution see the Cambridge Ancient History, 12 (1939), chapter 19; G.E.M. de Ste. Croix, 'Aspects of the "Great" Persecution,' Harvard Theological Review 47 (1954): 75-II3; WHo Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965); T.D. Barnes, 'Legislation Against the Christians,' Journal of Roman Studies 58 (1968): 32-50; T.D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), chapters 1-4, 8 & 9; P.S. Davies, 'The Origin and Purpose of the Persecution of AD 303,' Journal of Theological Studies NS 40 (1989): 66-g4. 12 THOMAS]. HEFFERNAN death, what was its likely source, what use was it intended to effect, and what broader religious understanding can we attribute to such use?3 Calling on God in times of extreme crisis, particularly at life's end, is a veritable cultural commonplace. Instances can be found in the oldest texts in most literatures and survives in oral composition. It became so popular that a subgenre for such narratives emerged in antiquity, called by Pliny the exitus illustrium virorum, that was designed expressly for the recording of instances of notable farewells, for example Plutarch's expo- sition of Cato's death. 4 Examples also abound of famous last words that invoke the otherworld, the god(s), examples as different as that of Socrates' enigmatic request that Crito sacrifice a cock to Asclepius and Christ's mournful lament on the cross (Mt. 27.46; Mk. 15.34). But not all ancient peoples followed this custom. Some cultures believed names were numinal, revelatory of personality and power, and hence certain names, particularly divine ones, were only uttered with great care. Judaism is the locus classicus of such a tradition that believed par- ticular names are hallowed, powerful and to be avoided because of the authority they invoke. 5 Our subject, the invocation of the sacred name by Christian martyrs, that is some variant of jesus Christ' o.r 'Chris- tian,' although indebted to the Hebrew tradition, constructs, within the context of a persecuted cult, a new understanding of the nomen sacrum. 6 During the First Temple period the pronunciation of the name YHWH-the personal and cultic name of God of Israel-was com- monly used. However, readers of the Hebrew Bible regularly sub- stituted :Adonai' for the Tetragrammaton from the beginning of the fourth century BCE, save for the liturgical use by the Temple high 3 See H. Leclercq, 'Martyr,' Dictionnaire d'Archeologie Chretienne et de la Liturgie, eds. F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq, 15 vols. (Paris: Librairie Letouzey et Ane 1907-1953; 1932): ro, pt. 2, cols. 2359-2619; H. Delehaye, Les origines du culte des marryrs, 2 nd ed. (Brus- sels, 1966); D. Wood, ed., 'Martyrs and Martyrologies,' in Studies in Church History 30 (Oxford, 1993); G.W Bowersock, Marryrdom and Rome (Cambridge, England: Cam- bridge University Press, 1995); C. Butterwerk, 'Marryrium sucht' in der alten Kirchel Studien ;cur Darstellung und Deutungftiihchristlicher Marryrien (Tubingen, 1995); M.Van Uytfanghe, 'Biographie II (spirituelle),' in Reallexikonfor Antike und Christentum, Supplement-Band I (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 2000), 1171ff. 4 The term is found in Pliny's discussion of Titinius Capito (Episde 8, 12,4); see Der Neue PaulY En;;;yklopddie der Antike, eds., H. Cancik and H. Schneider, 'Exitus illustrium virorum,' 4: 344-345 5 Arthur Marmorstein, The Old Rabbinic Doctrine if God: The Names and Attributes if God (London, 1969), 17-145. 6 Jean Danielou (1964): 147. NOMEN SACRUM 13 priest in the sanctuary.7 From this later period pious Jews, even during periods of persecution, avoided the use of God's most intimate name out of reverence and fear of the consequences of such behavior always keeping green in their memory the teaching of the third command- ment. Since the knowledge of God's name was also indicative of a righ- teous individual in covenant with the Lord and one who had a certain claim on God's mercy, its use was restricted by fidelity to the law and a kind of pragmatic prudence (Ps. 9I.I4). In those late classics of Hebrew martyr literature-so influential in the development of the Christian ideology of martyrdom and indebted to Hellenism and Stoicism-namely the tales of Eleazar and the Mac- cabean mother and her seven sons, there is the beginning of a dimin- ished avoidance of the name before the point of death (2Mc. 6.30ff.; c. 124-64 BCE). Eleazar's last words before he is killed contain the opening of a doxology where the Lord's name is used: 'To the Lord belongs all holy knowledge / 'to xUQLm 'to 'tT]V ayLuv YVWaLv.' Although the original Hebrew source of Maccabees is lost, it is generally agreed that the use of 'Kurios' by the epitomist represented the translation of the Hebrew 'Adonai' throughout these narratives. 8 2Maccabees be- queaths a powerful and heady ideology to Christian martyr literature. First, it gave public sanction to the idea that it is more virtuous for the just to choose death over sin; second, such a life-or-death choice on the part of the faithful will be vindicated by their resurrection; third, the just will be gloriously restored to their bodies; fourth, such deaths have expiatory value; and lastly, God will punish the wicked who will not rise from the dead. Christians revered the Maccabean martyrs. They are alluded to in Hebrews 11.35, celebrated in the Christian liturgy on I August, praised by Sts. Gregory Nazianzus (sermon 15) and Augustine (sermons 300-302) and believed by St. Bernard of Clairvaux to be the equal of any Christian martyr. Their relics were housed in Rome's 'St. Peter in Chains' until the late I930'S.9 7 G. Wigoder, ed., The New Encyclopedia qfJudaism (New York: New York University Press, 2002), 306-307. 8 J.A. Goldstein, II Maccabees: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (Gar- den City and New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1983); see the introduction and 281-317 9 J.w. van Henten, The Maccabean Marlyrs as Saviours qf the Jewish People: A Study qf 2 and 4 Maccabees (Leiden & New York: Brill, 1997). S. James, trans., The Letters qf St. Bernard qfClairvaux (London, 1953), 144-147- THOMAS J. HEFFERNAN Christian martyrs, unlike their spiritual ancestors, Eleazar and the Maccabean martyrs, use the sacred name less restrictively and as a part of the ritual of martyrdom. 10 The Christian tradition departs markedly from Hebrew practice in its singular insistence on the proclamation and identification with the name Christ. They reverse the Hebrew tradition and proclaim the sacred name. They believed that uttering the name of God was an act of piety, an invocation of God's power, capable of literally releasing the martyr from suffering, guaranteeing salvation and protecting the community from the unbelievers. It was intended to sacralize their persons in the profane space of the court and the arena. They knew that such a declaration, being forbidden at least since Trajan's rescript to Pliny (II2 CE), was a necessary first step in the legal proceedings that would lead to their death. 11 There is ample evidence that a declaration of the creedal affiliation and, in particular an acknowledgement that one was Christian through the utterance of the name, was a capital offense in the late empire. For example, in his disparagement of the Gnostic community of Lyons, Irenaeus states that only '... one or two of them have occasionally along with our martyrs, borne the reproach if the name and been led forth with them to death'. 12 Such a departure from the Hebrew tradition of reticence about God's name has a complex history in early Christianity and is a likely syncretism of Stoicism, John's Gospel, Paul's proto-Trinitarian teaching and a developing understanding of the mystery of the Incarnation. A 10 An indication of the popularity of tales of heroic suffering in the early years of the first century CE (ca. 19-54) is clear from 4 Mc. devoting three-fourths of its narrative to the story of Eleazar and the Maccabean mother from 2 Mc. 6-7. 4 Me., a blend of Platonism and Stoicism, was popular with the Christian community and there is a Latin paraphrase, the Passio sanctorum Machabeorum (c. 4th cent.), extant. 11 W Williams, Pliny: Correspondence with Trajan from Bitlrynia: Epistles X (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1990),70-71. Epis. 10.96. ' ... nomen ipsum, si flagitiis care at, an flagitia cohaerentia nomini puniantur ... Interrogaui ipsos an essent Christiani. Confitentes iterum ac tertio interrogaui supplicium minatus: perseuerantes duci iussi.' For a critical edition of the correspondence see R.A.B. Mynors, C. Pliny Caecili Secundi. Epistvlarvrn Libri Decem (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), 338-340. See also Tertullian's response to the letter of Trajan and Pliny where he notes that they were being killed for the sound alone, 'and a sound alone brings condemnation on a sect and its author both,' Apology, vol. III, The Ante-Nicene Fathers, eds. A. Roberts and]. Donaldson, vol. II, (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1925): 20, col. 2. For the Latin text see E. Dekkers, CCSL, 'Apologeticvm,' (Brepols: Turnhout, 1954): III, 8: 'At nunc utriusque inquisitione et agnitione neglecta nomen detinetur, nomen expugnatur, et ignotam sectam, ignotum et auctorem uox sola praedamnat, quia nominantur, non quia reuincuntur.' 12 Irenaeus, 'Against Heresies,' in vol. 1 of 'The Apostolic Fathers' in The Ante-Nicene Fathers: iV.33.9: 508. NOMEN SACRUM IS brief sketch of such major features will help clarifY its use in the mar- tyrologies. The Stoic understanding of the A6yor;, was that of an active principle that represented itself in three distinct ways. The A6yor;, that dwelled within humans was the generative logos, the A6yor;, GJtEQ[taLl1Wr;,. The A6yor;, that resided as God's unspoken word or thought was called the A6yor;, EvclLufr'tO, and, since it was not uttered, it remained pure potential. Their last distinction, and important for our discussion, is the logos verbalized, that which left the mind of God and manifested itself as a verbal emanation, the A6yor;, JtQOCPOQLXOr;,. This Stoic idea of divine utterance was part of the complex mix that underlies the Christian tra- dition and appears to have influenced Paul and later commentators. Ignatius of Antioch's remark on how God expressed and revealed himself in Jesus Christ his son, who is the logos proceeding from silence' is indebted to this Stoic teaching. 13 Paul's thinking on the utterance of the name of Jesus, while typically enigmatic and complicated, may also have been influenced by such Stoic thinking. In his earliest remarks concerning the name Jesus,' he views the name Jesus' as a protean verbal surrogate for the person of Jesus. He writes that the Christian has been 'justified through the name of the Lord Jesus.' While it is difficult to account for the many nuances that are associated with '<'lL- xmwfrYI1;e1justified,' the verb 'bLxmomr;,' suggests being 'placed in a right relationship to God.'14 Paul implies that such a relationship results from an acceptance of the 'name' as a conjoined verbal and spiritual artifact, emanating from God, that has freed the just from sin and made grace and salvation possible. He says in the same verse that they have been washed clean by the name. Does such Pauline justification' involve the active intervention of the person and spirit of God, that is, the Para- clete (I CO. 6.II)? Tertullian believed so and understood such presence to be most palpable with the martyrs. Philippians, written a few years after I Corinthians, and notably from prison, shows that Paul's under- standing on the sanctity of the name has both deepened and broad- ened. Here the name, qua name, has a cosmic identity and appears as one with God, reminiscent of the A6yor;, EvbLufr'tOr;" while unex- pressed, but once uttered becomes A6yor;, JtQOCPOQLXOr;,. Paul exclaims 13 K. Lake, The Apostolic Fathers, 2 vols. (London & New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1912): 204-205, sect. viii, I, 2: Eanv airtoil anD nQoEA{twV.' See also E. Ferguson, Encylopedia if Early Christianity, 2 nd ed., 2 vols. (New York: Garland, 1997): I, 689. 14 The New Dictionary if Theolog;y, eds., JA. Kamonchak, M. Collins, and D.A. Lane (Wilmington: Michael Glazier, Inc., 1988), 553-555. THOMAS J. HEFFERNAN that the name must be an object of veneration as it was given to Jesus by God 'the name above all names' and that 'at the name of Jesus every knee should bow ... and every tongue acclaim that Jesus Christ is Lord (Kjrios) , . Paul proposes that the reverence given to YHWH and his name is now transferable to Christ, lryrioS.1 5 Not only are the early Christians not to rifrain from using God's name, but Paul would have them such lordship (Ph. 2.9-II). Paul's soteriol- ogy promotes the idea that witness of the name 'Christ' is a constituent responsibility of the faithful. The name of Jesus is also used as an appropriate substitute for his person in the Gospels. Mark illustrates such use of Jesus' name. A disciple is depicted using it to drive out demons: 'Teacher, we saw someone driving out demons in your name.' Mark notes that when John asked Jesus about the legitimacy of such action, Jesus responded, 'Do not stop him for anyone who performs a miracle in my name will not be able the next moment to speak evil of me' (Mk. 9.38-39). John's question highlights his understanding of the Jewish tradition of reticence regarding numinal names. Jesus' response in Mark endorses a departure from the tradition. Notice no censure is reported by Mark in the use of the name as a tool of exorcism. Rather its use is seen as a sign of righteousness. Both the anonymous miracle worker and the subject are transformed by the name. In Acts, Luke reports the disciples prayed, '0 Lord ... stretch out your hand to heal and cause signs and portents to be done through the name of your holy servant Jesus'. The prayer was efficacious as the next verse reads: 'When they ended their prayer, the building where they were assembled rocked, and all were filled with the Holy Spirit and spoke God's word with boldness' (Ac. 4.29-31). By the time of Acts, it appears that the utterance of the name was believed so powerful that invoked by the faithful it could overwhelm nature. In the eschatological passages of the seven seals in the Apocalypse of John, there is an explicit and extended narrative devoted to the hallowed dead (martyrs) who appear to have a uniquely favored relationship with the deity. They are dressed in white robes (symbols of victory) and give continuous praise at the throne of God and the Lamb. The term 'lamb/ UQVLOV' is Christ's principal title in the Apocalypse and used twenty-eight times (Ap. 6 & 7). Their 15 Joseph A. Fitzmyer, 'The Letter to the Philippians,' in The Jerome Biblical Com- mentary, eds. R. Brown, Joseph A. Fitzmyer and R.E. Murphy (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1968), 251. NOMEN SACRUM r7 martyrdom has guaranteed them eternal rest, an idea that became a virtual leitmotif in the Acta martyrii and that we shall illustrate below. In Ephesians Paul urges his listeners to 'be imitators of God' -the explicit model being the human person of Christ-so that one can witness by professing his holy name (Ep. 5.r). The doctrine of the Incarnation proposed that God took human form and lived on earth. Discipleship required that the believer take the figure of Christ of the Gospels as a life model. 16 Ritualized imitation became obligatory and, a structural principle of the narrative of all Christian martyr stories. But how do humans measure themselves? How do they imitate a god figure? The answer is in the paradox of the Incarnation itself The reality of God assuming human form made the goal of human transcendence, as an ideology, practicable. Since Christ could not be wholly bound by his humanity, the martyr, who imitated Christ, who witnessed him by name, and thus participated in the vita Christi was, because of that imitation, likewise less subject to the laws of nature; for example, he enjoyed an apparent freedom from the pain of torture, etc. The miracles of the Acta martyrii recall the creedal challenge of the Incarnation and the legitimate belief in these supernatural events through an appeal to God's all-powerful presence. Such miracles serve as multivalent signs: they identify genuine sanctity, promote a particular cult, proffer solace and hope to the besieged community, and promote, amongst their members, a belief in the ineffectiveness of the persecuting secular authority. By the time we reach the middle of the second century the use of the name of Christ, particularly in the mouths of the martyrs, has become a necessary part of the armament against persecution that Paul urged on his followers in Thessalonians and Ephesians (rTh. 5.8; Ep. 6.r3-r7 and see Is. 59.r7 and Ws. 5.r7-2o). For example, in one of the earliest of the Acts if the Martyrs, the Martyrdom if Polycarp (c. r55-r60), we read that immediately before his immolation Polycarp said that it was not necessary to nail him to the stake as 'he who has given me strength to endure the flames will grant me to remain without flinching in the fire ... Christ Jesus'Y Polycarp died with the name on his lips. Pro- fessing the name of Christ in the court proceedings that survive in 16 B. Hebblethwaite, The Incarnation: Collected Essqys in Christology (Cambridge Univer- sity Press: Cambridge, 1987), 21-26. 17 Herbert Musurillo, The Acts qf the Christian Martyrs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 12-13. 18 THOMAS J. HEFFERNAN the commentarius of the cognitio extra ordinem was not merely a manifes- tation of creedal identity but appears to represent an acknowledgement of a complex emotional and physical identification with the person of Christ. 18 While it is difficult to understand fully what was in the mind of the martyrs at such moments, at least part of their intention in such declarations was an acknowledgement that they had shed their individ- uality and had become members of a collective spiritual body. What were the constituents of such a spiritual body? What sort of individual- ity had they shed? Why was the utterance of the sacred name important to such a process? While such large questions are beyond our scope, a brief comment may help contextualize my argument. Men and women of the beginning of the Common Era lived in a rigidly constructed social system. The 'individual' was fully realized as he or she fulfilled the expectations of defined responsibilities. 19 As Cicero argued, the state had expectations and laws based on ' ... unerring reason and consistent with nature which demands that people fulfill their obligations.'20 In the late Empire the Roman idea of the self-fulfillment was an expression of one's fidelity to one's civic duties. Although there is considerable variety in ancient speculative thought on the nature of the self, there are a number of disparate traditions that identifY self and soul as one. Neither the Greeks nor Romans had a nominal word for the self; such a concept was rendered by the reflexive pronouns autos and ipse respectively, but they had many words for spirit or soul, such as thumos, psuche, anima, spiritus, etc. Thus in being dutiful to the mos maiorum-by the mid-first century CE this required a public acknowledgment (typically in the form of a public oath) of the genius of the emperor-one increased one's virtue and thereby made manifest the virtue of the self! soul. To refuse to make such an oath signaled to Romans that one had odium humani generis and was an enemy of the state. For the Christian, however, such an oath, and the acknowledgement of virtue implicit in the oath, was repug- 18 On the emergence of the cognitio see R.A. Bauman, Lawyers and Politics in tlu EarTy Roman Empire (Miinchen: C.H. Becksche, 1989), 150-153; 0. Tellegen-Couperus, A Short History qf Roman Law (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), 90-93, 130-131; David Johnston, Roman Law in Context (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 121- 122. 19 Kenelm Burridge, Someone, No One (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979): 3- 16, 63, 187; M. James C. Crabbe, From Soul to Self (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 14-24, 49 20 Cicero, De Republica, 3.22.33. NOMEN SACRUM 19 nant. The most important philosophic understanding of the self that Christianity inherited was Neoplatonist, and the Christian reworking of Neoplatonic ideas strongly identified the self with the soup! Thus when martyrs depicted in the Acta acknowledge to the prosecutor that they are Christians and invoke the names Jesus' or 'Christ,' such an acknowledgement endorses a profound change in the valorization of their horizons, psychic, and physical. Their allegiance moves from mos maio rum to mos Christianorum. Such an affective shift rapidly gave rise to a mode of thinking that was a type of moral dualism: interior ver- sus exterior virtue, private versus public acts, the sect over the state. Thus this idea of the individual reflected in the Acta, was, to paraphrase Louis Dumont, 'outworldly' as opposed to 'inworldly.'22 While in their former lives they lived as members of the polity (in the world), martyr- dom 'allowed' them the opportunity to realize the fullest expression of self/soul (outside the world): the change is from duty to urbs to ecclesia, from corpus Romanum to corpus Christi. Clement of Alexandria makes the point pithily: 'For if one knows himself, he will know God; and know- ing God, he will be made like God. '23 Martyrdom was the consequence of such an illegal, albeit volitional, public declaration of a closer union with an outlawed God and church whose message was strongly escha- tological. A classic statement of such an identity transformation exists in the Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis (c. 203).24 This text, one of the few credible historical Acta marryrii to survive, describes (in the first person) the arrest, suffering and eventual execution of seven Roman Carthaginian Christians. The principle protagonist is the twenty-two- year-old well-born matron Perpetua. The narrator takes pains to point out that she comes from the upper classes of Roman Africa, is well educated (liberaliter instituta), speaks three languages, and therefore her 2! E.R. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age if Anxiety (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1965), 127-138. 22 Louis Dumont, 'A Modified View of Our Origins: The Christian Beginnings of Our Modern Individualism,' in The Category if the Person, eds. M. Carrithers, S. Collins and S. Lukes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 93-119; see also in the same volume A. Momigliano, 'Marcel Mauss and the Quest for the Person in Greek Biography and Autobiography,' 83-92. 23 'The Fathers of the Second Century,' in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. 2, 'The Instructor,' 3.1.1. 271. 24 The text of the Passio is C.I.M.I. van Beek, ed., Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis (Nijmegen: Dekker and Van de Vegt, 1936). The translation is mine and will be forthcoming in the series Ancient Christian Writers. 20 THOMASJ.HEFFERNAN judgements are to be seen as philosophically astute, and not viewed through a prism bound by the expectations of her gender. The scene I wish to focus on takes place in a villa where the converts have been immediately taken after their arrest. The scene makes deft use of punning and onomastic word play to make its point. Perpetua's father has arrived at the home where his daughter and her young friends are being held. Once there he attempts to dissuade his daughter from her choice to become a Christian and persuade her to return to her senses. 'While,' she said, 'we were still with the prosecutors, my father, because of his love for me, wanted to change my mind and shake my resolve.' 'Father,' I said, 'do you see this vase lying here, for example, this small water pitcher (urceolum) or whatever'? 'I see it,' he said. And I said to him: 'Can it be called by another name other than what it is?' And he said: 'No.' 'In the same way, I am unable to call myself other than what I am, a Christian (quod sum, Christiana).' Then my father, angered by this name (motus hoc uerbo), threw himself at me, as if he would gouge out my eyes. But he only alarmed me and he left defeated, along with the arguments of the devil. (III, 1-3). Here the issue of naming and identity is made clear. The urceolus cannot be other than what it is called, a 'water pitcher.' Indeed its existence and the father's and daughter's ability to recognize it are contingent on its name. So too, Perpetua's identity is now subsumed into the collective personality of 'Christian'. She is no longer Vibia Perpetua, a well-to-do daughter of a member of the landed gentry (equites), recently married with an infant son, but a Christian. The identification this onomastic play asks us to understand is complete and suggests an abandonment of her name, her past, including and most particularly her family and, as it happens, her son. The transformation requires the appropriation of a new self that realizes itself within a new community. Her father's anger erupts at her calling herself 'this name' / motus hoc uerbo. The intensity of his outrage makes it very clear that he knew the social and psychological implications of such identification-isolation from her participation in the Roman commonweal, and likely the public shame that would be the lot of his family (ne me dederis in dedecus hominum). He would have been well aware of the recent proscriptions against conversion to Christianity or Judaism which were promulgated by Septimus Severus, since she has been arrested for the same. 25 The scene ends abruptly with her father's departure. It is notable that her 25 See J.M. Carrie and Aline Rouselle, L'Empire romain en mutation des Siveres a Con- stantin (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1999), II2-12I; Susan Raven, Rome in Africa, 3 rd ed. NOMEN SACRUM 21 given name, 'Perpetua,' is sparingly used after this point in the story. Her fellow converts refer to her through substitutes, such as 'Lady sister' (Domina sorar) or the curious use of the Greek ('tExvov) 'child,' thus avoiding her birth name. Perpetua and her fellow prisoners explicitly reject the idea of the individual who sought virtue through the practice of a responsible civic life, who revered the ancestral gods and the genius of the emperor. Such men and women who would be martyrs and saints understood that they were called to renounce that praxis of virtue as the public good. They substituted the imitatio Christi for the contribution which they would otherwise have made to the welfare of the state. This was not an ideology that recruited chiefly from the poor. If their members were principally among the 'have-nots,' those with little stake in soci- ety, such identification would require little sacrifice. Tertullian says that Christians counted their members among all classes. 26 All the Acts qf the Martyrs make this cultic mimesis central to the narrative. It was the constitutive rhetorical principle of the genre. The Roman Christian, living in bustling, prosperous Carthage, sought to live not so much in the city contributing to its fortune, but in a parallel but noncontiguous fellowship, the church of believers. The complex social reasons for such attitudes are beyond the scope of this essay, as are the manifold reasons why people were attracted to the communityY Scholars have proposed that Christianity prospered as urban life grew more fragmented and socially alienating, or because of its similarity to the mystery religions, or due to its emphasis on the miraculous and wonder-working. Con- temporaries, even antagonists, did however acknowledge their growing reputation, present among all classes, of Christian bravery in the face of torture, and their lack of fear of death. 28 What seems indisputable (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), 151; A.R. Birley, The African Emperor Septimus Severus (New Haven and Yale: Yale University Press, 1988), 154, 253; Louis Robert, 'Une vision de Perpetue martyre a Carthage en 203,' in Comptes-Rendues Acad. Des Inscriptions (1982): T.D. Barnes, Tertullian: A Literary and Historical Study (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 71, 163, 263, and and T.D. Barnes, 'Pre-Decian Acta martyrum', Journal qfTheological Studies n.s. 19 (1968): 26 Tertullian, 'Apologeticvm,' I, 6, p. 86, 'The outcry is that the state is filled with Christians' / 'Obsessam uociferantur ciuitatem; in agris, in castellis, in insulis Christian os; omnen sexum, aetatem condicionem, etiam dignitationem transgredi ad hoc nomen quasi detrimento maerent.' 27 E.R. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age qf Anxiety, 3. 28 J. Perkins, The Suffiring Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Ear[y Christian Era (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), 24. 22 THOMAS]. HEFFERNAN is that among second and third century Christians there was a shift in values. If Roman ethics sought the good principally in a responsible contribution to the pluralist fabric of the late empire, Christians located the good in a shared creed that places personal gnosis above that of the community. Such a shift may be indebted to Christianity's emphasis on personal salvation. Somewhat later Athanasius of Alexandria attributes this comment to Anthony of Egypt: 'The Kingdom of Heaven is within you. Virtue, therefore, has need only of our will, since it is within us and springs from us. '29 Such a remark suggests there is little need for this group to invest in the public weal. The principle of the imitation of Christ, witnessed by his name, actualized this heavenly kingdom within and clearly was an ideology with little sympathy for the preservation of the values of the state. The presence of Jesus, if realized through invocation, was believed salvific, nurturing, able to provide relief from suffering, and able to guarantee one a place in paradise, and occasionally to serve as a weapon. For example, there are instances in the Acta when the lan- guage used in such an invocation is mantic-like, as the petitioner tries to summon through invocation what Rudolph Otto has called the 'hal- lowed presence' of God. I do not restrict 'mantic' to divination leading to foreknowledge. Rather, I extend its application, employing it in a Ciceronian sense, to utterances 'of some free and unrestrained emo- tion' that operate under the 'influence of mental excitement' to invoke the immanence of God with whose spirit the martyrs become one, and who serves as their shield and witness before their death. 3o The victims' self-sacrifice, as they call on God's presence, is an active effort to sacral- ize their persons. It is worth noting that the Latin verb sacrifico has as part of its etymological root 'holy, dedicated to a divinity'. The mar- tyr's deliberate act was not a passive submission to death at the hands of a stronger foe but, rather, as an active participant in a struggle for redemption, a self-conscious sacrifice leading to salvation. 29 R.T. Meyer, St. Athanasius: The Lifo if St. Anthony, in Ancient Christian Writers, vol. IO (New York: 1978), 37. 30 WA. Falconer, Cicero. De Senectute, De Amiticia, De Divinatione (London & New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1922): 'De Divinatione,' I, 18, 34-35: 262-265. See also L.R. Martin, Hellenistic Religions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 42, who places such an idea in the broader context of Rellinistic religion, suggesting that such natural divination was 'not so much the prediction of a temporal future as it was a conquest of ignorance concerning the cosmic or spatial order of things.' NOMEN SACRUM While there are differences in the rhetoric and setting for these invo- cations in the Acta, most highlight the scenes where the explicit iden- tification of Christian is made. This naming-particularly in light of Trajan's rescript to Pliny (see n. II) that made such identification a capital offense-was the necessary precondition for a martyr's con- demnation, execution and subsequent victory. Such identification, vol- unteered freely before the questioning magistrate, became a necessary and dramatic part of martyrdom and the ensuing narrative of the sac- rificial ritual. It may have its ultimate source in Luke's presentation of Stephen's use of the name as a refuge in his torment and as a blessing on his killers (Ac. 7.59-60). The passage from Luke appears significant in turning the name into a talismanic, protective cure by the early third century. 'The Letter of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne' (c. 177 CE), an encyclical letter written to the churches of Asia and Phrygia from the persecuted churches in Gaul, reports a violent outbreak of persecu- tion. 31 The charges brought against the community are the traditional ones of cannibalism (likely stemming from the sacrificial language of the Eucharistic liturgy), Oedipal marriages, and incest. 32 The larger com- munity's hostility was intensified by the presence of such a distinctively foreign Christian community in Lyons. The letter, extant in Eusebius, features the persecution of a young woman named Blandina. Her social status is unclear. Our only clue is an aside in the narrative that identi- fies her as having a worldly mistress, xu!' 1:fj OUQXLV11 bEOJtoLVl]-a phrase suggesting that Blandina was a servant in this woman's house- hold, possibly a slave. The letter promotes the idea that the name of Jesus can serve as a shield from pain. The argument then goes on to create an equation that links volitional submission to suffering as a nec- essary means of acquiring triumphal power. Those who suffer voluntar- ily in the name of Christ will be rewarded. Let me illustrate this idea from the narrative. Blandina has just been subjected to such incredible physical tortures that her tormentors themselves are exhausted from their part in it. At this juncture, the narrator reports that Blandina received 'renewed strength with her confession of faith: her admission, 31 Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina (Brussels: Socii Bollandiani, 1898-1899): I, col. 204; Bibliotheca Sanctorum (Rome: Pontifica Universita Lateranense, 1963): III, cols. 202-203. 32 See Tertullian's discussions of such charges in his 'Apology' in The Ante-Mcene Fathers, I: ii-iv: 18-2!. See Dekkers, 'Apologeticvm,' II, 4: 8T 'quando, si de aliquo nocente cognoscatis, non statim confesso eo nomen homicidae uel sacrilegi uel incesti uel publici hostis (ut de nostris elogiis loquar) contenti sitis ad pronuntiandum.' THOMASJ.HEFFERNAN "I am a Christian, we do nothing to be ashamed of ... .''' The confes- sion (to MYELV O'U brought her refreshment, rest and insen- sibility to her pain (xui. ltuQ TJflLV OMEV <pUVAOV YLvE'tm).33 There is a temptation to read this as a metaphor underscoring her triumphant witness over cruelty and thus offering the besieged community consola- tion. However, the many instances of such an idea suggest that a belief was emerging that a profession of faith -in which the name was used in some fashion-during torment would shield the one suffering from the pain. Indeed, one of the principal understandings that pagans had about Christians was their apparent disdain for pain and death. 34 In his Apology, Tertullian referred to Christians as a race who 'give thanks for condemnation. '35 Aside from the characteristic bravado of the remark, so typical of Tertullian, can we find parallels in the Acta that might shed light on the rationale that promotes such thinking and behavior? What would lead a sentient Christian of the time to believe that Blandina's torment could provide the opportunity for refreshment? There is no easy answer to this question but certain factors may provide some insight. The great majority of the Acts qf the Marryrs are conversion narratives. Such narratives typically treat extremes of conflicted behavior, pitting the convert (the martyr) against an antagonist, typically the judge. The genre displays little or no interest in speculative or reflective scenes. The theoretical underpinning of the action has to be read out of the action itself Occasionally, however, the major figures do reflect on their behavior and provide a window into discussions that the community was engaged in. One such exists in an anecdote in the Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis. The section I am excerpting is in the hand of the redactor who some believe was Tertullian. While the identity of the redactor is not important for my purpose, it is well to point out that this anonymous individual was sophisticated, in sympathy with a marked religious eschatology, and well versed in the currently accepted orthodoxies as well as new ascetic movements like Montanism. I have argued recently that he was likely a proto-Montanist. 36 33 Musurillo, 1. 19, 66-6r 34 R.L. Wilken, The Christians As the Romans Saw Them (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983): 66. Perkins, The SUffering Self, 18, 35 'Apologeticum,' I, I, 12: 'Christianus uero quid simile? ... Si denotatur, glo- riatur ... damnatus gratias agit.' 36 Thomas J. Heffernan, 'Your Sons and Daughters Shall Prophesy: Religious Ide- ologies in the Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis,' (paper presented at 38th Interna- NOMEN SACRUM The Passio relates that the matron Perpetua was sentenced to death with one Felicity, a woman who may have been her slave (et Felicitas, eius conserua) and who was in her eighth month of pregnancy (cum octo iam mensium uentrem haberet). Roman law forbade the killing of a pregnant women because it would involve the death of the foetus (quia non licet praegnantes poenae repraesentan). Accordingly her execution was postponed until she delivered. Her fellow prisoners were so saddened by this news (conmarf:Yres grauiter contristabantur) that they prayed intensely that she be allowed to join them in their sacrificial deaths. The miracle was accomplished and she gave birth with difficulty in her eight month (et cum pro naturali dijficultate octaui mensis in partu laborans) to a daughter. She was now free to die with her comrades. The narrative reports an exchange between Felicity and her jailer that is important to my point and I will quote it in full: 'A certain one of the assistants of the prison guards said to her: 'You suffer so much now, what will you do when you are thrown to the beasts? You thought little of them when you refused to sacrifice.' She answered: 'What I am suffering now, I alone suffer. But then there will be another in me who will suffer for me, because I shall be suffering for him. (Modo ego patior quod patior; illic autem alius erit in me qui patietur pro me, quia et ego pro illo passura sum). And she gave birth to a girl and a certain sister raised her as her own daughter.' (Musurillo, xv, 5-7) The guard's cruel taunt has a powerful logic to it, since bravery un- tested is a fiction. Felicity's response is carefully constructed, imbued with asceticism, and forces the idea of imitatio Christi to its ultimate extreme; that is, the emptying of self is a precondition before full union with the person of Christ can be achieved. Felicity's first response to the guard acknowledges that the pain of childbirth is every mother's lot and must be borne. However, she then goes on to distinguish between types of suffering-the suffering common to all creation, and volitional suffering for a cause. The latter idea was not novel to Christianity. What was new and distinctly Christian was the coupling of suffering for witness (J-tuQt1J) with salvation. The model for such Christian wit- ness was Christ crucified. The theology of martyrdom claimed that in times of trial Christ would literally be a fellow sufferer who would bear tional Congress on Medieval Studies, 9 May, 2003); see also Christine Trevett, Mon- tanism: Gender, Authoriry and the New Prophecy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 176-183. THOMAS]. HEFFERNAN the brunt of the torment and reward his witness with eternal life. 37 As Tertullian wrote in Ad Martyras, the redemption of the martyr actu- ally begins before death. Once the journey towards sacrificial death has begun, the martyr lives in a liminal state, and is capable of acts of enormous power and being the recipient of such power. 38 The ascetical theology of martyrdom, Felicity's theology, reverses the typical polar- ities: fasting becomes feasting, pain becomes pleasure, death becomes life. The birth of her daughter, unnamed, immediately after her last remark to the guard, is a rebuke to the limitations of his taunt and his worldview. It is her word that bears fruit. Such a reversal of normative expectations can be found in other Acta. The late third century Martyrdom if Pionius and his Companions illustrates this most economically.39 The martyr Pionius is being interrogated by the proconsul of the region who, frustrated at his obdurate belief, asks him: 'Why do you rush towards death?' 'I am not rushing towards death,' he responded, 'but towards life.'40 The rhetoric employed in the Acta martyrii became fixed, and required, as I have been arguing, the martyr to conjure God, to call on the help of Christ not simply as a presence, but as a fellow sufferer in a literal sense. While we may find it impossible to believe that Felicity's actual pain would have been lessened through such an invocation, it seems clear that she and her companions thought it did. She believed her choice was eternal life or apostasy; membership in the ecclesia and the corpus Domini or the civitas terrenis and the corpus Romanum. The Christian martyrs of Lyons use the name Jesus' and or 'Chris- tian' as a pneumatic (i.e., JtVEllf1ULOCPOgo) talisman shielding them from further injury and mantic ally to invoke the terrible presence of God. For example, Blandina's fellow martyr Sanctus, a Latin speaker, refuses to answer all charges against him, refusing to even give his name, nationality or anything else, and '... to all of their questions he an- swered in Latin: "I am a Christian.'" Sanctus' steadfastness had the 37 Such a belief may owe something to Paul's remarks in Philippians 4.I3: 'I have strength for anything through him who gives me power.' 38 Tertullian, Ad Martyras, ed. E. Dekkers in CCSL, I (Brepols: Turnhout, I954): 4: 'Quo vos, benedicti, de carcere in custodiarum, si forte, in translatos existemetis. Habet tenebras, sed lumen estis ipsi ... Nihil interest, ubi sitis in saeculo, qui extra saeculum estis.' See also his De resurrectione mortvorum, ed.J.G.PH. Borleffs in CSSL, II, 978-g79. 39 Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, II, col. 996. 40 Musurillo, I62-I63. NOMEN SACRUM desired effect. His mantra-like repetition also reversed the natural po- larity of pain and pleasure and, like Felicity and Blandina, turned his torment into well-being. The narrator notes that during Sanctus' second trial 'by the grace of Christ proved to be not a torture but rather a cure / CLlJ'tql yEvEO'tm.'41 The obvious extension of such an ideology is that even death is defeated by the name. And this is exactly what the narrator states towards the end of the letter. Here we read that those few whose faith wavered and whose commitment was in doubt were haggard, terrified and generally dispirited because they had forfeited that 'glorious, honorable and lift-giving namelxm JtQOO'l']YOQLUV.'42 The Marryrdom if Saints Montanus and Lucius, a north African text from the mid-third century, promotes this same reversal of expectations. 43 It celebrates their imprisonment rhapsodically: 'The glory of being in bonds. The chains that were the objects of all our prayers. Iron more noble to us than the finest gold.'44 The martyrs are portrayed talking amongst themselves days before their death: 'Our consolation was to talk of what was going to happen to us; but to prevent us from dwelling on this pleasure (hac iocunditate), we were led back and forth all over the forum by soldiers who did not know where the procurator wanted to hear our case.'45 A notable characteristic oflate Hellenistic religious thinking-wheth- er in Eleusinian mysteries, the cults ofIsis and Cybele, in varying forms of Gnosticism, Neoplatonism, Manicheism, and Christianity-was its concern with the issues of alienation and integration. At birth humans were separated from the divine. The soul! spirit, however, longed to heal that primal break through return. How this rupture could be healed, or ameliorated, became the task of the sentient, pious human. This estrangement from God, from the source of good, from the light, was taken up by the great narrative artists of the time. Apuleius mas- terfully illustrates this integrative desire in nature in his retelling of the Eros and Psyche legend and the wandering Lucius in the Golden ASS.46 Virtually all these above-named groups, including some Chris- tians, were strongly dualist-the material world was corrupt while the spirit retained its spark of divinity. Can we see some of this spirit in the 41 Ibid., 68-69. 42 Ibid., 72-73- 43 Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, II, coL 876. 44 Musurillo, 21 9. 45 Ibid., 218-219. 46 L.H. Martin, Hellenistic Religions, 18. THOMAS]. HEFFERNAN narratives of the Christian martyrs? I believe so. The Christian martyr desired above all else to be joined to the physical presence of the risen Christ from which the hostile material world separated him or her. Cre- ation's primal break with God could be healed, but the cost was typi- cally extreme, entailing a rejection of all existing attachments, including life itself The late second century narrative of the Martyrdom if Saints Carpus) Papylus and Agathonice, illustrates this drive for union. The martyr Agathonice, just before being burned at the stake, acknowledged that martyrdom for the name was her desired goal and her way to be made whole: 'Agathonice said: do what you will. I have come here for this purpose and I am prepared to suffer for Christ's name (ego autem hoc ueni et in hoc sum parata ut pro 'nomine Christi) patiar).'47 The examples cited above from the Acts if the Martyrs illustrate how the iteration of certain language, particularly some form of Christ's name, and the modeling of one's behavior after the Gospel narratives, prepares one through self-sacrifice to become an initiate with God, to be filled with God (v1'tw). The narratives illustrate that the language becomes increasingly ritual-like, liturgical, and thus transformative. If the invocation is successful, the petitioner worthy, and grace granted, the action reverses the expected experience of suffering and death and replaces it with bliss and eternal life. The martyr is not a passive victim but an active witness and participant in the spectacle. As such, the public role of the martyr was of enormous importance to his or her fellow-believers. It provided them with hope, with a sense of solidarity, and instilled a confidence, as Durkheim suggests, that the martyr's heroic behavior is a demonstrable proof of the groups' mettle against oppressors and their ultimate redemption and vindication. The narrative is told in a 'life,' a biography, since the transformation is effected through the mantic iteration of tropes either borrowed from or based on the scriptural accounts of the life of Christ. 47 Musurillo, 34. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE: THE BIBLE IN THE CHRISTIAN/MUSLIM ENCOUNTER IN THE MIDDLE AGES SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH I. The Peoples qf the Book Even a brief perusal of the Qur'an is sufficient to convince anyone who takes it in hand that the text presumes in its readers a ready familiarity with the stories of the principal narrative figures of the Old and New Testaments. 1 In it there are frequent references to episodes in the stories of Adam, Noah, Abraham, Joseph, Moses, Mary, and Jesus, son of Mary, to mention only the most prominent of the Biblical characters to be found mentioned there. Not infrequently in the Qur'an's discourse there are elements in the telling of the Biblical stories that are not familiar to readers of the Jewish or Christian Bibles. In some instances these seemingly dissonant elements can in fact also be found in early Jewish or Christian extra-canonical, apocryphal or exegetical lore; in other instances, as far as our present knowledge extends, the apparent novelties are unique to the Qur'an,2 reminding the modern reader of the 'intertextual'3 character of the Biblical accounts. That is to say, 1 See Abraham I. Katsh, Judaism and the Koran: Biblical and Talmudic Backgrounds rif the Koran and its Commentaries (New York: A.S. Barnes, 1962); K. Ahrens, 'Christliches in Qoran,' Zeitschrififor die deutschen morgendliindisches Gesellschaji 84 (1930):15-68, 148-190. 2 There is a burgeoning scholarly industry in modern times involved in tracing many of these 'dissonant' elements to now obscure Jewish or Christian sources. See, e.g., for Jewish materials, the studies of Jacob Lassner, Demonizing the Qyeen rif Sheba: Boundaries rif Gender and Culture in PostBiblical Judaism and Medieval Islam (Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1993); Reuven Firestone, Journeys in Holy Lands: The Evolution rif the Abraham-Ishmael Legends in Islamic Exegesis (New York: State University Press of New York: 1990). Perhaps the easiest Christian example to cite involves the miracles ascribed to Jesus in Q VIIO; there is no Christian record of Jesus' speaking from the cradle, but the Protoevangelium rif James mentions the miracle of the clay doves. See in this connec- tion the very interesting study of Suleiman A. Mourad, 'On the Qur'nic Stories about Mary and Jesus,' Bulletin rifthe Royal Institutefor Inter-Faith Studies 1 (1999):13-24. 3 'Intertextual' in the sense seemingly first put forward by Julia Kristeva. See Thais E. Morgan, 'Is There an Intertext in This Text?; Literary and Interdisciplinary SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH from a literary-critical point of view, and leaving aside any concerns about 'orthodoxy' or historical veracity in any particular tradition, the stories of the Biblical characters are really not completely presented in any single scriptural tradition. This observation in turn highlights the fact that the Qur'an comes into existence already in dialogue with the Biblical traditions of the Jews and the Christians, whom the text uniquely styles 'the People of the Book,' or 'Scripture People' (ahl al- kitab, as in Q II.I05). Indeed, in the Qur'an itself, God says to the Muslims: 'If you are in doubt about what We have sent down to you, ask those who were reading scripture before you' (Q X. 94). Inevitably then the Bible called for special attention in the encounter of the Jews, Christians and Muslims from the very beginning ofIslamic history. Already in the Qur'an the disparities between the interpretations of the scriptural narratives between the several Peoples of the Book gave rise to charges of the corruption of the text of the Bible, the alteration of words, and the concealment of meanings (cf., e.g., Q III.78). From the early Islamic period onward, in the arguments about religion that proliferated from the beginning until well into the Middle Ages, the charge and countercharge of corrupting the scriptures became a staple item in the apologetic and polemical texts composed by Jews, Chris- tians, and Muslims. 4 In the judgement of at least one prominent, mod- ern scholar, this interreligious concern for the integrity and authenticity of the Biblical text between Jews, Christians and Muslims in the Middle Ages ultimately contributed to the rise ofthe modern science of Biblical criticism. 5 In the earliest Islamic religious literature outside of the Qur'an, modern scholars have observed the construction of an Islamic salvation history, often on the model of the typological readings of the Bible already familiar from the discourse of the earlier Peoples of the Book, notably the Jews and the Christians,6 as well as direct borrowings Approaches to Intertextuality,' American Journal if Semiotics 3 (1985):1-40. An interesting example of the use of this 'intertextuality' for the purpose of instruction in interreligion is to be seen in John Kaltner, Ishmael Instructs Isaac: An Introduction to the Qyr'an for Bible Readers (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1999). 4 See Jean-Marie Gaudeul & Robert Caspar, 'Textes de la tradition musulmane concernant Ie a ~ r i f (falsification) des Ecritures,' Islamochristiana 6 (1980):61-104. 5 See Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Intertwined Worlds: Medieval Islam and Bible Criticism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992). 6 See J. Wansbrough, The Sectarian Milieu: Content and Composition if Islamic Salvation History, London Oriental Series 34 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978). ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE from Jewish and Christian exegetical sources. A number of literary genres in which these features are evident quickly developed in Islamic circles. Prominent among them are the 'Stories of the Prophets' al-anbiyii'),7 the Isrii'iliyyiit, allegedly Jewish lore about the patriarchs and prophets, 8 and, most importantly, the szrah literature, that is to say, the collections of biographical traditions relating to the prophet Muhammad. 9 In these Islamic texts one can observe a double appropriation at work. On the one hand, in what John Wansbrough has so aptly termed 'the Sectarian Milieu' of the early Islamic period, the writers seem concerned to claim the authority of the Bible to warrant the scrip- tural authenticity of Muhammad, the Qur'an, and Islamic teaching more generally; one may call it the process of 'Biblicizing' the Islamic prophetic claims. On the other hand, given the concomitant Islamic concern about the corruption of the earlier scriptures, as mentioned above, and observing the consequent, divergent cast of many of the Islamic presentations of the Biblical narratives, one may also speak of a simultaneous process in these works of 'Islamicizing' the Biblical mate- rial. 10 Brian Hauglid has recently called attention to these processes at work in his insightful study of the Abraham narratives in the al- anbiyii' of Al:tmad ibn Mul:J.ammad Abu Is.Q.aq ath-Tha 'labi (d. 1036).11 The Biblical interests of Muslim religious writers have undergone a certain evolution over the centuries. In the earlier period, when the concern was generally more to 'Biblicize' Islamic prophetology, 7 See Roberto Tottoli, I Prqflti Biblici nella Tradizione Islamica (Brescia: Paideia Edi- trice, 1999); Brandon Wheeler, Prophets if the Qyr'iin (New York: Continuum, 2002). One of the most popular texts in this genre has an English translation; see WM. Thackston, Jr., trans., The Tales if the Prophets if al-Kzsa'i (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1978). 8 See Jane Dammen McAuliffe, 'Assessing the Isrii'Zliyyiit; an Exegetical Conun- drum,' in Story-telling in the Framework if Nonfictional Arabic Literature, ed. Stefan Leder, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998), 345-369; Roberto Tottoli, 'Origin and Use of the Term Isra'iliyyiit in Muslim Literature,' Arabica 46 (1999):193-2IO. 9 See Wansbrough. 10 It is important to emphasize that the processes of 'Biblicization' and 'Islamiciza- tion' are not exclusive; they often operate simultaneously in a text, albeit that one or the other of them may be a more dominant concern for a given writer. 11 See Brian M. Hauglid, 'Al-Tha'labi's al-Anbiyii': Analysis of the Text, Jew- ish and Christian Elements, Islamization, and Prefiguration of the Prophethood of Mul:;tammad' (Ph. D. diss., The University of Utah, 1998-Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Microform 9829755, 1998); idem, 'Ibn Isl:;taq's Biblicizing of Mul:;tammad and Tha'labi's Islamization of Biblical Prophets,' (paper presented to the Islamic Studies section of the annual meeting of the American Academy of Religion, Nashville, Tennessee, 3 2 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH to employ the taxonomy just described, some writers showed a keen interest in the Biblical text familiar to Jews and Christians. In this connection one might mention quotations, albeit often 'corrected' (and therefore 'Islamicized'), allusions and paraphrases to be found in the work of Wahb ibn Munabbih (d. 732),12 the Sirah of Abu 'Abd Allah Mul.tammad ibn Isl.taq (d. c. 767), as transmitted by Abu Mul.tammad 'Abd aI-Malik ibn Hisham (d. 834),13 and somewhat copious quotations in the works of Abu Mul.tammad 'Abd Allah ibn Muslim ibn Qutaybah (d. 889)14 and Al;lmad ibn Abi Ya'qub ibn Ja'iar ibn Wahb ibn WaQil.t al-Ya'qubi (d. 897),15 to name only the most prominent and well-studied authors. By the tenth century, however, the interests of Muslim scholars seems to have shifted away from quotations as such from the earlier scriptures, however much they may have 'corrected' their wording, and more toward the 'Islamicization' of whole Biblical narratives by retelling them, with concomitantly less interest paid to the wording of the texts familiar toJews and Christians, as in the work of Tha'labi and other transmitters of the al-anbiyii' and the Isrii'liliyyiit. 16 The shift in emphasis around the eleventh century from 'Bibliciza- tion' to 'Islamicization' on the part of Muslim writers may well have been due to the pressures of the interreligious controversies, especially between Muslims and Christians, that had come into full force in the ninth centuryY As Christian writers in Syriac and Arabic strove to 12 See R.G. Khoury, Wahb ibn Munabbih: Der Heidelberger Papyrus PSR Heid. Arab. 23, Leben und Hfrk des Dichters (Codices Arabici Antiqui, I; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1972); idem, 'Quelques reflexions sur les citations de la Bible dans les premieres generations islamiques du premier et du deuxieme siecles de l'hegire,' Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales 29 (1977): 269-278. 13 Mul;!ammad Mul;!yl al-Dln 'Abd al-I:Iamid, ed., Sirat an-nabzby Abu Mul;!ammad 'Abd al-Malik ibn Hisham (al-Qiihirah: Maktabat Mul;!ammad 'AlI 1963). See the English translation by A. Guillaume, The Life if A Translation if Ibn Isbiiq's Sirat RasulAlliih (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1955). 14 See G. Lecomte, 'Les citations de l'ancien et du nouveau testament dans l'oeuvre d'Ibn Qutayba,' Arabica 5 (1958):34-46. See now Said Karoui, Die Rezeption der Bibel in der friihislamischen Literatur: Am Beispiel der Hauptwerke von Ibn Qytl.!Yba (gest. 276/889) (Heidelberg: Seminar fur Sprachen un Kulturen des Vorderen Orients, 1997). 15 See Andre Ferre, 'L'historien al-Ya'qubl et les evangiles,' Islamochristiana 3 (1977): 65-83; idem, L'histoire des prophetes d'apres al-Ya'qubz; d'Adam a Jesus Etudes Arabes 96 (Rome: Pontificio Istituto di Studi Arabi e d'Islamistica, 2000). 16 See Hauglid; Tottolli. 17 On this broad theme see the studies of Jean-Marie Gaudeul, Encounters and Clashes: Islam and Christianity in History (Rome: Pontificio Istituto di Studi Arabi e d'Islamistica, 1984); David Thomas, Anti-Christian Polemic in EarlY Islam: AbU 'isii al- Warriiq's ;Against the Trinity' University of Cambridge Oriental Publications, 45 (Cambridge: Cambridge ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 33 prove that Christianity was the true religion, Muslim writers were more strongly motivated to authenticate the 'signs of prophecy' (dala'il an- nubuwwah) that testified to Muhammad's status as prophet and messen- ger from God, in fact as the 'seal of the prophets' (QXXXIII.40). This concern, along with the concomitant development of the doctrine of the 'inimitability' (al-i)az) of the Qur'an,18 seems to have carried with it a renewed Muslim interest in the topic of the corruption of the pre- vious scriptures at the hands of Jews and Christians. 19 By the eleventh and twelfth centuries, major writers, such as al-Ghazali (IOS8-IIII)20 and Ibn I:Iazm (994-1064),21 again to mention only the most prominent names, were concerned to refute the arguments of Jews and Chris- tians by demonstrating in great detail the unreliability of their scrip- tures. Mter their time, and certainly after the time of Ibn Taymiyyah (1263-1328),22 for the rest of the Middle Ages, Muslim authors seem to have lost interest in any possible authoritative or probative value in the texts of the scriptures of the Jews or Christians, as well as in any- thing emanating from Jewish or Christian exegetical traditions. Rather, the emphasis seems to have shifted in this period to demonstrating the untrustworthiness of the Bible. By way of contrast, in the forthrightly apologetic and polemical texts about religion that were a feature of the Christian/Muslim encounter in the ninth and tenth centuries, the Bible was an authority to which the disputants on both sides could readily appeal. 'Arguing from scrip- ture,' long a staple element in the Jewish/ Christian encounter, also University Press, 1992); Sidney H. Griffith, Arabic Christianity in the Monasteries if Ninth- Century Palestine (Variorum Reprints; Aldershot: Ashgate, 1992); Seppo Rissanen, The- ological Encounter if Oriental Christians with Islam During Early Abbasid Rule (Abo: Abo Akademis Forlag, 1993); Benedicte Landron, Chretiens et Musulmans en Irak: Attitudes Nesto- riennes vis-a-vis de l'Islam Etudes Chn':tiennes Arabes (Paris: Cariscript, 1994); Samir Khalil Samir & Jorgen S. Nielsen, Christian Arabic Apologetics During the Abbasid Period (750-I258) (Leiden: Brill, 1994); David Thomas, ed., Syrian Christians under Islam; the First Thousand Years (Leiden: Brill, 2001). 18 See R. Martin, 'The Role of the B a ~ r a Mu'tazilah in Formulating the Doctrine of the Apologetic Miracle,' Journal if Near Eastern Studies 39 (1980):175-189. 19 See Camilla Adang, Muslim Writers on Judaism & the Hebrew Bible: From Ibn Rabban to Ibn Ijazm (Leiden: Brill, 1996). 20 See Jacques Jomier, Jesus tel que Ghazali Ie presente dans al-Ilga',' MIDEO 18 (1988):45-82. 21 See Theodore Pulcini, Exegesis as Polemical Discourse: Ibn Ijazm on Jewish and Christian Scriptures (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998). 22 Thomas F. Michel, A Muslim Theologian's Response to Christianity: Ibn Taymiyya's al- Jawab a l ~ a ~ l ~ (Delmar: Caravan Books, 1984). 34 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH claimed a place in the Christian/Muslim discourse. Among Muslims it was in the texts dedicated to the 'Refutation of the Christians' (Radd 'alii that one the most readily encountered arguments from scripture;23 among Christians it was in the defenses of Christianity as the true religion, written in Syriac and Arabic by Christians living in the Islamic world, that arguments from scripture found a place. 24 But there is evidence that among these same disputants there was also a certain hesitation about arguments based on one another's scriptures. For example, in one text, now preserved only in Greek, Theodore Abu Qurrah (c. 755-c. 830) recalled the challenge of his Muslim adversary as follows: Persuade me not from your Isaiah or Matthew, for whom I have not the slightest regard, but from compelling, acknowledged, common notions. 25 Similarly, another Christian text in Arabic from the ninth century has the Muslim interlocutor make the following declaration when the Christian apologist proposes to substantiate his statements 'from the scriptures of the prophets and messengers.' The Muslim says, 'We do not accept anything from the Old [Testament] nor from the New [Testament] because we do not recognize them.'26 And indeed it is the case that most of the apologetic and polemi- cal texts of the period, be they Islamic or Christian, are dialectical in character; they are exercises in a distinctive style of religious disputation that in Arabic is called 'ilm al-kaliim, and its participants, mutakallimiin. 27 It is a very rhetorical, even rationalistic undertaking, and very often the authors avoided the scriptures altogether, except when claims about scriptural texts were themselves the subjects of controversy. Neverthe- 23 See Erdman Fritsch, Islam und Christen tum im Mittelalter (Breslau: Muller & Seif- fert, 1930); Ali Bouamama, La litterature polbnique musulmane contre Ie christianisme de puis ses originesJusqu'au XIIIe siecle (Algiers: Enterprise Nationale du Livre, 1988); Jacques Waar- denburg, ed., Muslim Perceptions if Other Religions (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Lloyd Ridgeon, Islamic Interpretations if Christianity (New York: St. Martins, 2001). 24 See the discussions cited in n. 17 above. 25 Theodore Abu Qurrah, Greek Opusculum 24, PC, vol. 97, col. ISS6B. 26 Giacinto Bulus Marcuzzo, ed. & trans., Le dialogue d'Abraham de Tibiriade avec 'Abd ai-Hashim! a Jerusalem veTS 820 Textes et Etudes sur l'Orient Chretien 3 (Rome: Pontifical Lateran University, 1986), 342-343. 27 See Michael Cook, 'The Origins of Kalam,' Bulletin if the School if Oriental and Afocan Studies 43 (1980):32-43; idem, Early Muslim Dogma: A Source Critical Study (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); J. Van Ess, Theologie und Cesellschofi im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1991-1997); Binyamin Abrahamov, Islamic Theology: Traditionalism and Rationalism (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1998). ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 35 less, it is precisely in this context, in some kaliim texts, and in some other works with a marked apologetic or polemical agenda, both Chris- tian and Islamic, that one does find whole sections dedicated to 'argu- ing from scripture.' In the Islamic instance, a number of authors quote from the Bible in an effort to substantiate the claims they are mak- ing against the veracity of certain Christian doctrines. 28 In the Chris- tian instance in this same context, 'arguing from scripture' was quite often reactive, although in pre-Islamic times arguments from scripture had always been a standard part of theological discourse. That is to say, in works composed in the Islamic world, the sections on scripture in Christian texts were as often as not designed to respond to chal- lenges put forth by Muslim controversialists who had buttressed their own arguments by appeals to the Christian scriptures. 29 From the Islamic perspective, two topics in particular were apt to be developed by appeals to arguments from scripture. In the first place, apologists from the earliest period were anxious to show that Muham- mad's coming as a prophet had been foretold in the Bible. The Qur'an says that bothJesus himself and the Gospel had foretold Muhammad's coming (Q LXI.6; VII. 157). Secondly, it quickly became the practice in the controversial literature for Muslims to argue from scripture that Jesus, son of Mary, was, just like Adam, someone whom God had cre- ated from the dust (QIII.59), and therefore he was neither God nor the son of God. Appeals to passages in the Gospel according to St. John were often put forward by Muslim writers in support of both of these contentions. In what follows, by way of providing concrete examples of 'arguing from scripture' in the Muslim/Christian encounter in the early Middle Ages, we shall examine first of all the claim by a Muslim writer that the 'Paraclete' passage in John 15.23-16.1 is a clear prediction of the coming of Muhammad. Secondly, from the Christian perspective, we shall examine a chapter in an early apologetic work in Arabic in which the author clarifies what he puts forward as the true interpre- tation of a number of Gospel passages that adversaries have used to undermine the Christian claim of the full divinity of Jesus. 28 See David Thomas, 'The Bible in Early Muslim Anti-Christian Polemic,' Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 7 (1996):29-38. 29 See Martin Accad, 'Did the Later Syriac Fathers Take into Consideration Their Islamic Context When Reinterpreting the New Testament?' Parole de l'Orient 23 (1998): 13-32. Look for the forthcoming publication of Accad's Oxford D. Phil. thesis on the scriptures in the Muslim/ Christian discourse of the early Islamic period, where an abundance of information is provided on this theme. SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH II. The Prophet Foretold Given the fact that the Qur'an insists that the 'Gospel People' should make their judgements by reference to what God has revealed in the Gospel (Q V.47), and also that both Jesus and the Gospel had foretold the coming of the prophet Muhammad (Q LXI.6; VII.I57), it is not surprising that the earliest Muslim biographers of Muhammad should have provided references to Gospel passages that in their judgement feature this prediction. The most popular passage for this purpose in the early period was the 'Paraclete' passage in the Gospel according to St. John, and here we shall study the presentation of it in the Sirah, or 'biography,' of Muhammad by Abu 'Abd Allah Mul;tammad ibn Isl;taq (d. c. 767), as it is preserved in the later biography of Muham- mad by Abu Mul;tammad 'Abd aI-Malik ibn Hisham (d. 834).30 Along the way we shall have the opportunity to observe in Ibn Isl;taq's work the co-dependent relationship between the 'Biblicizing' and the 'Islami- cization' processes mentioned above. The way in which he presents the passage underlines the fact that while the overall tendency of the Sirah is a 'Biblicizing' one,31 the quotation of the Gospel passage itself nev- ertheless features a high degree of 'Islamicization' in the details of the wording. 32 In the paragraph quoted below, Ibn Hisham presents Ibn Isl;taq's reading of John 15.23-16.1, folded into his own comments about the relevance of the passage to his larger purpose. The text says: Ibn Isl}.aq said, 'Here is what has come down to me about the description of God's messenger, God's prayer and peace be upon him, in whatJesus, son of Mary, set down in the Gospel, for the people of the Gospel, which came to him from God, as Yul}.annis the apostle established it for them when he copied the Gospel for them at the commission of Jesus, son of Mary, peace be upon him; he said: (15.23) "Whoever has hated me, has hated the Lord. (15.24) Had I not performed in their presence such works as no one has performed before me, they would have no sin. But now they have become proud and they think that they will find fault with me and even with the Lord."33 (15.25) However, it is inevitable that 30 See the bibliographical citations in n. 13 above. 31 See Wansbrough. 32 The material presented below is a revision of the discussion published in Sidney H. Griffith, The Gospel in Arabic: An Inquiry into its Appearance in the First Abbasid Century,' Oriens Christianus 69 (1985):126-167, especially 137-143. 33 For this rendition of the enigmatic Arabic word used here, viz., y- - z - w - n - n ~ , see the explanation given below. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 37 the saying concerning an-Niimfis will be fulfilled, "They have hated me for nothing, i.e., in vain. (15.'26) Had al-Munaf;JJmiina, he whom God will send, already come to you from the Lord, and the spirit of truth,34 he who comes from God, he would have been a witness for me, and you too, because you have been with me from the beginning. (16.1) I have said this to you so that you may not be in doubt".' 'AI-Munaf;JJmiina in Syriac is Muhammad, and in Greek it is al-baraqlztZs. God's prayer and peace be upon him.35 Both Anton Baumstark and Alfred Guillaume, the two modern schol- ars who have most closely studied Ibn Isl;taq's quotation, have shown that the Christian text that bears the closest resemblance to the quota- tion is undoubtedly the so called 'Palestinian Syriac Lectionary.'36 Their evidence for this conclusion is principally the appearance of the sin- gular term al-munaMmiinfi, the 'Comforter,' in Ibn Isl;taq's quotation, as a rendering of the original Greek term 'Paraclete.' The Aramaic term is unique to the Christian Palestinian Aramaic version. Then there is the phrase, 'the spirit of truth,' in verse 26, the original Arabic version of which in Ibn Isl;taq's quotation betrays its debt to the same Chris- tian Palestinian Aramaic textY Both scholars also mention a number of other, smaller pointers to the Christian Palestinian Aramaic version as the ultimate Christian source of Ibn Isl;taq's quotation. The first thing that must strike the reader of this passage is the fact that Ibn Isl;taq is quoting St. John's Gospel, albeit in a 'corrected' ver- sion, as an authoritative, Gospel testimony to the future divine mission of Muhammad. Indeed, in context in the Sirah the passage occurs at 34 Reading wa rill} al-qist with F. Wustenfeld, ed. In his Das Leben Muhammeds nach Muhammed Ibn Ishak (Gottingen; Dieterischsche Universitats-Buchhandlung, 1858). See the explanation below. 35 Ibn Hisham, Sirat an-nab!, I, 251; Wustenfeld, 149-150. See also the passage as translated into English by Guillaume, The Lift rf Mul}ammad, 103-104. 36 See A Baumstark, 'Eine altarabische Evangelienubersetzung aus dem Christlich- Palastinenischen,' Zeitschrifl for Semitistik und verwandte Gebiete 8 (1932):201-209; A Guil- laume, 'The Version of the Gospels Used in Medina c. AD. 700,' Al-Andalus 15 (1950): 289-296. For the Christian Palestinian Aramaic text of the passage under discussion, see Agnes Smith Lewis & Margaret Dunlop Gibson, The Palestinian Syriac Lectionary rf the Gospels (London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1899), 24, 187. For the situation of Christian Palestinian Aramaic, also called 'Palestinian Syriac,' see Sidney H. Grif- fith, 'From Aramaic to Arabic: The Languages of the Monasteries of Palestine in the Byzantine and Early Islamic Periods,' Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51 (1997):II-31. 37 Wustenfeld, following a better MS, preserves the original wa rill}i l-qist. See Baum- stark, 201. Ibn Hisham, Sirat an-nab!, 251, on the other hand, follows a later 'correction' of the phrase to rill} al-qudus. See also Guillaume, 'The Version of the Gospels,' 293. 3 8 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH the end of the first part of the book, just prior to the accounts of the first revelations to Muhammad, in company with a number of other testimonies from Jews and Christians to Muhammad's prophethood. Secondly, the reader readily notices that Ibn Isl).aq's idea of the Gospel is the Islamic one, according to which the Gospel is a scripture that God gave to Jesus (cf. Q V.46; LVII. 27). 38 Ibn Isl).aq says that the apos- tle John had merely copied it down on Jesus' commission. Here Ibn Isl).aq's 'Islamicization' preoccupations are already clearly in view. Fur- thermore, with reference to any known Christian version of the Gospel according to John, it becomes clear from what Ibn Isl).aq offers us here that he must also have been convinced that John's text as Christians have it has been altered. For in his quotation of John 15.23-16.1 there are a number of telling 'corrections,' as we shall see. The three occur- rences of the phrase 'my Father' in the passage as it appears in Chris- tian texts have, in Ibn Isl).aq's rendition, all become 'the Lord.' Pre- sumably the text has been 'corrected' in accordance with the Qur'an's insistence that God has no son (Q CXII), and that Jesus, son of Mary, the Messiah, is only God's messenger (QIY.I7I), whom the Christians have called God's son (QIX.30-31). Ibn Isl).aq must have thought that he had ample divine authority in the Qur'an thus to set matters aright in his quotation from the Gospel of John. It is a good example of the 'Islamicization' of the Gospel text that the author is basically employing to 'Biblicize' his presentation of Muhammad as a genuine prophet, in the Biblical tradition. There are further examples of 'Islamicization' in Ibn Isl).aq's quotation, that Baumstark and Guillaume had a tendency to view as simple mistakes in the transmission of the text. However, the examination of several of them in detail will show that far from being evidence of 'mistakes' in textual transmission, they are rather tes- timonies to how intricate the 'Islamicization' of a Gospel passage could become in the early period, in an Islamic text in which the author is 'arguing from scripture' in what he presents as the authentic Christian reading. 15.24b, 'But now they have become proud (batiri1) and they think that they will find fault with me (y- '-z-w-n-n-y) , and even with the Lord.' 38 On this idea see Carra de Vaux [G.C. AnawatiJ, 'In4Jl1,' in Encyclopaedia if Islam, new ed., III, cols. 1205-1208. See also Sidney H. Griffith, 'Gospel,' in Jane Dammen McAuliffe, ed., Encyclopaedia if the Qyr'iin (Leiden: Brill, 2001-), II, 342-343. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 39 Both Baumstark and Guillaume argued that Ibn Isl,taq's Arabic text is mistaken in this verse. They correct the rare Arabic word batirii, 'they have become proud,' to na;;,arii, 'they have seen,' to agree with both the Greek and the Christian Palestinian Syriac readings, and they mention the easy mistake it would have been to confuse the consonants of these two words in the Arabic script. 39 Further, Baumstark proposed a fairly complicated double textual corruption in Christian Palestinian Aramaic to account for the last part of the verse, specifically the word y- '-z-w-n-n-y, involving the introduction into the original text of a form of the Aramaic root ~ - w - b 'to be guilty,' which he then supposed was subsequently misread to be a form of the root ~ - ~ - n 'to be strong, to overcome,' yielding the final reading, 'They think that they will overcome me,'40 which, in Baumstark's view, Ibn Isl:taq would then have found before him. Both Baumstark and Guillaume, therefore, understood Ibn Isl:taq's verb y- '-z-w-n-n-y to be a form of the root '- z-z, and Baumstark offered what seemed to him to be a plausible explanation of how a misunderstanding of the underlying Aramaic word could issue in a mistaken Arabic version of John IS.24b. Baumstark's and Guillaume's approach assumes that Ibn Isl:taq's intention was accurately to produce an Arabic version of a Christian Palestinian Aramaic text. But, considered from the perspective of the process of 'Islamicization,' one can show that Ibn Isl:taq must rather have intended accurately to quote what he thought of as John's text of the Gospel as it would have been originally, when, in his expressed view, God gave it to Jesus. He would not have wanted to reflect what in his view would be instances of textual alterations introduced later by the Christian community. Religious accuracy, and hence scriptural accuracy, for Ibn Isl:taq, would have been measured by the Qur'an's teachings, and not by Christian texts in Aramaic, Greek, or even in Arabic. Accordingly, in Ibn Isl:taq's version of John IS.24b one should look for the religious accuracy he meant to reflect. The clues are to be found in connection with the very words Baum- stark and Guillaume wanted to emend. The verbal root b-t-r, in the sense of 'to be proud, vain,' appears twice in the Qur'an (Q VIII. 47 & XXVIII.S8), and in both places it describes the state of mind of those who have in the past turned aside from God's way, or who have rejected His messenger. Clearly, this sense fits an Islamic understanding of the 39 Baumstark, 205; Guillaume, 'The Version of the Gospels,' 293. 40 Baumstark, 205-206. SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH context of John 15.24. Then, in the instance of y-'-z-w-n-n-y, if one understands it to be a form of the verbal root '-z-w/y, it may be under- stood to mean 'to charge, to incriminate, to blame,' in the first form, and 'to comfort, to console' in the second and fourth forms.4l The first alternative fits well with an Islamic understanding of the present verse; the second meaning, as we shall see below, is perfect for the under- standing of the important term, al-munaMmand in verse 15.26. In fact, the ninth century Christian Arabic translator of St. John's Gospel chose precisely the three root '-z-w/y to render the term in question. So the presumption should be that Ibn Isl:taq has chosen his words knowingly, rather than that he has made a mistake in rendering a Christian text. 15.25, 'The saying concerning an-Namils will be fulfilled.' Reading from an Islamic perspective, it seems obvious that Ibn Isl:taq would have understood an-Namils to refer not to the Torah, nor to any 'law' of Moses, but to the angel Gabriel, who, according to tradition, brought the Torah to Moses. As at-Tabar! later put it, 'By an-Namils one means Jibril, who used to come to Moses. '42 Therefore, one should understand Ibn Isl:taq's reading of this verse as an Islamic 'correction' of the usual Christian understanding of John 15.25: 'It is to fulfill the word that is written in their law, "they hated me without a cause.''' That is to say, Ibn Isl:taq thought that the Christian understanding of the term 'law' (nomos, namusa) in this verse was a mistake, or obfuscation. Baumstark attempted to explain Ibn Isl:taq's seeming textual inaccuracy as the result of a misreading. 43 Guillaume clearly recognized that 'one cannot escape the conclusion that the alteration is deliberate. '44 15.26, 'Al-MunaMmand, he whom God will send you.' There are two subjects for discussion in this verse as Ibn Isl:taq presents it, the identity of al-MunaMmand, and the identity of the one who sends him. In both instances Ibn Isl:taq's Islamic construction of the Gospel text is evident. 41 These are the possible senses of the verb in modern, literary Arabic. See J.W Cowan, ed. & trans., Arabic-English Dictionary: The Hans Wehr Dictionary if Modern Written Arabic, by Hans Wehr, 4th ed. (Ithaca, NY: Spoken Language Services, 1979), 715. 42 MJ. De Goeje, ed., Annales quos Scripsit Abu Djajar Mohammed ibn Piarir at-Tabari (Leiden: Brill, 1882-1885), 1 st series, III, lIS!. 43 Baumstark, 206. 44 Guillaume, 'The Version of the Gospels,' 294. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE Both Baumstark and Guillaume have pointed out that the term al- here is simply an Arabic transliteration of the Aramaic term that is otherwise found only in the Christian Palestinian Aramaic Lectionary to translate the Greek term 'Paraclete' in John 15.26. In Christian Palestinian Aramaic the term means 'the comforter. '45 For Chr.istians, the Paraclete, or the Comforter,46 is interpreted to mean the Holy Spirit, or as the Gospel according to St. John calls him in this passage, 'the Spirit of Truth' (John 15.26), whom Jesus promises to send after his return to the Father. For Ibn Isl:;taq the Christian interpretation of the term MunaMmiina would surely have been an instance of the distortion that Christians were thought by Muslims to have introduced into the understanding of the Gospel, particularly at places where, according to the Muslims, the coming of Muhammad was foretold. According to the report of a Christian controversialist of the first 'Abbasid century, his Muslim inter- locutor explicitly made this charge against St. John the Evangelist and his disciples after Christ's ascension. The Muslim said to the Christian: What you have said, you report only from your distorted Gospel and your distorted scriptures. But we have the original Gospel. We have gotten it from our prophet. John and his associates, having lost the Gospel after Christ's ascension into heaven, set down what they pleased. Our prophet Muhammad informed us of thisY Ibn Isl:;taq knew very well, on the authority of the Qur'an itself, that Jesus had announced a messenger named Al:;tmad who would come after him (Q LXI.5). Consequently, according to Ibn Isl:;taq's way bf thinking, what John must have originally written down of the Gospel at Jesus' command could only have been in accordance with what the Qur'an says. So Ibn Isl:;taq presented John 15.26 in an Islami- cally correct fashion; it makes the Paraclete, the Comforter, a desig- nation for Muhammad, as he says explicitly at the end of the long pas- sage translated above. Ibn Isl:;taq is not troubled by any necessity to 45 The term is an adjectival noun from the root which means 'to give com- fort'; in this sense it is unique to Christian Palestinian Aramaic, although it is compa- rable to the Jewish Aramaic use of the same root. See Guillaume, 'The Version of the Gospels,' 293. 46 The meaning 'comforter' for 'Paraclete' instead of the more likely 'advocate' poses yet another lexical problem, but it need not detain us here. See J. Behm, 'Paraclete,' in G.W Bromiley, trans. & ed., Theological Dictionary if the New Testament, G. Kittel & G. Friedrich, eds. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964-1976), V, 800-814. 47 Marcuzzo, 394-395. 42 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH explain the relationship between the names Al:tmad and 'Paraclete' I al- MunaMmiina. 48 His logic must have been something like this: the Qur'an says that Jesus predicted the coming of Muhammad; John 15.26 says that Jesus said that will come; therefore, designates Muhammad. As for who will send al-MunaMmiinaIMuhammad, it would have been clear to Ibn Isl}aq that God is the one who sends His own mes- sengers (Q XL.78: arsalnii rusulan, 'We have sent messengers'). There- fore, according to Ibn Isl}aq's Islamicizing logic, the undistorted Gospel must have described as 'He whom God will send,' and not as one 'whom I (i.e., Jesus) shall send from the Father,' as the Chris- tians have it, and so Ibn Isl}aq reports it. Baumstark's proposal that Ibn Isl}aq's report in this instance was based on a corruption of the Aramaic phrase for 'Whom I shall send,'49 once again, and not with- out ingenuity, measures Ibn Isl}aq's quotation against Christian texts, rather than against his own Islamic understanding of what the uncor- rupted Gospel must have said in this instance. 16.1, 'So that you may not be in doubt.' The Christian Palestinian Aramaic Gospel lectionary, along with the original Greek, says, 'So that you might not be tripped up,' that is to say, 'scandalized,' as the expression has universally been interpreted in Christian circles. Ibn Isl}aq has simply supplied an easily understood Islamic phrase here, the recognition of which removes the necessity to follow Guillaume in his search for dialectical understandings of the root sh-k-k to mean 'to limp,' or 'to fall.'50 In the Qur'an, the people to whom prophets were sent, who have spoken against their prophets, are often said to be 'ji shakkin ... mur'ibin,' i.e., 'in suspicious doubt,' as were the people to whom was sent (Q XI.62), the people to whom Moses was sent (QXI.IIO), and even the people to whom Muhammad was sent (Q XXXIV.54). Ibn Isl}aq's Islamic understanding of John 48 Western scholars have long attempted to interpret AlJmad as a reflection of the Greek term parakletos misread as periklutos. See, e.g., Theodor Noldeke, Geschichte des Qgrans, 2 nd ed. (Leipzig: F. Schwally, 1909), I, 9, n. I. In all probability the Qur'an passage makes no allusion to any particular Gospel passage. As for the relationship between al-MunaMmiind and Mul;tammadl Al;tmad, one scholar has proposed that 'this identification is based only on the assonance between the Aramaic word and the name Muhammad, and seems to have been suggested by Christian converts to Islam.' J. Schacht, 'AJ::unad,' Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed., I, 267. 49 Baumstark, 206-207. 50 Guillaume, 'The Version of the Gospels,' 295. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 43 16.1 is therefore easily intelligible, as are the apologetic reasons why he searched out this whole passage from the Gospel according to St. John and quoted it in his 'Islamicized' version. It only remains to ask: where did Ibn Isqaq get the passage from the Gospel according to John that he quoted in the 'Islamicized' way that we have described? There are few mentions of Arabic Bible translations in early Islamic sources. 51 As Baumstark, Guillaume and others have shown, in spite of Ibn Isqaq's 'corrections,' in its text type the passage from John 15.23-16.1 as he presented it is clearly related to the form of the text found among Christians only in the Christian Palestinian Gospel Lectionary. But the question is, did Ibn Isqaq himself translate it from an Aramaic copy of this lectionary, or did he find it already translated into Arabic, perhaps in pre-Islamic times,52 and all he had to do was to 'correct' it? Alternatively, did Ibn Isqaq have an Arabic- speaking Christian informant who furnished him with the text, allowing him to adjust it in Arabic to suit his own Islamic understanding of the proper meaning? These are questions to which it is difficult to provide any definitive answers, and they come up in connection with almost all of the quotations from the Christian Bible to be found in the works of Muslim writers. But in Ibn Isqaq's case there are two bits of evidence to indicate that he was aware of the Aramaic/Syriac provenance of 51 Waraqah ibn Nawfal, a Christian, and a cousin of Muhammad's wife, was re- membered for his knowledge of the Gospel, and for the fact that he copied it in Arabic/Aramaic. See Griffith, 'The Gospel in Arabic,' 144-149. Among the early Muslims Wahb ibn Munabbih (d. 732) was renowned for his knowledge of the Bible. See RG. Khoury, Wahb ibn Munabbih; idem, 'Quelques reflexions.' There is a report in the Fihrist of Ibn an-Namm that one A4mad ibn 'Abd Allah ibn Salam translated the Torah, the Gospel, and the books of the prophets and disciples into Arabic from Hebrew, Greek, and Sabaean in the time of the caliph Harlin ar-Rashid (786--809), and that it was available in the library of the caliph al-Ma'mlin (813-833). See Bayard Dodge, The Fihrist if al-Nadzm (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), II, 945; I, 42. Converts to Islam from Judaism and Christianity in the early period are also likely sources of Biblical knowledge among the Muslims, as well as non-Muslim informants from these same communities. See R.G. Khoury, 'Quelques refiexions sur la premiere ou les premieres bibles arabes,' in T. Fahd, EArabie preislamique et son environnement historique et culturel, Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg, 24-27 juin 1987 (Leiden: Brill, 1989):549-56r. 52 There is currently no reliable documentary evidence for the translation of any part of the Bible into Arabic in pre-Islamic times. See Griffith, 'The Gospel in Arabic.' See also Irfan Shahid, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fourth Century (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1984), 435-443; idem, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fifth Century (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1989), 422-429; Khoury, 'Quelques refiexions sur la premiere ou les premieres bibles arabes.' 44 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH the passage he quoted. In the first place, in his version of John 15:25, 'They have hated me for nothing (majjiinan), i.e., in vain (biitilan),'53 Ibn Isi).aq provided an Arabic gloss (biitilan) for the enigmatic Aramaic word (maggiin) that he transcribes into Arabic as majjiinan. It is the Aramaic word that actually appears in this passage in the Christian Palestinian Aramaic Lectionary.54 Secondly, at the end of his quotation Ibn Isi).aq says, 'al-MunaMmiind in Syriac (bis-siryiiniyyah) is Muhammad.'55 Ibn Isi).aq, like many Muslim writers after him in the early Islamic period, actively searched out a Biblical passage that would help him argue more persuasively, on the authority of the scriptures, that Mu- hammad was a true prophet. Other Muslim writers, such as al-Ya'qubi and Ibn Qutaybah, also quoted the Bible to reinforce the distinctive Islamic prophetology that was in the process of elaboration in their days. 56 Others, such as Rabban at-Tabari,57 al-Qasim ibn Ibrahim,58 'Abd al:Jabbar,59 and even al-Ghazali,60 quoted the scriptures to dis- prove Christian doctrinal claims. While still others, most notably Ibn I:Iazm in the early period,61 quoted the Bible to demonstrate what they argued was its manifest textual corruption and falsification. In most 53 Ibn Hisham, Sirat an-nabz, I, 251; Wiistenfeld, 149. 54 Lewis & Gibson, The Palestinian Syriac Lectionary, 24 & 187. 55 Ibn Hisham, Sirat an-nabz, I, 251; Wiistenfeld, 150. 56 See nn. 14 & 15 above. 57 Rabban at-Tabari (d. c. 850) was a Christian convert to Islam. He quoted liberally from the Bible to prove the authenticity of Muhammad's prophethood and the veracity ofIslamic teachings. See A. Mingana, The Book if Religion and Empire (Manchester, 1922); idem, Kitab ad-din wa-dawlah (Cairo, 1923). A considerable amount of controversy sur- rounded the edition of this work. See now David Thomas, 'Tabari's Book of Religion and Empire,' Bulletin if the John Rylands Library 69 (1986), 1-7. 58 Al-Qasim also quoted fairly accurately from the Bible to refute Christian claims. See I. Di Matteo, 'Confutazione contro i Cristiani dello Zaydita al-Qasim b. IbrahIm,' Rivista degli Studi Orientali 9 (1921-1922):301-304. See also W Madelung, Der Imam al- Qflsim ibn Ibrahzm und die Glaubeslehre der Zaiditen (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1965); idem, 'Al- Qasim ibn ibrahim and Christian Theology,' ARAM 3 (1991):35-44. 59 See S. Stern, 'Quotations from Apocryphal Gospels in 'Abd al-Jabbar,' Journal if Theological Studies 18 (1967):34-57; idem, "Abd al:Jabbar's Account of How Christ's Religion Was Falsified by the Adoption of Roman Customs,' Journal if Theological Studies 19 (1968), 128-185; S. Pines, 'Gospel Quotations and Cognate Topics in 'Abd al-Jabbar's Tathbzt,' Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 9 (1987):195-278. 60 See n. 20 above. A refutation of the Christian doctrine of the divinity of Christ based on the Gospels is attributed to al-Ghazali. See R. Chidiac, ed. & trans., Al- GhazZalz, RifUtation excellente de la divinite de Jesus-Christ d'apres les Evangiles (Paris: Leroux, 1939). The authenticity of the work is challenged in Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Studies in al- Ghazzalz(Jerusalem, 1975), appendix A. 61 See n. 21 above. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 45 of these cases the same processes of 'Biblicization' and 'Islamicization' can also be observed, to a greater or lesser extent. And in all of these instances the same, seemingly unanswerable questions can be raised about the provenance of the Biblical texts. In the ensemble they all also testifY to the importance of 'arguing from scripture' for Muslim reli- gious writers in the early Islamic period. They posed a challenge to which the Arab Christian writers of the same period responded. III. Jesus Christ, 'Lord qf the Worlds' While most Christian apologetic and polemical literature in the early Islamic milieu presented arguments from reason in defense of Christian faith, after the manner of the 'ilm al-kaliim cultivated among the Mus- lims themselves, nevertheless the texts often also included arguments from scripture. An interesting feature in a number of these works is that in addition to claiming the authority of the Bible for the positions they espouse, some Christian writers also laid claim to the authority of the Qur'an, both in support of the veracity of Christian doctrines, and to plead for the positive regard of the Muslim authorities toward Christian beliefs and practices. 62 Some writers went so far as to argue that the 'canonical' text of the Qur'an, as the Muslims now have it, has been distorted, and that the original, true Qur'an actually pro- moted Christianity.63 But for the most part Christian controversialists engaged in 'arguing from scripture' in the conventional manner of their predecessors in pre-Islamic times, with this difference, that now they were required to counter the Biblical claims made by Muslim writers. Whereas Muslims normally claimed the authority of the scriptures in behalf of the true prophethood of Muhammad, and against the divinity of Jesus, Christians most often used the Bible to defend their doctrine of the divinity of Christ, and their contention that Christianity is the only true religion. They often did so within the framework of what 62 See Sidney H. Griffith, 'The Qur'an in Arab Christian Texts; the Development of an Apologetical Argument: Abu Qurrah in the Majlis of al-Ma'mun,' Parole de l'Orient 24 (1999): 203-233. 63 See Sidney H. Griffith, 'MuJ::tammad and the Monk BaJ:rira: Reflections on a Syriac and Arabic Text from Early Abbasid Times,' Oriens Christianus 79 (1995):146-174; Barbara Roggema, 'A Christian Reading of the Qur'an: the Legend of Sergius-BaJ::tira and its Use of Qur'an and Sirah,' in David Thomas, ed., Syrian Christians under Islam: The First Thousand Years (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 57-73. SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH one might call the Qur'an's prophetology. That is to say, in the Islamic milieu, Christ is presented by Christian apologists as the son of God, whose scripture and message is superior to those of any other prophetic claimant. This was clearly the structure in Theodore Abu Qurrah's (c. 755-C. 830) Arabic treatise, 'On the Existence of the Creator and the True Religion,'64 as well as in his treatise, 'On the Authority of the Mosaic Law, and the Gospel, and on the Orthodox Faith. '65 Theodore Abu Qurrah enunciated the following principle regarding the authority of the Bible for Christians in the Islamic milieu. He wrote, Christianity is simply faith in the Gospel and its appendices,66 and the Law of Moses and the books of the prophets in between. Every intelli- gent person must believe in what these books we have mentioned say, and acknowledge its truth and act on it, whether his own understanding reaches it or not. 67 It is relevant to the Islamic milieu in which he wrote that Abu Qurrah here presents the Bible succinctly by reference simply to the Gospel and its appendices, and the Torah, along with the prophets between it and the Gospel; the Qur'an refers to the Bible simply as 'the Torah and the Gospel' (Q III.48; Y.IIO). What is more, as if in response to the Qur'an's admonition to the 'People of the Gospel' to make their religious judgements in accordance with what God sent down to them (Q Y.47), Abu Qurrah further says, 'Were it not for the Gospel, we would not have acknowledged Moses to be from God. . .. Likewise, we acknowledge the prophets to be from God because of the Gospel.'68 And for Abu Qurrah the principal teaching of the Gospel is that Jesus Christ is the son of God and Christianity is the true religion. In one place he bundles together in the following sequence, verses from John 64 See Sidney H. Griffith, 'Faith and Reason in Christian Kaliim: Theodore Abu Qurrah on Discerning the True Religion,' in Samir Khalil Samir &Jorgen S. Nielsen, eds., Christian Arabic Apologetics during the 'Abbiisid Period (750-I258) (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 1-43 65 See Sidney H. Griffith, 'Muslims and Church Councils; the Apology of Theodore Abu Qurrah,' in Elizabeth A. Livingstone, ed., Studia Patristica (Leuven: Peeters, 1993), XXv, 270-299. 66 By the Gospel's 'appendices Uawiibi'ihz), Abu Qurrah means the New Testament books, Acts to Revelations, which follow the Gospel according to the four evangelists. Similarly, the prophets who come 'in between,' as he says in the next phrase, refer to all the Septuagint books from Joshua to Malachi, which follow the Torah. 67 Constantin Bacha, Les oeuvres arabes de Theodore Aboucara, eveque d'Haran (Beyrouth, 1904),27. 68 Louis Cheikho, 'l'vfimar li-Tadurus Abj Qurrah fi wujud al-khaliq wa-al-dln al- qawlm,' al-Machriq 15 (1912):837- ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 47 20.21, Matthew 28.19-20, John 11.25, John 3.18, and Mark 16.19-20, to argue that all the peoples of the world have rallied to the truth of Christianity He wrote as follows: The verification of the truth of our position is that in the pure Gospel Christ said to his disciples: 'As my father has sent me' (In. 20.21) to you, 'go to all peoples, make them disciples and baptize them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit and teach them to keep everything which I have commanded you. And behold, I am with you all days to the end of the world.' (Mt. 28.19-20) 'Whoever believes shall live (In. 1I.25) and whoever does not believe is defeated and abandoned.' (In. 3.18) And after Jesus spoke to them he ascended into the sky and took his seat at the right hand of the Father, and they went forth and preached in every place, while the Lord helped them and confirmed their preaching with the signs and wonders which they worked (Mk. 16.19-20) and because ofthese all the nations (cf. Mt. 28.19) accepted them. 69 These quotations from the Arabic works of Theodore Abu Qurrah may suffice to show in a general way the importance of 'arguing from the scriptures,' and specifically from the Gospel, for Christians engaged in dialogue with Muslims in the early Islamic period. Similar points could be made from the works of other, contemporary Christian writers in Arabic. But now, it will be more useful to examine the place of the scriptures in a single Christian apologetic work from the late ninth century, to show how the author shapes his interpretations to respond to challenges coming largely from Muslims, who used many of the same Biblical texts he discusses to support their own claims about Muhammad, or to demonstrate the Islamic view ofthe mission of Jesus Christ. The text was called by its author the Summary if the ~ s if Faith in the Trinity if the Unity if God and in the Incarnation if God the Word from the Pure Virgin Mary.70 In many ways it is the most exciting single work 69 Cheikho, 'Mimar li-Tadurus Abi Qurrah,' 840. 70 To date this text has not yet been published. It is available in its entirety in London, British Library; MS Or. 4950, a text written in the year 877 by Stephen of Ramleh. See Khalil Samir, 'Date de composition de la "Somme des aspects de la foi",' Orientalia Christiana Periodica 51 (1985):352-387; idem, 'La "Somme des aspects de la foi", oeuvre d'Abil Qurrah,' and Sidney H. Griffith, 'A Ninth Century Summa Theologiae Arabica,' in Khalil Samir, ed., Actes du deuxieme congres international d'itudes arabes chritiennes Orientalia Christiana Analecta 226 (Rome: Pontifical Institute of Oriental Studies, 1986), 93-121, 123-141; Sidney H. Griffith, 'Islam and the Summa Theologiae Arabica; Rabi'I, 264 A.H.,' Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 13 (1990):225-264; Mark Swanson, 'Some Considerations for the Dating of Fi tathlzth Allah al-wiil}id (Sin. ar. 154) and SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH of Christian theology to be written in Arabic in the ninth century. It stands complete in twenty-five chapters. In spite of its title, the Summary rif the Ways rif Faith is not confined simply to a discussion of the doctrines of the Trinity and the Incarnation. The subject matter of the chapters ranges from definitions of highly technical theological terms to an Ara- bic version of the conciliar and other canons governing the everyday life of the church. There are chapters that include long lists of scrip- tural testimonies to the Christian view of Christ's economy of salvation as well as discussions of the proper manner of interpreting the Bible. Distinctive features of the Summary are its obvious accommodation to the religious diction of Muslims and the attention paid to answering typically Islamic objections to Christian doctrines, as well as its recom- mendations for appropriate Christian behavior in the world of Islam. Throughout the work the author regularly appropriates for Christ, one of the Qur'an's most exclusive epithets for God, 'Lord of the Worlds (rabb al- 'alam'in)' (e.g., QI.2). Two chapters in the Summary rif the Wqys rif Faith are devoted partic- ularly to the Bible. The first of them, Chapter XIII, is a collection of scriptural testimonies from the Old Testament and the New Testament, presented by the author as attesting 'that Jesus the Messiah is God and the Son of God, the one who precedes the worlds, by means of whom and whose hand there is all that has come to be and all being. '71 The outline and general program of the chapter is comparable to Theodore Abu Qurrah's Arabic treatise, 'On the Authority of the Mosaic Law, and the Gospel, and the Orthodox Faith,' mentioned above.72 The sec- ond one is Chapter XVII/3 which is a collection of scholia on passages from the Gospel relating to sayings attributed to Christ, or to particular events in the life of Christ. It will be the focus of our special attention. Chapter XVII is composed of thirty-three questions and answers about as many passages from the Gospel. The author says at the outset that the trouble in most instances has to do with the passages in ques- tion being taken out of context. Meaningfully, he goes on to suggest that the appropriate context is the larger, interpretive one of Christol- al-Giimi C wuffiih al-lmiin (BL Or. 4950),' in Samir Khalil Samir, ed., Actes du 4e congres international d'etudes arabes chritiennes Parole de l'Orient 18 (Kaslik: Universite Saint-Esprit 1993), II5-141; Sidney H. Griffith, 'Arab Christian Culture in the Early Abbasid Period,' Bulletin qfthe Royal Institutefor Inter-Faith Studies 1(1999):25-44. 71 BL MS Or. 4950, fo1. 76r. The full chapter is included on fols. 54"-76r. 72 See n. 65 above. 73 BL MS Or. 4950, fols. 96'-II4r. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 49 ogy. He explains that difficulties arise when one hears 'Christ our Lord' in the Gospel describing himself as God the Father's 'messenger' (rasil0, when in fact he is himself God and the 'son of God.' The confusion arises, the author says, when one fails to understand that in Christ God took on human flesh out of compassion for human beings, to approach them on their own level. And the author further reminds the reader that on one occasion when the Jews wanted to stone Christ they said they would do so 'because you make yourself equal with God; whereas you are only a man of flesh' an. ro.3I-33). The author points out that Christ never denied the allegation. Right from this modest beginning, the reader is alerted to the fact that the author is responding to what he regards as misguided readings of the Gospel text in the Islamic milieu in which he lives. Several times in this short, prefatory paragraph he mentions the Arabic word rasill ('messenger'), the very term that the Qur'an uses when it insists that jesus, son of Mary, is but a messenger of God' (Q IVI7I). Arab Christian writers seldom if ever used this term to describe Christ; they often used it for Christ's apostles. Moreover, the device of suggesting that an essentially Islamic charge against the Christian view of Christ is a Jewish one was a well-known ploy in Arab Christian texts in the early Islamic period. 74 Writers such as the author of the Summary if the Ways if Faith normally refer to Islam, the Qur'an, or the prophet Muhammad only obliquely. One discerns the unmistakable references and allusions to Islamic teachings or to Islamic, anti-Christian views only in the distinctly Islamic, often Qur'anic vocabulary in which they are phrased. 75 Many of the Gospel passages that the author of the Summary if the Wqys if Faith discusses in chapter XVII are in fact the very ones that are to be found quoted in Islamic refutations of the Christians. For the most part they are sayings of Jesus recorded in the Gospel, mostly in the holy Gospel according to St. John, that on the face of it bespeak his com- plete humanity, even his creatureliness. The author explains in each instance how he thinks they should properly be interpreted, consistent with the church's teachings about the divinity and humanity of Christ. A notable feature of the author's explanations of these passages is his claim that they show Christ assuming a demeanor far inferior to his 74 See Sidney H. Griffith, Jews and Muslims in Christian Syriac and Arabic Texts of the Ninth Century,' Jewish History 3 (1988):65-94. 75 In this connection see Griffith, 'Islam and the Summa Theologiae Arabica.' 50 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH rightful divinity out of love and compassion for the people with whom he was interacting. Therefore, they cannot be interpreted to deny or disavow his divinity. A few examples will serve to make the point more concretely. It appears that the scholia in chapter XVII are addressed to Christian readers; the author speaks of someone who is 'weak' (rja'if), who has a question 'about our Lord, the Messiah's saying,' and he begins the reply with the phrase, 'With the help of our Lord, the Messiah, we say.'76 For example, in the first question, the 'weak' one asks about our Lord's saying, 'My coming down from heaven was so that I might do the will of the one who sent me' an. 6.38). In the reply the author points out that no messenger, prophet, nor any human being except Jesus has been sent down from heaven, and he is the 'messenger' (rasiil) of his Father, with whom he is one in being. Therefore, the questioner need not be baffled; 'The one coming down from heaven was true God, who isJesus the Messiah, to whom be worship and praise forever.'77 Several times, when in the Gospel passage in question Jesus may seem in his speech to claim a subordinate or creaturely position for himself, beneath what Christian teaching claims for him, the author reaffirms the teaching and then explains thatJesus' words were spoken 'out of courtesy on his part and in deference to his hearers.' An exam- ple is Jesus' saying in John 5.19, 'The son cannot do anything on his own, but only what he sees his father doing. '78 In this same context the author then has Jesus say, 'You maintain that I have contrived a fabri- cation (iftirii') because I said I am the son of God. If I have not done the works of my Father, do not believe in me; if I have done his works believe in me.' (C In. 10.36-38.)79 The Islamic flavor of the objection betrays itself in the author's appropriation of the Qur'an's expression, 'to contrive a fabrication' (iftirii) in this connection. In regard to the saying of Christ on the cross, reported in Mt. 27.46, 'My God, my God, why have you abandoned me?,' the author wrote as follows: At that time people were abandoned and their souls were in error, and they had no means, nor any understanding by which to be guided to 76 BL MS Or. 4950, fo1. 96v. 77 BL MS Or. 4950, fols. 96v--97'. 78 BL MS Or. 4950, fo1. 97v. 79 BL MS Or. 4950, fo1. 98'. The Qur'an uses the verb iftirii' fourteen times in the sense of 'contriving a fabrication' by inventing a falsehood against God, such as ascribing a partner to him. See esp. Q4.48 & 6.21. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE how to make an appeal or an entreaty to their creator for his good favor toward them. So Christ our Lord became a human being and served in every way in which servants used to serve their lords. And in his manhood he spoke in behalf of manhood what was necessary for them. So he said, 'My God, my God, why did you abandon me?' He did not say this on his own behalf, but on behalf of the people who were left in . their error .... I do not think that anyone of the believers would maintain that the divinity of the Messiah withdrew from his humanity, neither on the cross nor in the tomb, since it was united with it in the pure womb of Mary: It never withdrew. Our Lord the Messiah's saying, 'My God, my God, why have you abandoned me?' was in behalf of the people who were disregarded, abandoned in their error because of their sins, and not in behalf of himself To him be power and praise, and to his Father and his Spirit forever, Amen!80 In this passage, the author is obviously responding to an opponent who rejects the divinity of Christ on the basis of his own sayings as recorded in the Gospel, the very method of the Muslim polemicists of the early Islamic period. There is one verse in particular, John 20.17, that in this same manner is the most often quoted Gospel verse in the Christian/Muslim discourse of this period. The full text of the verse is as follows; it reports what Jesus said to Mary of Magdala when she encountered him after his resurrection: Jesus said to her, 'Do not touch me, for I have not yet ascended to the Father. But go to my brothers and tell them, "I am going to my father and your father, to my God and your God.'" Martin Accad has shown that whereas in pre-Islamic Biblical commentaries, Christian authors most often were concerned with the first part of the verse; in the Islamic milieu it was inevitably the second part that most often attracted their attention, because it was cited by Muslims in support of their views about Jesus Christ. 81 It is for this reason that the author of the Summary if the Wqys if Faith also discusses the second part of the verse: 'I am going up to my father and your father, my God and your God.'82 In the first place, the author makes the general affirmation that Christ's description of himself in terms of his divine and human 'prop- erties' (khawag) are both relative to his person s h a k h ~ ) and to his nature (kunh). He goes on to invoke a favorite analogy that he uses elsewhere in the same chapter, according to which he likens God's beneficence in the Incarnation of his Son to a king who calls his servants his sons, 80 BL MS Or. 4950, [ols. 103'&v. 81 See Accad's work cited in n. 29 above. 82 BL MS Or. 4950, [ols. 105'&v. 52 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH while the servants themselves call the son their brother, without there being any real doubt about the true identity of either father or son. So, he explains, in the case of Jesus saying, 'I am going up to my father and your father, my God and your God,' the phrase 'my God' is used by Christ in virtue of his humanity and his brotherhood with his fellow men. Therefore, 'it is no more reprehensible a saying than his descrip- tion of his divinity as coming down from heaven into a created body, or into bread to be eaten, as in his saying, "I am the living bread come down from heaven. Whoever eats of it will not die" Gn. 6.51).'83 The point the author wants to make clear is that Christ's words in John 20:17 cannot rightly be interpreted as a Gospel testimony in favor ofthe Islamic contention that Christ is not truly the son of God, and hence not divine, but only God's 'messenger' (rasu0. Rather, as the author has shown before, it is one more instance of Christ speaking of himself in human terms, in virtue of his Incarnation, out of consideration for those who believe in him. On the other hand, the author concedes in another place that because of Christ's birth from Mary in the flesh he can also truly be called the 'son of Mary'84 (c QII.87), as the Qur'an in fact calls him sixteen times. An especially interesting case is provided by the author's discussion of Jesus' saying in Luke 23.34: 'Father forgive them for they know not what they are doing.' The author explains that with these words the Lord meant to forgive the Romans, who did not know what they were really doing when they crucified him. As for the Jews, the text says that they were the guilty ones and that their guilt was unforgivable. Here is how the author put it: As for the Jews, they knew; they acted knowingly, out of their desire to harm him and their jealousy of him, to make killing him inevitable. They were killers even though they did not have the authority to kill him. According to what our Lord, the Messiah, said to Pilate, 'The one who handed me over to you has the greater sin' (In. Ig.Il) ... He had already determined in regard to the Jews that he would never forgive them, neither in this age nor in the next age (c Mt. 12.32) because they said it was by the chief of satans he was driving out satans (c Mt. 12.24).85 On the face of it this passage could be seen as an expression of the customary Christian, anti-Jewish animus of the time and place. But in 83 BL MS Or. 4950, fo1. 105 v . 84 See BL MS Or. 4950, fo1. 107 r . 85 BL MS Or. 4950, fols. liar-v. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 53 the Islamic context there is another, anti-Islamic dimension to it. 86 It also rebuts the claim in the Qur'an that the Jews neither killed nor crucified Jesus. In the context of the preceding verses, the Qur'an is listing the infidelities of the Jews, here calling them 'People of the Book.' Among them is 'their saying, "We killed Christ Jesus, the son of Mary, the messenger of God.'" The Qur'an goes on to say, 'They did not kill him, nor did they crucify him. It only seemed so to them. Those who differ about it are surely in doubt about it. They do not have any knowledge about it, other than the following of opinion. They most certainly did not kill him' (Q IVI57).87 While, on the one hand, the Qur'an had its own reasons for denying that the Jews killed Christ, the exculpation of the Jews in the affair was not among them, as the context makes clear. The author of the Summary if the Wqys if Faith, on the other hand, would have had at least two reasons to reaffirm the charge that the Jews did in fact kill Christ. The first would have been to reaffirm a traditional Christian charge against the Jews; the second would surely have been to rebut the Qur'an's claim that the Jews did not kill Christ. There are some especially interesting passages at the end of chapter XVII of the Summary if the Wqys if Faith about the character of the Gospel, which was itself a point of contention between Christians and Muslims. In the Islamic view, the Gospel was a scripture that had 'come down' (nazala) from God to Jesus, in the same way that the Torah had 'come down' from God to Moses, and the Qur'an had 'come down' from God to Muhammad. The author of the Summary if the Wqys if Faith supplied the Christian view of this matter, starting with his answer to the question about why the coming of the Holy Spirit was postponed until ten days after Christ's ascension into heaven. He completed it with his answer to the final question in the chapter, about why there are four Gospels, and not twelve or seventy of them, or not just one. As for the question about the delay in the coming of the Holy Spirit, the author explained that it was so that the Gospel, which is the new 86 On the anti-Islamic dimension of much of the anti:Jewish language in Arab Christian texts in the early period see Griffith, jews and Muslims.' 87 There is much commentary on this difficult verse in Islamic tcifsir literature. The general consensus seems to be that the text is to be taken to mean, among other things, that Jesus did not in fact die by crucifixion. See Mahmoud Ayyoub, 'Towards an Islamic Christology, 2: the Death of Jesus-Reality or Illusion?' The Muslim World 70 (1980), pp. 91- 121. 54 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH law, would come on the same day as the old law. His answer to this question therefore stresses that the Gospel is one scripture, like the Torah. He put it as follows: Then the Spirit descended early in the morning onto the apostles (ar- rusu!) on the feast day of the Jews called 'Pentecost' (al- 'aTl.!arah)88 as an accommodation on God's part, so men could hear a new prophecy in different languages among a people whose speech was Hebrew. This would summon them to acknowledge the one producing this [phenome- non] among them. 89 So the coming down ofthe new law (nu::;ill an-niimils which is the Gospel, came about on the fiftieth day, just like the day on which the Torah, the old law (an-niimils al- 'atfq), had come down, so that on this account one might come to the conclusion that the Lord (rabb) of the two of them is one and the same. The one speaking in the first instance, on the Hebrew tongue of Moses, was the very one speaking in the latter instance on the tongues of his apostles in different languages. It was for this reason that the Spirit waited ten days after our Lord the Messiah's ascension into heaven. 9o One readily recognizes in this passage how the author adopts Qur'anic terms to speak about the 'coming down' of the Torah and the Gospel. The one fulfills and supplants the other, 'coming down,' as the author says, on the fiftieth day, 'Pentecost,' just like the Torah before it. 91 This neat, chronological symmetry implicidy excludes the Qur'an from serious consideration as a revelation from God. What is more, the author borrows a theme from the current apologetic strategies of Arab Christian writers in his day by emphasizing the fact that whereas the Torah was in Hebrew, the Christian Gospel is in many languages, congruent with its universal mission to bring the truth to all peoples in their own languages. 92 Nevertheless, the Gospel itself is one, guaranteed 88 This Arabic term derives from the Rabbinic Hebrew name for the feast, generally translated as 'solemn assembly' or 'feast.' See Georg Graf, Verzeichnis arabischer kirchlicher Termini CSCO 15T80 (Louvain: Imprimerie Orientaliste, 1954). 89 The author probably means to refer to Jesus by this phrase, 'the one produc- ing this phenomenon' bihim dhiilika), since according to John 15.26 Jesus had promised that after going to the Father he would send the Holy Spirit from the Father. 90 BL MS Or. 4950, fo1. II3 v . 91 The Jewish feast of Weeks, Shavu'ot, in Rabbinic times celebrated the giving of the Torah at Sinai. It was called 'Pentecost' in Greek because it commemorated the theophany at Sinai, which was calculated to have occurred on the 50th day after the Exodus. See LouisJacobs, 'Shavuot,' in The EnryclopaediaJudaica (Jerusalem: Keter, 1971), XIv, cols. 1319-1322. 92 This reasoning is also used to exclude the Qur'an from credibility. See Sidney H. Griffith, 'Comparative Religion in the Apologetics of the First Christian Arabic Theologians,' Proceedings if the Patristic, Medieval & Renaissance Co1?ftrence 4 (1979):63-87. ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE ss by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. And this point brings up the final question the author addresses in chapter XVII of the Summary if the Wtrys if Faith, why then are there just four written Gospels rather than more of them, or, alternatively, why would there not be just one of them? The author's answer to the question about the rationale for the four written Gospels evokes the requirement inJewish law (Deut. 17.6; and Islamic law, QII.282) for two witnesses to verify a claim to the truth in a legal proceeding. He says there are two written Gospels to testifY to Christ's divinity, and two to testify to his humanity. He puts it this way: We say that the four who committed themselves to writing the Gospel were four witnesses to the two states of our Lord the Messiah; two witnesses for his divinity, and two witnesses for his humanity, as was acceptable among the sons of Israel. The first of the two witnesses to his humanity was Matthew, in his saying in the beginning of his Gospel, 'The book of the coming to be of Jesus, the Messiah, the son of David, the son of Abraham, the son ofIsaac, the son of Jacob, the son of Judah, etc.' (Mt. I.I-2). The second of the witnesses to his humanity is Luke, according to whom he (i.e., Christ) was, as they would think, the son of so and so, the son of so and so, going back to Adam (c Lk. 3.23- 38). The first of the two witnesses to his divinity is Mark, in his saying at the head of his Gospel, 'The beginning of the Gospel of Jesus the Messiah, the son of God' (Mk. r.r). From the Father one reasons to the Son; the Father is God, therefore the Son is God, true God from true God. The second of the witnesses to his divinity is John, in his saying in the beginning of his Gospel, 'In the beginning there was ever the Word, and the Word was ever with God, and God was ever the Word' (Tn. r.r). So the four writers of the Gospel are four witnesses to the two states of our Lord the Messiah, two witnesses for his humanity, and two witnesses for his divinity, to him be glory and power, and to his Father and his Spirit, forever and ever, Amen!93 From just the quick survey we have been able to include here, it is clear that in chapter XVII the author of the Summary if the Wtrys if Faith has first of all undertaken to provide a reasonable defense for the Chris- tian interpretation of those passages of the Gospels most often cited by Muslim polemicists in the early Islamic period, in their efforts to argue from scripture in refutation of the doctrines of the Christians. In addi- tion, the author has also taken the opportunity this exercise provided to present further arguments from scripture in behalf of Christian tenets often challenged in his day by Muslims. He did this, according to his 93 BL MS Or. 4950, [ols. II 3LII4r. SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH practice in the whole book, without explicitly mentioning the Muslims. He referred to them, and their beliefs and practices, only obliquely, by way of his use of the diction of the Qur'an and other Islamic, technical terminology in Arabic. The primary audience for his work would have been the Arabophone Christian community among whom he lived, who would have had a need to know that there were adequate Chris- tian responses to the religious challenges customarily posed to them by Muslims. Primary among them would have been the conundrums of the Gospels themselves. Iv. Christians and Muslims Arguingfrom Scripture In a way the whole Christian/Muslim encounter in the early Islamic period could be characterized as a conflict over the proper under- standing of the narratives in the scriptures. Here by way of pertinent examples we have reviewed the way a Muslim author in the eighth century authenticated the prophethood of Muhammad by appealing to a passage in the Gospel according to St. John, suitably corrected and 'Islamicized' according to the Qur'an's teachings about the gen- uine Gospel. And we have examined how a Christian Arab writer of the ninth century defended the Christian interpretation of Gospel pas- sages that Muslims customarily cited in support of the Qur'an's teach- ings about Jesus, son of Mary; he used them in turn to justify Christian teachings. The two enterprises highlight from both the Islamic and the Christian perspectives how 'arguing from scripture' actually functioned in the Christian/Muslim encounter in the early Islamic period. Many other examples could also have been studied, but hopefully these two concrete instances will convey an accurate sense of how the Bible was an important point of reference for both parties. Both Muslims and Christians considered it to be an authority worth citing in support of the veracity of their own, often mutually exclusive, religious allegations. Nevertheless, as time went on, as we mentioned in the first part of our study, Muslims became increasingly wary of the probative value of passages cited from the Bible in the on-going, interreligious controver- sies. They turned their attention more to the demonstration of what they regarded as the 'falsification' and 'corruption' of the Bible, par- ticularly the Gospels. From the twelfth century onward 'arguing from scripture' became increasingly rare in Islamic texts. Nevertheless, the principal figures in the Bible's narratives, Abraham, Joseph, Moses, ARGUING FROM SCRIPTURE 57 David, Solomon, Jesus and Mary, to name only the most popular of them, continued to be prominent in Islamic religious discourse, most notably in stories and legends in the ~ ~ al-anbiyii' and the Isrii'iliyyiit texts that bear litde if any resemblance to the Bible's accounts of them. 94 In the late Middle Ages, somewhere in the Iberian peninsula, someone even produced an 'Islamicizing' Gospel under the tide of the 'Gospel of Barnabas' that presents the story of Jesus in a way that accords com- pletely with the requirements of the Jesus ofthe Qur'an. 95 These later developments in the history of the Islamic approach to the stories of the Biblical characters, diverging more and more as they do from the actual Biblical narratives, suggest that between Muslims and Christians the Bible came eventually to be not only a point of convergence but a point of estrangement as well. Modern Muslim controversialists often cite the work of present-day, western Biblical scholars who employ the historical! critical method in their studies, in support of the Islamic contention that the Gospels as the Christians now have them are composite documents, far removed from the Gospel that the Qur'an affirms.96 But the irony is that even today, as in the Middle Ages, whether for polemic or irenic purposes, the study of the Bible is still a major component in the Muslim/Christian encounter. Nevertheless, for all this attention to the scriptures, it is also true, as Hava Lazarus Yafeh wrote, that in the world of Islam, Biblical 'exegesis never became a literary genre on its own, nor did it ever play an important role in Muslim medieval theology. '97 And as she 94 This is true even in regard to Jesus, who remained a popular figure in Islam. See Roger Arnaldez, Jesus,fils de Marie, prophete de l'Islam (Paris: Desclee, 1980); Kenneth Cragg, Jesus and the Muslim: An Exploration (London: George, Allen & Unwin, 1985); Tarif Khalidi, The Muslim Jesus: Sayings and Stories in Islamic Literature (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001). 95 The text of this work was discovered in an Italian manuscript in Amsterdam in 1709. The modern scholarly consensus has it that the Gospel of Barnabas was com- posed in the western Mediterranean world (Spain) in the 16th century. See J. Slomp, 'The Gospel in Dispute,' Islamochristiana 4 (1977):67-ll2; M. De Epalza, 'Le milieu hispano-moresque de l'Evangile islamisant de Barnabe,' Islamochristiana 8 (1982):159- 183; R. Stichel, 'Bemerkungen zum Barnabas-Evangelium,' Byzantinoslavica 43 (1982): 189-201; D. Sox, The Gospel qf Barnabas (London: Allen & Unwin, 1984). Since being translated into "Arabic early in the 20th century, the Gospel of Barnabas has been widely acclaimed by some popular Muslim writers as a more authentic record of Jesus , life than is offered in the four canonical Gospels of the Christians. See Kate Zebiri, Muslims and Christians Face to Face (Oxford: One World, 1997), especially 45-46, 50-71. 96 See, e.g., Hugh Goddard, Muslim Perceptions qf Christianity (London: Grey Seal, 1996), especially 59--g4. 97 Lazarus Yafeh, Intertwined ftOrlds, llO. 58 SIDNEY H. GRIFFITH further wrote, 'Ibn J:Iazm's systematic scrutiny of the Bible text is a rare scholarly achievement, unparalleled in medieval Arabic literature. '98 But as we have shown, from the early Islamic period onward it has been important for Muslims to argue from scripture that Muhammad was a prophet foretold and for Christians in the Islamic milieu to argue from the same scriptures that Jesus the Messiah is Lord. 98 Lazarus Yafeh, Intertwined TMlrlds, 135. ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR,JEROME, AND THE JEWS: BIBLICAL SCHOLARSHIP IN THE TWELFTH-CENTURY RENAISSANCE FRANS VAN LIERE In II4I and II42, within a year of each other, two men died who were perhaps most representative of the intellectual climate in twelfth cen- tury Europe, Hugh of St. Victor and Peter Abelard. Hugh of St. Vic- tor has been seen as the mastermind behind the essentially contem- plative program of learning at the abbey of St. Victor, a program that sought to bridge the gap between scientia, Man's inquisitive intellectual power, and sapientia, the human mind seeking God. By contrast, Peter Abelard was the rebellious scholar, and perhaps the most innovative rationalist philosopher of the twelfth century, whose motto 'Nothing can be believed unless it is first understood' seemed to express a nearly unlimited optimism in Man's capacity to rely on his own rational fac- ulties. The two men stood at opposite ends of the spectrum in their visions of how knowledge could transform theology. They also exem- plify the contrasting ways in which later scholars have interpreted the intellectual achievement of the twelfth century. The time in which they lived was one of the most exciting and formative periods in medieval Europe. It saw the formation of a multitude of religious orders and reform movements and the rediscovery of Europe's classical heritage and of the power of Reason. Charles Homer Haskins referred to it as the 'renaissance of the twelfth century.' I In describing this renaissance, scholars have traditionally emphasized the rationalistic and humanis- tic outlook of scholars in this period, the renewed interest in ancient and classical learning, and the expression of individualism. No surprise, then, that Abelard has commonly received more attention in surveys of the twelfth-century renaissance than Hugh. Scholars have also tended to assume, from this narrow definition of the twelfth-century intellec- tual achievement, that this renaissance was waning, if not past, by the end of the century. Frederick Artz, for instance, saw the twelfth-century renaissance as terminated by the rise of scholasticism: I Charles Homer Haskins, The Renaissance qfthe Twelfih Century (New York: Meridian Books, 1957). 60 FRANS VAN LIERE The humanism of the twelfth century ( ... ) showed a new awareness of this world, and, through this awareness, it came to understand better the world of Greece and Rome. But this humanistic movement was cut short by the growing interest in dialectical and theological studies stimulated by the recovery of Greek and Arabic learning. 2 Even David Knowles, generally more sympathetic to the achievements of Christian theology, states that by the end of the twelfth century, 'literary, philosophical, scholarly humanism was dead.'3 This narrow definition of the twelfth century, however, neglects some important aspects of the intellectual achievement of this period. It over- looks the encyclopaedic character of its learning, and, in emphasizing the Classics, it tends to downplay the influence that Jews and Muslims may have had on the formation of intellectual culture. In other words, in focusing on Abelard, it forgets Hugh of St. Victor. Richard South- ern has offered a more helpful paradigm for this period by coining the label 'scholastic humanism'; in his unfinished trilogy Scholastic Humanism and the Unification qf Europe, Southern offers a broader evaluation of the twelfth-century renaissance and its humanism, which he sees as a more lasting achievement. Central to twelfth-century renaissance humanism were, in his view, an optimistic outlook and confidence in human facul- ties; a belief in the knowability of the world and the redemptive power of human knowledge (both of which may be labelled 'humanism'); the discovery and recovery of a body of transforming knowledge (in which the recovery of classical antiquity did playa role but not an exclusive one); the systematization of this body of knowledge and the formation of scholarly disciplines; and, finally, the transmission of this knowledge to a wider audience of the lay community of Christendom. 4 This essay will argue that this broader conception of scholastic humanism is par- ticularly well-exemplified in the Biblical commentaries of Hugh's stu- dent, Andrew of St. Victor. They show how texts were read, catego- rized, used, re-used and disseminated in a newly emerging scholarly milieu. Ultimately, it is there, and not in a superficial taste for antiqui- ties, that we have to seek the real achievement of the twelfth-century renaIssance. 2 Frederick B. Artz, The Mind rif the Middle Ages (New York: Knopf, 1953), 433. 3 David Knowles, 'The Humanism of the Twelfth Century,' Studies: An Irish Qyarter[y Review 30 (1941): 57- 4 Richard William Southern, Scholastic Humanism and the Unification rif Europe. vol. I: Foundations (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995),3-4. ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR, JEROME, AND THE JEWS 61 Andrew of St. Victor was the key figure in Beryl Smalley's The Study qf the Bible in the Middle Ages, and she found him one of the most remarkable Biblical exegetes of the twelfth century. In II42, Andrew was probably still a young man, possibly in his thirties; his date of birth is unknown, but we know he died in II75, as the respected abbot of the Victorine daughter foundation Wigmore Abbey, in England. Together with his teacher Hugh, Andrew has been seen as the great renovator in medieval exegesis, the exponent of the 'Victorine exegeti- cal revolution' in Biblical interpretation. Smalley characterizes Andrew in almost Abelardian terms. She calls him 'a humanist, with a taste for antiquities' and an 'instinctive, unreasoning rationalist,' which would place him comfortably within the more narrow definition of twelfth- century humanism mentioned above. In Smalley's view, it was above all Andrew's willingness to set aside theological judgement in his inter- pretation of the scriptures, and to consult Jewish sources for the literal interpretation of the Biblical text and incorporate them in his com- mentaries, which reflected his rational qualities. 5 More recent schol- arship has added critical footnotes to Smalley's lyrical assessment of Andrew. In examining Andrew's commentary on the books of Samuel and Kings, Avrom Saltman concludes that Andrew 'has hardly done justice to himself, certainly not to his great reputation as an exponent of literal exegesis.'6 William McKane observes that Andrew's Biblical humanism lies not in his 'powers as a Hebraist,' nor his technical excel- lence as an exegete, or even his 'plundering of the resources of Jewish exegesis.' Still, McKane admits that he did make a new departure in the search for the literal sense, 'determined by the cast of his own mind, rather than a copying of Jewish exegetical methods.'7 Andrew's contri- bution in Biblical scholarship was, indeed, more innovative in method- 5 Beryl Smalley, The Study if the Bible in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Blackwell,1983), 119 and 172, respectively. Cf. Beryl Smalley, 'Andrew of St. Victor, Abbot of Wigmore: A Twelfth Century Hebraist,' Recherches de theologie ancienne et medievale IO (1938):363, where she calls Andrew 'the Abailard of Biblical scholarship.' The term 'Victorine exegetical revolution' was coined by Amos Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientific Imagination.from the Middle Ages to the Seventeenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 55. 6 Avrom Saltman, 'Pseudo:Jerome in the Commentary of Andrew of St. Victor on Samuel,' Harvard Theological Review 67 (1974): 216. Note that Saltman's assessment is based on a mistaken analysis of the manuscript tradition of Andrew's commentary on Samuel and Kings. Cf. Avrom Saltman, ed., Pseudo-Jerome, Qyaestiones on the Book if Samuel, Studia Post-Biblica 26 (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1975), 39-49 7 William McKane, Selected Christian Hebraists (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 50. FRANS VAN LIERE ology than in content. The cast of his own mind may have determined it, but, as I will show below, in this methodological innovation, he did owe a great debt to Jewish exegetes. The abbey of St. Victor, founded in 1108 by William of Champeaux, had developed in the twelfth century into a prestigious center of spir- itual learning. In the environment of the emerging schools at Paris, which would eventually give birth to the University, the school of St. Victor played an important role. Exegesis of the scriptures had a promi- nent place in the school of St. Victor. 8 In the medieval exegetical theory; scripture, and especially the Old Testament, was read not primarily for its literal, but for its figurative meaning. In its figurative or allegorical sense, the Old Testament was seen as a foreshadowing of the myster- ies of the Christian faith contained in the New Testament. Not infre- quently, this allegorical interpretation had a polemical, anti-judaizing tone. But the problem with allegory; or figurative interpretation, is that, unless one grounds exegesis in a fixed canon of traditional allegoriza- tions, there is no clear hermeneutical principle to establish the meaning of a certain text. If nothing means just what it says, everything can mean anything. One project of twelfth-century exegesis was to estab- lish just such an allegorical canon, in the standard gloss to the entire Bible, the Glossa ordinaria. At the same time, the School of St. Victor proposed a different solution to the hermeneutical impasse. Accord- ing to Hugh of St. Victor, Andrew's teacher, all allegory should be grounded in a clear understanding of the literal, or historical, mean- ing of the text. 9 Andrew continued along the same path. He restricted himself to the primary; literal meaning. Andrew wrote commentaries on the literal sense of most books of the Old Testament. His com- mentaries consisted mainly of translating the difficult Biblical idiom into comprehensible Latin, and explicating the meaning of a text by grammatical analysis. Where possible, he related the text to its con- text and identified historical persons and places. When the meaning of the text was obscure because of textual corruption, he improved the 8 See Jean Ch.tillon, 'La culture de l'ecole de Saint-Victor du XIIe siecle', in Entretiens sur la renaissance du XII' siecle, eds. Maurice de Gandillac and EdouardJeauneau (Paris: Mouton, 1968), 147-160. 9 Hugh of St. Victor, Didascalicon de studio legendi, ed. C.H. Buttimer (Washington, DC: The Catholic University Press, 1939), 113-117- See also Michael A. Signer, 'God's Love for Israel: Apologetic and Hermeneutical Strategies in Twelfth-Century Biblical Exegesis,' in Jews and Christians in Twe1fih-Century Europe, eds. Michael A. Signer and John Van Engen (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2001), 126. ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR, JEROME, AND THE JEWS text by textual criticism. He avoided theological and allegorical inter- pretation as much as possible. Andrew's limitation to the literal sense of scripture was exceptional and, in this sense, his exegesis was innovative, but if from this one expects his commentaries to be highly original, one will be disap- pointed; it turns out that they are, for the most part, excerpts from either the Glossa ordinaria or from the fifth century Biblical commenta- tor Jerome. Our modern disposition may associate intellectual renewal with originality of thought, but this idea is distinctly modern and alien to twelfth century practice. In one of the few instances in which An- drew reflects on his own activities as an exegete, in his prologue to the Prophets, he tells us that he regards himself as a collector of exegetical opinions pertaining to the literal sense; his commentary was a compila- tion of exegesis ad litteram: I have collected together what is scattered and diffused through them (i.e., commentaries and glossed books), pertaining to the historical sense, and have concentrated it, as if it were into one corpus.1O Andrew might actually give himself too much credit here for 'collecting what was scattered.' His materials were not scattered that widely; as I have shown elsewhere, in his commentaries on the Heptateuch and Samuel and Kings, Andrew excerpted mainly one source, the Glossa ordinaria. 11 The same is true for his commentaries on the Prophets (four Major Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel; and the twelve Minor Prophets), which were chiefly excerpted from Jerome often through the Glossa ordinaria. His Daniel commentary relies so heavily on Jerome that at chapter eleven, Andrew ends his commentary with the words 'The rest that follows until the end of the work is so dili- gently explained by St. Jerome that it might be superfluous to add anything to it ... '12 He might have well said the same for his com- mentary on the Twelve Prophets. For the last three prophets, Andrew's commentary is merely an excerpt from Jerome. 13 But his activity as 10 Smalley, 123 (cf. p. 375, quoted from Paris, Bibliotheque Mazarine, MS 175, fo!' 93 r ). 11 Frans van Liere, 'Andrew of St. Victor and the Gloss on Samuel and Kings,' in Media Latinitas. A collection if essays to mark the occasion if the retirement if L.] Engels, eds. R.I.A. Nip, H. van Dijk (Turnhout: Brepols, 1995), 249-253. 12 Andrew of St. Victor, Expositio super Danielem, ed., M.A. Zier, CCCM 53F (Turn- hout: Brepols, 1990), 113. 13 The commentary is forthcoming in CCCM 53G (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006); I have used here Stuttgart, Wiirtembergische Landesbibliothek, MS HB.Iv.6, 43'-89 r . FRANS VAN LIERE an excerptor deserves closer attention. It may show us how Andrew defined his own exegetical activity in relation to the work of the ancient interpreter. His commentary on Ezekiel is instructive here. We have his commentary on Ezekiel in two manuscript versions: one consisting mainly of Andrew's own comments, and one interspersed with lengthy excerpts from Jerome. The editor, Michael Signer, is ambivalent about the question whether this interlacing of Jerome and Andrew was actu- ally done by Andrew or by an anonymous compiler of a later date, but he admits that the interlaced version 'most likely represents the Exposi- tio as Andrew envisioned it.'14 Reading Andrew's prologue to his Ezekiel commentary, I think we can be quite firm about Andrew's 'authorship' of the entire commentary, Jerome and all. Andrew says here, Putting the historical exposition of the excellent doctor Jerome before ours, as we did in our other works, with God's help and for the common use of the reader, we gather together into one work all that the Lord has willed to inspire and that could be obtained by our own diligence or borrowed from elsewhere. 15 What was Andrew's attitude towards Jerome? Knowles observes that the personal devotion to certain figures of the ancient world may be typical of the twelfth-century renaissance,16 and, partially, Andrew dem- onstrates such a devotion to Jerome. When medieval writers wanted to describe their relation to the authors of classical antiquity, they had two different metaphors at their disposal. They could use Bernard of Chartres' famous image of modern authors as 'dwarves on the shoulders of giants' or, in quite the opposite spirit, they might turn to the fifth-century grammarian Priscian, saying 'quanto juniores, tanto perspicaciores.'17 Young men simply can see more sharply, Priscian claimed, alluding to the fact that the grammarians of his own period wrote much more clearly than the authors of old. Both metaphors suggest that knowledge and insight have progressed since times past, but Bernard of Chartres gives more credit to the past, by contrasting 14 Andrew of St. Victor, Expositio in E;:;echielem, ed., Michael A. Signer, CCCM 53E (Brepols: Turnhout, 1991), lxix. 15 Andrew of St. Victor, Expositio in E;:;echielem, 1. 16 Knowles, 49. 17 R. Klibanski, 'Standing on the Shoulders of Giants,' Isis 26 (1936), 4 7 ~ 4 9 ; Priscianus, Institutiones grammaticae, ed., M. Hertz, in H. Keil, Grammatici Latini (Leipzig: Teubner, 1855): II, 1 and 6--7. ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR, JEROME, AND THE JEWS modern 'dwarves' with ancient 'giants.' Priscian's dictum, on the other hand, suggests a much more unequivocal belief in scholarly progress. Hubert Silvestre and Mortimer Donovan, in a survey of the use of this quotation in the twelfth century, have suggested that this phrase of Priscian was quoted often and appreciatively for just this reason: the twelfth-century renaissance valued originality and inquisitiveness. But both authors also note that Andrew of St. Victor stands out as something of an oddball among those who cited Priscian's famous dictum in the twelfth century, in that he disagreed with him about the respective visual acumen of ancients and moderns. 18 In his prologue to Isaiah, Andrew comments that it is really superfluous to add to what Jerome has already written on this book. He asks rhetorically: Or do you think we could penetrate more perspicuously and sharply there where he could not, as younger authors who can see more clearly with a keen mind?19 Andrew puts his ancient authority clearly higher than himself, and in his commentaries, he tells us, he does not presume to go beyond what Jerome has already said; he states that he will 'follow Jerome on unequal foot,'20 putting Jerome's commentary before whatever he may have to say. Andrew's attitude towards the Fathers is more complex and ambiguous than it first seems; why, after all, does he set out to write his own commentary at all, if Jerome's is clearly superior? Andrew may have borrowed extensively, but he also had a clear selection principle, in that he only included literal interpretations in his commentaries. In principle, Andrew omits Jerome's allegorical interpre- tations, and when, on occasion, he does include an interpretation that is not strictly literal, he offered alternative readings to Jerome's exege- sis. Some examples: In his commentary on Joel 2.32 (=3.5): 'In mount Zion and Jerusalem shall be deliverance,' Andrew includes Jerome's comments: 'All these obviously refer tropologically to the time of the passion and resurrection of the Lord, as Peter and Paul propose [in the book of ActsJ.'21 In glossing Joel's prophecy about the coming of 18 H. Silvestre, "'Quanto iuniores, tanto perspiciatores"; Antecedents a la Querelle des anciens et des modernes,' Publication de l'Universite Lovanianum de Kinshasa. Recueil commemoratif du Xe anniversaire de la Faculte (Louvain, 1967), 231-255. 19 Smalley, 379. 20 Smalley, 379. 21 Hieronymus Presbyter, Commentarii in Prophetas Minores, ed., M. Adriaen, CCSL 76 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1969): I, 197. Cf. Ac. 2.16-21. 66 FRANS VAN LIERE the Holy Spirit, Jerome explains that this prophecy is fulfilled ('impletus est' or 'spiritualiter impleatur') on the day of the first Pentecost; this against the Jews, who maintain that this event is still to come. 22 Jerome did not, in fact, invent these allegorical interpretations; they were based on scriptural allusions in the New Testament, in the sermons of St. Peter in the book of Acts. For this reason, they might have carried more weight than other allegorizations of the text. Although Andrew never really took issue with a Christological reading of the Old Testament text, he does offer alternative readings to Jerome's exegesis, introducing them modestly with 'Vel sic,' or 'Aliter'. In the above-cited passages, Andrew cautiously offers a more literal reading of the texts as an alternative to Jerome: in Joel 2.32, Andrew offers that a remnant of the Jewish people did stay in Jerusalem, to fulfil this prophecy in a more literal sense. 23 He admits, against Jerome, that the effusion of the Holy Spirit as described by Joel may indeed describe some events at the end of times, not just those of Pentecost. 24 As Smalley observed, listing his own interpretations as alternatives to, rather than corrections of Jerome, 'shifted the responsibility of choice to the reader.' 'Since there was no urgent need in matters of historical fact, as there was in matters of faith, to decide between the "Yes and No," exegetes had evolved a system of "Either, Or."'25 But at times, Andrew was not simply offering an alternative reading, but actually refuting the exegesis of Jerome, which he had just faithfully excerpted. He professed to follow Jerome 'on unequal foot,' but he certainly did not follow him slavishly. In short, Andrew was offering an excerpt of Jerome with supple- ments. 26 In this way, he was creating an essentially new type of text; perhaps not new and original according to our ideas of valuable schol- arship, which tend to dismiss excerpting texts as a boring and uno- riginal activity, but certainly new in the scholarly milieu of the twelfth century where a wide dissemination of written texts was not taken for granted and in which a multiplicity of textual meanings could be bewil- dering. Of course, Jerome's commentaries required some reworking to fit Andrew's scheme. Jerome's commentaries were not a school text. He wrote them to propagate the Christian faith and answer the doctrinal 22 Hieronymus, Commentarii in Prophetas Minores, I, 192. 23 Stuttgart, MS HB.IV6, fo!' 58'. 24 Stuttgart, MS HB.IV6, fo!' 57 L 58'. 25 Smalley, 128. 26 C( Smalley, 161. ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR, JEROME, AND THE JEWS questions of his own time; the commentary on the Twelve Prophets, for instance, was largely a polemic against Marcionites and Valentini- ans, two gnostic heresies that plagued the early Christian Church in the Western Roman Empire. Occasionally, Jerome made a polemical remark against Jewish interpreters of the text, especially when they interpreted certain prophesies as referring to the coming of the Mes- siah; prophecies that, in Jerome's view, already clearly had been ful- filled. In contrast, Andrew was producing much more of a school text, a literal commentary as abbreviation of Jerome with occasional alter- native readings. In order to do this, Andrew had to 'reformat' Jerome in some fundamental ways. Whereas Jerome took large pericopes, and explained them in a running argument, Andrew's basic technique of interpretation was to interpolate the text with brief glosses. Much more so than Jerome, Andrew takes his reader by the hand, and leads him through the text, the finger pointing to the significant words, and explaining them as he goes along. Where Andrew does offer his own original interpretation, his listeners or readers must have had to pay close attention, for here Andrew had an uncanny talent for expos- ing the 'aporia' in the Biblical text, and he offered challenging new interpretations that were a model of 'perspicuity' and that showed that the art of literal exegesis could indeed be an intellectually challenging endeavor. Glossing was an important scholastic method of reading and digesting authoritative texts, and Andrew's exegetical method was an exciting exercise in close reading. When Jerome, in Andrew's opinion, fell short in his exegetical analy- sis, it was often a Jewish source that offered the conclusive explanation for him. Smalley appreciated this as one of the most innovative aspects of Andrew's commentaries: to suspend theological judgement in his Biblical interpretation and to consult and incorporate Jewish sources in his literal commentaries. But of course it never was Andrew's aim to promote greater understanding between Christians and Jews, or to facilitate interreligious dialogue. As Anna Abulafia rightly points out about scholars like Andrew, 'for all their genuine fascination with the Hebrew Bible, Hebrew, and even rabbinics, their ultimate aim was to intensifY their own and their community's Christian understanding of the text.'27 The discussion of Andrew's Hebrew scholarship has focused on two questions: where did Andrew derive his Jewish sources, and did 27 Anna Sapir Abulafia, Christians andJews in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance (New York: Routledge, I995), 94 68 FRANS VAN LIERE Andrew know Hebrew? But ultimately, Andrew's most daring move was not so much crossing the religious boundaries, or the incorporation of Jewish materials, but introducing a new methodology for reading the Biblical text. This, rather than the exegetical content, perhaps consti- tuted Andrew's greatest debt to his Jewish colleagues. As a Hebraist, Andrew's talents should not be overstated. We find in Andrew's commentary the direct influence of some Jewish exegetes, especially of the exegetes in Northern France who specialized in the literal explanation of scripture. Among these were Rashi Joseph Kara, who worked around and Andrew's contem- poraries Joseph Bekhor Shor and Eliezer de Beaugency. Much of the Jewish material in Andrew's commentaries was probably communi- cated by personal contact, for there were no Latin translations of these Hebrew commentaries available. Andrew must have had contacts in the circles of Jewish scholars who were acquainted with the current commentary tradition, and who were able to explain their views to him. Mter all, the Jewish school in Paris was close to the cathedral, and not far from the abbey of St. Victor. This very fact should cau- tion us against trying to establish direct textual links between Andrew and certain Jewish authors. Although Andrew frequendy quotes Rashi's comments, it is not clear whether Andrew ever saw a commentary by Rashi, and if he did, he probably could not have read it without some coaching. 28 A decisive argument to attribute Andrew'sJewish sources to oral communication can be found in the evidence of one of Andrew's most frequendy cited sources, the commentaries of Rabbi David Kimhi (acronym Radak). There is no way Andrew could have known Kimhi's commentaries, since Kimhi, who was born around rr60, wrote his commentaries a generation after Andrew's. But Kimhi's commentaries apparendy represent a tradition in Jewish exegesis, probably that of his grandfather Joseph Kimhi, with which the Jews of Paris, and there- fore also Andrew, were acquainted. In this way, the oral element in the transmission of Jewish sources into Andrew's commentaries make them a valuable link in the textual history of some twelfth-century Jew- ish commentaries; they contain evidence of Jewish exegetical traditions that were not committed to script (or at least, not in script that has survived) until some twenty years later.29 28 Signer, in Andrew of St. Victor, Expositio in Ezechielem, xxi-xxvii. 29 Frans van Liere, ed., in Andrew of St. Victor, Expositio I!Jistorica in librum Regum, CCCM 53A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), xxxi. ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR, JEROME, AND THE JEWS 69 Whether Andrew actually knew Hebrew is still the subject of much debate. One of his severest medieval critics, Roger Bacon, admitted that he probably did. 30 Modern scholars, such as Michael Signer, have convincingly shown that much of Andrew's knowledge of Hebrew de- rived from oral contact with Jews, and have more cautiously pointed to Andrew's 'complete reliance upon his Jewish teachers for access to the Hebrew text of scripture and the interpretations of words and phrases.'3l His knowledge of Hebrew, as Signer pointed out, was more a matter of recognizing Hebrew in comparison with Latin rather than active reading skills. Although Andrew's knowledge of Hebrew attests to the pioneering position Andrew must have had in the exploration of the Jewish exegetical tradition and the linguistic difficulties he had to surmount, later scholars would soon surpass his level of Hebrew scholarship. Exegetes such as Herbert of Bosham (12th c.), Alexander Neckam (d. 1217), and Nicholas of Lyra (d. 1349) really knew and understood written Hebrew. 32 A large part of the Jewish material in Andrew's sources consisted of new translations from the Hebrew Biblical text, and criticism of the Latin translation by comparing it with the Hebrew 'original.' One hypothesis for the provenance of this 'Hebrew' material, by D.S. Blond- heim, posited that alternative Latin translations of the Hebrew Bible circulated. 33 But since no one has ever found any textual evidence for these translations, the hypothesis does not seem to stand the test of Ockham's razor. More likely, these were Andrew's own renderings of the Hebrew Bible and textual criticism on the basis of the Hebrew 'original,' which must have been suggested to him by contemporary Jewish scholars. In these cases, the boundaries between translation and 30 Roger Bacon, Compendium philosophiae, ed., ].S. Brewer in Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores IS, (London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1859), 482. 3l Signer, in Andrew of St. Victor, Expositio in Ezechielem, xxvi. 32 See S.A. Hirsch, 'Early English Hebraists. Roger Bacon and his Predecessors,' Jewish OJtarterTy Review 12 (1900): 34-88; Raphael Loewe, 'Herbert of Bosham's Com- mentary on Jerome's Hebrew Psalter. A Preliminary Investigation of his Sources,' Bib- lica 34 (1953):44-71, 159-192, and 275-298; eds. Philip D.W Krey and Lesley Smith, Nicholas if Lyra, The Senses if Scripture, Studies in the History of Christian Thought 90 (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 2000). 33 D. S. Blondheim, Les parlers judeo-romans et la Vetus latina; etude sur les rapports entre les traductions bibliques en langue romane des juifi au moyen age et les anciennes versions (Paris: E. Champion, 1925). C Rainer Berndt, Andre de Saint-Victor (tII75j. Exegete et tMologien, Bibliotheca Victorina 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991), 160-163. FRANS VAN LIERE interpretation were sometimes vague. Often Andrew suggests that his exegesis is a translation from the Hebrew, when in fact it is clearly an interpretation, as in the example of I Samuel 7.2: 'The entire house of Israel rested after the Lord.' The alternative translation Andrew gives here of the Hebrew, 'started to desire the Lord', corresponds not with the Biblical Hebrew but with the explanation of Radak on this verse. 34 The literal translation would be something like: 'The entire house of Israel was drawn after the Lord.' Most probably, Andrew, listening to an oral explanation, confused interpretation with translation here. Of course, the boundaries between translation and interpretation are not always clear even to modern translators. There is another good argu- ment for attributing these exegetical translations to personal contacts. Some of Andrew's observations on the Hebrew text are not entirely correct, or simply wrong, such as on I Samuel 2.1: The word quia, which is put here, is a completive conjunction and it does not contribute anything to the meaning; it is not found in Hebrew either. 35 The Hebrew text, however, clearly reads, 'because I have rejoiced in your salvation.' In one of the manuscripts of Andrew's commentary, from the Franciscan convent in Oxford, a gloss rightly reads 'falsum est,' in the margin. 36 Someone in thirteenth-century Oxford evidently knew Hebrew better than Andrew. In general, Andrew used Jewish sources to explain what the text meant by giving alternative renderings of the Hebrew in Latin, and by offering a different punctuation or by applying textual criticism where the Latin did not make sense. These remarks were much valued by later medieval scholars involved in the process of editing and improving the text of Jerome's Latin Vulgate translation into a standard Bible text. Their effort would eventually become the so-called 'Bible of Paris,' the basis for the still commonly used Sixto- Clementine Vulgate edition. It is not just in his use of Jewish sources that Andrew's original- ity should be recognized, however; the most innovative influence of Andrew's contemporaries was not as much in content as in exegetical methodology. There is an important conceptual link between twelfth- century Jewish and Christian literal exegesis, and I think it is not too far-fetched to suggest that it was Jewish exegetes who helped to inspire 34 Andrew of St. Victor, In Regum, 35. 35 Ibid., I4. 36 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 3I5, fa!. 23 r
ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR, JEROME, AND THE JEWS one of the most important conceptual hermeneutical changes in Chris- tian exegesis in the twelfth century. In their commentaries, Andrew's Jewish contemporaries distinguished between peshat, the plain meaning of the text, and the derash, a form of inferential, homiletic interpreta- tion. The derash, an unknown phenomenon in Christian interpretation, was the form of exegesis predominant in Talmud and Midrash, and it often provided legendary, narrative material, to fill in gaps in the Bibli- cal narrative, or to resolve contradictions. By contrast, the literal exege- sis of the peshat was distinctly more modern for the twelfth century. The Northern-French branch of Jewish exegesis, starting with Rashi, had specialized in the peshatY It fulfilled an apologetic purpose-to refute the Christian, allegorical and christo logical interpretation of scrip- ture-but in its concentration on the text itself, it also was meant to provide a more stable hermeneutical principle for the more associa- tive derash exegesis. There were remarkable parallels in the emergence of the peshat and the Victorine project of literal exegesis. 38 Whereas Hugh's vision of the literal-historical foundation of exegesis was prob- ably grounded in a theological concept of salvation history, Andrew's idea of literal exegesis comes much closer to the peshat. In fact, the Jew- ish peshat commentators may have provided the model for Andrew's exegetical technique. Even the terminology Andrew employs is remi- niscent of the peshat. Andrew often rejects an exegetical opinion with the argument that the other interpretation is 'more simple.' Andrew seems to prefer simplicitas in the literary interpretation of the Bible, echoing Hebrew exegesis, which strove to find the peshat, that is, the simple meaning. 39 Unwittingly, Andrew gave Christian readers sometimes more than just the Jewish method of the peshat; he gave them some inkling of the 37 Cf. David Weiss Halivni, Peshat and Derash: Plain and Applied Meaning in Rabbinic Exe- gesis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); Sarah Kamin, Rashi's Exegetical Categoriza- tion with Respect to the Distinction between Peshat and Derash Gerusalem: Hebrew University Press, 1986) (in Hebrew); Raphael Loewe, 'The "Plain" Meaning of the Scriptures in Early Jewish Exegesis,' in Papers qf the Institute qfJewish Studies University College London, ed. J.G. Weiss Gerusalem: Pirsume Har-ha-Tsofim, 1964): 1,140-185. 38 Michael A. Signer, 'Peshat, Sensus Litteralis, and Sequential Narrative: Jewish Exegesis and the School of St. Victor in the Twelfth-century' in The Frank Talmage Memorial Volume, ed. Barry Walfish, (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1993) I, esp. n. 2I. 39 Some examples from his commentary on Samuel and Kings include his com- ments on ISm. 2.5; ISm. 2.33; and 2Sm. I.2I. Andrew of St. Victor, In Regum, 16,24, and 7I. 7 2 FRANS VAN LIERE midrashim as well. Although authors after Rashi were getting theoreti- cally more purist about not including derash exegesis in the commen- taries according to the peshat, in practice these two forms often merged in their commentaries. We can see the same phenomen on in Chris- tian exegesis dependent on Jewish sources. For instance, in 1 Samuel 15.3 God ordered Saul to take revenge on the tribe of Arnalek (who had tried to destroy the people of Israel during their stay in the desert, in Exodus), and God commands him to destroy not only all human beings, but also their animals. Offering an explanation for this cruelty against animals, Andrew, following Rashi, says: There are some who say that God ordered to kill the cattle of the tribe of Amalek as well, lest the Amalekites should change themselves into cattle by sorcery, in which they were very experienced, and thus evade the massacre. 40 If the Jewish exegetes were not always purist about distinguishing be- tween the peshat and derash, how could one expect Andrew to keep them apart?41 Not surprisingly, Andrew's exploration of the Jewish exegetical tra- dition sometimes caused frowns with his contemporaries, who saw him as a )udaizer.' His long insertion of the common Jewish interpretation of Isaiah 7.14, 'A virgin shall conceive and bear a son,' interpreting 'virgin' as 'maiden', alongside Jerome's more christological explanation, without any apparent refutation of the Jewish position, provoked severe criticism from Richard of St. Victor in his De Emmanuele. 42 Similarly, Nicholas of Lyra criticizes Andrew in his commentary on Hosea 2.17, 'I will give [Israel] the vineyards she had, and the Valley of Achor as a door of hope,' for offering a too literal interpretation of the 'Valley of Achor' as an actual place close to Jericho. With only a slight hint of irony, Lyra remarks that Andrew )udaizes' here more than Rashi, who interprets Achor as 'humble repentance for one's sins.'43 Was Andrew, in his literalist method of Biblical interpretation, really a )udaizer,, that is, undermining the Christian Christ-centered interpretation of the 40 Andrew of St. Victor, In Regum, 54. 41 Cf. Gerry A.C. Hadfield, 'Andrew of Saint Victor: A Twelfth-century Hebraist. An Investigation of his Works and Sources' (Ph.D. thesis, Oxford, 1971),267-268. 42 Richard of St. Victor, 'De Emmanuele,' ed., Jean-Paul Migne, PL 196:601-666. 43 Herman Hailperin, Nicholas qf Lyra and Rashi: The Minor Prophets (New York: Press of the Jewish Society, 1941), 125. ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR, JEROME, AND THE JEWS 73 Old Testament?44 Probably Andrew's aim in his exegesis was never to undermine the basic fundamentals of Christian belief, but rather to base them more strongly on a self-evident and rational method of textual interpretation. Andrew offered the reader a new methodology in reading the Bibli- cal text, derived from the Jewish method ofthe peshat. This new method had theological implications; it centered on the text and explained it through intertextual comparison and close reading. Establishing the meaning of the Biblical text was no longer a matter of reliance on patristic tradition or pious reflection; it had become a rational activ- ity. Ultimately, to quote McKane, Andrew's 'new departure in the search for the literal sense' was the 'awareness that [the books of the Old Testament] are historical documents which have a time, a place and a setting, which were written by human authors and whose pri- mary sense must be sought by bringing all these factors into play. '45 This method sought for the primary meaning within the text itself, and expressed optimism in the human capacity for uncovering this mean- ing. Thus it gave Biblical exegesis a basis of rational objectivity. With Andrew's commentaries, Biblical exegesis had become a mature textual discipline, with a reformatted Jerome as a starting point to rationally examine the Biblical text. It had become distinct from doctrinal and theological reflection, which now was treated in a systematic way along the lines of theological themes of Peter Lombard's Sententiae, rather than as a mystical exposition on the Bible. The most innovative aspect of twelfth-century scholarship lies in a new approach to written texts; the twelfth-century renaissance was essentially an information revolution. With this in mind, we should per- haps not try to fit Andrew's commentaries in one or the other category, Hebrew scholarship or unoriginal excerpts. Rather, they are exam- ples of creative reuse. His commentaries were not just running glosses on the Biblical text; Andrew saw his own commentaries as a critical reworking of and supplement to Jerome, whom he regarded as the greatest literal exegete ever. This gives Andrew's commentaries a com- plexity that matches the great methodological landmarks of the twelfth century, such as Abelard's Sic et Non, Gratian's Decretum, and the Lom- 44 C( McKane, 49 and 74, and Hadfield, 266-267. Against Hadfield, McKane contends that he was, but that he was blithely unaware of it. 45 McKane, 50. 74 FRANS VAN LIERE bard's Sentences; all texts that may not have offered so much new mate- rial as new ways to deal with the bewildering complexity of conflicting ancient and modern traditions. What was, in the long term, Andrew's legacy and influence? Andrew gave Biblical studies a new direction and methodological foundation. The Bible, of course, always had been the basis for the Christian faith and the study of theology. But how was one to find one's way in the bewildering multitude of explanations and textual duplicity? A new attitude towards scripture was given by Hugh of St. Victor, taking the literal meaning of the text as the decisive hermeneutical principle to establish the true meaning of the text. For the literal meaning of the text, Christian exegetes had always relied completely onJerome; it was Andrew of St. Victor who put Jerome in perspective and enlarged this scope by his discovery and translation of the Jewish peshat tradition in exegesis. If Hugh meant by 'literal' mainly 'historical,' Andrew replaced it with 'textual.' Some hundred years after Andrew, the Oxford Francis- can Roger Bacon seemed to emphasize this point about Andrew. While he complained that many Biblical scholars took Andrew on his word, without honouring his original intent, Bacon said that, Instead, we should go back to the original Hebrew text, and if Andrew is right, we should believe the Hebrew, not him. But we have to commend him greatly for pointing us to many dubious spots in our translation [ ... J, and he refers us to the Hebrew, so that we may search for explanations with greater certainly at the rootS.46 Modern, or rather post-modern, scholars might be sceptical about Andrew's confidence that our rational abilities alone can establish the meaning of the Bible beyond any doubt, but Bacon probably gave Andrew the greatest compliment in saying that ultimately Andrew encouraged us to search for the meaning of the Biblical text 'at the roots,' which was a matter of our own critical acuity. Like other medie- val scholars in Southern's definition of the twelfth-century renaissance, Andrew offered confidence in the ability of the human faculties to establish the meaning of the Old Testament text, because this text itself was the product of a human environment. Andrew recovered and organized Jerome's commentaries and made rabbinical commentaries available for his scholarly audience, and systematized both in a new way. This gave an important impetus to Biblical scholarship as a textual 46 Roger Bacon, Compendium, 482-483. ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR, JEROME, AND THE JEWS 75 discipline, which eventually contributed to the establishment of a new text of the Latin Vulgate in the Paris Bible. In the long run, although it may be too long a stretch from Andrew to the historical criticism of the nineteenth century, it is not far-fetched to draw a straight line from Andrew's scholarship to the attitudes that would be characteristic of later Renaissance Biblical scholarship. CONSOLATION AND CONFRONTATION: JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN INTERPRETATION OF THE PROPHETIC BOOKS MICHAEL A. SIGNER The confrontation between the Jewish and Christian religious traditions has focused on the centrality of whether Jesus of Nazareth is indeed the messiah of Israel as promised in scripture. The New Testament offers many examples of how Jesus is the fulfillment of prophecy. Particularly striking is the passage in the Gospel of Luke where Jesus reads from the 'scroll of the prophet Isaiah' and proclaims: 'Today in your hearing this text has come true' (Luke The controversy among the congregation in the synagogue adumbrates the arguments that have resonated through the centuries. With the exception of the Gnostic tendency to eliminate the first testament from the Christian canon of scripture, the reading of the prophetic books of the Hebrew Bible has sought to ferret out the shadowy images and bring forth how their message foreshadows Jesus Christ. If we return to that synagogue scene in the Gospel of Luke and imagine the descendants of the dissenters, it should not be difficult to visualize that the congregation gathered again on subsequent Sabbaths and continued reading from the Law and the Prophets. Within the synagogues and the houses of study that constituted the institutional context for the development of rabbinic Judaism the prophetic books constituted a significant portion of the tripartite canon of the Hebrew Bible, the TaNaKh. Passages in the Mishnah, the first literary record of the oral tradition of rabbinic Judaism, indicate that the prophetic scrolls were read along with the passages from the Torah. Liturgical formulations for the ritual of blowing the ram's horn on the New Year festival interleaved portions from the Torah, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa. Both Jews and 'Christians read the prophets within the context of their own religious communities. However, the prophetic books them- selves must have constituted a considerable challenge. They were, and remain, complex literary compositions with difficult vocabulary and syntax. They contained chapters that focused on the social inequities of urban life in ancient Israel. Chapters of the prophetic books were MICHAEL A. SIGNER filled with condemnations of idolatrous worship both by Israel and the nations that surrounded her. The prophets promised exile and punish- ment as the result of these misdeeds. However, despite the clear mes- sage that Israel would be punished and enter into a period of exile, there were also clear announcements of consolation that God would not abandon Israel and would restore her former glory. The books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah indicated that God had indeed restored Israel from its Babylonian exile. The Christian and Rabbinic movements of the early centuries inher- ited the complex exegetical strategies of Second Temple Judaism. 1 The apocrypha and pseudipigrapha, literature from Qumran, and other Hellenistic texts indicate that their immediate ancestors were aware of multiple strategies for appropriating the prophetic literature. The most original contribution of this period seems to have been the develop- ment of apocalyptic-an attempt to apply the prophetic confrontations and consolations to contemporary tribulations and oppressions. 2 The prophetic books held out hope for both Jewish and Christian com- munities because both were in a period of crisis. Christ had died. He had risen, and would come again. He was the one promised by the prophets. Those prophets also told of the rebellious Israel who had rejected their prophets. Early Christian texts such as the Epistle if Barn- abas indicate how the promises of the prophets could be applied to the nascent Church while the invectives were appropriated to the Jews who had rejectedJesus. 3 For the growing rabbinic movement the prophetic books offered consolation. Israel was once again in exile, but if they remained loyal to God's Torah and obeyed the teachings of the rabbis, they would be redeemed and restored to their land. The development of Christian and Jewish exegetical traditions dur- ing the patristic and classical rabbinic periods continues the schematic outline I have put forward. Marcel Simon and many others have stud- ied the development of the Christian Contra-Judeos literature. Scholars of rabbinic literature such as Daniel Boyarin and Israel J. Yuval have advanced the studies by Urbach and Baer on how the rabbis created an apologetic to counter the claims of Christianity as the rightful inher- 1 James C. VanderKam and William Adler, eds., The Jewish Apocalyptic Heritage in Early Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, I996). 2 See Bernard McGinn's article, 'Apocalypticism and Violence: Aspects of Their Relation in Antiquity and the Middle Ages,' below in this volume, pp. 209-229. 3 James C. Paget, The Epistle qf Barnabas: Outlook and Background (Tubingen: ].C.B. Mohr, I994). CONSOLATION AND CONFRONTATION 79 itor of the title verus Israel. This latter task is very subtle and requires a nuanced reading of Hebrew texts that are deliberately vague due to centuries of self-imposed and externally generated. 4 This paper will move in what I hope will prove to be a productive new direction. Previous studies of the confrontation between Judaism and Christianity have taken up their task in either a diachronic or topical manner. Scholars have traced themes in the development of Christian apologetics toward Judaism. In addition, there are studies of the use of biblical citation in the Christological discussions. However, to my knowledge there are very few investigations that examine the use of a particular part of the Hebrew Bible in both Jewish and Christian traditions. 5 This is particularly the case for that period of the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, known so frequently as the Twelfth- Century Renaissance. That period bears careful scrutiny because it was a period of innovation for both communities in methods of study and in their rediscovery of the reality of the other tradition. In the twelfth century both Jews and Christians who wrote biblical exegesis looked back to their classical periods and emphasized the use of grammar and language in their efforts to apply the tradition to their own situation. My question in this essay will focus on how they 'read' that section of the Hebrew Bible or Old Testament known as the Prophets. It is clear that in classical antiquity the prophetic books were under- stood to occupy a unique place in the Christian canon. In his list of the books of the Hebrew Bible described in his introduction to the books of Samuel/Kings Jerome lists the Ordo prophetarum with eight books: Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Twelve Prophets. 6 For each, Cassiodorus describes how the bib- lical books should be copied into nine volumes: I. Genesis-Ruth; 2. 4 Marcel Simon, Verus Israel: A Stu4J if the Relations Between Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire, AD I35-425, H. McKeating, trans. (London: Valentine Mitchell and Co. ltd., 1996); Daniel Boyarin, Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making if Christianity and Judaism (Stanford: Stanford Up, 1999); IJ. Yuval, 'Anti-:Jewish Violence and the Place of Jesus in Christendom and in Islam: A Paradigm,' in Religious Violence Between Christians and Jews: Medieval Roots, Modern Perspectives, Anna Sapir Abulafia, ed. (New York: Palgrave, 2002); James G.D. Dunn, Jews and Christians: The Parting if the Wqys AD 70 to I35: The Second Darham- Tubingen Research Symposium on Earliest Christianity and Judaism (Grand Rapids: WE. Eerdmans, 1999). 5 Brevard S. Childs, The Struggle to Understand Isaiah as Christian Scripture (Grand Rapids: WB. Eerdmans, 2004) would be an example of such a study. 6 R. Weber, R. Gryson, et al., eds., Biblia Sacra Vulgata (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelge- sellschaft, 1969, 1994), 364-365. 80 MICHAEL A. SIGNER Six books of Kings; 3. The four major and twelve minor prophets; 4. The Psalter; 5. Wisdom Literature; 6. The lives of the great men and women: Job, Tobit, Esther,Judith, Maccabees, Ezra-Nehemiah; 7. The four Gospels; 8. Pauline and Catholic Epistles; 9. Acts of the Apostles and the Apocalypse. 7 A medieval reader would thus have been able to visualize the prophetic books as a single volume within the complex of scriptural books. If the prophetic books had their independent place in the scriptural canon, their content seems to have been described in more general terms. In the introduction to his commentary on the prophet Isaiah, Jerome indicates that the present books contains the entire mystery of God (omnia sacramenta del): Emmanuel's birth from a virgin as well as the maker of illustrious works and signs; dead and buried and rising from the depths, even the Savior of the whole human race is predicted (praedicetur).8 Jerome continues to praise the contents of the book as contammg physics, ethics, and logic. It is clear that Jerome wanted to indicate to his pagan readers that they would not lose their classical educa- tions but enrich them by learning of the sacramenta dei. They would become knowledgeable in litteras scripturarum so that they could read the prophetic texts that were 'sealed' (signatus).9 In the De civitate dei, books sixteen and seventeen, Augustine outlines the content of the prophetic books and introduces the Christian reader into the relationship between the content of the prophetic books and salvation history. Prophecy is to be read as types of things done before (16:42).10 For Augustine these nar- rations of things done in the prophetic age, from Samuel to the exile to the return from exile, when considered from the perspective of the spirit of God, foretell the things to come rather than relate things from the past (17=1). The nature of the promises foretold becomes the subject of the next section of the book. The history of biblical events becomes an 7 Cassiodorus, Institutiones !.I-8, ed. R.A.B. Mynors in Cassiodori Senatoris Institutiones (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), 11-34. 8 'cum uniuersa Domini sacramenta praesens scriptura contine at et tam natus de uirgine Emmanuel, quam illustrium patrator operum atque signorum, mortuus ac sepultus et resurgens ab inferis et Saluator universarum gentium praedicetur' (S. Hieronymus Presbyter, Commentarium in Esiam, prologus, ed. Marcus Adriaen, CCSL 73-74 [Turnhout: Brepols, 1963] 73=1). 9 Ibid., 2. 10 Augustine, De Civitate Dei, B. Dombart, A Kalb, eds., vols. 47-48, CCSL (Turnholt: Brepols, 1955). CONSOLATION AND CONFRONTATION 81 object of contemplation to discern how a three-fold schema of prophe- cies constitutes the framework for Christian salvation history. Later generations of Christian exegetes, such as Cassiodorus, Isidore, and Bede, would adopt the basic lines of interpretation established by Jerome and Augustine. The books of the prophets contained sacra- menta-mysteries. Their historical content was to be studied for what it might reveal about the actions of God within the human sphere leading up to the advent of Christ. When turning to the rabbis we observe that there is no continuous commentary on any prophetic book during the classical rabbinic period from the third to eighth centuries. Comments about the prophets and their message are scattered throughout the Talmud and Midrashim. In the list of canonical books the Major and Minor Prophets are listed in an order that diverges slightly from the Masoretic text: Jeremiah, Isaiah, Ezekiel and the minor prophets. II With respect to the content of the prophetic books, we discern that the rabbis attempted to fill in some of the ambiguities. They concentrated on establishing the historical context in which the prophet lived. There are efforts to establish a harmonization of contradictions extant between different parts of the canon, such as the difference between the tabernacle in the Pentateuch and the one described in the final chapters of Ezekiel. Furthermore, the classical rabbinic texts tend to focus on the prophetic messages of comfort and restoration of Israel, rather than on those passages that recall Israel's disloyalty to God. The general ambiguity about the 'end of days' in rabbinic literature is reflected in their efforts to prevent speculation about when the messiah or deliverer of Israel would arrive. In one passage RabbiJochanan claims that 'every prophet prophesied for the days of the messiah, but as for the world to come no eye has seen what God has prepared.'12 In both communities the transition from the period of the Fathers and the Rabbis into the Middle Ages is difficult to locate. Who was the last of the Fathers: Bede or Isidore? The literature about the redac- tion of classical rabbinic texts indicates a long period from the fourth through the ninth centuries. The rise of the Carolingian empire, how- ever, with its educational reforms solidly established under the tutelage II H. Goldwurm, N. Sherman, eds., Talmud Bavili (Brooklyn, New York: Mesorah Publications, 1990), Baba Batra 15a. 12 Ibid., Berakhot 34a. MICHAEL A. SIGNER of Alcuin and his students indicates a point of demarcation in western Christendom. There are commentaries written on the prophetic books during this period that summarize and synthesize Patristic authors. On the other hand, EuropeanJewry outside of the Iberian Peninsula seems to have had a cultural flowering in the tenth century in Northern Italy with the production of Midrashim, liturgical poetry (piyyutim) , and historical writings (Sifer Yossifln). We do have some commentary on prophetic verses and books. However, it is only when we arrive at the end of the eleventh century that we have sustained effort in both communities, in the region of Paris and Champagne, to focus again on a renewed effort to examine the prophetic books. The region of the lle-de-France and Champagne became a signif- icant center of Jewish and Christian biblical scholarship. In what fol- lows, we shall focus on the School of St. Victor in Paris under Magis- ter Hugh (d. II4I), Richard, and Andrew of St. Victor, and on Rabbi Solomon b. Isaac of Troyes and his younger colleague, RabbiJoseph b. Simeon Kara. The writings of Beryl Smalley, Ranier Brandt, and oth- ers have emphasized the important innovations of the Victorines in the history of Christian biblical exegesis. 13 Hugh and his younger colleagues concentrated their efforts on devel- oping an approach to reading the scripture that emphasized the histor- ical and contextual meaning of the Old Testament text as the basis for theological speculation. Important work by Sara Kamin, Sara Japhet, and Abraham Grossman has increased our knowledge of the efforts by Rashi and his generation to develop the 'peshat' or 'plain meaning' of the biblical text as a complement or even a substitute for the classical rabbinic 'derash' or 'derived meaning' of the biblical text. 14 13 Beryl Smalley, The Study if the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3 rd ed. (Notre Dame: Uni- versity of Notre Dame Press, I964); Rainer Berndt, 'Scientia' und 'Disciplina:' Wissentheorie und Wissenschaftspraxis im I2. und I3. Jahrhundert (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, I999); idem, Vernuriftig (Wurtzburg: Echter, 2003); idem, Andre de Saint- Victor (II75) Exegete et Theolo- gien, Bibliotheca Victorina IT (Paris: Brepols, I99I); H.B. Feiss, P. Sicard, D. Poirel, H. Rochais, eds., Eoeuvre de Hugues de Saint- Victor (Turnhout: Brepols, I997); Hugh of St. Victor., Didascalicon, C.H. Buttimer, ed. (Washington: The Catholic University Press, I939); Richard of St. Victor, La Trinite, G. Salet, ed., Sources Chretiennes 63 (Paris: Cerf, I999); Richard of St. Victor, Les Douze Patriarches, J. Chatillon, Monique Duchet- Suchaux, eds., Source Chretiennes 4I9 (Paris: Cerf, I997). 14 Sara Japhet, The Commentary if R. Samuel ben Meir, Rashbam, on Qgheleth (Leiden: EJ. Brill, I985); Sara Japhet, Studies in the Bible Gerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, I986). CONSOLATION AND CONFRONTATION The claim to understand the 'letter' of the biblical text had different implications for each community. For the Christian tradition the letter was a 'basis'-the foundation for the spiritual senses. Hugh of St. Vic- tor revived the patristic image of the 'house' where the letter was at the bottom and always required 'going beyond' or 'moving upward.' He warned that to stay only with the letter would eventually lead one to error. By contrast, Rashi and his colleagues understood the 'peshat' to stand as an independent meaning that focused on the morphology and syntax of scripture. 'Peshat' was an approach that provided a coherent meaning to the passage under consideration based upon lexicographic or contextual considerations. 15 'Derash' was not considered a 'higher level' of meaning, but constituted a process of presenting or summa- rizing the extrapolations of earlier rabbinic literature or an extension of their methods. It is possible to discern a similarity of purpose with respect to dis- covering the literal sense even with these contrasts between Christian and Jewish approaches. At both St. Victor and among the colleagues of Rashi there was an interest in the nature of language and its func- tion. The exegetical writings of both communities wanted to develop a more coherent method for reading the scripture within its own context. The overarching narrative of redemption promised in scripture pro- vided that context. Therefore, to claim knowledge of the literal sense of scripture meant that the passage under consideration supported either the Christian-oriented reading of the Hebrew Bible as representing promises of Christ, or the Jewish reading of the scripture, that God would redeem Israel from its exile through the Messiah, son of David. We have the mis-en-scene for a revival of the clash between the two com- munities that began with the New Testament and its claims that Jews were blind to the truth, read scripture through the veil, and simply could not understand their own scriptures. The proliferation through- out the twelfth century of tractates that were written contra Judaeos indi- cates the increasing awareness by Christian scholars of the presence of Jews and their traditions-and the danger posed by Jewish read- ings of the scripture at the very same time that Christian theologians and exegetes were' making claims to understand the scripture ad litteram. This Christian dilemma brings us to the heart of the argument in this 15 Michael A. Fishbane, The Midrashic Imagination: Jewish Exegesis, Thought, and History (Albany: State University of New York, 1993). MICHAEL A. SIGNER essay. How was it possible from the Christian perspective to read the prophetic books of the Hebrew canon ad litteram? Reading the prophetic books ad litteram or secundum hebraicam veritatem in the manner of Jerome would also challenge the Jewish claim to authority over the Hebrew prophetic books. Nearly a millennium had passed since the destruction of the Temple. Jews had obeyed Torah according to the teaching of the rabbis, yet the redemption had still not come. They lived now in the lands of the Christians, known to them in Hebrew as the biblical kingdom of Edom, one of the four empires described in the book of Daniel. They experienced a relative security and prosperity. Their rabbinic teachers had made it possible to live according to their ancient tradition. However, the redemption seemed ever more distant and by the final decades of the eleventh century the new evangelical spirit of Christianity had resulted in some conversions, a blood libel, and the massacres in the Rhineland. How would the prophetic books provide them with consolation? In order to examine the problem of the prophetic books and the literal sense in the Christian community, let us turn first to Hugh of St. Victor and his Didascalicon, a manual for Christian learning. 16 Hugh understood the reading of the Bible as pertaining to things of this world rather than heavenly lifeY The canon of both the Old and the New Testament was divided into three parts. The Old Testament consisted of the Law, then the Prophets and Hagiographers. The New Testament contains the Gospels, the Apostles, and the Fathers.18 Hugh informed his reader that the order of the Prophets consisted of eight books. This description of the canon is derived fromJerome via Isidore. However, then Hugh continues and offers the following description of the symmetry of the canons of both testaments: 16 Hugh of St. Victor, Didascalicon, ed. Charles Henry Buttimer, Didascalicon: De studio legendi (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University Press, 1939). For an illuminating essay on the significance of this work see Ivan Illich, In the Vznryard if the Text: A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993). 17 'As we run through the series of the Old Testament and the New, we see that the collection is devoted almost entirely to the state of this present life and to deeds done in time, while rarely is anything clearly to be drawn from them concerning the sweetness of eternal goods or the joys of the heavenly life. Yet these writings the Catholic faith traditionally call Sacred Scriptures' (English trans. by Jerome Taylor in his The Didascalicon if Hugh if St. Victor: A Medieval Guide to the Arts [New York: Columbia University Press, 1961, 1991], I02; for the original text see Didascalicon 4.1, ed. Buttimer, 70). 18 Didascalicon 4.2, ed. Buttimer, 72. CONSOLATION AND CONFRONTATION 85 In these groups most strikingly appears the likeness between these two Testaments. For just as after the Law come the Prophets and after the Prophets the Hagiographers, so after the Gospel come the Apostles, and after the Apostles the long line of Doctors. And by a wonderful ordering of the divine dispensation, it has been brought about that although the truth stands full and perfect in each of these books, yet none of them is superfluous. 19 The prophetic books mirror the place of the apostles in the New Testa- ment. They are at a midpoint between the Law and the Hagiographa and play a role similar to the apostles between the Gospel and the continuing wisdom of the doctors of the Church. To reinforce the 'completeness' of prophetic books, Hugh supplies his reader with the names of the authors of the books. The major prophets wrote the books inscribed with their names while the book of the twelve prophets is inscribed with the names of its authors. They are called minor prophets because their discourses are short and are therefore included in a single book. 20 Isaias, more Evangelist than Prophet, produced his own book, whose every utterance is replete with eloquent prose. . .. Jeramias, too, pro- duced his book, together with its Threnodies which we call Lamenta- tions, because they are used on very sad occasions and at rites for the dead .... Ezekiel has a very obscure beginning and end. 21 In each case, the prophet and something about the nature of his prose composition is noted. However, for our purposes it is important to underline that Isaiah was more evangelist than prophet (evangelista quam propheta) because it speaks to Hugh's idea of the letter as foundation and part of a broader canon of divine revelation. The prophet Isaiah, whom Jerome also described as a theologian, is an 'evangelist' announcing the coming of Christ. This description is consistent with the educational program that Hugh designs for his students. He urges them to read history: 19 Didascalicon 4. 2, ed. Buttimer, 72: 'In his autem ordinibus maxime utriusque tes- tamenti apparet conv'Cntia, quod sicut post legem, prophetae, et post prophetas, hagi- ographi, ita post Evangelium, apostoli at post apostolos, doctores ordine successerunt. Et mira quadam divinae dispensationis ratione actum est, ut cum in singulis plena et perfecta veritas consistat, nulla tamen superflua sit' (trans. by Taylor, I04). 20 Didascalicon 4:3, ed. Buttimer, 73. 21 Didascalicon 4:8, ed. Buttimer, 79: 'Isaias, evangelista potius quam propheta, edidit librum suum, cuius omne textum eloquentiae pros a incedit. ... Ieremias similiter edidit librum suum cum Threnis eius quos nos lamenta vocamus, eo quod in tristioribus rebus 86 MICHAEL A. SIGNER First you learn history and diligently commit to memory the truth of the deeds that have been performed, reviewing from beginning to end what has been done, when it has been done, where it has been done, and by whom it has been done. For these are the four things that are especially to be sought for in history-the person, the business done, the time, and the place. 22 Hugh admonished the student that allegory could never be learned per- fectly without learning history. The list of books to be read for history by the student consists of Genesis, Exodus, Joshua, Kings, Chronicles, the four Gospels, and the Acts of the Apostles. Hugh called these books historiographical, but he was willing to allow for a broader definition: It is not unfitting that we call by the name 'history' not only the recount- ing of actual deeds but also the first meaning of any narrative which uses the words according to their proper nature. And in this sense of the word, I think that all books of either Testament, in order in which they were listed earlier, belong to this study in their literal meaning. 23 Ultimately for Hugh, history consists of the progressive revelation of God's sacraments that provide humankind with the remedy for the Fall. The student seeks this message by reading for allegory in the biblical books according to an order prescribed by Hugh: the beginning of Genesis on the works of the six days; the last three books of Moses on the mysteries of the law, i.e. Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Isaiah; the beginning and end of Ezekiel; Job; the Psalter; Song of Songs; the Gospels Matthew and John; the Epistles of Paul; the canonical Epistles; Apocalypse. The Epistles of Paul demonstrate by their very number that they contain the perfection of the two testaments. 24 The contrast between these two courses of reading is that they belong to funeribusque adhibeantur .. ,. Ezechiel principium et finem obscuriora habet' (trans. by Taylor, lO8-lOg). 22 Didascalicon 6:3, ed. Buttimer, II3-II4: 'Prius historiam discas et rerum gestarum veritatem, a principio repetens usque ad finem quid gestum sit, quando gestum sit, ubi gestum sit, et a quibus gestum sit, diligenter memoriae commendes. Haec enim quattuor praecipue in historia requirenda sunt, persona, negotium, tempus et locus' (trans. by Taylor, 135-136). 23 Didascalicon 6:3, ed. Buttimer, II5-II6: 'nullum est inconveniens, ut scilicet histo- riam esse dicamus, non tantum rerum gestarum narrationem, sed illam primam sig- nificationem cuiuslibet narrationis, quae secundum proprietatem verborum exprimitur. Secundum quam acceptionem omnes utriusque testamenti libros eo ordine quo supra enumerati sunt ad hanc lectionem secundum litteralem sensum pertinere puto' (trans. by Taylor, 137-138). 24 Didascalicon 6:4, ed. Buttimer, 122. CONSOLATION AND CONFRONTATION two different categories. In Hugh's system history follows the order of time, while allegory follows the order of knowledge. In that sense the prophetic books that are to be read are Isaiah and the beginning and end of Ezekiel-these belong to allegory and knowledge rather than the order of time. The historical background and context of the prophetic books, the fate of the Israelite people, may be gleaned from reading the books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles. The divine plan for restoring humanity is to be found in Isaiah the evangelist whose parables, properly read, constitute knowledge of the saving acts of God. That knowledge still must be properly gained by understanding the words of the prophet. Hugh instructs his disciple to pay careful attention to the message of the prophet: You do not know what the Prophet wanted to say, whether he promised good or threatened evil. For this reason it comes about that you think the passage, whose literal sense you do not see, has to be understood spiritually only. ... You find many things of this sort in the scripture, especially in the Old Testament-things said according to the idiom of that language and which although they are clear in that tongue seem to mean nothing in our Own. 25 In the commentaries that we have from Hugh that focus on the literal sense of scripture there are none with undisputed authorship. However, the commentaries onJoel and Obadiah have certain affinities with the Hugonian method. The commentary on Joel asserts that the 'word' that came to Joel in its spiritual sense means that the fulfillment of the prophecy belongs chiefly to the incarnation of the word. However, it may be understood more correctly as referring to the siege and depopulation of the city and territory of Joel.2 6 This comment follows the Hugonian plan-first it speaks to the order of knowledge (the prophecy of the Holy Spirit), and then it addresses the order of time by indicating the historical background of the word that Joel delivered. This is consistent with Hugh's plan in the Didascalicon: first, to read the allegorical material in both testaments so as to have the appropriate knowledge to understand the unfolding order of time, the historical 25 Didascalicon 6:10', ed. Buttimer, 127-128: 'Quid dicere voluerit propheta, bonum promiserit an malum minatus fuerit, ignoras. Unde evenit ut spiritualiter tantum intel- ligendum credas quod, qualiter ad litteram dictum sit, non vides .... Multa huiusmodi invenis in scriptures, et maxime in Veteri Testamento, secundum idioma illius lingua dicta, quae, cum ibi aperta sint, nihil apud nos significare videntur' (trans. by Taylor, 148- 149). 26 Smalley, 10 I. 88 MICHAEL A. SIGNER senses. The two senses are joined together but the foundation can only be properly set when the student has the overall picture of the house. The author of the commentary then goes on to borrow from Jerome and introduce an alternative interpretation based on Jewish interpretation: Everything that we have expounded about Christ's coming, and the sending of the Paraclete, the Jews refer to their Messias, in whom, they say, the worship of the Law is to be fully restored. The Jewish people alone will receive him. They alone will call on him, and He will hear.27 In Hugh we observe a refined and focused revival of the Augustinian and Hieronomian approach to the prophetic books. Interpretation of the prophetic books is about the unfolding of the divine plan in Jesus Christ, but the theologian dare not ignore the historical events that shape the background to the prophetic message. Andrew of St. Victor has left a legacy of commentaries on the prophetic books unmatched since the time of Jerome (with the possible exception of Hrabanus Maurus).28 His expositions of the prophetic books follow the major outlines of Hugh of St. Victor. Andrew focused his efforts at what Hugh considered the 'broader definition' of history- the first meaning of any narrative that uses the words according to their proper order. He does not neglect Christological reading so much as he assumes that the teaching of the Fathers on doctrine remains firmly established. Based on that foundation, he ventures out a bit further in order to construe the words of the prophets within the limits of their historical background. This is surely the case in his commentary on the Emmanuel passage in Isaiah. Andrew indicates that there is no point in refuting the interpretation of the Jews because Jerome has already done so. Therefore he proceeds with a careful exposition of the temporal conditions of Isaiah and Hezekiah that gave birth to the words themselves. It was that firmly grounded assumption that disturbed his colleague, Richard of St. Victor, whose lengthy treatise on the Emmanuel passage moves entirely in the opposite direction. For 27 Quoted in Smalley, I03. The translation is hers; the original text can be found in PL 125:358. 28 Andrew of St. Victor, Expositio hystorica in Librum Regum, Frans A. Van Liere, ed., CCCM, 53A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996); idem, Expostio in Ezechielem, Michael A. Signer, ed., CCCM 53E (Turnhout: Brepols, 1990); idem, Expositio super Danielem, Mark Zier, ed. CCCM 53F (Turnhout: Brepols, 1990); idem, Expositio super Heptateuchum, C. Lohr, R. Berndt, eds., CCCM 53A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1986); idem, Expositiones historicas in Libros Salomonis, R. Berndt, ed., CCCM 53B (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991). CONSOLATION AND CONFRONTATION 89 Richard, the temporal conditions are an impediment to understanding the passage. To put Richard's argument into the framework established by Hugh: the prophecy of the Virgin belongs to the order of knowledge rather than exclusively to the order of time. To combine, as theJews do, the announcement of the birth in chapter seven with the birth of the children of the prophet in chapter eight is to ignore the true meaning of the word 'sign.' Richard indicates that Andrew's exposition has wandered off the path by neglecting the 'historical' reading prescribed for the Christian, which includes the reading of the Gospels. Once he has firmly established his concordant reading of Isaiah with the Gospels, Richard moves on to demonstrate that the sign in Isaiah is consistent with the entire unfolding of the divine plan, ultimately linking the passage in the prophetic books with the story of the Fall in Genesis. 29 Andrew persisted in his methods despite the objections from Rich- ard. His commentaries reveal a rich legacy of re-reading Jerome to- gether with his own sensitivity to biblical language and context. His introduction to the Isaiah commentary indicates his focus on the char- acter oflsaiah as determined by his office and lineage. 30 The message of comfort given by the prophet Isaiah in chapter IoU, 'there shall come forth a rod out of the root of Jesse,' is to 'cheer with good hope the fallen spirits of the two tribes.'3! God will restore them to their land. He eschews discussions of the doctrine of original sin in the descrip- tion of Jeremiah as known by God 'before he was formed in the belly of his mother' Gr. 1.5). Andrew presupposes the interpretation that the 'belly' meant the synagogue and offers the possibility that 'while the prophet was still a child, God instituted him prophet, to prophesy to save nations and be given to his people. Hence God offers him faith and surety.'32 One could multiply examples of Andrew's approach to the prophetic literature that evoke the historical background of ancient Israel to clarifY the biblical text. Even his multiple consultations with Jews or his extensive use of Jerome's 'Hebraica' passages never moved him to adopt fully a Jewish claim to the true interpretation of a mes- sianic passage or the ultimate restoration of the Jewish people to its land. 29 Smalley, 156-157, 163, 174. 30 Smalley, 136. 3! Quoted in ibid., 138. The translation is Smalley's. 32 Quoted in ibid., 142. The translation is Smalley's. go MICHAEL A. SIGNER The Victorine exegesis offers an alternative to the treatises written during this period to refute Jewish claims. Many of them appealed to reason, but without exception they offered few arguments that had not previously been put forward during the patristic period. For the most part the polemical treatises and 'dialogues' follow a set order and con- centrate on a particular topic rather than following the order of scrip- ture. They consider the literal reading to be exclusively a sign of Jewish blindness rather than a source of Christian knowledge. Nonetheless, the growing Christian consciousness of Jewish arguments seems to have found a resonance in the commentaries written by Jewish authors dur- ing this same period. In his commentaries on both the Prophets and the Psalms, Rashi presents a consistent theme. When the prophet David refers to the 'wicked' ofIsrael, Rashi interprets that as referring only to those in con- temporary Israel who act wickedly or defY the community. He main- tains that ultimately the prophetic message refers precisely to the Jew- ish people who remain occupants of the house of study and who offer their prayers in the house of study. Moreover, the punishment that the prophets predict will befall the nations will indeed occur. But they will occur to the nations who are the enemies of Israel. The enemies of Israel are identified by the name of the biblical kingdom of Edam. The identification of Christianity with Edom has a lengthy history in rab- binic literature. However, both in Northern Europe and in mid-twelfth- century Spain, the theme of Edom and its position as the final kingdom before the redemption of Israel receives more attention. Israel J. Yuval pointed out that this punishment of the nations, which he called 'venge- ful messianism,' is one of the most important themes in eleventh- and twelfth-century Jewish literature. 33 God will ultimately restore Israel and the people will witness the punishment of those who have oppressed them. In some of his commentaries, such as those on Isaiah 66,5 and Zechariah 14.2, Rashi denies that God has any close relationship to the gentile nations before the messiah, son of David, comes. This implies that a closer relationship with God is possible for the non:Jews and we observe that the idea of divine vengeance on behalf of Israel is joined by a second theme: the conversion of the gentile nations at the end of the world. 34 In his commentary on Isaiah 42, Rashi states that: 33 IJ. Yuval and A. Haverkamp, Pessach und Ostern: Dialog und Polemik im Spatantike und Mittelalter (Trier: Arye-Maimon Institut fur Geschichte der Juden, 1999). 34 Avraham Grossman, Khachmei Tsarfat Ha'Rishonim (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, He- CONSOLATION AND CONFRONTATION He will bring forth judgment on the nations-as scripture states many people will walk ... and learn from him. He will not raise his voice because he will not need to rebuke and prophesy to the nations because they will come of themselves to learn God's teaching ... all of them will listen to God's Torah. Aside. from these overarching themes Rashi offers specific refutation of the Christian interpretation of individual verses with the introductory phrase Teshuvah Ie-minim as a response to sectarians-meaning Chris- tians. In a new edition of the Rashi commentary on Ezekiel we now have the phrase, 'I responded to a certain sectarian (min echad).' These statements in Rashi's commentary often do not effect the overall direction of his commentary, but rather focus on a single word. It is important to note that many passages in Rashi's commentaries respond to Christian readings without any specific mention of a Chris- tian interpretation. For this reason it is important to know the Christian reading of particular prophetic passages in order to provide the appro- priate background for Rashi's interpretation. The writings of Rabbi Joseph Kara and their relationship to Chris- tianity have received attention from Abraham Grossman. A new criti- cal edition of his commentaries on Isaiah and Ezekiel also will provide access to scholars who want to pursue his approach. Kara's commen- tary on Isaiah reads like a sustained message of confrontation and con- solation. 35 He writes to console Israel and to confront her enemies, the Christians. In the first chapter of Isaiah he comments on the verse: 'If your sins are like scarlet, they shall be white as snow.' This mode of judgment works throughout the entire scripture. Where you find a passage of rebuke the matter that follows is a passage of comfort. You should not think that the gap in the verses between these two messages separates them in any way. Rather, the passage below comes to bind the break in the passage that was implied above. Isaiah told the people, 'your hands are full of blood' and then concludes his statement with a diversion in the text. Know and understand that the comfort is joined to what is above and the break in the text is only a break between rebuke and consolation. However, they truly are joined as Ps. IlLS teaches: 'They are established forever and ever. They are done in truth and righteousness. God has sent redemption to his people. His covenant endures forever.' brew University, 1996); Peirushei Rabbi Yosif' Qgra Li Nevi'im Rishonim, S. Eppenstein, ed. (Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1972). 35 Mikraot Gedolot HaKeter: Isaiah, Menahem Cohen, editor (Ramat Gan: Bar Han University Press, 1996). 9 2 MICHAEL A. SIGNER Note how Kara uses the text from the Psalter to provide a literary guide for the reading of prophetic passages. Rebuke and consolation are always joined even when the text that stands before the reader contains intervening verses. Joseph Kara, like Rashi, believes that when Isaiah attacks the wick- ed, as in Isaiah 50.1, these passages refer only to a small number of Jews. Israel's property is now held hostage to the kingdom of Edom, the Christians. The taxes that Jews pay to Christians will be removed from them at the end of days, foretold in Micah 7.II-12. At one point Kara literally turns his commentary into a fictive dialogue between Israel and the gentiles. Isaiah 49.23 asks, 'shall prey be taken from the mighty or the captives of the victorious be delivered?' One might suppose that this would be the question in the mouth of the nations toward Israel, and Kara begins his interpretation exactly in that manner: The nations say to Israel warning them: Is it possible that prey will be taken from the mighty? Can it really be taken from us that we have exiled you? You have been justly put in captivity, is it proper for you to escape? This is astounding. Furthermore, is it not written in your Torah that 'God will scatter you among the nations?' (Deut. 28.64) Since the captivity we have imposed upon you is a righteous judgment it is proper that the decree has been declared. Can you really ftee?36 Kara responds in the following chapter, 50.1-2, that God has not given Israel a bill of divorcement and that he will ultimately redeem them as they return to him in penitence. Both Rashi and Joseph Kara provide a reading of the prophetic books that explicates the background of the biblical prophets and uti- lizes their texts as a response to the challenge offered by the contem- porary reality of the exile. At times one searches in vain, particularly in passages like Isaiah 7.14, for a direct response to Christological read- ings. However, a careful search of their commentaries reveals that they are well aware of the claims to both the history of Israel and its deliv- erance that are being made by the 'nations of the world.' It is also interesting to note the paucity of references to peshat or peshuto shel miqra in these prophetic commentaries. There are many references to rab- binic literature, but the passages from the Talmud usually are those that illuminate the biblical text with some form of rabbinic narrative elaboration. 36 The above paragraphs and quotations follow Grossman, 145-206. CONSOLATION AND CONFRONTATION 93 Interestingly, the mid-twelfth century also witnessed a new genre in European Hebrew literature: the polemical manual. Two of these manuals were produced in the southern regions of France during this period. The Book qf the Covenant by Joseph Kimhi was written in Nar- bonneY The Book qfthe Wars qfthe Lord by Jacob ben Reuben was com- posed in Gascony.3a Both appear to be literary artifices, although Jacob b. Reuben indicates that a learned Christian visited him. There exists a rather extensive literature on these polemical manuals. I introduce them only to consider their format. Joseph Kimhi's treatise is topical and is most likely ordered along the lines of Gilbert Crispin's Dialo- gus iudei et cristiani. 39 More interesting for our purposes is Jacob ben Reuben's treatise that is ordered according to scriptural texts. Mter a refutation of Christian arguments based on reason, he turns to the 'prophetic' texts in the Psalms, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, the Twelve Prophets, and Daniel, before turning to refute the arguments brought from the Gospel. A century later,Jacob b. Nathan, an official bailiff to the Bishop of Sens, near Paris, would compose a treatise according to the same order of scripture. 4o The only major difference is that Jacob b. Nathan begins his treatise with a listing of the prophecies 'which have not yet been fulfilled' in order to provide consolation and strengthening of faith to those in exile. We have described the reading of the prophetic books of the Hebrew canon. BothJews and Christians utilized these biblical texts for similar purposes, although with profoundly conflicting hermeneutical lenses. The shape of the canon of the scripture determined the literal sense. In a sense, 'history' and 'literal' serve both conjoining and conflicting purposes. Neither community considered the biblical text an end in itself. It was the desire to envision a glorious future-each for its own community-that inspired scholars to analyze the biblical prophetic texts as a source of both confrontation and consolation. 37 Joseph Kimhi, The Book if the Covenant if Joseph Kimhi, Frank Talmage, trans. (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1972); Perushim le-Sifer Mishle le-vet Kimhim, Frank Talmage, ed. (Jerusalem:J.L. Magnes, Hebrew University, 1990). 38 Jacob ben Rellben, Milhamot ha-Shem,Judah Rosenthal, ed. (Jerusalem: Mosad ha- Rav Kook, 1963); Avraham Grossman, 'Biblical Exegesis in Spain During the 13th_15th Centuries,' H. Beinart, ed., Moreshet Sepharad I, Jerusalem (1992): 137-146. 39 Gilbert Crispin, Disputatio iudei et christiani, ed. Anna Sapir Abulafia and G.R. Evans in The Works if Gilbert Crispin, Abbot if Wtistminster (Auctores Britannici Medii Aevi 8) (London: Oxford University Press for the British Academy), I-54. 40 Jacob ben Nathan, Perushe Rabenu Yehuda bar Natan li-Ketubot, J.N. Epstein, ed., (Yerushalayim, 1933). THE WORLD AS TEXT: THE BIBLE AND THE BOOK OF NATURE IN TWELFTH-CENTURY THEOLOGY CONSTANT J. MEWS May the sacred page be a book for you, so that you may hear, may the globe of the earth be a book for you, so that you may see; in these books only those who know letters read these things; in the whole world, even the fool can read. 1 While the Bible traditionally enjoys privileged status as a means for learning about God, it is not our only means of instruction. This remark of St. Augustine, made in the course of commentary on Psalm 45.6 ('when God shouts, the world disintegrates'), opens up a fascinat- ing complement to the way in which the Bible was understood. While learned people may listen to the Word of God through the Bible, the uneducated may use their eyes to understand the book of creation. This is an image with a long history. In his De trinitate Augustine asks for God's grace to help him attain knowledge of God either through scrip- ture or creation. 2 In practice, Augustine devoted much more attention to the Bible than to the natural world. He was a rhetorician for whom Christianity was primarily about God's self-revelation through the writ- ten word, at least for the educated. While Christ may have proclaimed that the lilies of the field are more magnificent than Solomon in his glory (Mt. 6:27-28; Lk. 6:28), many Christian preachers have followed Augustine in choosing to focus on the Bible as the privileged medium through which God reveals himself, and through which humanity can rise above the limitations of a corrupted human nature. In the twelfth 1 Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, Ps. 45.7, ed. E. Dekkers and J. Fraiponit, CCSL 38 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1956), 522: 'Liber tibi sit pagina diuina, ut haec audias; liber tibi sit orbis terrarum, ut haec uideas. In istis codicibus non ea legunt, nisi qui litteras nouerunt; il} toto mundo legat et idiota.' This paper was originally delivered in German at the conference held in April 2004 in Mainz, 'Bibel und Exegese im Skt. Viktor, Paris, 12.-15.Jahrhundert.' I am grateful to Prof Dr. Reiner Berndt for permis- sion to publish an English version of that paper. 2 Augustine, De trinitate 2 proernium, ed. W]. Mountain, CCSL 50 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1968), p. 80: ' ... si me, ut precor et spero, deus defenderit atque muniuerit scuto bonae uoluntatis suae et gratia misericordiae suae, non era segnis ad inquirendam substantiam dei siue per scripturam eius siue per creaturam.' 9 6 CONSTANT J. MEWS century, growing awareness of the complexity of both patristic and clas- sical tradition, promoted certain scholars, in particular Hugh of St. Vic- tor, to accord attention not just to the historicity of scripture, but to the natural world as itself as kind of divinely inspired book. In so doing, they were developing a line of thought that Augustine had mentioned only in passing. In a famous essay, written some fifty years ago, Marie-Dominique Chenu drew attention to the achievement of authors like William of Conches, Bernard Sylvester, and Alan ofLille, all profoundly influenced by Plato's Timaeus, in developing a new consciousness of Natura. 3 Tullio Gregory was another great scholar who focused on the so-called 'school of Chartres' in developing awareness of the natural world through Plato's image of a soul that animated the world. 4 Such concerns were not confined, however, to these 'Chartrian' thinkers. Peter Abelard did not believe that Plato's anima mundi had a literal existence, but he saw it as a metaphor of divine goodness, or the Holy Spirit, nurturing creation. Until recently, however, relatively little attention has been given to Hugh of St. Victor in developing a new awareness of the natural world. Hugh has often been considered a traditionalist, because he became such a mainstream influence in medieval theology, quite unlike Abelard-who perennially attracts attention as a critic of tradition and a theorist of language. Yet in recent years, research teams based in Frankfurt and Paris, directed by Rainer Berndt and Patrice Sicard respectively, have helped promote new interest in Hugh's theological achievement. While Hugh and other Victorines are becoming better known for their awareness of the linking between historical and spiri- tual senses of scripture, it should not be forgotten that Hugh also helped disseminate an awareness of the natural world as a medium through which all people, both the learned and the uneducated, could learn about God. 3 Marie-Dominique Chenu, 'La Nature et l'homme. La Renaissance du XIIe sie- de,' in Chenu, La thiologie au douzieme siecle (Paris: Vrin, 1957), 19-51, based on an essay of the same title in Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littiraire du moyen age 19 (1952): 39-66; trans. Jerome Taylor and Lester K. Little, Nature, Man and Sociery in the Twelfth Century. Essays on New Theological Perspectives in the Latin West (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 1-48. 4 Tullio Gregory, Anima Mundi. La Filosofia di Guglielmo di Conches e la Scuola di Chartres (Florence: G.C. Sansoni, 1955). Olaf Pedersen reviews the history of Christian attitudes towards natural science, but with little attention to the twelfth century in The Book qf Nature (Vatican City: Vatican Observatory, 1992). THE WORLD AS TEXT 97 I. Hugh if St. Victor and the Book if the World The treatise in which Hugh of St. Victor develops the image of the sen- sible world (mundus sensilis) as like a book, through which we learn about the power, wisdom, and benignity or goodness of God, is one of his earliest works, the De tribus diebus, for many centuries transmitted simply as the seventh book of the much more famous Didascalicon, a manual on the seven liberal arts.5 Hugh's use ofthe image was noted by Ernst Cur- tius within his broader study of the medieval roots of rhetorical imagery often associated more with the Enlightenment and Romanticism than with earlier periods. 6 Hans Blumenberg also mentioned Hugh's contri- bution to shaping this image within a panoramic study, Die Lesbarkeit der Welt (1981), exploring the long history of the metaphor of readability as a device through which we impose order on the world. Develop- ing ideas he had previously raised in Arbeit am Mythos (1978), Blumen- berg argued that contemporary scientific discourse about 'reading the genetic code' effectively prolonged the image of creation as a kind of sacred text. 7 While Blumenberg documented only a limited number of medieval sources for the image, Friedrich Ohly devoted more detailed attention to identifying the persistence in the medieval and early mod- ern period of the image of 'the book of nature' topos.a None of these 5 Didascalicon, PL 176: 8IIC-846C; it was not included within the edition of the Didascalicon prepared by C.H. Buttimer, reprinted in T. Offergeld, ed., Hugo von Sankt Viktor. Didascalicon, Fontes Christiani (Freiburg: Herder, 1997). 6 Ernst Robert Curtius, Europaische Literatur und Lateinisches Mittelalter (Bern: Francke, 1948), 306-352, esp. 324, recapitulated his earlier study, 'Schrift und Buchmetaphorik in der Weltliteratur,' Deutsche Vierteijahrsschriflfor Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 20 (1942): 359-4II; European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. WR. Trask (New York and Evanston: Harper & Row, Harper Torchbooks / The Bollingen Library, 1953), 302-347, esp. 320. Other authors, besides Blumenberg and Ohly (nn. 6-7) and Herkommer (n. 15), who draw on this work of Curtius include Leo Koep, Buch III (metaphorisch und symbolisch) in Reallexikon for Antike und Christentum 2 (1954): 717-724, and Jean Leclercq, 'Aspects spirituale de la symbolique du livre au XIIe siecle' In L'homme devant Dieu, Melanges riffors au Fere Henri de Lubac, voL 2. Du Moyen Age au siecle des Lumieres (Paris, 1964), 63-72. Rolf Engelsing focuses on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in 'Das Buch-Gleichnis,' Archiv for Kulturgeschichte 60 (1978): 363-382. Jacques Derrida draws on t):1is discussion of Curti us in De lagrammatologie; Of Gram mato logy, trans. G. Spivak (Baltimore, 1976), 14-18. 7 Hans Blumenberg, Die Lesbarkeit der Welt (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1981), with discus- sion of Hugh of St. Victor on 51-52; see also Blumenberg, Arbeit am 1vfythos (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1979); trans. Robert M. Wallace, Work on 1vfyth (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1985). a Friedrich Ohly, 'Typologische Figuren aus Natur und Mythos,' in Formen und Funktionen der Allegorie, fiymposion Wo!fonbiittel 1978, ed. Walter Haug, Germanistische 9 8 CONSTANT J. MEWS scholars, however, gave more than passing attention to Hugh of St. Victor, except as someone who repeats what they presume to be a pre- existing intellectual tradition. This situation changed with the publication in 2002 of Dominique Poirel's critical edition of the De tribus diebus and accompanying study, Livre de la nature et debat trinitaire au Xlle siecle. 9 In this immensely thor- ough study, Poirel focuses, not on the image of the book of nature (as the title might suggest), but on the origins of Hugh's formula that cre- ation reveals God's power, wisdom, and benignity. This triad of divine attributes, never formulated in precisely this form prior to the twelfth century, suddenly emerges in the early twelfth century in two treatises, very quite different in character: Hugh's De tribus diebus and in Peter Abelard's Thealagia 'Summi bani', condemned at the council of Soissons in II2I.1O Poirel reverses the traditional assumption that Hugh must have written the treatise in the mid II20S, having borrowed the formula from Abelard, and argues that it was devised by Hugh before II20, and that Abelard subsequently borrowed it from Hugh. Before resolving this question, we need to consider Hugh's argument more closely. In the De tribus diebus Hugh argues that the immensity, multitude, and size of creation, indicate divine power; its beauty, situation, arrange- ment of place, time, and parts, movement, form, and quality, reflect divine wisdom; its usefulness, he claims, reflects divine goodness. Hugh Symposien Berichtsbande 3 (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1979), 126-166; 'Zum Buch der Natur' in Ausgewiihlte und neue Schrifien zur Literaturgeschichte und zur BedeutungifOrschung, ed. Uwe Ruberg and Dietmar Peil (Stuttgart-Leipzig: S. Hirzel Verlag 1995), 727-843. Also in this volume are studies by Ohly originally published in 1981, 'Das Buch der Nature beiJean Paul' (pp. 845-888) and in 1987, 'Die Welt als Text in der Gemma magica des Ps-Abraham von Franckenberg' (pp. 713-725); Ohly discusses the witness of Johannes Chrysostomus, Avicebron (Salomo Ibn Gabirol), Herbert of Bosham, and Luis de Granada, in 'Neue Zeugen des Buchs der Natur aus dem Mittelalter,' in Iconologia Sacra: Mythos, Bildkunst und Dichtung in der Religions- und Sozialgeschichte Alteuropas. Festschrifi for Karl Hauck zum 75. Geburtstage, ed. Hagen Keller and Nikolaus Staubach, Arbeiten zur Friihmittelalterforschung, 23 (Berlin: de Gruyter 1994), 546-568. English translations of some of his major writing occur in: Friedrich Ohly, Sensus Spiritualis: Studies in Medieval Signijics and the Philology qf Culture, ed. Samuel P. Jaffe; trans. Kenneth J. Northcott (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004). 9 De tribus diebus, ed. Dominique Poirel, CCCM 177 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002); Dominique Poirel, Livre de la nature et debat trinitaire au XIIe siecle. Le De tribus diebus de Hugues de Saint- Victor, Bibliotheca Victorina 14 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002). I hinted at some of the ideas in this paper within a review of Livre de la nature, published in Speculum 79 Ganuary 2004): 255-257- 10 Peter Abelard, Theologia 'Summi boni', ed. ConstantJ. Mews, CCCM 13 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1987), 85-201. THE WORLD AS TEXT 99 speaks of the three days, not in a chronological sense, but as three phases by which we come to understand God's nature: divine power generates fear, wisdom, truth, goodness, love. Abelard, by contrast, is interested in the meaning of words used about God, and draws on his profound knowledge of Aristotle to argue that these divine attributes have been glimpsed not just by prophets, but also by pagan philoso- phers, who used different words to express the same underlying insight. While Abelard's theology is about words, Hugh's theology is more experiential in character, in being based on aesthetic awareness of cre- ation, leading to three phases in awareness of God. 2. The De tribus diebus and Its Irifluence In the De tribus diebus Hugh speaks not about the book of nature but about the sensible world (mundus sensilis) as like a book: For this whole sensible world is like a kind of book written by the finger of God, that is created by divine strength, and each creature is like a kind of letter, not established by human convention, but instituted through divine judgement to demonstrate and in a kind of way to signify the unseen wisdom of God. For just as an uneducated person might see an open book, look at the shapes, but does not recognise the letters, thus a foolish and animal person, who does not grasp those things that are of God, sees a form in these external visible creatures, but does not grasp reasoning; a spiritual person however can discern all things, in that from the outside he considers the beauty of the work, but from within he grasps how wonderful is the wisdom of the Creator. I I Hugh transfers a scriptural image about God's finger writing the Ten Commandments (Ex. 31.18) to the sensible world. The key stimulus here is the statement of St. Paul in Romans 1.20, about the Invisibilia Dei being revealed to all creation, through what has been made. St. II Hugh of St. Victor, De tribus diebus, ed. Poirel, CCCM 177, pp. 9-10: 'Vniuersus enirn mundus iste sensilis quasi quidam liber est scriptus digito Dei, hoc est uirtute diuina creatus, et creaturae quasi figurae quaedam sunt, non humano placito inuentae, sed diuina arbitrio institutae ad manifestandam et quasi quodammodo signif- icandam inuisibilem Dei sapientiam. Quemadmodum autem si illiteratus quis apertum librum uideat, figuras aspicit, litteras non cognoscit, ita stultus et anirnalis homo qui non percipit ea quae Dei sunt, in uisibilis istis creaturis foris uidet speciem, sed non intelligit rationem; qui autem spiritalis est et omnia diiudicare potest, in eo quidem quod foris considerat pulchritudinem operis, intus concipit quam miranda sit sapientia creatoris. ' 100 CONSTANT J. MEWS Paul was arguing that the Gentiles had the capacity to absorb divine truth, without the benefit of scripture, but fell back on their own desires. This left open the question of whether pagans can still learn about God through creation, or whether their minds were so clouded that they are totally dependent on God's grace to gain spiritual insight. The issue was hotly contested in the early twelfth century. Some preserved Augus- tine's emphasis in later writings on the corruption of human nature, and our need for grace; others sought to relate Christian doctrine more closely to classical ideals about the capacity of human beings to lead an ethical life and to gain spiritual insight through the visible world. Hugh of St. Victor's strategy was to steer a path between these two poles, both drawing on and transforming the tradition he received from Augustine. 3. The Image if the Book in Scripture and the Fathers Isaiah 34.4 uses the image of a scroll to describe, not the sensible world, but the firmament. The image serves not to praise divine order in the world, but to imagine a situation of physical cataclysm, provoked by the fall of the armies of Edom: 'The heavens are rolled up like a scroll and their armies all drop like leaves, like vine leaves falling, like falling fig leaves' (et tabescet omnis militia caelorum et conplicabuntur sicut liber caeli et omnis militia eorum drfluet sicut difluit folium de vinea et de fico). This image of cosmic destruction, imagined as the closing of a book, recurs in Revelation 6.14: 'the sky disappeared like a scroll rolling up, and all the mountains and islands moved from their place' (et caelum recessit sicut liber involutus et omnis mons et insulae de locis suis motae sunt). Certain of the Greek Fathers, shaped by Platonic tradition, used the image of the book to speak with more confidence about the divine origin of cosmic harmony John Chrysostom (347-407) is particularly eloquent on the beauty of creation as a vehicle for perceiving God's attributes of power, wisdom, and beauty 12 Similar ideas are invoked by Basil the Great (330-379) in his commentary on the Hexaemeron, 12 Ohly, 'Neue Zeugen des Buchs der Natur aus dem Mittelalter,' 547-552, quoting from Chrysostom's Homiliae in Epistolam ad Romanos 3.2, PG 60: 412D, and on Psalms 9, 147, 148, PG 55: 123-124,480,486; Homiliae in Genesim 22, PG 57= 301. THE WORLD AS TEXT 101 translated into Latin by Eustathius. 13 Basil holds that the world (kosmos) is 'a school where reasonable people could be guided by visible things to reflect on what was invisible'; namely his power, wisdom, and good- ness. 14 St. Ambrose, much influenced by Basil, develops the image of the saints having their names written in heaven as if it were an open book (strictly speaking a codex); elsewhere he comments that although animals can see this book, only man has the capacity to understand it.15 Augustine is familiar with the scriptural image of the heavens as like a scroll, and does refer once in his writing to the world as like a great book: 'look above and below, reflect, read.'16 He comments in one of his sermons: Question the beauty of the earth, question the beauty of the heavens, question the arrangement of the stars, question the sun shining on the day with its brightness, question the moon softening the darkness of the subsequent night with its gleam, question the animals which move in the waters, which dwell on earth, which fly in the air, clear bodies hiding souls, visible things to be governed, governing what is unseen; question these things, they all reply to you: 'see we are beautiful.'17 13 Dominique Poirel, Livre de la nature et dibat trinitaire au XIIe siecle. Le De tribus diebus de Hugues de Saint- Victor, Bibliotheca Victorina 14 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), 349-350. 14 Basil, Homelies sur l'Hexamiron, Sources chretiennes 26 (Paris, 1949), p. II6, quoted by Poirel, Livre de la nature, pp. 349-350. Poirel also identifies the parallel passage in the translation of Eustathius,. 15 Ambrose, In Hexameron 1. 5. 18, ed. C. Schenkl, CSEL 32.1 (Leipzig, 1897), p. 15, and 1. 6. 21, IT 'Extenditur enim uel quasi pellis ad tabernacula, habitationes sanc- torum, uel quasi liber, ut plurimorum scribantur nomina, qui Christi gratiam fide et deuotione meruerunt, quibus dicitur: Gaudete quia nomina uestra scripta sunt in caelo;' In Hexameron VI. 9. 67, 255: 'Erigit et bucula ad caelum oculos, sed quid spectet ignorat, erigunt ferae, erigunt aues, omnibus est liber aspectus, sed soli inest homini eorum quae aspiciat affectus interpres.' 16 Augustine, Sermo 68, in Sancti Augustini Sermones post Maurinos reperti, ed. G. Morin, in: Miscellanea Agostiniana, vol. I (Rome, 1930), 360: 'Est quidam magnus liber ipsa species creaturae: superiorem et inferiorem contuere, attende, lege.' Ennarrationes in Psalmos, Ps. 8:7, CCSL 38, 51: 'dictum est autem etiam de ipso moyse a magis regis pharaonis, cum ab eo superati essent: digitus dei est hic; et quod scriptum est: caelum plicabitur sicut liber, etiam si de isto aethereo caelo dictum est, congrue tamen ex hac eadem similitudine in allegoria librorum caeli nominantur.' 17 Augustine, Sermo 241, PL 38: II34: 'interroga pulchritudinem terrae, interroga pul- chritudinem maris; interroga pulchritudinem dilatati et diffusi aeris, interroga pulchri- tudinem coeli, interroga ordinem siderum, interroga solem fulgore suo diem clarifi- cantem, interroga lunam splendore subsequentis noctis tenebras temperantem, inter- roga animalia quae mouentur in aquis, quae morantur in terris, quae uolitant in aere; latentes animas, perspicua corpora; uisibilia regenda, inuisibiles regentes: interroga ista, respondent tibi omnia: ecce uide, pulchra sumus.' See also a similar passage in Sermo 141, PL 38: 776: 'interroga mundum, ornatum coeli, fulgorem dispositionemque 102 CONSTANT J. MEWS Yet while Augustine does speak occasionally about learning from creation, he never develops a fully fledged theology of 'the book of nature' as comparable to the book of scripture. 18 His comment that reading nature is for the unlearned, while the Bible is for scholars, reveals his scholarly elitism. Augustine's originality is above all as a theorist of text, rather than of the physical world. In the De civitate Dei, he speaks not about nature, but about the city. Pagans are those who dwell outside the city of God. When Augustine does draw on analogy in the De trinitate, he looks not to the physical world but to memory, intelligence and will as an image or trace of God as Trinity. Augustine's trinitarian theology reflects his sense that there is a vast gulf between what he identifies as 'fallen human nature' and God. Only in Christ has the sinfulness of human nature been overcome. The primary role of the Holy Spirit he sees, not as God's love for creation (as in Greek patristic thought), but as the mutual love (caritos) shared between God the Father and God the Son. Augustine's high Christology had such influence in the Latin West that in the fifth century the phrase filioque was added to the Latin version of the Nicene Creed, to explain that the Holy Spirit emanated not just from the Father, but also the Son. This emphasized the eternal divinity of Christ, while accentuating the gulf between Latin and Greek perspectives on the Holy Spirit. Augustine's growing concern in later life with what he describes as original sin, and our need for grace, made Latin theology focus much more on divine revelation to sinful humanity through God's Word in the Bible, rather than through the natural world. Latin theology could never easily escape Augustine's profound focus on the psychology of sin. Boethius sought a different path by using siderum, solem diei sufficientem, lunam noctis solatium: interroga terram fructifican- tern herbis et lignis, animalibus plenam, hominibus exornatam: interroga mare, quan- tis et qualibus natatilibus plenum: interroga aera, quantis uolatilibus uiget: interroga omnia, et uide si non sensu suo tanquam tibi respondent, deus nos fecit.' 18 This claim for Augustinian inspiration of the theme of the book of nature is made by Heribert M. Nobis, 'Buch der Nature' in Histomches Wiirterbuch der Philosophie I (1971): 958-g59, referring to Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram. This claim is repeated by Hubert Herkommer, 'Buch der Schrift und Buch der Natur im Mittelalter, mit einem Ausblick auf ihren Wandel in der Neuzeit,' Zeitschrifi for schweizemche Archaeologie und Kunstgeschichte 431r (1986): 167-178. It seems to be based on a misunderstanding of Augustine's reference in this work to the liber creaturae caeli et terrae; Augustine is here referring to a distinct part of the book of Genesis, not to creation as a book, distinct from the Bible, De Genesi ad litteram 5.3, 55, 5.Il, 5.23, ed. J. Zycha, CSEL 28 (Vienna, 1894), 139-140, 147, ISS, 168. THE WORLD AS TEXT Aristotelian insights into language to reflect on words used about God, and thus to create a theologia (a term that Augustine had associated with pagan talk about the gods, with no value compared to the authority of the Bible, reliable talk about God). In the twelfth century, the De trinitate of Boethius provided both Gilbert of Poitiers and Thierry of Chartres with an alternative authority to Augustine as a basis on which to build theology. Abelard disagreed with Boethius' interpretation of Aristotle, but still imitated Boethius in composing a De trinitate, focused around the different words that we use for God or the supreme good. Abelard only changed the name of his treatise from De trinitate to Theologia Christiana after the Council of Soissons had condemned its original version. By using the terms, theologia and theologi rather than divinitas and divini, Abelard was signaling his desire to provide a Christian theology, based not just on the Bible, but on the testimony of reason. The other great early medieval theologian to distance himself from Augustine also benefited greatly from direct knowledge of Greek thought, but in a very different way. The linguistic capacity of John Scotus Eriugena (fl. 850-870) was such that he could draw directly on various of the Greek Church Fathers, notably Gregory of Nyssa, Basil, Maximus, and above all that mysterious fifth-century theologian imag- ined to be Dionysius the Areopagite, a philosopher converted by St. Paul. 19 He does not seem to have had direct access to Plato's Timaeus. Building on St. Paul's statement in Romans I.20, the Areopagite had presented knowledge of God as a journey through a symbolic universe, from that which was known and visible, to that which was beyond knowledge and the human mind. Eriugena expanded these Neoplaton- ist themes into a brilliantly original notion of Natura (or Pf?ysis in Greek) as the basis for all that is, beyond human definition. Whereas we think of 'nature' as separate from God, he sees it as the foundation of all that is, divine and created. Eriugena also uses the word universitas to evoke 19 There is a large literature on Eriugena. See, for example, EdouardJeauneau, Qya- tre themes erigeniens (Montreal: Institut d'etudes medievales Albert-Ie-Grand, 1978); John J. O'Meara, Eriugeria (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988); Dermot Moran, The Philosophy qf John Scottus Eriugena. A Study qf Idealilm in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1989); Eriugena: East and West: Papers qf the Eighth International Colloquium qf the Society for the Promotion qf Eriugenian Studies, Chicago and Notre Dame, I8-20 October I99I, ed. Bernard McGinn and Willemien OUen (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994); Deirdre Carabine, John Scottus Eriugena (New York: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 2000). CONSTANT J. MEWS the unity of God and creation. 20 His philosophical system, little con- cerned with sin, is based around awareness of God as beyond linguistic definition, and as the source of all nature, revealed in manifestations called theophaniae. His writings attracted limited attention between the ninth and thirteenth centuries, and fell under a cloud after being con- demned by the University of Paris in 1210 and 1225.21 They did not attract wide notice until the early nineteenth century, when Schopen- hauer and Hegel became fascinated by what they saw as Eriugena's pantheist tendencies. In his Periphyseon or 'About nature,' Eriugena adopts a more pos- itive image towards nature than Augustine. He extends the Johan- nine statement about all things being created by the Word of God into a vision of all creation as the speech of God. 22 In his commen- tary on St. John, Eriugena develops the idea of the two shoes (cal- ceamenta, i.e., 'foot-coverings') of Christ, namely physical creation and scripture. Through the covering of Christ, visible creation and Holy Scripture are signified: in these he fixes paths like feet. The disposition (habitus) of the Word is visible creation, which preaches him openly, showing his beauty to us. Scripture has also been made its disposition, scripture, which contains his mysteries, and thinks of itself as the corrector of all things, that is of creation and of the letter as unworthy to resolve subtlety. There are two feet of the Word, of which one is the natural reasoning of visible creation, the other is spiritual understanding of Holy Scripture. One is covered with the sensible forms of the sensible world, the other with the covering of divine mountain tops, namely of the scriptures. Commentators on the divine law introduce the incarnation of the Word of God in two ways. One teaches his incarnation from the Virgin, in which he links human nature to himself in the unity of substance. The 20 On his understanding of physis and universitas, see Moran, The Philosophy if John Scottus Eriugena, 24I-268. 21 Honorius Augustodunensis culled extensively from the Periphyseon in his Glavis phys- icae, ed. P. Lucentini (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, I974), and thus provided an important medium for the influence of Eriugena's ideas after Eriugena's condemna- tion by Pope Honorius IlIon 25 Jan I225, Epistola ad archiepiscopos et episcopos, PL I22: 439-440; E.Jeauneau, 'Le renouveau Erigenien du XIIe siecle,' in Werner Beierwaltes, ed. Eriugena redivivus: zur Wirkungsgeschichte seines Denkens im Mittelalter und im Ubergang zur Neuzeit (Heidelberg: C. Winter, I987) and L. Sturlese, 'Zwischen Anselm undJohannes Scotus Eriugena: der seltsame Fall des Honorius, des Mbnchs von Regensburg,' in B. Mojsisch and 0. Pluta, eds., Historiae Philosophiae Medii Aevi (Amsterdam, Philadel- phia: Gruner, I99I), 944-945. 22 Donald F. Duclow, 'Nature as Speech and Book inJohn Scotus Eruigena,' Mediae- valia 3 (I977):I3I- I40 . THE WORLD AS TEXT other asserts that the Word is incarnate, that is made thick in letters through the forms and orders of visible things.23 Eriugena's allusive language, utterly different from the Aristotelian logic preferred by Boethius, is not easy to understand, but it reflects his desire to place the world and the Bible on an equal, rather than hierarchical footing. The writings attributed to the Areopagite, although translated by Eriugena, had relatively little influence in the Latin West until the Celestial Hierarchy was discovered by Hugh of St. Victor. It is impossi- ble to be certain about exactly when and where Hugh came across the writings of Pseudo-Denis, whether it was in Germany, before he came to Paris in 1l15, or whether it was in a French abbey. Most of the annotated manuscripts of Eriugena's translation are from abbeys in the Holy Roman Empire. Paradoxically, while a Greek manuscript of mystical texts was kept at the library of St-Denis, no Latin trans- lation was known to Abelard, who conducted important research into what he could find out about St. Denis while working in its library. 24 Abelard, who had a wide knowledge of sometimes rare Church Fathers, never quotes from the Areopagite or Eriugena. Hugh certainly refers to the writings of Dionysius in his Didascalicon. 25 From his earliest writings, 23 Commentaire sur l'evangile de Jean, ed. Edouard Jeauneau, Sources chretiennes 180 (Paris: Cerf, 1972), p. 156 [PL 122:307AB]: 'Potest etiam per calceamentum Christi visibilis creatura et sancta Scriptura significari; in his enim vesitigia sua veluti pedes suos infigit. Habitus quippe Verbi est creatura visibilis, quae eum aperte praedicat, pulchritudinem suam nobis manifestans. Habitus quoque ejus facta est Scriptura, quae ejus mysteria continet, quorum omnium, id est creaturae et litterae corrigiam, hoc est subtilitatem solvere indignum se praecursor existimat. Duo pedes Verbi sunt, quorum unus est naturalis ratio visibilis creaturae, alter spiritualis intellectus divinae Scripturae. Unus tegitur sensibilis mundi sensibilibus formis, alter divinorum apicum, hoc est scripturarum superficie. Duobus quippe modis divinae legis expositores incarnationem Dei Verbi insinuant. Quorum unus est qui ejus incarnationem ex virgine qua in unitatem substantiae humanam naturam sibi copulavit, edocet. Alter est qui ipsum Verbum quasi incarnatum, hoc est, incrassatum litteris rerum qui visibilium formis et ordinibus asserit.' 24 On the library of Saint-Denis, see Donatella Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda, La Bibliotheque de l'abbaye de Saint-Denis en France du IXe au XVlIIe siecle (Paris: CNRS 1985), 29-35; Abelard, Letter II', ed. Edme Smits, Peter Abelard. Letters IX-XIV (Groningen: [privately published], 1983), 249-255; he quotes Dionysius only from a statement of Gregory the Great in Sic et non, 49.7, ed. B. Boyer and R. McKeon (Chicago, 1976-1977), 223. I am indebted to Ralf Stammberger for information on the manuscript tradition of Ps-Denis. 25 Hugh, Didascalicon 4.14, ed. Buttimer, reprinted in T. Offergeld, ed. Didascalicon, p. 89: 'Dionysius Areopagita, episcopus ordinatus Corinthiorum, multa ingenii sui uolumina reliquit.' 106 CONSTANT J. MEWS Hugh was interested in the writings attributed to the Areopagite as pro- viding authority for his theological system, comparable to that played by the writings of Aristotle for Abelard. Hugh gives more concrete examples, however, than either the Are- opagite or Eriugena, in speaking about how the mind can move from the visible to the invisible, such as when he speaks about how the crocodile moving along the ground, the salamander surviving fire, the ant surviving winter, the spider with its web are all-in Hugh's phrase- 'witnesses to the wisdom of God.'26 Whereas Pseudo-Denis emphasizes that God is beyond human statement, Hugh dwells on the way concrete realities lead to the mind to God. There is a close parallel between what he says here and the central theme of the bestiary, that birds and ani- mals in creation can instruct us in higher moral and allegorical truths. While medieval bestiaries all derive from a second-century text, they only start to become popular as visual encyclopedias in the twelfth century, combining moral instruction with entertainment. 27 Hugh of St. Victor effectively legitimizes a literary genre that would become immensely popular among readers, not well versed in Latin Biblical exegesis, but fascinated by the visual images that so often accompany the medieval bestiary. Hugh's frequent reference to the sensible world (mundus sensilis) as like a book is based not on Augustine, for whom mundus always has a negative connotation, but rather on a key phrase of Plato, as translated and commented on by Chalcidius, for whom the mundus sensilis is the work of God. 28 Plato never specifically compares the world to a book in the Timaeus, but he does emphasize that the universe is rationally constructed, not by the random will of the gods, but by the Demiurge, according to principles of order and form. While Hugh never explicitly identifies Plato (or indeed any other author) by name in the De tribus 26 De tribus diebus 376-382, ed. Poirel, p. 24, with images culled from Isidore's Etymolo- giae xn (43; 39; 5. 2). 27 On the literary development of the bestiary, see Florence McCulloch, Mediaeval Latin and French Bestiaries, rev. ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962) and Nikolaus Henkel, Studien zum Physiologus im Mittelalter (Ttibingen: Max Niemeyer, 1976), as well as papers in Beasts and Birds if the Middle Ages: The Bestiary and Its Legacy, ed. Willene B. Clark and Meredith T. McMunn (philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989). For a modern English translation see MichaelJ. Curley, Physiologus (Austin, London: University of Texas Press, 1979). 28 Timaeus a Chalcidio translatus, ed. J.H. Waszink (London: Warburg Institute, 1962), 21; Chalcidius, Commentarius I. 23, 74: 'Et mundus sensilis opus dei; origo igitur eius causatiua, non temporaria.' THE WORLD AS TEXT diebus, his persistent allusions to the world as mundus sensilis and as a simulacrum of the invisible declare his familiarity with the Timaeus. 29 Hugh speaks much more warmly about Plato than Aristotle in his Didascalicon. 30 Hugh does once refer to Plato to support his claim that philosophers by natural reason were able to gain some understanding of God as Trinity in what they had to say about tagos and anima mundi in his Sententie de divinitate, lectures delivered perhaps in the mid-to-late I120S. In later writings, however, perhaps conscious of its potential for controversy he avoids such explicit claims. 31 Hugh effectively provides a Platonically inspired philosophy of natura as leading the mind to God, argued like the Monologion of St. Anselm, without reference to any written authority, but by reason alone. He is presenting not a proof for God's existence, but a meditation on the natural world. 4. Hugh qf St. Victor and philosophical debate III5-II25. To appreciate the originality and significance of Hugh's subtle fusion of Platonic theory and natural theology, we need to understand the inten- sity of debate about the value of studying pagan authors in the late eleventh and early twelfth century, as well as the unusually wide educa- tional background that Hugh himself enjoyed. Hugh came to the newly founded abbey of St. Victor in Paris, with his uncle, the archdeacon of Halberstadt, in around I115, just two years after William of Champeau x had left St. Victor, to become bishop of Chalon-sur-Marne. Thanks to the recent discovery by Julie Hotchin of a Kassel manuscript of Hugh's De arrha animae, in which the addressee is identified as Gun- ther, canon Hamersleben before becoming provost of Lippoldsberg in I138, we have good grounds for thinking that Hugh was educated at Hamersleben, founded in 1107/8 by bishop Reinhard of Halberstadt (II07-I123) as the first house of reformed regular canons in the north of Germany. Hugh's uncle, with whom he went to Paris in I115 (via Marseilles, to obtain the relics of St. Victor), was archdeacon of Hal- 29 De tribus diebus 547, with extensive notes by Poirel, CCCM 177, 34. 30 Didascalicon 3. 2, ed. cit., 220, 226. 31 Sententie de divinitate,part 3, ed. A.M. Piazzoni, Studi Medievali 23 (1982): 912--955, esp. 853: 'Nee mirum si ratio per se potuit hanc trinitatem deprehendere, quia etiam philosophi gentium, naturali tantum ducti ratione, hoc idem perceperunt, ut Plato, qui dixit esse "noema," "tagos" et "anima mundi.'" ro8 CONSTANT J. MEWS berstadt. 32 While we do not know exactly how old Hugh was in IllS, the speed with which he established himself as a teacher at St. Victor, suggests that he may have been over twenty years old when he went to France. He had clearly already formed strong ties to the commu- nity at Hamersleben, where the library was richly endowed with sec- ular as well as sacred authors.33 Hugh may have gone with his uncle, the archdeacon of Halberstadt, from Hamersleben to St. Victor, at the suggestion of Conan of Praeneste, papal legate in Germany, friend of William of Champeaux and also an Augustinian canon. 34 Not all Augustinian canons were as open as Hugh to the study of pagan authors. In the ro8os, Manegold of Lautenbach wrote his Liber contra Wo1felmum, to criticize the abbot ofBrauweiler, for being too eager to harmonize the teaching of Macrobius with Christian doctrine. 35 Manegold's hostility was heightened by his perception that Wolf elm was more loyal to Henry IV than to Pope Gregory VII (ro73-ro8S). 32 Kassel, Landesbibliothek, MS 8 0 theo!. 3. In most manuscripts of the De arrha animae, Gunther is identified simply as dilecto fratri G., PL 176: 951B. For this insight, and commentary on the relationship between Hammersleben and Lippoldsberg, I am indebted to the important paper by Julie Hotchin, 'Women's Reading and Monastic Reform in Twelfth Century Germany: The Library of the Nuns of Lippoldsberg, , forth- coming in Manuscripts and Monastic Culture: RifOrm and Renewal in Twelfth-Century Germany, ed. Alison Beach and Maria-Christina Lutter (Turnhout: Brepols). On Hamersleben, see Walter Zollner, Die Urkunden und Besitzaujzeichnungen des Stifts Hamersleben (IIo8-1462) (Leipzig: St. Benno Verlag, 1979). 33 Gustav Becker erroneously dated the catalogue to the eleventh century, Cata- logi Bibliothecarum Antiqui (Bonn: Max Cohen, 1885), no. 56, 140-142; more recently edited by Hartmut Hoffinann, 'Die Schulbucher von Hamersleben' in his Handschri.fien- funde, MGH Studien und Texte 18 (Hannover: Hahnsche, 1997), 51-60, with addi- tions by Udo Kuhne, 'Zum Hamerslebener Schulbucher-Verzeichnis,, Deutsches Archiu for Eiforschung des Mittelalters, 53.2 (1997):s63-566. Becker incorrectly ascribed the cata- logue to the eleventh century. As Hotchin observes, even though this catalogue is from the thirteenth century, the last dated item is from the twelfth century, and gives us some idea of the cultural vitality of Hamersleben in this period. 34 The papal legate in Germany and France during these years, Cuno of Palastrina (Praeneste), was himself an Augustinian canon from Suabia, and a close friend of William ofChampeaux. On Cuno (also known as Conon of Palestrina), see Chronique de Morigny, ed. L. Mirot (Paris, 1909),33,42,65-67, and R. Hiestand, 'Legat, Kaiser und Basilieus. Bischof Kuno von Praeneste und die Krise des Papsttums von IIII/III2,' in Aus Reichsgeschichte und Nordischer Geschichte. Karl Jordan zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. H. Fuhr- mann, H.-E. Mayer, K. Wriedt, Kieler Historische Studien 16 (Stuttgart: E. Klett, 1972), 141- 152. 35 Liber contra Wo!filmum, ed. Wilfried Hartmann (Weimar, Bohlau, 1972); there is much valuable commentary on this text in Manegold if Lautenbach, Liber contra Wo!filmum, trans. Robert Ziomkowksi, Dallas Medieval Texts and Translations I (Leuven: Peeters, 2002). THE WORLD AS TEXT 109 Manegold was himself author of important commentaries on Cicero's De inventione and the Rhetorica ad Herennium and recognized that much pagan teaching about the virtues, was wholly compatible with Christian doctrine, but argued that Plato and Macrobius should not be relied on uncritically.36 Manegold's response to monastic enthusiasm for pagan learning was one of caution. Hugh of St. Victor, on the other hand, was less troubled by drawing on pagan authority. In the Didascalicon, he explains to young novices how they could read Plato and Macrobius, as well as many other pagan authors in a meditative way that harmonized fully with the study of scripture without warning against their errors. Not all canons and monks in Germany followed the cautious atti- tude of Manegold. William of Hirsau, who inspired monastic and edu- cational reform throughout Germany in the late eleventh century, was himself a distinguished authority on the curriculum, and was less trou- bled by reading pagan authors than his friend, Otloh of Emmeram. Inevitably there was disagreement about exactly what attitude should be taken to the study of pagan authors in general. Some writers empha- sized monastic teaching about the world (mundus) as a place of tempta- tion, and interpreted scripture in a highly allegorical fashion, as teach- ing how the mind rises above the distraction of the flesh to the realm of the spirit. Others, like the abbot of Brauweiler, read what Plato and Macrobius had to say about the world (mundus) in a much more positive light. There are also parallels between what Hugh of St. Victor has to say about the material world as a simulacrum of the divine, and the writings of an equally prolific, but much less well-known German author, a monk of Hirsau identified by Trithemius in the late fifteenth century (from sources that are lost to us) as Conrad. We know only that he was a disciple of William of Hirsau (d. 1091), was called Peregrinus in the twelfth-century library catalogue of Hirsau, and that he had completed his most famous composition, the Speculum virginum by 1140. Conrad strongly supported the study of pagan authors in his Dialogus super auctores, as fully consistent with a monastic vocation. Conrad drew on the Accessus ad auctores, written by Bernard of Utrecht in the late eleventh century. Conrad's fundamentally positive attitude to pagan learning contrasts with that of Manegold of Lautenbach. The vigor of debate between these two attitudes comes out in his Dialogus de mundi contemptu 36 Liber contra Wolfe/mum, xxii, trans. Ziomkowski, 62. rIO CONSTANT J. MEWS vel amore, written as a debate between a monk and a matricularius, or secular canon. The monk opens the dialogue by affirming that it is ancient monastic tradition, going back to the words of the Apostle, that the world (mundus) is a place of danger and temptation, and that it is only through having contempt for the world that we may reach our eternal endY The cleric, brought up on philosophical studies, puts forward equally compelling arguments that we should not try to go beyond our capacities or reject philosophy 'because nothing is lacking to those, namely, who possess all things in Christ.' 'Human nature, needful of its necessities, is obliged to attend to what is evident to the eyes, and has no experience to go further.'38 Through the dialogue that unfolds, Conrad of Hirsau puts forward an argument sola ratione that God has created human nature, and that it is through correct appreciation of the visible things of the world, that we learn about God. Using the Augustinian distinction between use and enjoyment, the teacher develops the argument that while we may use the world, our hearts must be directed to God. 39 Conrad is much more interested in moral and ethical issues than in the physical structure of the world. He recognizes the validity of the cleric's criticisms of contemporary monasticism, but insists that whether monks have a black or grey habit (an early allusion to the Cistercians, before they became known as white monks) what matters is the purity of their intention. 4o The cleric eventually arrives at an understanding of the cloister as a 'school of heavenly discipline,' in which the monk considers the visible world as a pathway to inner purification. In the De ftuctu carnis et spiritus, a widely copied treatise printed among the works of Hugh of St. Victor, Conrad develops further this theme of correct cooperation between the world of the flesh and the world of the spirit. He takes this argument even further in the Speculum virginum, a dialogue about the spiritual life 37 Dialogus de mundi contemptu vel amore (Louvain: Nauwelaerts, 1966), ed. R. Bultot, 41-43. 38 Dialogus, ed. Bultot, 43: 'Sed uires nostras pondus istud excedit, nec est temporis huius rebus abiectis philosophandi, quia cui nihil deest utpote in christo omnia possi- denti et nulla supra naturam cupienti, iam philosophatur, et magis de communi quam de priuato gloriatur.' Ibid, 44: 'Ipsa enim humana natura necessariis suis indiga, quod oculis subiacet cogitur attendere, inexperta uero pretergredi.' 39 Dialogus, ed. Bultot, 45. 40 Dialogus, ed. Bultot, 58: 'Numquam uero sanis monachorum intellectibus huius imperitiae notam ascribas, ut soli presumant de christi presentia, cuius sancta conscien- tia locus est. Siue ergo pauci uel plures, grisei uel nigri uel cuiuscumque coloris habiti, monachi sancti sunt si dominum sancta intentione querunt.' THE WORLD AS TEXT III between Peregrinus and an articulate nun, Theodora. Of particular significance is the way that Conrad uses visual images as a medium of instruction, taking to a new stage the Pauline argument about our capacity to learn about the invisible things of God from the material world. While there are many parallels between Hugh and Conrad in the way that they emphasize the transition from the material to the spiri- tual world, it is difficult to say whether one writer influences the other. Hugh's Didascalicon is more elaborate than Conrad's Dialogus super auc- tores, and could be an attempt to provide an improved manual. Hugh shares Conrad's mystical inclination, but also admires the zeal for systematic synthesis promoted in France by teachers like Anselm of Laon and William of Champeaux. Hugh never studied directly under William of Champeaux, and never gained any profound familiarity with the writings of Aristotle, like Peter Abelard. Nonetheless, Hugh absorbed-perhaps from Gilduin, the first provost of St. Victor-a driving theme in William's teaching, that grammar, dialectic and rhet- oric are all part of logica, and that the arts of logica served philosophy.41 William of Champeaux has often been perceived by scholars simply as a traditionalist both in dialectic and theology. To summarize research that I have published elsewhere, it is increasingly evident that William played a significant role in developing the study of the trivium as a whole. 42 Abelard's picture of William in the Historia calamitatum as a tra- ditionalist in his understanding of universals is misleading. William's major contribution to dialectic was not in universals, but in study of the topics or principles that underpin all argument. Unlike Abelard, who in early life was interested solely in dialectic, William had authority in both dialectic and rhetoric, and in speculative grammar as well. In the Didascalicon, Hugh of St. Victor extends this emphasis of William of Champeaux in the trivium as a whole to a broader vision that includes study of the quadrivium, about the physical world, as leading to phi- losophy. Conrad of Hirsau never synthesized this encylopedic vision of learning, being much more interested in moral and spiritual growth than theological synthesis. 41 On this theme, see my paper 'Logica in the Service of Philosophy: William of Champeaux and His Influence', in Schrijt, Schreiber, Schenker. Studien zur Abtei Sankt Viktor zu Paris und zu den Viktorinern, ed. Rainer Berndt, Corpus victorinum. Instrumenta I (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2004), forthcoming. 42 Ibid. 112 CONSTANT J. MEWS When Hugh came to France in I1l5, opinions were divided about the study of pagan authors. Peter Abelard, fresh on the heels of repudiating the authority of Anselm of Laon (d. IIl7), embodied a bold confidence in pagan learning. Between 1115 and IIl7 he engaged in an intense relationship with Heloise, in which he endeavored to respond to her questions about the nature of love and friendship in a way that brought together the ideas of Ovid, Cicero and the Bible. Students, like Heloise, raised on the study of pagan authors, had little time for the theological arguments espoused by Anselm of Laon, reported by students as speak- ing much more about original sin and its consequences, and on Christ's mission to redeem humanity from the devil's dominion, than about the material world. 43 Baudri, abbot of Bourgueil, openly proclaimed the authority of Ovid in writing about love. Anselm of Laon, revered as an authority on the Bible, never cites pagan authority in this way. He knew about the practice of the Greek Church (followed by St. Ambrose) of honoring certain saints who came before Christ, but affirms the Latin teaching that all who came before Christ were in hell, until freed by Christ.44 Unlike St. Anselm, Anselm of Laon left little room for the rational mind to come by its own efforts to an understanding of God. The theological sentences attributed to William of Champeaux use many more philosophical concepts than those attributed to Anselm. William apparently taught that God creates both the matter and form of everything that exists, and that their nature is clearly distinct from that of God, whose attributes can only be identified through metaphor (translatio).45 William is much more concerned than Anselm of Laon to explain how we speak about divine attributes, manifest in creation. To understand words used of God, one must consider 'both the nature of human things and the finding of words. '46 William speaks about God creating all things out of nothing, not from any pre-existing matter and form, through the wisdom of the Son of the Father, and loving them with his charity, 'which is called the Holy Spirit of them both,' but professes that he is incapable of explaining how God is both three and one, 'since nothing similar can be found in the nature of things. '47 43 Liber pancrisis, nos. 28-48 [attributed to Anselm], ed. Odon Lattin, Psychologie et morale,5 (Gembloux: Duculot, 1959), 29-47 44 Liber pancrisis, no. 95 [attributed to Anselm], ed. Lattin, 80. 45 Liber pancrisis, no. 236 [attributed to William], ed. Lattin, 190-19I. 46 Ibid., ed. Lattin, 19I: 'Quod ut sane intelligere possimus, attendenda est et rerum natura humanarum et uocum inuentio.' 47 Ibid, ed. Lattin, 192: 'Ipse enim suo, ut dictum est, spatia manendi ante omnia THE WORLD AS TEXT He still goes ahead to offer his own version of a trinitarian theology, explaining why the Holy Spirit is called amor or caritos, the love of the Father and the Son for all things. 48 Very similar ideas are developed further in an anonymous sentence collection known as the Sententie divine pagine, widely diffused in German monastic libraries in the twelfth century. These sentences explain that reason, through knowing that all things have a beginning from some- thing and were made in wisdom and goodness, considers the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. 49 This extends a definition implicit in the Liber pancrisis. Many close parallels between the Sententie divine pagine and sen- tences attributed elsewhere to William of Champeaux raise the pos- sibility that this work, edited by Bliemetzrieder as a product of the school of Anselm of Laon, is more likely to issue from the school of William of Champeaux. Unlike the sentences Principium omnium, some- times reported in manuscripts as recording the teaching of Anselm of Laon, these sentences offer a distinctly more philosophical vision of the- ology, although not influenced by either Hugh of St. Victor or Abelard. These sentences include brief comment about the appropriateness of God making the birds in the air and fish in the sea, so that men and angels might honor and revere God. Their dominant emphasis, how- ever, is that man sinned almost as soon as he was created, and that sensuality, which should serve rationality, has been corrupted through sin.50 While they hint at the capacity of the mind to develop a philo- sophical theology, any optimism is cut short by a negative cautionary awareness of the frailty of human nature. In IllS, the teacher who had the greatest reputation in France for studying Plato was Bernard of Chartres (d. Il26). The Glosses on solus exsistens, felix, nullo indigens, omnia de nihilo, non de preiacente materia uel forma, sua sapientia creauit et sua caritate dilexit. Que quidem sapientia Filius patris, caritas uero Spiritus utriusque sanctus nominatur. Est enim unus Deus et trinus, unus quidem in substantia, trinus in personis: quod qualiter explicare possim non uideo, cum in nulla rerum natura simile quid possit inueniri.' 48 Ibid., ed. Lottin, 193: 'Hic ergo affectus, siue amor, siue caritas Spiritus sanctus uocatur.' 49 Sententie divine pagine, ed. Franz Bliemetzrieder, Anselms von Laon Systematische Senten- zen, in Beitrage zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters (Munster: Aschendorff, 1919), 'Cum enim humana ratio attendit omnia hec mutabilia cepisse et habuisse exordium ab aliquo, ibidem attendit patris personam, a quo omnia. Cum autem omnia in sapientia facta esse dinoscit, ibi personam filii, quod est sapientia patris. Cum uero omnia in bonitate facta dinoscit, ibi spiritus sanctus, quod est bonitas dei patris.' 50 Sent. div. pag., ed. Bliemetzrieder, 12; see also 16 on the speed of Adam's fall, and 24 on the corruption of sensuality after sin. CONSTANT J. MEWS the Timaeus attributed to him provide fascinating insight into the way Plato's treatise provided a way of reflecting on the philosophical ratio- nality and harmony of the created world, in a way that would be taken much further by William of Conches. 51 While there is no hint of theo- logical controversy in these glosses, they effectively present the Timaeus as providing philosophical insight akin to that offered by the Bible. Hugh of St. Victor's vision of the beauty and rationality of the world, which goes beyond anything offered in the theological sentences of William of Champeaux, echoes the philosophical vision of Bernard of Chartres. A clue to Hugh's respect for Bernard occurs in the Didascali- con, in which he quotes 'a certain wise man' as declaring that 'a hum- ble mind, eagerness to inquire, a quiet life, / Silent scrutiny, poverty, a foreign soil / These, for many, unlock the hidden places of learn- ing.'52 Later that century, John of Salisbury attributes these same verses in his Policraticus to the senex Carnotensis. Hugh's familiarity with the Timaeus is evident in his use of terms like mundus sensilis and simulacrum. Hugh admires the Platonic perspective on the physical world offered by Bernard of Chartres, but seeks to transfer this to theological teaching about how the mind can move from the visible to the invisible. A fur- ther clue to an intellectual kinship between Hugh and the Chartrians is suggested by the comments of Clarembald of Arras, about wanting to imitate his teachers, Hugh of St. Victor and Thierry of Chartres, commenting on Boethius. 53 Thierry of Chartres also shared with Hugh great respect for the writings of Pseudo-Denis. 54 51 On the slender biographical information we have about Bernard of Chartres, see The Glosae super Platonem if Bernard if Chartres, ed. Paul Dutton (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1991), esp. 21-45. 52 Didascalicon 3.12, ed. cit., p. 250: 'Sapiens quidam cum de modo et forma discendi interrogaretur: Mens, inquit, humilis, studium querendi, uita quieta, scrutinium taci- turn, paupertas, terra aliena, hec reserare solent multis obscura legendi.' These verses are attributed to Bernard of Chartres in Policraticus 7.13, ed. C.C]. Webb, 2 vols. (Lon- don, 1909), 2: 145; see Dutton, The Glosae super Platonem if Bernard if Chartres, 240. 53 Lift and Works if Clarembald if Arras, ed. Nikolaus Haring (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1965), 12. 54 See Commentaries on Boethius by Thierry if Chartres and his School (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1971), 195-196 [Lectiones, Iv, 28], 465 [Abbreviatio Mona- censis, Contra Eutychen, III, 63]. THE WORLD AS TEXT 5. Hugh and Abelard Hugh of St. Victor and Abelard shared a similar sense that the human mind could glimpse divine power, wisdom and benignity, but they dif- fered significantly in their philosophical perspective. Hugh was more Platonic in his inclination, interested in the capacity of the natural world to signify higher truths, while Abelard was more Aristotelian in his concern for the imposition of words. The question of who first developed the triad divine power, wisdom, and benignity is problem- atic. Given that Hugh's De tribus diebus is so utterly different from Abelard's treatise, it does seem unlikely that Hugh should draw this triad from Abelard, without engaging in any critique of his arguments in the Thealagia 'Summi bani'. Unlike the De sacramentis, the De tribus diebus carries no critique of the arguments condemned at Soissons in 112I. It seems equally strange, however, that Abelard should depend on the for- mula of a young theologian to create a very different treatise. It seems more plausible to consider both Abelard and Hugh as developing a theme provoked by William of Champeaux. 55 Both Abelard and Hugh were inspired by William's interest in developing a philosophical the- ology based on reason rather than the Bible, but they both go further than William. Whereas Hugh develops his system from reflection on the natural world, as interpreted by Plato, Abelard uses Aristotelian theory to base his reflection on the meaning of words used about the supreme good. By calling his treatise De tribus diebus rather than De trinitate, Hugh draws attention to three phases in experiencing God's nature, rather than analytic discussion of the three persons predicated of God. Hugh and Abelard also differ profoundly in their attitude towards authority. In the Thealagia 'Summi bani' Abelard is anxious to rebut his critics by providing both authorities and reasoning for his argument. He quotes at length from Augustine to demonstrate that his critics (very specifically Alberic of Rheims, a disciple of Anselm of Laon) are wrong in the way they read Augustine as rejecting insight gained from study of pagan authors. Perhaps in a jibe against the disciples of Bernard of 55 The possibility of a common source is raised by Ralf Stammberger, 'De Longe Ueritas Uidetur Diuersa Iudicia Parit: Hugh of Saint Victor and Peter Abelard,' Revista Portuguesa de Filosrfia 58 (2002): 65-92; see also my comments in the review of Poirel, Speculum 79 (January 2004): 255-257. Matthias Perkams questions Poirel's arguments about Hugh having first invented the formula in 'The Origins of the Trinitarian Attributes potentia, sapientia, benignitas,' forthcoming in Archa Jlerbi. u6 CONSTANT J. MEWS Chartres, Abelard also criticizes those Platonists who equate too quickly the world soul with the Holy Spirit. Suspicious of any attempt to read Platonic forms as real essences, he reminds his reader that the world soul is an involucrum, a fable or covering that speaks indirectly about the goodness by which God sustains creation. Abelard is fascinated by the idea that the soul of the world gives life not just to humanity, but to the trees and plants. Yet he resists the idea that the world is itself a living animal. Plato's teaching, he argues, must not be understood literally. He sees the world soul, described at length by Macrobius, as an image of God's goodness, sustaining equally the whole globe of the world, as an image of the Holy Spirit, offered equally to all. 56 Abelard never compares the world to a book. He is suspicious of how the written words of scripture and patristic tradition could be dis- torted in the process of copying, and thus betray their true inspiration. Nonetheless, he shares completely the emphasis of both Hugh of St. Victor and the Chartrians on the fundamentally rational character of the created world. Abelard challenges an excessively literal reading of Plato that does not take into account that forms have no reality outside the material world. Hugh's fascination for the material world subsequently influenced the way he interpreted the Bible. Mter composing certain core trea- tises for the education of his students about such basic disciplines as grammar, geometry, and the structure of the world, he also applied himself to a series of commentaries on scripture, in which he gave as much attention to its historical (litteralis) as to its moral and allegorical sense. Hugh's emphasis on the historical sense extends his interest in the sensible world to the historicity of scripture. Traditionally, monas- tic commentators on scripture, above all Gregory the Great, empha- sized its allegorical significance. Eschewing what it had to say about the physical world, they concentrated on those moral and allegorical spiri- tual truths evoked by the Bible. Dionysius the Areopagite and Eriugena are similarly allegorical in their interests. By the early twelfth century, commentators like Rupert of Deutz were beginning to challenge this perspective by emphasis the historical dimension of scripture. Rupert interpreted the Garden of Eden, not as an allegory of Paradise, but as a real place on this earth. Hugh of St. Victor, committed to seeing the created world as like a book, through which divine attributes are 56 Theologia 'Summi boni' I.47, ed. Mews, I03. THE WORLD AS TEXT II7 revealed, interprets the Bible as written confirmation of what God has revealed through the natural world. This emphasis on the historicity of scripture reflected a wider scholarly interest in the workings of the natural world. In the De sacramentis, composed in the II30s, Hugh of St. Victor cre- ated a major theological synthesis around the theme that it is through physical signs, the sacraments, that humanity can return to God. Whereas the theological sentences attributed to Anselm of Laon em- phasize man's fall into original sin, as contrasted with his subsequent redemption in Christ, the De sacramentis emphasizes the parallel between God's creation of the world, and man's restoration through the sacra- ments, prefigured in the Old Testament, and brought to fruition through Christ in the New Testament. Having explained the histori- cal meaning of scripture, he now shows how it relates divine revelation through sacraments, material realities invested with divine significance. His focus here is much more on the work of redemption than on cre- ation. Nonetheless, Hugh reiterates the theme that creation provides one book, while the incarnation provides us with a second: 'The first was written for pleasure, the second for health, the first so that nature could be nourished, the second so that vice could be healed and nature made blessed.'57 6. The evolution qf an image It would take a separate book to explore the evolution over the cen- turies of Hugh's image of the world as a book, parallel to scripture. Blumenberg and Ohly opened up this theme, but more in relation to its literary evolution than to its theological dimension. The image of the world as like a book effectively challenged the assumption that scripture was the only means of God's self-revelation. While Augus- tine had acknowledged that God could be known through creation as well as scripture, it was only in the twelfth century that Latin thinkers developed the implications of this argument, previously taken up in the West only by Eriugena. The twelfth century was an age of rapid expan- 57 De sacramentis I.5, PL 176: 267A: 'Liber ergo unus erat semel intus scriptus, et bis foris. Faris primo per visibilium conditionem, secunda foris per carnis assumptionem. Primo ad jucunditatem, secunda ad sanitatem; primo ad naturam, secunda contra cul- pam; primo ut natura foveretur, secondo ut vitium sanaretur, et natura beatificaretur.' II8 CONSTANT J. MEWS sion in the use of books for teaching. The book provided an appropri- ate metaphor for their experience of the world. Writing in the 1140s, another Augustinian canon, Hugh of Fouilloy, expanded on this image by suggesting that there were four books: the first was written on man's heart, the second by Moses on tablets, third, the book of grace was written by Christ in his teaching, the fourth was the book of wisdom of God written from eternity.58 While Hugh does not here invoke the actual image of the book of nature, he did compose a widely popular bestiary, that used birds and animals to teach what he perceived to be the message of the Bible. His thought was birds and animals might well communicate more than the over-familiar words of the Bible. Bernard of Clairvaux is another influential figure who picks up the image proposed by Hugh of St. Victor, in a sermon on Romans 1.20, in which he speaks of 'this sensible world as a kind of book, tied by a chain, so that whoever wants, may read the wisdom of God in it. '59 In a letter to Henry Murdach, written in II25, he praised the joys of the monastic life, by emphasizing what one learns from nature: 'Trust my experience: one learns more among the trees of the forest than from books. The trees and rocks will teach you a wisdom you cannot hear from teachers.'60 William of St-Thierry reports that Bernard used to joke that he only had oaks and beech trees as his teachers.6lYet Bernard was not particularly interested in the natural world, and was perhaps closer in spirit to Augustine, in being concerned above all with the 58 Hugh of Fouilloy, De claustra animae, 4.33, PL 176: II70D. 59 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones de diversis, Sermo 9, Sancti Bernardi Opera [SBO] , ed. J. Leclercq et al., 8 vols. (Rome: Editiones cistercienses, 1957-1977), 6.I:II8: 'Invisibilia Dei, apostolo teste, a creatura mundi per ea quae facta sunt intellecta conspiciuntur, et est velut communis quidam liber et catena ligatus sensibilis mundus iste, ut in eo sapientiam Dei legat quicumque voluerit. Erit tamen cum caelum plicabitur sicut liber, in quo utique nemo deinceps legere necesse habeat, quoniam erunt omnes docibiles dei, et quemadmodum creatura caeli, sic et creatura mundi, iam non per speculum et in aenigmate, sed facie ad faciem Deum vide bit, et sapientiam eius ad liquidum contemplabitur in seipsa.' 60 Bernard of Clairvaux, Epist. ro6, SBO ]:266: 'Experto crede: aliquid amplius invenies in silvis quam in libris. Ligna et lapides docebunt te, quod a magistris audire non possis.' 61 William of St-Thierry emphasizes that isolation in nature helped him understand Scripture, in the Vita prima I. 4. 23, PL 185: 24oD: 'Nam usque hodie quidquid in Scripturis valet, quidquid in eis spiritualiter sentit, maxime in silvis et in agris meditando et orando se confitetur accepisse; et in hoc nullos aliquando se magistro habuisse, nisi quercus et fagos, joco illos suo gratioso inter amicos dicere solet.' Adriaan Bredero comments on these passages, in Bernard of Clairvaux: Between Cult and History (Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark, 1996), 125. THE WORLD AS TEXT II9 psychology of the soul. There is a celebrated story that he was once working along Lake Geneva, and was so engrossed in prayer that he never noticed the beautiful spectacle at his side. 62 This should not be taken as a paradigm of the way all medieval authors viewed the natural world. In the late tvvelfth century, Alan of Lille transformed the idea with this elegant verse: Omnis mundi creatura Quasi liber et scriptura Nobis est, et speculum. 63 Every creature of the world Is like a book, and scripture Is for us [like] a mirror. Alan of Lille played a major role in personifYing the figure of Natura through his De planctu naturae, presenting both his ideal of Nature and the way it had been deformed by human vanity. The image of the book of nature provided a way of presenting an image of perfect order, parallel to, but different from the Bible. The doctrine of two books of revelation had become so well-es- tablished by the mid thirteenth century that the Dominican Richard Fishacre drew extensively on it in a sermon delivered in Oxford in 1246. He proclaimed that there were in effect three books: the book of life, or divine wisdom itself; the book of scriptures, and the book of nature, through which we find vestiges and traces of the Creator. 64 Bonaventure (1217-1274) similarly mentioned (although did not expand in any major way) the Victorine image of the world as like a book, through which the creative Trinity could be read. 65 Yet he also held that as a result of sin, the book of creation has been damaged, so that 62 Geoffrey of Auxerre, Vita prima III. 2. 4, PL 185: 305D-306A. 63 Rhythmus, published from a manuscript of Marchiennes, reprinted in PL 210: 579A. 64 R. James Long, The Science of Theoogy According to Richard Fishacre: Edi- tion of the Prologue to his Commentary on the Sentences,' Mediaeval Studies 34 (1972): 71-g8, esp. 80-81; see also Stephen F. Brown, 'Richard Fishacre on the Need for "Philoso- phy,'" in A Straight Path. Studies in Medieval Philosophy and Culture. Essays in Honor if Arthur Hyman, ed. Jeremiah Hackett, Michael Samuel Hyman, R. James Long and Charles H. Manekin (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1988), 23-36. 65 Bonaventure, Breviloquium 2.12, in Opera, 10 vols. (Quaracchi: Collegii S. Bonaven- turae, 1882-1902), 5:230: 'Ex praedictis autem colligi potest quod creatura mundi est quasi quidam liber in quo relucet repraesentatur et legitur trinitas fabricatrix secun- dum triplicem gradum expressionis scilicet per modum vestigii imaginis et similitudinis ita quod ratio vestigii reperitur in omnibus creaturis ratio imaginis in solis intellectu- alibus seu spiritibus rationalibus ratio similitudinis in solis deiformibus ex quibus quasi 120 CONSTANT J. MEWS we cannot make sense of its meaning, except through the revelation of scripture. 66 Aquinas never drew on this image of the book of nature, adopting a more intellectual attitude to considering how the mind can learn about God. Paradoxically, it was through the reformers of the sixteenth century that the theme of God's parallel revelation through both the books of scripture and creation was given new emphasis. This doctrine was stated with particular clarity in the Belgic Confession, drafted by Guido de n ~ s (1523-1567), first printed in 1561 and of wide influence in the low countries. Its wording picks up the vocabulary of Hugh of St. Victor in declaring that God could be known through two books, creation and scripture: We know him by two means: first, by the creation, preservation, and government of the universe, which is before our eyes as a most elegant book wherein all creatures, great and small, are as so many characters leading us to contemplate the invisible things of God: his eternal power and Godhead, as the apostle Paul saith (Rom. 1:20). All these things are sufficient to convince men and leave them without excuse. Secondly, he makes himself more clearly and fully known to us by his holy and divine Word, that is to say, as far as is necessary for us to know in this life, to his glory and our salvation. 67 Guido de Bres was here expanding on the Gallican Confession of Faith of 1559 which simply stated Augustine's assertion, developed by Jean Calvin (1509-1564), that God reveals himself 'firsdy in his works, in their creation, as well as in their preservation and control. Secondly, and more clearly, in his Word, which was in the beginning revealed through oracles, and which was afterward committed to writing in the books which we call the Holy Scriptures.'68 Calvin employed very similar language to Hugh of St Victor in the 1561 edition of his Institutes if the Christian Religion when he declared that humanity has a two-fold knowledge of God through creation and scripture. He also repeats the same triad of divine properties as identified by Hugh: 'We must be per quosdam scalares gradus intellectus humanus natus est gradatim ascendere in sum- mum principium quod est deus.' 66 Bonaventure, Collationes in Hexaifmeron ill I.I2, ed. F. Delorme, Bibliotheca Fran- ciscana Scholastica Medii Aevi 8 (Quaracchi: Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1934): 'Unde mundus erat quasi liber quidam deletus quem deus illuminavit et reformavit per librum scripturae.' 67 Translation with introduction in Riformf!d Corifessions of the 16 th Century, ed. Arthur C. Cochrane (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, Ig66), 18g-lgO. 6B Riformed Corifessions of the 16 th Century, ed. Cochrane, 144. THE WORLD AS TEXT 121 persuaded not only that he once formed the world, so he sustains it by his boundless power, governs it by his wisdom, preserves it by his goodness. '69 Drawing on Plato (although spurning 'the frigid doctrine of Aristotle'), Calvin argues that humanity has a natural capacity to know God, and that even the un.educated can, through contemplating the natural world, come to admire God, even though few actually realize this, and that as a result of original sin, we depend on grace to return fully to God. 70 By the early seventeenth century this consensus about God's par- allel revelation in creation and scripture was beginning to fragment. 71 The problem came not so much with scientists, who valued the image of the book of nature, as with theologians who insisted that the Bible had greater authority than the book of nature in defining the laws of creation. Galileo complained that his critics were not properly investi- gating the book of nature, but rather confined themselves to studying texts. 72 Yet the theme of God's revelation through the book of nature as much as through the Bible was still widely accepted even in the early nineteenth century. We find an echo of Hugh of St. Victor's words in the title of a book, first printed in Dorset in 1798, but reprinted in Boston in 1802, by a certain John Toogood (d. 1824): The Book if nature: a discourse on some if those instances if the power, wisdom, and goodness if God which are within the reach if common observation: to which is added the duty if merry; and sin if cruelty to brutes. 73 The author was a convinced campaigner against the mistreatment of animals, a crime he thought against the goodness of God, evident in the very least of his creation. During the course of the nineteenth century, such advances were made in the study of both the natural world, and of holy scripture, that it was increasingly difficult to imagine how one could still speak 69 Calvin, Institutes if the Christian Religion I. 2, trans. Henry Beveridge (London:James Clarke & Co., 1962), 1:40. 70 Institutes if the Christian Religion 1.3-5, trans. Beveridge, 43-63 (On Plato, p. 45; on 'the frigid doctrine of Aristotle,' 53). 71 Amos Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientific Imagination from the Middle Ages to the Seventeenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), esp. 3-22. 72 Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientific Imagination, 13 n. 3; see also Joseph Pitt, Galileo, Human Knowledge, and the Book if Nature: Method Replaces Metaplrysics (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992). 73 This work seems originally to have been published in Sherborne, Dorset, printed by Goadby, Lerpiniere, and Langdon, [1798?], according to the catalogue of London, University of London Library, Porteus Library, MS 12mo B.P'6r. A later edition of the same work was printed in Boston by Samuel Hall in 1802. 122 CONSTANT J. MEWS of both physical creation and the Bible as two books, divinely inspired. Inevitably, religion and science polarized into rival camps, one espous- ing the cause of nature, the other the cause of divinely inspired scrip- tures. Fundamentalists attached themselves to the literal sense of Scrip- ture, claiming that this had authority over the book of nature. In an age anxious to explore connections between ecology and spirituality, it may well be appropriate for theologians to revisit these themes, with- out necessarily assuming that the natural world is simply a book for the unlearned. Hugh of St. Victor argued that we can learn about God from the natural world as well as through scripture. We cannot have one without the other. WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE AND THE LAW OF THE JEWS AND THE MUSLIMS LESLEY SMITH This paper will look at the treatment of Jewish and Muslim law in a treatise written by William of Auvergne, an early thirteenth-century secular scholar, one who admired the Victorines, and one who, like them, forms a bridge between the learning of the monastic past and that of the scholastic, largely mendicant, future. It will take us into the issues of scripture and pluralism raised by this volume, for William must deal in some detail with what law is and how it can be interpreted before he can make his own, Christian, arguments about Jewish and Muslim law. Christians and Jews to some extent share a law, in their common acceptance of the Hebrew Bible; but although Muslims share some of the same scriptural characters with both, their scriptures (that is, their law), are different. We shall see that William looks not only at how to read scripture and use scripture, but that he moves beyond scripture into matters of belief, in order to make it plain who is to be saved and how. I. William qf Auvergne Although an important figure in his time, William of Auvergne is lit- tle known today, perhaps because he was a secular priest and not a member of an order that would have kept his legacy alive. Before going on with the argument, I shall briefly explain who William was and how he worked. As with most medieval people, our knowledge of William of Auvergne is clearest from back to front. He died in 1249, as bishop of Paris, a respected, trusted and eminent figure, mov- ing in the worlds of high ecclesiastical business, the royal court, and the university masters of Paris. He had become bishop of Paris after the death of Bishop Bartholomew in 1227 when, following the subse- quent disputed election, William went to Rome to put the case before Gregory IX. He came back, unexpectedly having been made bishop himself. Before the election, in the I220S, he had been a canon of Notre Dame and a regent master in the Paris schools. We know noth- I24 LESLEY SMITH ing, however, of his previous education, his early life, or his date or place of birth (presumed to be around lIBo, possibly in Aurillac in the Auvergne). I William wrote a large number of works throughout the years of his mastership and episcopacy.2 They survive in at least 250 manuscripts, which suggests that they were widely read. He wrote on everything- indeed literally so, for one of his works is called De universo----and he has treatises on the sacraments, on matters of doctrine, on benefices, on the soul, on prayer, and on the Trinity, as well as Biblical commentary and hundreds of sermons. His opinions are scrupulously orthodox, doctrinally; but to say only that masks the spheres in which he is anything but ordinary. These I take to be three: his sources, his method, and his writing. Firstly, we need to look at the range of his sources: William was the first or among the first to use Greek, Arabic and Hebrew sources in authoritative western theological works. He was clearly an avid accumulator of sources; he read Aristotle, for instance, even after it was banned in Paris, and he had an impressive range of other Greek texts to hand in translation. He knew some of the works of Maimonides; he knew the Qur'an and other translated Muslim sources, and was the first Latin theologian to quote Avicenna. The manner in which he appears to know these sources and the way he employs them gives the impression of a man eager to read and learn, I For a good bibliography and short biographical introduction to William, see RJ. Teske, William if Auvergne. The Universe if Creatures (Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1998). The only full biography of William is that by N. Valois, Guillaume d'Auvergne, eveque de Paris (1228-1249), sa vie et ses ouvrages (paris: A. Picard, 1880). On William and Islam see the excellent studies by M.-Th. d'Alverny, 'La connaissance de l'Islam au temps de Saint Louis,' in eadem, La connaissance de l'Islam dans l'Occident medievale (Aldershot: Variorum, 1994), essay 6; originally published in Septieme centenaire de la mort de saint Louis. Actes des colloques de Royaumont et de Paris, 21-27 mai 1970 (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1976), pp. 235-246; eadem, Avicenne en Occident (Paris:]. Vrin, 1993), II, XVI (on William's early use of Avicenna). See also N. Daniel, Islam and the West. The Making if an Image, rev. ed. (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1993), pp. 86, 174-175, on William's understanding of the Qur'an and Avicenna. 2 Teske has bibliography of the few modern editions of individual works by William, but the only reasonably comprehensive edition remains Guilielmi Alverni ... Opera omnia (Paris: Andr<eam Pralard, 1674; repro Frankfurt-a.-Main: Minerva, I963). References to De fide et de legibus in this essay are to pages and columns in this edition. Similarly, the only compendium of references to manuscripts of William's work is still P. Glorieux, Repertoire des maftres en theologie de Paris au XIIIe siecle (Paris: Librairie philosophique ]. Vrin, I933), I, 14I. WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE AND THE LAW 12 5 far beyond the bounds of the syllabus at Paris. Science, philosophy and other religions all had claims on his interest; they are reflected in his writings, which are full of unusual quotations, notes and asides, and observations. William's method is as unusual as the writers he brings into his work. I have not yet come to a conclusion as to whether it is the period in which he is writing-from the I2IOS to the I240s-or his own personal- ity, or, most intriguingly, a result of his having been trained somewhere other than Paris, perhaps somewhere closer to his southern French roots, that leaves him relatively free from the restraints of academic convention. His treatises do not follow the so-called scholastic method, pioneered in the twelfth century and coming to fruition in the schools of the thirteenth, where a posed question is followed by arguments for and against its thesis, and then by a solution, and rebuttals of those arguments which do not support it. The scholastic method can be char- acterized by three points: it is argumentative, authoritative and additive. I mean by this that any work proceeds by arguing for or against a given proposition, putting a question that must be answered before one can move on to the next question; that the arguments made for or against must appear to arise from, and be bolstered by, quotations largely drawn from Biblical and patristic sources (in the case of theology); and finally that questions posed on any topic or text have a tendency to be carried forward by subsequent writers, and to be added to rather than supplanted. Any textual commentary can thus become merely a peg on which to hang other loosely related issues; and medieval commentaries typically become more and more unwieldy over time. William, however, never proceeds like this at all. Whereas works writ- ten according to the scholastic method like to give the impression that their authors genuinely begin by stating a question and then follow- ing the argument wherever the authorities take them, to a conclusion unknown to them when they began, William's approach is older, per- haps more straightforward. He simply sets out a topic, states clearly what he thinks, and covers a number of interesting points before fin- ishing, often abruptly. Sometimes he offers counter-arguments to be refuted, but sometimes not, moving on from positive point to positive point. Most strikingly, though, he does not, in any obvious sense, argue from authorities. Although the Bible, the Latin and Greek Fathers, the Latin and Greek classics, Greek,Jewish and Arab philosophers, and the opinions of his contemporaries all take their turn in the text, they form the ornament rather than the structure of his writing. LESLEY SMITH His writing is unusual in style as well as form. Reading William is unlike reading any other thirteenth-century theologian. 3 Instead of the balanced seesaw of sic and non, with pro following stately con until the weight shifts to one side or the other, William presses point upon point, each introduced with a simple Amplius: More! Sometimes the road he is taking is clear and straight; at others it takes a sharp bend into new territory. He is direct, often addressing his reader in the second person singular: 'you'; he likes the everyday, using chatty and funny stories- again and again (as we shall see) he makes metaphysical points with the most mundane of examples and illustrations. He is enthusiastic (he never comes across as simply going through the motions) and deeply faithful without appearing pietistic; and his standards are strict and high, though he knows too much about the world as it is not to attempt to work out practical solutions to genuine problems. 2. De fide et de legibus It was perhaps a combination of the breadth of his reading and his practical observation of the world that caused William to write the linked pair of treatises I shall consider here. William wrote De fide, 'On faith,' and De legibus, 'On the Laws,' sometime before 1236. Although separate, they were conceived as a pair and travel together. Faith is the virtue that forms the basis of religion, and without it, no one can live well (De fide et de legibus, prologue). Drawn together, all the articles of faith form the law, written, loosely speaking, to aid the virtuous and sort the sheep from the goats (De legibus, c. I). But the treatise is called De legibus, not De lege, and William tells us specifically that he means to address the laws of the Jews and of Muhammad, as well as the law of the Gospel. Law in the sense he uses it here is often interchangeable with religion. 3 Peter Biller gives a good flavor of William's style in The Measure qf Multitude (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), ch. 3. See also B. Smalley, 'William of Au- vergne, John of La Rochelle and Saint Thomas on the Old Law,' in St Thomas Aquinas I274-I974. Commemorative Studies (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1972), I, 10-71; L. Smith, 'William of Auvergne and the Jews,' in D. Wood, ed., Christianity and Judaism, Studies in Church History 29 (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1992), 107-rr7; and eadem, 'William of Auvergne and Confession', in P. Biller and AJ. Minnis, eds., Handling Sin. Corifession in the Middle Ages, York Studies in Medieval Theology 2 (Rochester: York Medieval Press, 1998),95-107. WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE AND THE LAW I27 De fide et de legibus covers just over IOO folio-size pages (in double columns) of the seventeenth-century edition of William's opera, so the work is substantial. Rather more than seventeen pages contain De fide and eighty-three De legibus. A count of the quotations explicitly identified gives a rough total of 250. Nine of these come in De fide, four being Biblical (two from the Hebrew Bible, two from the Epistles of Paul), and five non-Biblical: one from Bernard of Clairvaux, one from Apuleius, and three from Aristotle (three quotations from Aristotle in a work on faith!). In De legibus, 204 sources are Biblical, with I6I from the Hebrew Bible, thirty-four from the Epistles, and nine from the Gospels and Apocalypse. In a work on the Law, it is not surprising that by far the largest number of citations comes from the Torah- eighty-six in all, fairly evenly spread, except for the book of Numbers, which is rarely used-followed by the Psalms, with seventeen citations, and Romans, again unsurprisingly given its subject matter, with nine- the same number as Aristotle. Aristotle is not the largest non-scriptural source-this is Hermes Trismegistus, whom William quotes on magic and astrology, disapprovingly; other non-Biblical writers cited by name include Josephus, Plato, Augustine (four references), Avicebron and Avicenna. Two hundred and fifty citations of named works is, I believe, a small number for a work of this size. This is especially true when one consid- ers that the Biblical quotations are often bunched in groups, illustrat- ing a particular law. Naturally, his section on the exegesis of scripture, touched on above, employs numerous Biblical verses as examples of each type of exegesis; and the section (which we shall consider in detail later) where he looks at many of the 6I3 Torah laws individually also features volleys of scripture. This means that at times page after page passes without a single cited authority, and William, extraordinarily for a medieval author, simply writes what he thinks. I shall begin by making a distinction between two ways of using scripture in argument, one being to use scriptural texts as proofs or key steps in arguments, the second being to use scripture as a basis for comparison with other things. This second position is the fundamen- tal assumption William makes in De fide et de legibus. William is worried that in the present day, even the strongest and holiest people are giv- ing intellectual credence to the arguments of philosophers and heretics and the most dangerous blasphemers (De legibus, c. I [I8.2.EJ). What is at the base of these fears? Is he worried about the failure of the Fifth Crusade (I2I7-I22I) strengthening suspicions that the beliefs and princi- 128 LESLEY SMITH pIes of western Christendom might somehow be wrong? Is he worried about the strength of heresy that required, for example, the Albigen- sian Crusade to subdue it? Is he worried that western theologians are becoming increasingly enamoured of (and unsetded by) Jewish Biblical interpretation (although William knows, uses and admires Jewish texts himself)? Is he worried that the masters and pupils of Paris seem to prefer forensic theology to works clearly aimed at building the faith (a phrase William repeats a number of times)? William's contemporary, Alexander of Hales, had recendy introduced as standard in the Paris theology syllabus the requirement that all doctoral candidates write a commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, as well as on books of the Bible, a means of learning and teaching which appears to be far from William's own taste. On top of these practical matters we may consider William's observation that faith needs help because its claims are often contrary to the dictates of human reason and to our physical desires. I am not yet clear about the exact causes of his fears, and it may be that a combination of all of the above is the best explanation, but whatever the reason, William tells us that he is writing to provide a sword with which such ideas can be vanquished, and to show that God, and God alone, is worthy of faith; God is the foundation and substance of religion. Though here left undefined, for William religion is in essence the worship of God and right living, which depend on true faith, as opposed to credulity; and it is marked by the gathering together of the articles of faith into law. The truest law is nothing other than written honesty. Law and religion, then, are virtually synonymous, and by writing 'On laws,' William is enabled to consider Christians, Jews and Muslims according to the reasonable comparability of how they interpret their own laws, with the starting point, of course, that all three agree in regarding a form of the Hebrew scriptures as divinely given. The scriptures are God's narrative for showing law in action. 3. The law qf the Hebrew Bible So it is at the deepest level of comparing their scriptures that William intends to make his comparison of Christianity, Islam and Judaism; and he faces different challenges with each of them. Naturally, his position is most delicate with regard to the Hebrew Bible-the law of Moses. In some sense he must accept Mosaic law, but he is careful to note that it is not the complete (perflcta) law, but only a part of it (De legibus, c. I WILLIAM OF AlNERGNE AND THE LAW 12g [22.I.D]); only the Gospel is the law of unimpaired honesty, and it alone guarantees salvation (ibid.). Nevertheless, many parts of the old law may be counted as part of the perfection of the Gospel, and endure to form part of the new covenant. It is content rather than simply position in the Bible that decides which law-old law or Gospel-any individual precept belongs to. It is for this reason that William says he will not only 'expose those things which are absurd and ridiculous' in the law of the Hebrews, but also give reasons for its precepts and prohibitions to show why they made sense in their time and why some continue to be observed (Defide et de legibus, prologue [v.E]). Following Peter Lombard, most thirteenth-century writers on the law divide it into three parts, moralia, iudicialia and caerimonialia. William, however, adopts a seven-point organizing system: testimonia or narra- tives of truth, which should be believed; commandments of honesty or virtue, which should be fulfilled; judicial opinions of equity, which should be followed; examples to be copied; promises of reward, to be hoped for; threats of punishment, to be feared; and ceremonies of worship and honor, to be revered (De legibus, c. I [lg.I.a-b]). Listing these, he admits that he knows that four of them-testimonia, examples, promises and threats-are not part of the substance of the law proper, but he sees them as the greatest help in promoting the observance of the law. They are all, of course, found in scripture, and their inclusion suggests the way in which William saw the Bible as a whole, each part interwoven with the rest, so that the traditional three parts of the law, morals, judicial opinions and ceremonies, are best seen in the context of the narrative and promise surrounding them. God, William implies, gave us a narrative of truth, not simply a set of precepts, and we should see that narrative as the context for the plain commands. William is clear that the whole of the law was founded and given by God, and, in contradistinction to the law of Muhammad, he says this is proved by the signs and miracles that surround it. Therefore nothing in the law is useless, nothing is superfluous, and nothing is absurd (De legibus, c. I [2S.I.B]). Everything there is meant to honor God and orna- ment our lives. Why, then, are there so many laws? If there can never be more than 40 virtues, why did God give 613 laws to bring them about? William's answer-and of course it is a common one-plays on the childishness of the Jews: since the Hebrew people could scarcely understand the alphabet of natural virtue, it was fruitless to give them the riches of perfect grace. God gives the precepts of the law in such a multiplicity of ways for three reasons: firstly, because of the Jews' inex- LESLEY SMITH perience and lack of education, so that God breaks up the precepts into small, digestible pieces, just as one gives a child little bits of bread rather than a whole loaf; secondly, in order to combat the disgraceful multiplicity of idolatry, which the law is largely intended to prevent; and lastly, because the law has to be sufficient to cover all eventualities for a people at such a lowly stage of development, so they do not have to think anything out for themselves or fall back on human traditions and superstitions. This is, indeed, what happened when the Jews began to be influenced by their neighbours, the Chaldeans, Babylonians and Arabs, mixing up their Hebrew learning with philosophy, so that they no longer knew their own beliefs or the faith of Abraham, and could not defend themselves in debate. They fell into error and began to believe in the eternity of the world and 'other Aristotelian mistakes.' They did not follow the precepts of the law, which they saw as absurd, because they could not explain what was behind them. And that is why, William says, there are so few true Jews in the world today who are not somehow tainted with Saracen or Aristotelian beliefs (De legibus, c. I [24.2.F]), a phrase which implies in passing, I think, that Christians are not tainted with Aristotelianism. This much is set out (and I use the phrase carefully, for I do not think it can be said either to be explained or proved) with barely a hint of Biblical support. When scripture does appear, it comes almost as an aside, when William notes that the first part of the law (that retained from the law of Moses) will be fulfilled by the law of grace given by Christ; and he fires off a salvo of verses, from Romans, Galatians, Corinthians, Matthew, Mark and Timothy, one after the other and without comment, to make this plain. This is not argument from the Bible as much as a Biblical shorthand, employed so that he can pass on to-and go back to-his preferred topic of Mosaic law. For whatever the Jews themselves might believe, William is quite clear that the precepts of the old law must have reason behind them. 'Nihil esse in tota lege, quod non habeat causam rationabilem, sive prae- ceptionis, vel prohibitionis, aut enarrationis' (De legibus, c. 2 [29. r.CJ): it is unthinkable that God would have given them were that not true. So he now embarks on a fascinating series of chapters where he explains individual precepts, or groups of precepts, using practical, scientific or anthropological arguments. Sometimes, when he can show that the reasons for the precept have disappeared, he can show why we no longer need to follow it; but in all cases these chapters show his total respect for and belief in scripture, even when it has been superseded. WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE AND THE LAW 4. Sacrifice and circumcision To illustrate these chapters, I shall look at two issues he addresses early on. First is the thorny issue of sacrifices, which, although they date from before the giving of the law, people find hard to understand. How, he asks, can the death of an innocent animal be pleasing to God? How can the smell of a carcass have any sweetness? What justice can there be, when men sin, for animals to die? (De legibus, c. 2 [2g.2.A]) William gives seven reasons for sacrifices, which he argues are not simply a concession to idolatry, as some people say. Their chief cause is to give honor and veneration to God, for all worship does this intrinsically. The second reason is that the death of an animal makes a strong and powerful impression on those watching of the justice and mercy of God-they remember that they themselves deserve death but that the animal is dying instead. And if they can be imprinted with a vivid and lasting memory, such as of the animal's death, to remind them of their sin and God's mercy, they should in future flee evil and place their hope in God. Note here, as an aside, a good example of William thinking of the whole person in relation to God: in William's universe, we perceive God not just by reason or revelation but with every sense, and his writing shows him aware of how much impact sight, sound and smell have on our conception of spiritual things. The next two reasons for sacrifices are the recognition by those present of the divine beneficence which means that they have these gifts to offer, and the sanctification of what is being offered, again through the mercy of God. The fifth reason is that closeness to God's table represents familiarity with God and a sense of participation in and nearness to God. For eating together, as one does with one's father and mother, is the height of closeness, and in the case of sacrifices, God sends fire to his place at table. Thus, the sixth point is the drawing together that such commensality produces in God's people; and here, naturally, William notes the same effect in spiritual eating and drinking together. Finally, sacrifices attract people to worship, because there is nothing better, he says, for drawing people together than eating and drinking. In a short discussion, William manages to dispose of the idea that idolatry produces sacrifices (rather, he thinks that idolatry may arise out of sacrifices, but need not), has given reasons for their inclusion in the law, and has left open the door for a spiritual interpretation of sacrifice that makes sense for the Eucharist too. His approach means that he has LESLEY SMITH been able to place the law in its historical context, referring both to its predecessors and to its successor. Closely linked to sacrifices, and the idea of covenant, are the precepts concerning circumcision. Like sacrifices, circumcision existed before the law, and it seems initially to have no good purpose except that of simple obedience. But for William it must have more: 'necesse est aperire causas eius literales et utilitates quas habet praeter istud bonum' (De legibus, c. 3 [33. I.E]). He finds five. The first is the weakening of concupiscence, which happens ex vulnere circoncisionis; the second is again the weakening of desire, this time brought about by a decline in sensitivity caused by exposure to cold and friction from clothes, just as, he says, a calloused hand accustomed to work has less feeling; thirdly, circumcision means that the part of a man which most demeans his nobility is itself subject to attack and vilification; the fourth argument, I think, is that it reminds people that sex should be taken seriously, and not set about as though people were animals. Lastly comes the function of impressing on men the memory of their creation and the covenant made with Abraham. This has two parts, a reminder of spiritual chastity-that they should worship only one God and stay away from idols-and of corporeal chastity, to rein in their unbridled desires. Here, perhaps because the argument about the covenant is so important, William introduces a verse from Galatians (5.3), reminding his readers that this sort of sign is no longer needed as a universal symbol of the covenant, by which he means one extending to Christians as well; rather, we have signs like the tonsure, or the red cross borne by the Templars. William ends with an interesting question: can Hebrew women be members of the covenant with God without circumcision? He says they can, because the pact was initially made between God and Abraham's seed, and indeed, 'they enter into that contract through certain baptisms and traditions which are not found in the body of the law.' I do not know what exactly he means by this, where he gets it from, and if it has any basis in fact; or whether it is his understanding of the mikveh. Here again in this discussion William has used a set of practical reasons to lead him to a theological position where a physical (or literal) sign can be replaced by a spiritual one. Here though, his notes about the physical effects of circumcision are interesting, and I have not yet discovered where they come from. Taken to their logical conclusion they would suggest that the circumcised races are less concupiscent than the uncircumcised-a point he cannot mean to make. But once WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE AND THE LAW 133 again, he takes seriously, and describes in a vividly realistic manner, our bodily selves, and their importance in our understanding of and response to God. And so William marches through the law, asking why it is sheep, cows and goats that are sacrificed, why some animals are clean and others not, why the calf should be red, why men should not dress in women's clothes, and how to treat lepers. Sometimes he is a lit- tle uncertain, and the reason is advanced flrsitan-'perhaps' (De leg- ibus, c. IO [4I.I.D]); but generally he proceeds confidently, his purpose being to show that the intent of the law as a whole is to prevent in the Hebrews the idolatry thought to be prevalent in the lands and peo- ples surrounding them, and that the law does this mostly through com- mands drawing on simple logic and reasonableness. Throughout this section, his Biblical quotations are almost entirely references to the laws themselves, and the explanations are advanced unadorned by no other authority than an appeal to common sense. When he has finished, he sums up with the chapter we shall consider next, arguing that the law must make literal sense. Without this foundation of the literal, nothing else can be built. 5. The nature qf law and interpretation Teach me, 0 Lord, the way of your statutes ... Give me understanding that I shall keep your law (Ps. II9.33-34). What was David seeking when he sang this prayer? William of Au- vergne thinks he knows the answer, but he teases his readers into con- sidering a familiar psalm once more. Surely David has no need to ask for enlightenment, '[f]or he had,' says William, 'a natural intelligence that was more than sufficient for understanding the letter of the law entirely. '4 This statement, as we shall see, is interesting and important in itself; but it is not what concerns him here. William argues that the psalm verses make it clear that scripture has more meanings than those encompassed in the literal; here is scripture itself, in the guise of David asking for understanding of deeper knowledge, making it known that there is more to be revealed than what is in plain sight: 4 De legibus, c. r6 (47.r.D). 134 LESLEY SMITH So [William says] he was looking for a loftier understanding, and there- fore these commandments of the law have a higher meaning than the literal (De legibus, c. 16 [47.r.DJ). This interpretation, in a passage of seamless weaving of psalm verses and Biblical language, largely unsignalled and unreferenced, will lead us eventually to William's own enumeration of what are known as the senses of scripture. 5 Significantly, it comes just after a chapter where he stresses and defends the importance of the literal sense as a basic understanding and underpinning of the whole law. His argument rests on the function and character of Moses, 'the legislator,' sent by God: . .. for why would a man, so wise and faithful to his people, whom he had protected by teaching, not wish to speak intelligibly? (De legibus, c. 15 [46.2 .F]). All that Moses taught, all the precepts of the law, must, by dint of the man and his mission, be clear and comprehensible to everyone who heard him. William thus rejects the idea that even the literal sense of the law was unintelligible to the Hebrews, but was given by God because it would become understandable to people yet to come, that is, to Christians. This notion is, he says, expressly rejected by Paul in the letter to the Romans (3.19): 'whatever things the law says, it says to those who are under the law.' And there is a further argument against: the Christians had no need to rely on a spiritual understanding of the law, since they are given the Christian Church, and with it 'that Gospel truth which has come to us open and undisguised (nuda et aperta) , , in comparison, that is, to the shadowy figures of the law (De legibus, c. 15 [46.2 .H]). It may seem here as if William has explained away the need for any spiritual interpretation of the Gospel; but his real purpose in pursuing this line of interpretation remains his argument for the essential literal understanding of the law: 5 For discussions of the senses of scripture see P.D.W Krey and L. Smith, eds., Nicholas if Lyra: The Senses if Scripture, Studies in the History of Christian Thought 90 (Leiden: Brill, 2000); H. de Lubac, Exegese medievale. Les quatre sens de l'Ecriture, 4 vols. (paris: Aubier, 1959-1964), partly translated as Medieval Exegesis, by M. Sebanc (vol. I) and E.M. Macierowski (vol. 2) (Grand Rapids and Edinburgh: WB. Eerdmans, 1998 & 2000); E.A. Matter, The Voice if My Beloved. The Song if Songs in Western Medieval Christianity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990); B. Smalley, The Study if the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3rd edition (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983); L. Smith, Medieval Exegesis in Translation: the Book if Ruth, TEAMS Commentary Series (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1996). WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE AND THE LAW 135 Therefore it is in every way necessary to have had such a literal under- standing; for it is completely improbable that the entire Jewish people, who had schools in the whole law for so many thousand years, and who ail, from the greatest to the least, were taught and studied in them, had not detected this error [that is, that parts of the law had no meaning], and held on to it for so long as if it were an inheritance, and have handed it down to their children (De legibus, c. 15 [46.z.H-47.r.A]). Moreover, he has an answer to those who ask why today's Jews do not understand these literal meanings: their knowledge has been lost over time, because of their afflictions (especially he mentions being exposed to the superstitions of their neighbours the Egyptians, and other nearby peoples), and because they neglected their studies in the law-a neglect, William says, brought about 'partly by avarice, to which they were quite addicted, and partly by love of foreign philosophy.' And so he says he has defended and demonstrated the literal under- standing of the law, even in those things where it seems completely absurd. 6. The Non-Literal Reading if Scripture However, this defense of the letter is followed by a pair of chapters endorsing the non-literal reading of scripture because, and as long as, it leads to the building up of souls (De legibus, c. 16 [47.I.B]). William begins, as I quoted above, with Biblical passages that show, he claims, that scripture has hidden meanings. This section is short, and it is fol- lowed by a much longer argument in which he employs Biblical ideas and images, but without giving specific references. This is very much William's normal mode of proceeding, not meaning merely that he quotes from scripture without giving book and chapter, but that his language is too saturated with Biblical language-words, phrases and imagination-for the two not to overlap for much of the time. This is true, of course, of many medieval writers, but an abundant un attributed use of scripture is perhaps more characteristic of the generations of scholars before William than of his scholastic contemporaries and suc- cessors. And, as ever, he passes from example to example, piling argu- ment upon argument, without pause for breath. He begins by repeat- ing that although there is only one true law, the understanding of it is different for different people, depending on their capacity; and so just as a teacher will give different work to different pupils, depend- LESLEY SMITH ing on how much they can take in, so there are many understandings of the law-even among Jews. Scripture, he says, is a banquet with many courses, varied and multifarious, and a variety of understanding requires a variety of eaters. Fully to appreciate the banquet involves chewing it well (which is discussion) and eating it up (which is proper understanding). Again, expounding scripture is like opening a piece of rock to show the veins of metal inside it. You might get iron, or gold, or silver or precious stones ... and each can be allegorically understood. It is a garden of delights, full of different sorts of trees and fruit. Or finally, scripture is a series of cellars, some with wine, some with oil, and others with medicine. And lest anyone might think that his argu- ment opens the way for a multitude of religious truths, he adds that only the worthy can expound the hidden meanings (De legibus, c. 16 [4 8 I.FJ) At this point in any other medieval interpretation, one might expect a run through the conventional four senses of scripture: literal, allegor- ical, moral and anagogical. But William produces something quite dif- ferent, and it perhaps explains his eagerness to give reasons, rather than argue by reference to texts. For in the chapter that follows he explains that this sort of exposition of sacred scripture-that is, the non-literal- gives offense to some people and scandalizes them, because it seems to be an abusive imposition on scripture rather than an exposition if it. Because of this, he says, we will work a little to try to satisfY the objectors (De legibus, c. 17 [48.I.FJ). Rather than the usual four senses, William sets out five: the literal, and four further non-literal senses. These are they: Firstly, scripture which itself describes a deed done for the purpose of signifYing something else: and he cites Isaiah 8.18: Behold I and the children the Lord has given me are for signs and wonders in Israel. Second, scripture which describes something expressly to signifY some- thing else; and here he uses the parable of the two eagles in Ezekiel 17: the story is told on purpose with another meaning. Such scriptural pas- sages are often introduced by the words 'aenigma' or 'parabola' to alert the reader. Third is the consequentialist interpretation-what we might call exegesis by extension: for example, if corporeal idolatry is forbidden, then spir- itual idolatry must, logically, be forbidden too. He gives an interesting example: since it is idolatry to worship a golden calf, then it must also be forbidden to worship a formless lump of gold-this is avarice; and this is proved by a verse from Ephesians (5.5): know that no covetous man (who is an idolater) has any inheritance in the kingdom of God. WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE AND THE LAW 137 So far, so good. No one at all could object to these, he is sure. The crunch comes with the last type, the argument by similitude or metaphor. Even so, William argues, it depends on how you do it. For instance, in Jeremiah 18.3, God speaks of himself in a simile, arguing for his likeness to a potter with his pots: if God does it, then no one can mind. The problem comes when you can not see the link from the one to the other: 'because anything may be said to signifY anything'- a phrase reminiscent of Alan of Lille's famously moveable nose. 6 He gives as example David's adultery with Bathsheba being said to signifY the marriage of Christ with the Church. This is a deliberately shocking juxtaposition, successfully designed to jolt the reader into distrust of the workings of spiritual interpretation. If this were a typical result of the method, it would be well nigh impossible not to agree with William's opinion that such an exegesis destroys faith in Biblical interpretation and is inimical to belief He is clear about why that is: because the gap between the scriptural passage and the interpretation is so wide that it cannot be defended without a great deal of explanation. Even so, many people will be unwilling to believe it can be true, because the original just does not seem to signifY the given interpretation at all; the gap seems to do violence to the Biblical text. He reminds his readers that most people are ignorant about exposition and unused to following similes, which are therefore not believed; and this is compounded when an expositor is inconsistent-when he only uses part of the text and not the whole thing-which makes scripture seem like a lute where only some of the strings play. William's analysis and honesty must ring bells for anyone who has read much medieval exegesis, where the finishing point of an interpretation can seem very far away from its literal beginnings; but it is rare to find a medieval commentator addressing so openly and forcefully the practice of his craft, at least in the hands of his less skilful confreres. Moreover, if we consider William's own use of scripture in these treatises, we see him treading conservatively: no leaps of meaning that take us from the blindness of Isaac, for example, to the necessity for regular confession. It seems that he had taken heed of his own lesson. 7 6 'Auctoritas cereum habet nasum, id est, diversum potest flecti sensum,' Alan of Lille, Defide catholica 1.30, PL 2IO: 333. 7 An earlier and interesting exposition of the idea of 'fittingness' or 'congruence' in exegesis, as well as that of the more usual foundation in the literal sense, may be found in Richard of St Victor: 'There are many for whom the divine scriptures are much sweeter when they can LESLEY SMITH 7. The law qf Muhammad William uses this consideration of reasonable and fitting interpretations of scripture and law as a link to a discussion of the distinction between those readings which he calls abusive distortions, and those expositions which can bring about an understanding of salvation. This is his intro- duction for his readers to his next target: to what he calls the nonsense and insanities of Muhammad. These, he says, usurp the name of law with intolerable abuse; Muhammad himself led the people astray, and introduced a multitude of foolishness that saw him 'acknowledged ... as a prophet and his most mendacious imaginings as the law' (De legibus, c. 18 [49.2.C-D]). William goes on to give a potted history of the life of Muhammad and of Islam, noting its spread in the world. Although as is usual with William, he has lots of material to impart, and he retails (according to modern critics 8 ) a rather balanced and informed account of his subject, nevertheless, the tone is different from that of his account of the law of the Jews. He frequently reiterates the 'ridiculousness' of the law of Muhammad (as he calls Islam), and lambasts it as absurd and pernicious nonsense. Because (as he admits) Muhammad's law commands that there is one true God, forbids idolatry, roots out sodomy, orders many good things and prohibits many bad ones, many wise men believe it and believe he was a true and faithful prophet of God ... and they think that the injustices they see in the law are there because of the childishness of the people, or that the absurdities have been added by enemies of of his disciples who were inexpert or negligent (De legibus, c. 18 [so.r.HJ). Although William does not take issue with these wise men directly, he refers to Muhammad as a deceiver and a false prophet. He then pro- ceeds in a massively long chapter to attack Muhammad's law through its depiction of paradise in the Qur'an. He does this seriously and thor- oughly and almost entirely through carefully reasoned arguments; only perceive some suitable understanding in them by the letter. It also seems to them that the structure of the spiritual understanding is established more solidly when it is apdy founded on the firmness of the historical sense. Who can found or firmly establish anything on what is empty or void? For since the mystical senses are drawn out and formed from the congruent likeness of those things set forth in the letter, how could [the letter] instruct us in the spiritual understanding exacdy in those areas where it assaults itself or only proclaims something frivolous?' Richard of St Victor, In visionem Ezechielis, prologue, PL 196: 527A-B. I am most grateful to Prof Dale Coulter for this reference and translation. 8 See the references to works by d'Alverny and Daniel in n. I. WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE AND THE LAW 139 at the end does he give two references to the Gospel. The basis of his objection is that Muhammad's paradise is simply more of what we have here on earth, more eating and drinking and sex, and that more of this-without a qualitative change in what 'this' is-cannot be paradise at all. On the contrary, more of this must be worse, since more eating will mean feeling more hunger, more drinking feeling more thirst, and the end result (and he means that literally) of all this digestion will force us very soon to move out of this paradise into another, just to get more space! Similarly with the sex: since there is no death, the offspring of such constant carnal delight will soon overrun the place; once again, he is sure that paradise will prove too small for so many people. And there can be no possibility of sex without offspring, for sterility would mean that the generative power of men and women would be frustrated, and any sort of frustration would render paradise unworthy of the name. What is such a paradise, he wonders, except an ever-open tavern or an insatiable prostitute? How could anyone imagine angels serving men there-it would be worse than serving pigs (note which animal). Men would be animals speaking to animals, thinking neither of their true home nor of its joys (De legibus, c. 19 [S2.2.H]). Put so baldly and in so few lines, it is hard to convey the force of William's words. But the length of the chapter and the inexorable drive of argument after argument work on the reader to wear him down. As William builds to his extraordinary climax, the reader holds his breath, scarcely believing that William is going to follow his argument through to its logical end: that Muhammad's heaven would inevitably become a giant midden, a massive heap of dung. But this is no demagogue's rant. William is careful to avoid hysteria; he produces his effects through a measured tone and a judicious pace, the intention being to force the reader of this portrayal to contrast Christian reasonableness with Muslim absurdity. It is a devastating piece of ridicule. Only at the end of the chapter does his composure appear to crack, the tone changing to one of clear hostility. Repeating his view that such a heaven would be a wallow for pigs, where the sounds would be those of animals not men, William adds that, for this reason, certain wise Saracens do not understand Muhammad's promises according to the letter, for they are seen to be ridiculous and to make Muhammad appear ridiculous to the whole world (De legibus, c. 19 [S4.r.H])-an interesting comment in view of his words on the fundamental nature of the literal sense. However, he says that Avicenna, whom he mentions by name, and whom he elsewhere regards as a learned man, does 140 LESLEY SMITH not agree, and interprets these precepts literally. (In fact this is not the case, but William apparently had false information on this score. 9 ) This shows, William says, that Avicenna was not a philosopher, but 'mad,' and so his damnation is indeed just, since a philosopher ought to be able to recognize truth when he sees it. William is, I think, disappointed by (as he sees it) Avicenna's stupidity here, and his feeling comes out in the tone of these final words. The succeeding chapter, and the last we shall consider here, holds the key to William's intention in De fide et de legibus; and it forms the physical centre of the work as well as the intellectual one. It encapsu- lates the fear of the false belief that William clearly thinks Muhammad and his law embody. Because of the diversity of laws and sects, he says, or from the principles expounded by Muhammad and in his law, some people fall into the error of believing that everyone in their own law or faith or sect will be saved, provided they believe it to be good (De legibus, c. 21 C57.I.D]). This is such a neat summary of much modern religious and moral relativism that it brings the reader up with a start; it does not read like a medieval speculation at all. It is not, of course, possible that William might agree with he says it is such a pernicious error that he intends to destroy that he raises the question for discussion at all is another insight into William's independence of mind. The reason for this error is simple, William says: it is the small number of those who appear to be saved, compared to the huge multitude of the damned; can this be the work of a good God? Would not the mercy of God pardon rather than punish? Clearly, William says, the presumption is that only a small group of Christians are saved, whereas everyone Christians, Jews, Saracens, pagans and condemned to hell. With his ever- practical mind, the first problem this raises for William is how God's house can be filled with so few people, while the lower world (irifernus), which is much smaller, can accommodate the whole multitude of the damned, along with their demons. More subtly, he asks, '[i] s it right that the king of kings .. , has more prisoners than servants?' (De legibus, c. 21 C57.2.A]); and he wonders if it is suitable for divine goodness and pity to have created so many people, only for most of them to be abandoned to the flames. What of those who believe they are only acting for and praying to God? He knows his readers have heard about 9 d'Alverny, 241- 24 2 . WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE AND THE LAW 141 and perhaps seen for themselves many heretics who submit to fire and other torments voluntarily and even cheerfully. These heretics say that they suffer all on account of God, and are certain that they believe in their hearts in just the same way as orthodox Christians do. Does the strength of belief not matter more than, or as much as, what is believed? William's response to this splendid statement of a question very current today is a doctrine of complete personal responsibility in which ignorance can be no excuse. Since it is easier to find God than anything else in the world-you simply have to ask and God will respond-there is no reason for taking the wrong road. Anyone who sets out on a journey where the way is unknown, and refuses either the proffered guide or a light for the path, deserves to get lost. It is up to everyone to use their 'human intellect' to do the right thing: that is why it was created, and that is why you will be culpable if you do not. God, in effect, damns those who damn themselves. If this were not so, there would be no virtue and no law-in effect, no religion. William is correct to see that moral relativism and allowing ignorance as an excuse for non-conformity will produce a situation in which religion, in the sense of a single, overarching, common belief, will disappear. His analysis would apply equally to a system in which any religion, not just Christianity, is predominant. For his model of salvation to work, we must all, like it or not, be conscripts into a single army, one in which, as long as we obey orders, it is a very good life; but one where there is no chance of being a conscientious objector, nor even of joining the navy instead. William is sympathetic to the Jews, whom he regards as having an outdated version of the army rule book. Although this was fine in its day, we have moved to a second edition quite some time ago, and a lot of things have changed in the updating. William respects both the old law and the true learning of Jewish scholars. Indeed, he is so respectful of the letter of the Hebrew scriptures that he wishes to prove, even beyond some of their own adherents' modern understanding, why these precepts of the Jews are truly the word of God; and he does this through his belief in the letter of the law. What God has given the Jews was right for the time; what has gone wrong is what the Jews have made of it (in effect, the additions of the Talmud) and what they have failed subsequently to recognize (the Gospel). Muslims, on the other hand, refuse to join the army and instead are trying to set up an alternative force, whose ground rules are so LESLEY SMITH far from his own that William has no option (in his terms) but to reject them entirely. Although some of the things Muhammad orders or prohibits-things he picks up from the old law-are right and good, nevertheless the system as a whole is completely wrongheaded. William's method is to argue against it using logic, for clearly it is no use using Christian scripture to combat Muhammad's law. Through this logic he wishes to mark out the law of Muhammad as not only wrong but ridiculous-so absurd that no one in their right minds could take it literally. Thus it is that Avicenna, whom William thinks does not accept a spiritual understanding of Muhammad's law, is described as 'mad.' The result of believing it literally is to be turned into a brute beast rather than a human being. It scarcely needs to be pointed out here that this is a classic way of denigrating a dangerous opponent, to characterize them as less than human; it is a technique which has been used by some political regimes in our own time to devastating effect. William of Auvergne cannot be seen as a model of tolerant diver- sity-no medieval commentator could. We would be right to see him and his fellow theologians as religious fundamentalists, in the strict meaning of the word, and we can see the limiting effects of the certainty in his own Christian beliefs that he brings to his consideration of Jewish and Muslim law. However, there are other aspects of his treatment of his subject, which to some extent give a more rounded picture of a scholar in his own context. First of all, we should note that although he views Jews and Muslims as opponents, nevertheless he always takes them seriously as interpreters of the world. He regards what they follow as a kind of law: it may be wrong, but it is nevertheless recognizable as the same kind of animal as the law of the Gospel. William puts effort into finding out what his opponents believe and into reading their sources and exegeses; his sources (and his knowledge of them) are excellent for his time, and he argues against them with care and in detail, resorting to logic, not simply proof-texting. Finally, William looks at the whole issue of law in the wider context of what it means to have religious belief, asking fundamental questions in the process, questions of enduring relevance to religious believers today. Even outside the confines of his own times, William's treatment of Jews and Muslims, and his use of the Bible in that treatment, is the work of a careful and intelligent scholar, who engages with his opponents with respect and who, throughout the argument, if not in his conclusions, looks to quiet reason rather than shouted polemic to make his point. PRECEDENTS AND PARADIGMS: JUAN DE SEGOVIA ON THE BIBLE, THE CHURCH, AND THE OTTOMAN THREAT ANNE MARIE WOLF Castilian theologian Juan Alfonso de Segovia (d. I458), commonly re- ferred to as Juan de Segovia, was one of Europe's leading intellectuals in the fifteenth century. He was a prolific and rigorous thinker whose originality and depth have not escaped the notice of modern scholars. James Biechler observed in Segovia and Nicholas of Cusa 'an indepen- dence and freshness of approach not usually associated with medieval theologians,' qualities he attributed to the 'theological root systems ani- mating (their) thought.'! Scholars have also noted that Segovia's writ- ings display a marked reliance on the Bible as a primary source of his thought. 2 As far as we know, he did not undertake any major projects of Biblical commentary, unlike his contemporary Alfonso de Madrigal ('el Tostado,' I4IO-I455), who studied and taught at Salamanca and served as university chancellor. 3 Except for his I437 Concordantiae dictionum inde- ! James E. Biechler, 'A New Face toward Islam: Nicholas of Cusa and John of Segovia,' in Gerald Christianson and Thomas M. Izbicki, eds., Nicholas if Cusa in Search if God and Wisdom. Essays in Honor if Morimichi Watanabe by the American Cusanus Society (Leiden: Brill, I99I), I87- Even Beltran de Heredia, who held Segovia's conciliar activities with disdain, admitted that he was one of Salamanca's leading figures. See Beltran de Heredia, Cartulario de la Universidad de Salamanca, vol. I (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, I970), 362-376. 2 See, for example, Benigno Hernandez Montes, Biblioteca de Juan de Segovia: Edici6n y comentario de su escritura de donaci6n (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, I984), 60-62; Antony Black, Council and Commune: The Conciliar Movement and the Fifteenth-Century Heritage (London: Burnes and Oates, I979), I28-I37; Jesse D. Mann, The Historian and the Truths: Juan de Segovia's Explanatio de tribus veritatibusfidei (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, I993), I56-I60. 3 For more on him, see Vicente Beltran de Heredia, Cartulario, vol. I, 474-499; Nuria Belloso Martin, Politica y humanismo en el siglo Xv. El maestro Alfonso de Madri- gal, el Tostado (Valladolid, Spain: Universidad de Valladolid, I989); Alastair J. Min- nis, 'Fifteenth-Century Versions of Thomistic Literalism: Girolamo Savonarola and Alfonso de Madrigal,' Neue Richtungen in der hoch- und spiitmittelalterlichen Bibelexegese, ed. Robert E. Lerner with Elisabeth Mtiller-Luckner (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, I996): I63-I80; Alonso Fernandez de Madrigal, Sabre los dioses de los gentiles, ed. by Pilar Saquero Suarez-Somote and Tomas Gonzalez Rolan (Madrid: Ediciones Clasicas, I995);Joaquin Carreras Artau, 'Las "repeticiones" salmantinas de Alonso de Madrigal,' Revista de Filosqfia 2 (I943): 2II-236. 144 ANNE MARIE WOLF clinabilium, a glossary of indeclinable words in the Bible assembled to assist in discussions with the Greeks concerning the procession of the Holy Spirit, none of Segovia's writings take the Bible as their main sub- ject. 4 Nonetheless, for those interested in the history of Biblical exegesis, the Castilian scholar offers a rich and relatively neglected source for study. His approach to scripture emerges in his use of Biblical support for arguments on such topics as faith, church governance, the history of the Council of Basel, the Immaculate Conception, and the proper Christian stance toward Islam. 5 The purpose of this paper is to explore patterns in Juan de Segovia's approach to the Bible, especially in his later works. Juan de Segovia's career demanded that he give sustained and rig- orous thought to some of the most vexing questions of his time. In the early years of the fifteenth century, he studied and taught theol- ogy at the University of Salamanca. As the university's representative to the Council of Basel, where he arrived in 1433, he energetically ded- icated himself to the aims of this reform council, first in the commis- sion exploring reunion with the Greek church and later in the council's struggle with Pope Eugene IV over authority in the church. Unlike many of Basel's protagonists, Segovia did not renounce his conciliar activities and seek reconciliation with the pope when it became increas- ingly apparent that the pope would prevail in the power struggle. He remained active in the council until it voted to adjourn in 1449, a posi- tion which hardly endeared him to the new pope, Nicholas V (r. 1447- 1455). Segovia was the only conciliar cardinal not confirmed as a cardi- nal and welcomed into active church administration by the pope after the council adjourned. Instead, he spent the final years of his life (1451- 1458) in a small priory on a mountaintop in Aiton, in the French AlpS. 6 In Aiton, he continued a vigorous intellectual life, writing several lengthy works. He also corresponded with former colleagues from Basel and with others, and he received the occasional visitor. It was from 4 For a brief description of this work and a list of extant editions, see the most comprehensive inventory of Segovia's works: Benigno Hernandez Montes, Obras de Juan de Segovia, in Repertorio de Historia de las Ciencias Eclesiasticas en Espana, vol. 6, Siglos J-XVI (Salamanca: Universidad Pontificia, 1977), no. 16, 280. 5 John J. Ryan commented that the use of scripture by the conciliarists is an area that merits more study than it has received. See his The Apostolic Conciliarism if Jean Gerson (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998), 44. 6 Antony Black, Council and Commune: The Conciliar Movement and the Fifteenth-Century Heritage (London: Burns & Oates, 1979), Il8-125. PRECEDENTS AND PARADIGMS 145 one such VISItor that he learned in 1453 of the fall of Constantino- ple to Ottoman forces. The news so shook him that he left several works unfinished and devoted himself to the effort to convince his fellow Christians not to wage war on Muslims, but instead to seek their conversion through persuasion. Toward that end, he wrote to former colleagues Nicholas of Cusa, Juan de Cervantes, Jean Ger- main, and Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, who was soon to become Pope Pius II. Convinced that existing translations of the Qur'an were inade- quate and that Christians desperately needed an accurate translation to use in their conversion efforts, he even enlisted the prominent Castilian Muslim scholar and jurist Y <;a de Gebir to help him produce a bet- ter one. This trilingual Qur'an (Arabic, Castilian, Latin) is no longer extant, but Segovia's prologue to it survives as a fascinating glimpse into a westerner's interest both in the Qur'an itself and in the Arabic language. 7 The fact that Juan de Segovia did not devote himself to writing scripture commentaries and glosses does not mean that he was not reflective about their role in Christian thought. In his Amplificatio dis- putationis (1441), he explained that his 'most constant aim' remained and had always been to achieve a 'sober understanding' (sobria intelligentia) of scripture, to 'adhere as closely as possible to the word and sense of scripture.' He also insisted that one could only interpret any individ- ual passage in it correctly by considering its meaning and significance within the entire corpus of the Bible. 8 In his earlier Explanatio de tribus veritatibus fidei (1439), from which he drew in compiling the Amplificatio, he stated, 'Holy scripture is the foundation of all catholic truths.'9 Later 7 Dario Cabanelas Rodriguez, Juan de Segovia y el problema islamico (Madrid: Univer- sidad de Madrid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, 1957), 70-74, 140-164. On Segovia's study of the Qur'an, see Thomas E. Burman, Reading the OJJr'iin in Latin Christen- dom (forthcoming from the University of Pennsylvania Press). For other accounts of Segovia's life and works, see Miguel Aviles, 'La teologia espanola en el siglo Xv,' in His- toria de la teologia espanola, D. Melquiades Andres, ed. (Madrid: Fundaci6n Universitaria Espanola, 1983), 512-515, 526--528; my Juan de Segovia and Western Perspectives on Islam in the Fifteenth Century,' (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 2003); Beltran de Heredia, Cartulario, vo!. I, 362-376. For a comparison between Segovia's writings on Islam and those of some contemporaries, see Ana Echevarria, The Fortress if Faith: The Attitude toward Muslims in Fifteenth-Century Spain (Leiden: Brill, 1999). 8 Juan de Segovia, Amplijicatio disputationis, in Monumenta Conciliorum III, 8w, 937-938, cited in Black, Council and Commune, 135. 9 Juan de Segovia, Explanatio de tribus veritatibus fidei (Munich, Bayerische Staats bib- liothek, MS 6606, fo!' 23Ir), ed. by Jesse D. Mann, The Historian and the Truths, 349: 'Est enim Sacra Scriptura fundamentum omnium veritatum catholicarum.' ANNE MARIE WOLF in the same work he affirmed 'That truth, however, which is founded in holy scripture is properly called a catholic truth.'IO Years earlier, at an annual university lecture at Salamanca in 1426, he stated, 'Holy scrip- ture is sufficient not only for determining Catholic truths, but indeed for condemning contrary heresies.' II He also relied heavily on scripture in his lecture the following year on the subject of faith. 12 His remarks on the primacy of scripture were not new in the 1430s, nor were they particularly innovative. What is striking about Segovia's remarks in his Explanatio, on which he modeled subsequent statements, is the importance he ascribed to general councils as arbiters of what scripture meant. Because this work was a significant one in the development and articulation of his thought, this emphasis on a council's authority should not be over- 100ked. 13 Theologians and canonists of this period generally ascribed to the church the role of interpreting scripture. However, there was no consensus on where exactly in the church such an authority rested. Not surprisingly, conciliarists insisted that this role belonged to general councils, and this was precisely what Juan de Segovia was arguing in this text. 14 He pointed out that the canonical books of the Bible, which are honored as containing an infallible statement of faith, had them- selves been determined by general councils, so the authority of councils must be considered valid. 15 The reason Segovia so vigorously asserted 10 Ibid., fo1. 234 v , p. 360 in Mann's edition. See the discussion by Mann concerning the context of these statements on 61-73. II Segovia, Repetitio de superioritate et excellentia supre:mae potestatis ecclesiasticae et spiritu- alis ad regiam temporalem (Valladolid, Biblioteca Universitaria de Santa Cruz, MS 89), fols. 134 r - v : 'Hoc etiam et quarto patet per auctoritates Apostoli, in quibus probatur quod sacra scriptura sufficiens sit nec dum ad determinandum [fo1. 134V] veritates catholicas, sed etiam ad reprobandum haereses contrarias.' 12 For a discussion on these two works, the only extant works from his time in Sala- manca, see my dissertation, Juan de Segovia and Western Perspectives on Islam in the Fifteenth Century,' University of Minnesota, 2003 (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 2003), 68-95. 13 On the significance of this work, see the discussion by Mann in Historian and the Truths, 39-40, 250-274. 14 Mann, Historian and the Truths, 70-73. 15 Segovia, Explanatio, fo1. 233 r , p. 356 in Mann's edition: 'Quarto et evidentissime id patet pro eo, quod auctoritate generalium conciliorum determinatum est, quos libros licet venerari tamquam in eis sit catholic a fides. Legenti namque gesta generalium conciliorum notissimum est, quod ex determinacione ipsorum ecclesia suscepit sacrum canonem Biblie. Et ne liceret evagari aut varie dissentire, quis esset canon sacer vel ad quantum se extenderet, ibidem enumerate sunt omnes libri sacri canonis. Sic ergo cum auctoritate generalium conciliorum teneamus sacrum canonem Biblie, in quo sunt PRECEDENTS AND PARADIGMS 147 in the Explanatio the authority of councils is that this lengthy text was produced in order to defend and affirm the Council of Basel's deposi- tion of Pope Eugene IV in June of 1439. The pope had attempted to dissolve the council, in violation of the declaration Haec sancta, promul- gated by the Council of Constance in 1415. Haec sancta had argued that a council receives its power directly from Christ, not by papal autho- rization. If the council's validity was determined to be a truth of the faith, then the charge of heresy could be added to those Basel levied against the pope, and the council's deposition of him was thus indis- putable. Christian rulers and the faithful hence had an obligation to withdraw their loyalty from him and support the council. 16 Furthermore, scripture itself confirmed the legitimacy of councils. One of the Biblical texts most frequently cited by Segovia in support of conciliar legitimacy was Matthew 18.20: 'Where two or three are gathered in my name, I am there among them.' Others included Luke 10.16: 'Whoever listens to you listens to me, and whoever rejects you rejects me, and whoever rejects me rejects the one who sent me.' The Acts of the Apostles provided him with several examples of councils held to decide various matters. 17 Antony Black has noted that Juan de Segovia's comments on these frequently cited passages reveal a careful attention to the language of the text. Concerning John 20.23, for example, Segovia noted that when Jesus breathed on the apostles and invested them with the power to forgive sins, he gave the Spirit to sermones Dei eoque veneretur in ecclesia tamquam infallibilis regula fidei christiane, nec alias nisi quia auctoritas generalis concilii sic asseruit, nos credemus ipsi sacra canoni iuxta illam famosam Augustini doctrinam Contra epistolam fundamenti: "Ego evangelio non crederem, nisi me catholice ecclesie commoveret auctoritas"; necesse est igitur profiteri, quod declaracio sive veritas de auctoritate generalis concilii est maxime et principalissime veritas catholice fidei.' 16 See Mann, Historian and the Truths, 194-220. Also Black, Council and Commune, 131- 132 . 17 Segovia, Explanatio, foL 231r, pp. 349-350 in Mann's edition: 'Veritas autem de potestate generalis [foL 231V] concilii est de re spirituali et fundatur in evangelio, Mt. XVIII: "Ubi sunt duo vel tres congregate in nomine meo, ibi ego sum in medio eorum." Secundo in eodem capitulo: ';.\men dico vobis, quecumque ligaveritis super terram" etc. Tercio, 10. XXI: "Quorum remiseritis peccata, remissa erunt, et quorum retinueritis, retenta sunt" etc. Quarto, Lc. X: "Qui vos audit, me audit, et qui vos spernit, me spernit." Fundatur eciam in quampluribus locis Actuum Apostolorum et specialiter I, VI, Xv, XX et XXI capitulis, ubi expresse habetur de celebracione plurium conciliorum sive plurium accionum continuati concilii temporibus suis.' For a discussion of scriptural verses Segovia favored in his conciliar arguments, see Antony Black, Council and Commune, 129-130. ANNE MARIE WOLF a group, to all the disciples. Similarly, when the council of Jerusalem described in Acts 15 reached its decision, it was announced, 'it has been decided by the Holy Spirit and by ourselves,' another plural. The Salamancan theologian even articulated a method of reading scripture in which the words were understood in a 'political manner of speaking' (politicus loquendi modus). This allowed him to argue that a group could stand for the whole, and thus a council for the whole church. According to him, this is why when the Hebrew scriptures related that 'the whole people' did something, this did not mean literally every person, but only those who were specifically involved in the activity, such as a battle. IS Jesse Mann has argued persuasively that Segovia's Explanatio in 1439 was an important step in the development of his ecclesiology and a significant contribution to the extensive late medieval discussions con- cerning the relative authority of scripture and the church. 19 Precisely because his experience at the Council of Basel consumed such a large part of his adult life, his writings from this period are significant expres- sions of his thought. Nevertheless, we should not be too quick to con- clude that Segovia's insistence on the council as the arbiter of the meaning of scripture was a definitive element of his approach to scrip- ture. It does not appear, for instance, in his last few works, the texts he wrote in Aiton on the issue of Islam. 20 In his later works, he still showed a concern for consultation with others as a means of testing his ideas, which can be considered broadly consistent with a conciliar ideal, but the groups he considered to have responsibility for determining and teaching the faith were the bishops and the teachers (doctores).21 There is no mention of an authoritative role for councils, although entrust- ing this mission collectively to bishops and doctores would certainly have allowed for periodic councils, and it conspicuously avoids giving the 18 Black, Council and Commune, 129-131. 19 Mann, Historian and the Truths, 39-40, 62. 20 See the list in Hermindez Montes, Obms, 269 and the subsequent descriptions of these works. 21 For example, Segovia, De gladio, Sevilla, Biblioteca Colombina, MS 7-6--14, fo!' 14 r : 'Si igitur predicacio tante necessitatis est, ut filium deus ad hoc opus miserit ut in eum gentes sperarunt, ipseque discipulis suis hoc permaxime iniunxit opus die ens, Sicut misit me pater et ego mitto vos, haud dubio non exile omnibus episcopis religionis christiane incumbere videtur onus ut intendant in idipsum.' Also fo!' ISr: 'Racione igi- tur quisque considerare potest Episcoporum cum Apostolorum sint successores quibus christus suam pacem dedit pacemque reliquit et qui missi fuerunt ad evangelizandam pacem gentibus.' Fo!. 13 r : ' ... quod per divini verbi expositionem intendendum sit ad conversionem sarracenorum episcopis ac doctoribus fidei catholice.' PRECEDENTS AND PARADIGMS 149 pope any special role. Juan de Segovia may well have remained sympa- thetic to the conciliar agenda, but in these later writings councils recede from prominence as arbiters in the interpretation of scripture. More- over, in these works scripture seems to stand on its own as an incon- trovertible source apart from what any church authorities or teach- ers might assert. Hence his approach to scriptural interpretation in the Explanatio seems driven by the circumstances surrounding Basel's deposition of Eugene IV and the need to defend conciliar legitimacy as expressed in Haec sancta. As significant as his arguments concerning the council as the arbiter of meaning contained in scripture might have been, this position was not central to his reading of the Bible. On the other hand, Segovia's use of the passages such as Matthew 18.20 and Acts 15, does find parallels in other works from his later years, including those on Islam. Antony Black referred to Matthew 18.15- 20 as Segovia's main 'proof text for conciliar supremacy,'22 but Juan's treatment of scripture seems to have more breadth and coherence to it than the presentation of proof texts would suggest. Whether the issue was church governance or the threat of Islam, he was convinced that scriptures provided the believer with a vision of how the world worked, almost an operational handbook for human affairs. One of the consistent characteristics of Segovia's thought was his keen interest in the beginnings of things. This is readily apparent in his Liber de substantia ecclesiae, one of the works he left unfinished fol- lowing the news of Constantinople's fall. Benigno Hermlndez Montes considered this an important and interesting work which, had it been completed, would have provided the author's most thorough-going and mature ecclesiology, the ultimate trajectory of his conciliar thought. 23 In his recent critical edition of segments of this work, Santiago Madrigal Terrazas argued that the existing text along with the chapter titles of the projected but unwritten chapters suffice to show the logic of the work and its ambitious argument. 24 Segovia began with an exploration of the essential and permanent nature of the church and proceeded to track how this essence had manifested itself throughout history. Accord- ing to the aging theologian, the church was a mystery rather than 22 Black, Council and Commune, 129. 23 Hernandez Montes, Obras, 3IO. 24 Santiago Madrigal Terrazas, El proyecto eclesio16gico de Juan de Segovia (1393-1458). Estudio del Liber de substantia ecclesiae. Edici6n y selecci6n de textos (Madrid: Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2000), 30. ANNE MARIE WOLF a concrete institution. Its purpose was the 'attainment of eternal joy under Christ as head through the fulfillment of the will of God for the manifestation of his glory. '25 Among the more interesting elements in Segovia's argument is where he determined the origins of this church to be. He located the origin of the church not in Christ's words in Matthew 16.18 ('on this rock I will build my church') nor in the first just man, Abel, as Gregory's homilies had argued, nor even in Adam. Instead, the church began at the very creation of the world, where it existed in the heavenly court and was populated by angels. Moreover, it was a 'militant church' (ecclesia mili- tans) from early on, since it was forged in the war in heaven described in Revelation 12.7-9. 26 Michael and the good angels emerged victorious over the dragon and the rebellious angels, a feat accomplished 'by the blood of the Lamb. '27 Segovia associated the dragon or Lucifer with the figure of the pope, referring to the rebel leader of Revelation by terms such as 'princeps, magister, doctor,' 'unicus et indubitatus pontifex sum- mus,' and 'primus sub Christo ordinator omnium in pertinentibus ad cultum Dei.'28 Unlike so many late medieval thinkers, Juan de Segovia found in Revelation not prophecy corresponding to his own times, but some- 25 Juan de Segovia, Liber de substantia ecclesiae, Salamanca, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 55, fo1. 4 v , p. 156 in Madrigal Terrazas's edition: 'eterne adeptionem beatitudinis sub capite Christo per adimpletionem voluntatis Dei ad eius gloriam manifestationem.' See also the discussion by Madrigal Terrazas, 36-38. 26 Segovia, Liber de substantia ecclesiae, fo1. ro v , in Madrigal Terrazas, 160: 'Ecclesia certe militans non primum incepit in partibus Cesaree Philippi, quando Christus dixit Super hanc petram edijicabo ecclesiam meam [Mt. 16:18], nec in orientali plaga Edon versus paradysum terrestrem a primo Abel iusto, ut notorie videntur quidam ut in Gregorii omelia, nec ab Adam homine primo in ipso paradyso terrestri, sed a mundi prima creatione in celo empirreo, de quo inquit quod primo factum statim sanctis angelis est repletum.' And fo1. II r , Madrigal Terrazas, 161: 'Huiusmodi certe exercitum factum esse creditur primo in celo empireo, quod irrefragabili argumento constat Apocalypsi doctrina testante, Factum esse pretium magnum in celo [Rev. 127], et quod angelorum corruerunt quidam, alii vero inibi permanserunt probati atque perfecti. Hinc ergo euidentia rationis id demonstrante, certissimum esse cuilibet debet, pertinetque ad intelligentiam veritatis catholice fidei: in celo empireo fuisse primum originem ecclesie militan tis. ' 27 Segovia, Liber de substantia ecclesiae, fo1. II r , Madrigal Terrazas, 161: 'demonstrat victoria sanctorum angelorum qui aduersus eos preliabantur et vicerunt propter sanguinem agni' [Rev. 12: 1 1 J. 28 Madrigal Terrazas, 73-74. He cites Segovia, Liber de sancta ecclesiae, folios 21 rv as the source of these, but he does not include the relevant sections in the appendix or notes, so the surrounding sentences are not available for inclusion here. PRECEDENTS AND PARADIGMS thing Santiago Madrigal Terrazas called 'protology' (protologia).29 The war in heaven served as a prototype for the perennial drama between good and evil, between those who accept Christ as head and those who refuse to accept him, and it was played out throughout history. The drama recorded in Revelation contained within it the entire drama of salvation. 30 There were not two churches, one for angels and one for humans, since the church had only one head, Christ,31 so the angels' war belonged to human history as well. For Segovia, things were as they were in the church because of how the church began. It is difficult to categorize his reading of the relevant scriptural passages. In a way, his reading certainly qualifies as a 'spiritual' or even mystical interpretation of the text. This would be consistent with an idea he drew from Jerome and mentioned in passing: 'The Apocalypse has as many mysteries as words.'32 As Madrigal Terrazas noted, Segovia seemed to have been suggesting that one must understand this book spiritually, that it contains hidden revelations and it is important to understand the ultimate meaning of the words. On the other hand, he treated the apocalyptic narrative quite literally as church history and as historical precedent that should guide subsequent behavior. The struggles between the angels took place in a historical present, so the church conflicts in his day were the latest rendition of an archetypal drama. Believers were expected to rally to Michael's side and resist any who challenged Christ's authority.33 This interpretation of the story of the war in heaven must have had a strong hold on Juan de Segovia's thinking. He presented it in no fewer than four works from his later years. 34 29 Madrigal Terrazas, 61. Jesse Mann noted that Segovia viewed contemporary events as related not to the end of time, but instead to the beginning. See his discussion in 'The Devilish Pope: Eugenius IV as Lucifer in the Later Works of Juan de Segovia,' Church History 65:2 (I996): I95. 30 Madrigal Terrazas, 72 . 31 Segovia, Liber de substantia ecclesiae, fo1. I9 v , in Madrigal Terrazas, 63, n. 26: 'Fir- missime itaque tenendum est, quoniam ex angelis et horninibus unum constat ecclesie corpus, huiusque corporis fondamentum, aliud nemo potest ponere preter id quod positum est, quod est Christus Ihesus' [I Cor 3: II] . 32 Segovia, Liber de substantia ecclesiae, fo1. 53, cited in Madrigal Terrazas, 70-7I: 'Apocalypsis tot habet sacramenta quot verba.' 33 Madrigal Terrazas, 71. 34 Mann, 'The Devilish Pope,' I86-187. These works are Historia gestorum generalis synodi Basiliensis, Epistola ad Guillielmum de Orliaco, Liber de substantia ecclesiae, and Liber de magna auctoritate episcoporum. ANNE MARIE WOLF It is in this inclination to read the text as prototypical, as taking place in the historical present, that similarities emerge between Juan's treatment of the standard conciliar texts and his use of the motif of the war in heaven from Revelation. He sawall of these texts as recording the setting in motion of something that continued to his day. The heavenly strife recounted in Revelation presented a precedent that was a bit more dramatic than the other passages, but Juan sawall of these events as the constituting a reality, as creating a situation. Acts IS began the practice of authoritative statements issued by councils. When Jesus breathed the Spirit into the apostles, he conferred a power on a group and thus for all time validated a consultative model of governance for the church. When Lucifer and his followers rebelled against Christ's leadership and Michael and the good angels defended it, they instituted a drama that would be re-enacted repeatedly in history. Michael's example set a precedent for how believers were supposed to respond whenever Christ's sole leadership was challenged. These texts revealed precedents and prototypes. They served as a manual on how things were constituted so that those who wished to could order their affairs according to this plan. When he turned in earnest to the issue of Islam, Segovia once again found prototypes in the Bible, prototypes that allowed him to depart from the conventional thoughts of fellow Christians on how to respond to the Ottoman threat. He was not averse to polemic against this rival faith, and indeed his long efforts to produce a new and improved ver- sion of the Qur'an were motivated precisely by his interest in converting Muslims. However, his polemic was more with bellicose fellow Chris- tians than with Muslims. To Nicholas of Cusa in a letter dated Decem- ber '2, 1454, he referred to his work as 'my small work, the beginning, middle, and end of which is that the way of peace be preferred to the way of war for the conversion of the Saracens.'35 Vehemently rejecting any form of war in response to the Muslim advances, even after the 1453 fall of Constantinople, he suggested that a small but prominent delegation be sent to explain the Christian faith to the Muslims, and especially to disabuse them of false notions they had concerning Chris- tian belief and practice. His hope was that such an amicable approach 35 Juan de Segovia, Letter to Nicholas of Cusa, Dec. z, 1454, Salamanca, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 19, fo1. 18z v : 'opusculum meum cuius initium, medium, finis que est ut pacis magis quam belli via intendatur ad conversionem sarracenorum.' This section appears in Cabanelas, 308. PRECEDENTS AND PARADIGMS 153 to their differences would convince Muslims that their notions of Chris- tianity, based on passages in the Qur'an, were erroneous. This would prepare them to realize that the Qur'an did not contain truth, which would lead to their conversion and hence to the elimination of the major reason for the wars between Christians and Muslims, which he identified as 'the difference in their laws. '36 The most important thing for him was that Christians not adopt war as a strategy. Although Segovia enlisted many scriptural passages and also histor- ical examples in his argument against waging war on the Muslims, he returned often to the example of preaching by Jesus and by the apostles, especially Paul. As with the conciliar texts and his reading of the war in heaven, he took his clues on how to proceed from the precedents set in the beginning. When Jean Germain, a theologian and trusted adviser to the duke of Burgundy, responded to Segovia's proposals by scoffing at how impractical and dangerous they were, the Spaniard retorted, 'It cannot be considered a greater danger than sending a few sheep into a multitude of wolves. And yet, when he sent them out to preach, the Savior said to his disciples, "Behold, I send you as sheep among Reminding Germain of the bodily danger involved with war, he asked how the way of peace and teaching (via pacis et doctrine) could be judged dangerous, when in any case Christians put their trust not in themselves, but in the God in whom their fathers had trusted, who had freed them from such great dangers in the past. 38 For that matter, he continued, if the way of peace and teaching were not useful, what should we make of the fact that it was for that work that Christ was sent, as he himself stated? Christ had said, 'It is fitting for me to preach the reign of God to other cities, as I have been sent.'39 According to 36 Segovia, Prologue to the Qur'an translation, Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS lat. 2923, fol. 188': 'Et quantum ex tenore libri eorum secte percipi potest, precipua totaque guerrarum continuatarum, continuandarum quoque [causa] est legum differentia.' In Cabanelas, 284. 37 Juan de Segovia, Letter toJean Germain dated Dec. 18, 1455, ibid., fol. 54': 'Potest ne maius designari periculum quam mittere paucas oves in medio luporum multorum. Et tamen, cum illos ad predicandum misit, discipulis suis ait Salvator Ecce ego mitto vos sicut agnos inter lupos.' 38 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fol. 54': 'Et si, non attento periculo corporum quod certissime contingit in preliorum congressu, laudatur via belli, quomodo pericu- losa estimanda est via pacis et doctrine ad [54 V ] sarracenorum conversionem, quoniam non in nobis ipsis sumus confidentes sed in deo in quo patres nostri speraverunt et liberati sunt de magnis periculis, liberati a deo magnifice illi gracias agentes.' 39 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fol. 54 v : 'Sed utrum dicatur non utilis via doctrine et predicacionis ad infidelium conversionem, attendi potest quomodo hoc ANNE MARIE WOLF Juan, he had reaffirmed this before Pilate, when he responded to the interrogation by saying that he was born and had come into the world to give testimony to the truth. Juan de Segovia commented, 'And this is what is advised, that the church, if it might be seen to be like him, give testimony to the truth for the salvation of a thousand thousands of Saracen souls. '40 Jesus had set the pattern for how the spreading of Christianity was to happen: by teaching about the reign of God. In his later works on the importance of not waging wars against Muslims, Juan de Segovia frequently cited Christ's words at the end of the Gospel of Matthew. He explained to Nicholas of Cusa, 'And so he gave them an eternal command to preach the Gospel when he said, "Go, teach all nations. Lo, I am with you every day until the end of time." So wherever they will be, they must preach the Gospel to the peoples throughout the world.'41 Through his own example of teaching people about the kingdom of God, and then through commissioning his followers to continue this preaching, Jesus had established how it was that the Gospel was to be broadcast, and it was clearly not through war. Paul, for his part, continued this pattern of teaching and furnished Segovia with additional precedents for his proposal of peaceful preach- ing to Muslims. The apostle to the Gentiles held special interest for Juan, who reiterated Paul's insistence that there were no divisions in Christ. Segovia cited Paul's epistle to the Galatians: 'There is no man and woman, Gentile andJew, circumcised and uncircumcised, stranger or acquaintance, servant or freeman, but Christ is all things in all peo- ple. '42 Furthermore, Paul 'hardly hesitated in calling himself the teacher of the nations throughout the world, concerning which it is read in the speraverunt et liberati sunt de magnis periculis, liberati a deo magnifice illi gracias agentes opus missus est dei filius, ipse namque respondit et aliis civitatibus oportet me evangelizare regnum dei quia conmissus sum.' 40 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo1. 54 v : 'est professus quod in hoc natus esset et ad hoc in mundum venisset, ut veritati testimonium perhiberet. Et hoc est quod avisatur ut ecclesia, si ei videatur, veritati testimonium perhibeat pro salute mille millium animarum sarracenorum.' 41 Segovia, Letter to eusa, Dec. 2, 1454, Salamanca, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 19, fo1. 171': 'Ita eternum dedit mandatum de predicando illis evangelio cum dixit Euntes docere omnes gentes, Eae ego vobiscum sum omnibus diebus usque ad con- sumacionem seculi. Itaque quamdiu erunt in mundo gentes evvangelium predicandum est illis.' 42 Segovia, Letter to Germain, Dec. 18, 1455, Vatican MS lat. 2923, fo1. 51v: 'Non est masculus et femina, gentiles et Iudeus, circumcisio et prepictium, Barbarus et Scitha, servus et liber, sed omnia in omnibus christus.' PRECEDENTS AND PARADIGMS 155 Acts of the Apostles that he preached in a particular way to the Gentiles in Athens, where a multitude of gentile philosophers was flourishing. '43 Paul's activity, like that of other early Christian preachers, took place in order to fulfill Christ's mandate to preach the Gospel far and wide. In addition to the scriptural support for a 'way of teaching' from the ministry of Jesus and the apostles, Juan presented precedents from elsewhere in the Bible when they corroborated his central theme. He recalled, for example, that God had liberated plenty of faithful people from all manner of torment, but it was never by the sword. 44 And the Old Testament told of many wars, but they converted hardly anyone to the worship of God. 45 Unimpressed with Germain's protests that the Turks were a genuine threat, Segovia pointed out thatJesus himself had shown Christians the way to respond to those who hurt them. When he was on the cross, 'with a loud cry and tears, he beseeched the Father to forgive them, since they did not know what they were doing. '46 Juan de Segovia reasoned that it was this very lack of understanding (nesciencia) that was found in the Saracens when they killed Christians, thinking all the while that Christians were not believers in the one God. The delegation that Segovia proposed would show the Saracens that they did not know what they were doing and correct this misperception. 47 Given the magnitude of the Ottoman threat and the devastation that had befallen Constantinople not long before he was writing, it is nat- ural to wonder whether Segovia actually believed what he was saying. Did he really think that if the Turks converted to Christianity, they 43 Segovia, Letter to Germain, Dec. 18, 1455, ibid., fo1. 51v: 'Unde paulus, idipsum clare intelligens, minime dubitavit appellare se doctorem gentium in universo mundo, de quo in actibus legitur apostolorum quod dum gentilibus predicavit Athenis spe- cialiter ubi multitudo florebat gentilium philosophorum ... ' 44 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo1. 46r: 'Qua ratione et si deus liberavit quam plurimos fideles suos ab omni genere tormenti, vix tamen aut numquam legitur quod ab utu gladii quo inmediate humana operatur potestas.' 45 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo1. 58v: 'Multa quippe bella in veteri testa- mento facta legimus, presertim david tempore, qui fuit excellentissimus propheta, sed tam ex philisteis quam ex aliis paucissimis [sic] aut nulli conversi fuerunt ad cultum dei.' 46 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo1. 68 v : 'cum clamore valido et lacrimis, oravit patrem ut illis dimitteret quia nescirent quid facerent.' 47 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo1. 68 v : 'Revera talis nesciencia in animis esse videtur sarracenorum occidendo christianos. Siquidem arbitrantur obsequium se prestare deo existimantes eos non esse cultores dei unius. '" Quod ecclesia legacionem mitteret pro audiencia obtinenda ad maiores sarracenorum ostensuram illis in omni caritate quia nesciunt quid faciunt.' ANNE MARIE WOLF would pose no further threat to Christian lands? Did he really think that diligent and sincere preaching by Christians would convert them, and quickly enough to save the eastern Mediterranean communities that were in their path? Moreover, did he really believe that his cor- respondents among western Europe's intellectual elite, much less the leaders he presumably hoped they could influence, were seeking the best way to convert Muslims? Juan's letter to French theologian Jean Germain in December of 1455 is especially useful in providing insight into how aware he was of what he was advocating. This letter was a response to Germain's rejection of Segovia's ideas as preposterous and impractical. From his responses, it does not appear that Juan entertained any delusions about the likely results should his plan for peace be implemented. He did not predict that large numbers of immediate conversions would occur, nor that the military advances of the Ottomans would cease. Instead, his reply shows just how stricdy he thought Christians were bound to precedent found in scripture. He reasoned that it might be considered difficult or strange that three years of preaching would not accomplish their intended effect until three hundred years later, but indeed Christ had preached for three years, and another three centuries passed before his law was peacefully accepted in the world. He added, 'If now for four hundred years, or rather eight hundred, the way of war has been followed, it is fitting to resume anew that way Christ wished to be followed until the end of the world, since the three-year-old way of teaching must not be interrupted. '48 In these rebuttals to the Burgundian's objections, Segovia's trust in scripture as constituting reality and establishing binding precedent appears in its highest relief It seems that Segovia understood fully that progress would be slow, and presumably that many more Christians would likely die at the hands of Ottoman armies before his plan would bear fruit. But his over-riding desire was not to stem the tide of the Turkish advances, but to bring the church's action in line with the models found in scripture for the spreading of the Gospel. Although 48 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo!' 67 r : 'Quod autem difficultari uidetur de lapsu trium annorum priusquam via pacis et doctrine practicari posset utinam in trig- inta annis compleretur effectus illius. Siquidem practicavit christus viam predicacionis plusquam per tres annos .... Transierunt denique ccc anni priusquam lex christi paci- lee reciperetur in orbe .... Et si iam a quadringentis quin pocius ab octingentis annis practicata est via belli de novoque licet earn resumere, via utique doctrine triennio coartanda non est, quam practicari christus voluit usque ad mundi consummacionem.' PRECEDENTS AND PARADIGMS 157 Germain considered his plan dangerous and risky, Juan could not have. According to his reasoning, because the events recorded in scripture revealed patterns of God's ongoing activity and wishes in the world, it was not possible that a plan modeled after the example of Jesus and the apostolic preaching would ultimately fail. Since it had the surety of God's promise behind it, Christians could have absolute confidence in the success of the 'way of preaching,' even if no tangible results appeared for a while. Although Segovia seemingly considered his proposals the obvious and only course for the church to follow if it wished to be in accord with divinely ordained patterns, he was aware that not everyone shared this view. In all of his longer works on the proper response to Islam, he recounted the long history of crusading and also the Spanish experi- ence of pushing the peninsular Muslims increasingly to the south. 49 He used this information to point out that Christians had lost all the lands gained during the Crusades, and none of this warring had any conver- sions to show for it, but he surely realized that the church's past prac- tice as a whole did not support his pacifist approach. Perhaps sensing that his views would earn him suspicion or censure, he told Nicholas of Cusa that he was humbly asking his counsel about the proposals he made, proposals he wished to keep secret for now, and asked that Cusa not publicly reveal Segovia's thoughts before offering him his counsel,5 If Juan in fact looked to councils as the ultimate arbiters of the meaning of scripture, this would have left him with little guidance on the prob- lem of how to respond to the threat of Islam. If anything, the consensus of the church was that war in this case was just. On this important issue, he stood solely on scripture and on corroborating examples from history. Sometimes Juan was explicit about how scripture should be read, aware that his reading differed from others'. For example, in an implied criticism of some of his contemporaries, he argued that what should command his fellow Christians' attention was not 'what the learned opinion of this one or that one dictated, but what can be stated through 49 One example occurs in De gladio, Sevilla MS 7-6--I4, fols. 22'-24 V
50 Segovia, Letter to eusa, Salamanca, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS I9, fo1. I83r: 'Reverendissima Paternitas Vestra videre dignabitur desuperque donare responsum, quem autem consilium humilime posco, et ante consultationem, putem non decere hanc rem in publicam deferri nocionem .. , Provide magna cum humilitate exoro ne ante consilium suum michi notificandum aliis manifestet.' ANNE MARIE WOLF reason or the authority of divine scripture. '51 Although 'reason' to some- one like Jean Germain demanded a pragmatic military response to the recent Ottoman advances, Juan de Segovia's version of it was man- ifested in observations such as that about the Crusades' lack of suc- cess over the long term, or in his observation that Jesus' preaching had taken three centuries to become firmly rooted. He meant reasoning from history and from scripture, taking scripture as the guide to God's intentions and actions. His rejection of the flight to 'learned opinions' is clear. In a section of his discussion in which he was exploring how Muslims might come to believe what the Christian teachers and the Bible say, he observed that the difference between the word of men and the word of God is that the former was not believed unless it was understood, and the latter was not understood unless it was believed. Since God could not lie, it was sufficient to know that God said something to know that it was true. 52 What God had said was precisely what God said in sacred scripture. 53 It is interesting that he did not present this argument, for which he cited Augustine, in the parts of his discussion in which he used scripture to refute Germain's objections to his suggestions for pursuing peace. Perhaps he wished to avoid precisely the contest in 'authority citing' that he decried, and which this move might have unleashed in his correspondence with his Burgundian counterpart. In any case, this spirit of taking scripture as true and binding because God said it certainly seems consistent with the rest of his work. As might be expected, he was flatly dismissive of attempts to pre- dict the future by using the Bible. Referring to the practice of assigning 51 Segovia, Letter to Germain, Vatican MS lat. 2923, fo1. 84 v : 'Cum igitur liceat ad ulteriora se extendere catholicis doctoribus qui non doc[85 r ]trine Augustini aliorumque sanctorum, multominus opinionis scati et aliorum scolasticorum doctorum, sed sacre theologie magistri dicuntur. Certe ipsis id proprium est absque personarum accepcione in eum tendere finem ut theologica veritas semper ac magis eisdem lucescat quatenus ipsi divinam sapientiam elucidare vale ant semper ac magis vitam propterea eternam habituri. Quocirca non quid istius vel illius scolastica dictat opinio, sed quid racione vel divine scripture auctoritate possit constare et veritates fidei defensare aut probare conantes attendant.' 52 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo1. 65 r : 'agnoscenda tenendaque differencia inter verbum hominis et verbum dei, hoc nisi primum credatur non esse intelligendum. Illud non esse credendum nisi primo intelligatur. Et enim, cum impossibile sit deum mentiri utique offendere videtur examinare volens dei verbum priusquam credatur propter quod satis est scire quod deus id dixit ut minime dubitetur esse verum.' 53 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo1. 65 r : 'Quidquid deus dixit verum est, hoc videlicet in sacro descripta [sic] canone dixit deus igitur verum est.' PRECEDENTS AND PARADIGMS 159 numbers to certain letters in the Bible and using the resulting compu- tations to make predications, he called such calculations 'a simple labor of human invention,' whereas true prophecy was a gift counted among the types of miracles. 54 Although it was a well-established convention by his time, he generally refrained from associating Muhammad with the beast in the Apocalypse. Alexander Minorita (d. 1271), Nicholas of Lyra and Peter Auriol (1280-1322) were among the medieval thinkers whose decision to associate the Prophet with the apocalyptic beast inspired them to count in various ways backwards and forwards from the rise of this beast in order to discern when the end of the world should be expected. 55 Segovia preferred to read the Book of Rev- elation as providing 'protology,' as Santiago Madrigal Terrazas noted, rather than predictions. 56 In a telling example of his tendency to asso- ciate present events with past ones rather than with future dramas, he once referred to the Prophet as an alter Synacherib,57 a reference to the Assyrian king Sennacherib, whose ruthless conquests Isaiah recorded and lamented. Several observations about Juan de Segovia's approach to the Bible emerge from the proceeding discussion. First, his conciliar activities notwithstanding, he considered the Bible a source that stood as an authority in its own right. Its authority was sufficient to recommend or sanction a course of action. He preferred a straightforward interpreta- tion of its meaning, uncluttered by frequent recourse to authorities and certainly untainted by schemes to predict specific future events. That interpretation was profoundly historical. The most important function of scripture in his arguments was that it revealed compelling prece- dents and prototypes for how people should act and especially how the 54 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo1. 45 v : 'Et sic ab eo vel a quocumque alio utente litera aliqua primum loco numeri huiusmodi noticia occultarum futurorumque provenisse dicetur .... Cum vero facere huiusmodi calculaciones sit labor purus humani ingenii ut quid igitur prophecie donum annumeratur inter genera rniraculorum.' 55 See the discussion in Philip Krey, 'Nicholas of Lyra and Paul of Burgos on Islam,' in Medieval Christian Perceptions qf Islam, ed. John Victor Tolan (NY and London: Routledge, 1996): 154. 56 One notable exception was his Prologue to the trilingual Qur'an, Vatican MS lat. 2923, fo1. 187v, in Cabanelas, 283: 'Siquidem, multis attenta pensatis meditatione, non quidem a me primo, sed a multis progenitoribus meis, secta huiusmodi bestia ilia est descripta in Apocalypsi aJohanne, que de terra ascendens.' 57 Segovia, Letter to Germain, ibid., fo1. 59 v : 'Et quasi alter Synacherib gloriatur in robore sue et in multitudine populi sui quod universum occidentem manu sua vale at obtinere.' 160 ANNE MARIE WOLF church should handle various challenges, including its own governance and its response to the Turks' advances. An absolute confidence in the truth of scriptural guidance led him to insist that this guidance should be followed even in the absence of readily observable results. Although he was aware that not everyone interpreted the Bible the way he did, he apparently believed that all were driven by the same desire he had, to conduct things in accord with God's will as found in scripture. Con- verting his fellow Christians to a less bellicose policy toward Muslims was a matter of persuading them of his reading of scripture. Nowhere in his works, for example, do we find an argument based on potential trading advantages to be gained from making peace with the Muslims. Segovia seems to have thought that theological reasoning, albeit flawed reasoning, motivated his coreligionists in their response to the Ottoman advance. Much remains unknown concerning the thought and works of Juan de Segovia. Many of his works are unpublished and even the published ones have hardly been examined in detail. 58 More editions and more studies based on existing ones are needed. This would facilitate a closer study of the sources of his thought and even comparison of how he understood specific scriptural texts and how contemporaries understood them. Works by this leading intellectual with a habit of unconventional thinking should intrigue and occupy scholars of later Middle Ages for some time. 58 For an account of published editions, see Hernandez Montes, Obras. Editions published since then include, in addition to those mentioned elsewhere in this paper, Liber de magna episcoporum in concilio generali, Rolf de Kegel, ed., (Freiburg, Switzerland: Universitatsverlag, 1995); Jose Martinez Gazquez, 'El Prologo de Juan de Segobia al Coran (Qyr'an) trilingiie (1456),' Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, Band 38, I, 2 (2003). One unpublished work that is of great interest is his 1457 letter to Guillielmus de Orliaco, contained in Salamanca, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS. 202, fols. 172'-1 84v. See Jesse D. Mann, Juan de Segovia's Epistola ad Guillielmum de Orliaco De quatuor hostibus. Who was Guillielmus de Orliaco?,' Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 62 (1992): 175-193. In the same author's 'Duns Scotus, Juan de Segovia, and Their Common Devil,' Franciscan Studies 52 (1992),138, n. 12, he stated that he was preparing an edition of this work. CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM: BIBLE READING IN LAY AND URBAN CONTEXTS OF THE LATER MIDDLE AGES ANnREWGOW It is no simple task to smuggle the Reformation into the thematic fields implied by the terms Middle Ages and Renaissance, which defined the colloquium for which this piece was originally written. The program in which I was trained as a scholar, by the late Heiko Oberman, emphasized the organic connections between these three textbook- category eras or movements, and in this paper I have consciously adopted this stance as both a rhetorical strategy and a scholarly agenda, though without adopting the implicit assumptions behind any of these fraught terms. Now, immo, if we agree to disagree with my doctor-father and admit, at least heuristically, the categories of 'success' and 'failure'l of Luther's reform movement, then the Protestant Reformation was practically an overnight success. The heady period from 1519 to 1525 has been called the period of Wildwuchs, of uncontrolled growth. 2 During at least one important phase of his career, Luther himself felt the Reformation was growing 'wildly,' but not quite in the positive sense accorded to the early Wittenberg movement by later Protestant historians. Luther descended like a monastic Moses from protective custody on the Wartburg in 1522 to roll back the enthusiastic liturgical reforms and iconoclasm of his erstwhile confederate, the radical Andreas Bodenstein of Karlstadt. 3 Although he would later reintroduce most of Karlstadt's reforms, such as clerical marriage, the German liturgy, the cup for the laity, the aban- donment of the Mass, its vestments, and rituals of consecration, Luther was worried about the effect such rapid change would have on the faithful-as a stumbling block-and especially on the leader of the faithful in Saxony, Duke Frederick the Wise, who amassed a huge collection of 1 Gerald Strauss, Luther's House if Learning (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978). 2 See, most recently, Helmar Junghans, 'Pladoyer fur "Wildwuchs der Reformation" als Metapher', in Luther-Jahrbuch 65 (1998):101-108. 3 Ronald]. Sider, Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt: The Development if His Thought, I5I7- I525 (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1974). ANDREWGOW indulgence-giving relics and went to his grave a moderate adherent to pre-Reformation piety. Frederick had twice saved Luther, first by exact- ing Luther's safety as the price of his vote for Charles in the contested Imperial election Of1519 (which saw Francis I, king of France, as a most unlikely but strongly supported candidate against Maximilian's son Charles); and second by removing Luther from danger and hiding him after the almost-legendary encounter with imperial and papal power at the Diet of Worms in 1Y2I.4 Luther may well have felt indebted to so effective a protector. Not coincidentally, Luther used the period of his enforced confinement to produce his own vernacular translation of the New Testament, the so-called 'September Testament' of 1522. Again, it is no coincidence that this translation was printed under the protection of Frederick the Wise, who seems to have trusted his house-theologian completely, despite Luther's failure or, more credibly, refusal to obtain an episcopal licence, which was required-at least in theory-for all new vernacular translations of Biblical texts. Only Frederick's unassailable position and his vast trust in Luther, whom he never met in person, made it possible to print an unauthorized translation by a delinquent monk under the imperial Acht und Bann, or interdict. This new transla- tion, guided by Luther's principle of following the speech of the com- mon man in the street, 5 was immediately and wildly successful, selling out rapidly and experiencing multiple reprintings in the same year. 6 As Johannes Cochlaeus, one of Luther's fiercest opponents later wrote with some venom, Luther's translation was read (as the source of all wis- dom, no less) by 'tailors and shoemakers, even women and simpletons,' 4 Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand. A Life if Martin Luther (New York: Abingdon- Cokesbury Press, 1950). 5 ' ... denn man muss nicht die Buchstaben in der lateinischen Sprache fragen, wie man soli Deutsch reden, wie diese Ese! tun, sondern man muss die Mutter im Hause, die Kinder auf der Gassen, den gemeinen Mann auf dem Markt drum fragen und dense!bigen auf das Maul sehen, wie sie reden, und darnach dolmetschen; da verstehen sie es denn und merken, daB man deutsch mit ihnen redet.' Martin Luther, Ein Sendbriif Dom Dolmetschen (September, 1530) included in D. Martin Luthers Werke. Kritische Gesamtausgabe, 60 vols. (Weimar: H. Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1909), 30.2: 632-646; 636. Hereafter referred to as WA. See also the Summarien uber die Psalmen und Ursachen des Dolmetschens. Mart. Luther (Wittenberg: 1533), a part of which is available in Hans Volz, ed., D. Martin Luther. Die gantze Heilige SchriJft deudsch 1545 / auffs new zugericht. Anhang und Dokumente (Munich: Rogner & Bernard, 1972), 250ff. and the introduction: vol. I, 84ff. 6 For statistics, see Rudolf Hirsch, Printing, Selling and Reading, 1450-1550 (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1974). See also Rudolf Hirsch, The Printed Word: Its Impact and Dijfosion: Pri- marily in the 15th-16th Centuries (London: Variorum Reprints, 1978), and Robert W Scrib- CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM 16 3 many of whom carried it around and learned it by heart, and eventu- ally became bold enough to dispute with priests, monks, even masters and doctors of Holy Scripture about faith and the GospelS. 7 So success- ful was this translation, in fact, that Luther's moderate version of Saxon chancery German, combined with his newer, middle-German accom- modations between unshifted northern consonants and undipthongized south German vowels, produced the prototype of written early modern High German. This in turn was refined over the course of the following two centuries to produce a consensual standard form (Neuhochdeutsch) of a language that had previously existed only in a multiplicity of often mutually-unintelligible dialects. Luther had much more than linguis- tic aims, however; he believed that the euangelion, or 'good message' of the New Testament should be made available to all believers, whose reading of the Gospels and especially of Paul would, in Luther's view, persuade them of the rightness of his own convictions regarding salva- tion as a freely given, unmerited benefit acquired by faith alone and not by works. Luther himself would insist on numerous occasions that under the Papacy, the Bible was unknown among the people, and that he had not even seen a Bible until he was twenty years old. These later polemical points, designed as much to justifY his new translation as to condemn papal policy, appear at numerous points in his works, especially in the Table Talk. 8 Earlier generations of German scholars, especially before the Second World War, were able to unravel tradi- tional Protestant narratives that took Luther's polemic about the inac- cessibility of the Bible seriously.9 However, the period 1933 to 1945 pro- duced a serious gap in the accessibility of German scholarship of the pre-war era, both to English speakers and to German scholars. The books of Hans Rost and Erich Zimmermann 10 are available hardly any- where, and almost never appear in post-WWII literature regarding the ner, For the Sake qf Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German RifOrmation (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981). 7 Johannes Cochlaeus, Historia Martini Lutheri ... Deutsch von Chr. Hueber (lngolstadt: 1582), 120. 8 'Die Biblia war im Papstum den Leuten unbekannt.' WA Tischreden 3, No. 2844b; cf. the Latin version in Aurifaber's source, Anton Lauterbach's collection: 'Biblia olim erant incognita.' Luther, WA Tischreden 5, No. 6278. 9 See, for example, the survey of pre-war literature that emphasized the large number and diffusion of Bibles before the Reformation in Hans Rost, Die Bibel im Mittelalter. Beitrage zur Geschichte und Bibliographie der Bibel (Augsburg: M. Seitz, 1939), 314- 316. 10 Erich Zimmermann, Die deutsche Bibel im religiosen Leben des Spiitmittelalters, Neue ANDREWGOW Bible in the Middle Ages. The reasons for this scholarly amnesia or at least ignorance lie in both the vicissitudes of war and generational change, and in the whiggish historical narratives that became useful in the West during the course of the Cold War and came to dominate Anglo-American scholarship as a result. In the 1960s and 1970s, Ger- man scholars returned to the topic and produced, mainly in specialized journals, a certain highly technical literature concerning late medieval knowledge and use of the Bible. ll Even in Protestant-influenced schol- arly circles, it was well-known that there had been many channels through which Biblical material reached the laity and common people, and many printings of vernacular Bibles before the Reformation. How- ever, such printings were generally held to have been both linguistically insufficient and too expensive to become truly 'popular,' thus defending Luther's rather odd and backwoodsy claim that the Bible was hardly known under the papacy. 12 Johannes Geffcken wrote as early as 1855 that the youthful experiences of a poor mendicant are an inadequate measure of the educational level of the entire German people at that time, and that the language of the pre-Reformation translations was nowhere near as bad or as lacking in influence on Luther's translation as some have argued. 13 The issues of price, distribution, availability and lay Bible-reading will occupy our attention in the second part of this article. The Luther Bible, it has been argued for generations, freed the com- mon people who could not read the Vulgate, especially in the towns and cities, to read for themselves the Word of God and to draw 'their Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Bibel im Mittelalter VII (Potsdam: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion, 1938). II E.g., Olaf Schwencke, 'Ein Kreis spatmittelalterlicher Erbauungsschriftsteller in Lubeck,' inJahrbuch des Vereinsfor niederdeutsche Sprachforschung 88 (1965):20-58. 12 For the most recent statement of this long-lasting view, see Hans Volz, Intro- duction to D. Martin Luther, Die gantze Heilige Schriift Deudsch, Wittenberg I545. Letzte zu Luthers Lebzeiten erschienene Ausgabe. Ed. Hans Volz (Darmstadt: Wissenschafdiche Buchge- sellschaft, 1972), 2 vols., I, XLI: 'Schopf ten im ausgehenden Mittelalter die breiten Volksschichten ihre Bibelkenntnisse vorwiegend aus Predigten oder aus Plenarien und Postillen, so war demgegenuber die damalige deutsche Bibel sowohl wegen ihres hohen Preises wie auch wegen ihrer groBen sprachlichen Mangel weit davon entfernt, ein wirkliches Volksbuch darzustellen, wie sie es erst durch Martin Luthers einzigartiges Ubersetzungswerk wurde.' 13 'Die Erfahrungen, die in seiner Jugend ein armer Bettelmonch machte, sind noch nicht geeignet, den Bildungszustand des ganzen deutschen Volkes zu bezeichnen. Jedenfalls liegt uns in den Werken des 15. Jahrhunderts die unzweideutigen Zeugnisse dafur vor, dass eine genauere Bekenntschaft mit der Schrift durchaus keine Seltenheit CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM own' conclusions. 14 Tied up with this contention are a plethora of con- fessional and whiggish assumptions about layfolks' restricted access to 'the Bible,' or more correctly, to Biblical texts; about a putative 'loosen- ing' of ecclesiastical authority and its monopoly over the interpretation of scripture; and a congeries of Enlightenment-era ideas of all sorts: hostility to the clergy, to the papacy and Roman church, and laud- able, but historically inaccurate, unreflected narratives about progress, the 'Dark Ages,' 'superstition,' and tyranny. We have inherited these eighteenth-century tropes, artefacts of the 'culture wars' of that time, via the mainly Protestant historiography of the nineteenth century. Leopold von Ranke, the initiator of modern scholarly method in the humanities and professionalizer of history as an academic discipline, was first and foremost an historian of the German Reformation; but second and almost equally importantly an apologist and confessional historian eager to apply the categories of the Lumieres to a period he understood as the real exit from papal darkness. To be sure, the distribution of a large number of printed Luther Bibles facilitated individual, even sectarian interpretation of its often- opaque passages, especially Hebrew prophecy and the book of Revela- tion. In fact, Luther deplored the proliferation of sects that were happy to call on his German version of the New Testament (and later of the Hebrew Bible) to justify their deviation from what Luther considered to be pure evangelical doctrine: the Anabaptists, Thomas Miintzer, Karl- stadt and a host of individuals whom Luther termed Schwarmer (enthusi- asts, with the connotation of buzzing bees), and of course, the leaders of the Peasants' War, especially Michael Sattler and the drafters of the var- ious peasants' programs or articles, such as the Twelve Articles of the upper Swabian peasants, whom Luther would accuse in 1525 ofmisun- war [ ... J Freilich ist es das Leichteste von der Welt, in kurzer Zeit ein langes Ver- zeichnis von Fehlern anzufertigen, welche sich sowohl in den hochdeutschen als in den niederdeutschen Ausgaben finden und die meist von dem zu wortlichen Wiedergeben des Lateinischen herruhren. Aber wenn man diese Ubersetzungen fur ganz und gar ungeschickte Arbeiten halt, die gar keinen EinfiuB auf das Yolk gehabt hatten, und aus denen in Luthers Ubersetzungen nichts ubergegangen ware, so ist man doch in groBem Irrtume [ ... J Wir finden, dass sich schon im 15. Jahrhundert eine Art deutscher Vulgata gebildet hatte, die Luther oft nur wenig zu verandern notwendig fand.' Johannes Geffcken, Die Bildercathechismus des IS. Jahrhunderts und die cathechetischen Hauptstucke in dieser :;:.,eit bis azif Luther (Leipzig: Weigel, 1855), 5. 14 For a recent and authoritative restatement of this hoary legend, see the introduc- tion inJaroslav Pelikan, The Riformation if the Bible, the Bible if the Riformation: a Catalog if the Exhibition l!Ji V.R. Hotchkiss and D. Price. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996). I66 ANDREWGOW derstanding him and his interpretation of scripture. 15 Luther's reaction to all these free-form readers of scripture demonstrates very clearly his conservative attitude, as well as that of his successors in offices such as 'emergency bishops' (Notbischiifo) , church superintendents, and most importantly, of the urban leaders and territorial lords who first tol- erated, then mandated the Reformation under their jurisdiction. All these, with very few exceptions, agreed that scripture was to be inter- preted first and foremost in accordance with the decrees of the ear- liest ecumenical councils, the writings of the orthodox church fathers, and of reliable evangelical theologians-Luther above all-, bypassing the 'doctors' of the medieval Church, especially the great scholastic and Aristotelian thinkers such as Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventure. While the radical Karlstadt, during his brief stint as reformer at Wit- tenberg, gained fame for throwing a copy of the Bible out into the congregation, signifYing his desire to turn it over to the laity, 16 this was not Luther's goal. His translation was an avowed attempt to provide the 'pure' text of the Bible, 'unfettered' by human additions, inventions or accumulations-that is to say, free from the various textual contexts in which late medieval Europeans read Biblical texts. That his ver- sion was a translation and therefore not the same as the original both- ered Luther not at all; as with generations of Christian translators, he felt that a sufficiently scholarly translation performed with the guid- ance of the Holy Spirit and (prior) knowledge of the 'Truth'17 would produce a reliable and accurate translation. Because all translations are also interpretations, it can be argued that far from trying merely to 'free' the Bible from the sole authority of the Roman magisterium, Luther, his followers and other Protestant reformers all over Europe eventually detached scripture from its Roman mooring-lines and bound it into new structures of authority of their own devising, starting with their new translationslinterpretations. Protestant translations removed the marginal comments and 'stage directions' common in medieval ver- 15 Peter Blickle, The Revolution if I525; Heiko Oberman, 'The Gospel of Social Unrest: 450 Years after the So-called "German Peasants" War of 1525,' Harvard The- ological Review 69 (1976): I03-129. 16 See Ronald]. Sider, ed., Karlstadt's Battle with Luther: Documents in a Liberal-Radical debate (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1978). 17 See Andrew C. Gow, 'Christian Colonialism: Luther's Exegesis of Hebrew Scrip- ture', in Robert]. Bast and Andrew C. Gow, eds., Continuity and Change. The Harvest if Late-Medieval and RifOrmation History. Essays Presented to Heiko A. Oberman on his Seventieth Birthday (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 229-252. CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM sions of Biblical texts, such as the notations in the Waldensian Bibles in Proven<;al (Carpentras and Grenoble manuscripts, dating uncertain I8 ), telling the reader that in the Song of Songs ('of Solomon'), for example, some parts are the voice of the Church speaking to Christ, and oth- ers the voice of the Synagogue;19 Luther also intensified and extended the Vulgate's tendency to translate Christologically those passages in Hebrew Scripture, such as Isaiah 7.14, traditionally held to refer to the advent of Jesus as the Messiah. I have discussed Luther's circu- lar reasoning for such translations elsewhere;20 in essence, he claims that 'common sense,' context and the right kind of faith (a.k.a. 'knowl- edge') are more important for translation than familiarity with Hebrew grammar or word meanings. 21 Jonathan Zophy Smith has argued that '[T]he cognitive power of any translation, model, map or redescrip- tion [ ... J is [ ... J a result of its difference from the phenomena in ques- tion and not its congruence. '22 Thus Luther's version, an evangelical, solafideist and Christological reading, was also a highly contingent, constructed one, just like the versions he claimed to be rendering obso- lete. Steven Ozment has argued that the medieval Church used the four-fold method of scriptural interpretation (literal, allegorical, moral and anagogical) as 'an instrument of "aggression" by which Christian writers might lay claim to any non-Christian material they desired to appropriate.'23 While I agree whole-heartedly with the idea that the Church appropriated non-Christian material, it was not merely or even first and foremost because of the four-fold method-it was, after all, quite similar to the rabbinical method of peshat (to the letter), remez (allusion), derash (exposition) and sod (mystery). Ozment's point is that Luther and other Protestants stressed finding the correct literal mean- ing as the only point of access to all subsequent spiritual interpreta- tions, and thus rejected medieval exegesis, and that this somehow was a 18 See Jean Gonnet and Amadeo Molnar, Les Vaudois au moyen age (Turin: Claudiana, 1974), for an inventory of the surviving medieval Waldensian Bible manuscripts (around 50). 19 Samuel Berger, La Bible romane au moyen age. Bibles provenfales, vaudoises, catalanes, italiennes, castillanes et portuguaises (Geneva: Slatkine, 1889-1899; reprint 1977), 63. 20 Gow, 'Christian Colonialism,' 229-252, esp., 242-250. 21 For example, Luther, VOrlesungen uber I. Mose 16,12, WA 42,596, 11-17. 22 'Bible and Religion,' in Bulletin if the Societiesfor the Study if Religion 29, 4 (2000):87- 93; 91; see also nona N. Rashkow, 'Hebrew Bible Translation and the Fear ofJudaiza- tion', Sixteenth Century Journal 21, 2 (1990):217-233. 23 Steven A. Ozment, The Age if RifOrm I250-I550: An Intellectual and Religious History if Late Medieval and RifOrmation Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980),65. 168 ANDREWGOW moment of liberation from the dead hand of the past, from the oppres- sive and unjust magisterium. However, not only did Luther mount a dual offensive on both ecclesiastical and rabbinic exegesis, as I have shown elsewhere, Luther relied heavily on Nicholas of Lyra, and through him, ultimately on Rashi, to find the literal meaning of Hebrew Scripture. At the same time, he insisted 'qui notitia rei non habet, illum notitia nomi- nis non sublevabit': he who does not understand the heart of the mat- ter (or: the Truth), will not be uplifted/edified by knowledge ofwords. 24 Luther generally sought univocity in scripture, consonant with the prin- ciple of a single divine Author. It should be noted that other traditions of scriptural interpretation, especially that embodied by the practice of midrash in rabbinical exegesis, may well strive to discover a single true meaning, but do not necessarily get beyond struggling with the text and its possible meanings. Luther attempted to solve all debated questions, read all possible passages Christologically, and provide hermeneutical closure for further generations. Luther was, by any standard, a master at appropriating 'non-Christian material'. Proof of parallel developments in the political world is being fur- nished by the burgeoning scholarship on 'confessionalization,' led by the renowned Heinz Schilling at Berlin. Lutheran and Reformed poli- ties, Schilling has demonstrated, worked throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, just as Counter-Reformation authorities did, to subject individuals, their belief, their faith, their religious practices, even their conscience 25 to regimes of ever-tightening social control and surveillance. Schilling draws on theories regarding the development of affect control and self-control ('civility') in the Middle Ages and early modern period developed by Norbert Elias. He links Elias' ideas with the analysis of eighteenth-century power structures so convincingly, if crudely, sketched by Michel Foucault beginning almost half a century ago. Schilling also argues, or rather, assumes, that behind all these 'cultural' effects lie the workings of politically and economically gen- erated, rather autonomous processes of state formation-a la Gerhard Oestreich. Whether or not you like your substructure-superstructure lasagna baked up in such distinct layers is unimportant for present pur- poses: the point is that control of conscience, religion and scriptural 24 Luther, Vtirlesungen iiber I. Mose 16:12, WA 42, 596, 16-17; see my article 'Christian Colonialism,' 248. 25 Wietse de Boer, The Conquest if the Soul: Corrfossion, Discipline, and Public Order in Counter-RifOrmation Milan (Leiden: Brill, 2000). CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM 16 9 exegesis went hand in hand; and thousands of early modern Europeans and Britons went to the stake 26 because they insisted that their faith, based on their reading of scripture, or their acceptance or rejection of certain rules for reading scripture, was unalterably, incontrovertibly and irrefutably correct. The price for their freedom to read scripture undermined that freedom by reducing it from a public virtue to a pri- vate vice. The myth that Luther 'freed' the Bible, repeated as recently as 1996 by the great church historian Jaroslav Pelikan, depends, then, on one's definition of freedom. Far from freeing scripture, Protestant Reformers, as well as the Tridentine reformers in the Roman Church, sought to bind the interpretation of scripture ever closer to authorized norms and forms: the King James Bible of I6u provides an obvious case in point. As Berndt Hamm has argued in numerous articles and books dealing with late medieval and Reformation piety, before confes- sionalization ever began, a process of what he calls normative Zentrierung ('centering around norms')27 was binding interpretation, behaviour and believers' conscience ever more closely to norms articulated by ecclesi- astical and secular authorities, and enforcing these norms ever more stringently: perhaps the dynamics of religion and culture were thus driving the beginnings of early modern state formation, rather than the other way around. The reasons for the Reformation's rapid spread and penetration, first in German towns and rural areas, then to much of Europe, have been the subject of constant debate since Luther's Ninety-Five Theses were pirated and printed without his consent late in 1517. Inquiring into the causes of such major upheavals has always been and probably always will be a legitimate part of historical research, no matter how many other fascinating and fruitful avenues, approaches and algorithms we apply. The answers to these big questions about big events, however, are rarely satisfYing, given the complex and contingent nature of historical change, not to mention the relative opacity of the past, which grows as we move farther back in time. If we do not accept the traditional explanations, we are left with a large number of mysteries regarding the Reformation. I will mention 26 Brad Gregory, Salvation at Stake. Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cam- bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999). 27 See, for the only English statement of these ideas, Berndt Hamm, 'Normative Centering in the 15th & 16th Centuries: Observations on Religiosity, Theology, and Iconology,' trans. John Frymire, Journal if Early Modern History 3 (1999):307-354. ANDREW GOW only the big ones, beginning at the beginning with partisan accusa- tions regarding 'Satanic influence' (from the papal side) and 'God's will' (from the Protestant side), and assuming for our purposes that such claims are at least undecidable and therefore for our purposes irrele- vant. Then we move to the traditional, anachronistic and rather pat social analyses that dominated secular scholarship in the later twenti- eth century: for instance, imagining the Reformation as a novel, massive and spontaneous reaction to such perennial problems as meaning opposition to simony, fiscalism, influence-peddling or cleri- cal immorality,28 or legal encroachment on the peasantry by reform- ing or as a nationalist uprising to press traditional German gravamina (complaints) about the high-handedness and corruption of the Roman curia or ecclesiastical administration; or even, in the obligatory Marxist formulation of the East German school of Reformation history, an 'early-bourgeois revolution' capped and epitomized by the Peasants' War. Elizabeth Eisenstein has argued that the powerful 'new' technology of printing on presses with movable type 29 led Luther's movement first to publicity successes and then to institutional 'success' that would not have been possible in the absence of printing: Luther would have ended up like Hus. 30 However, given that the real explosion in printing 1530: a one-thousand-fold increase) occurred precisely at the time of the Wildwuchs period of the Reformation and the period immediately following in which Luther's September Testament dominated the book market, and that a very large proportion, perhaps even half, of that thousand-fold expansion consisted of the myriad printings of the Luther Bible, we can just as easily posit that the printing revolution of the I520S was actually caused by the Reformation, especially by German burghers' and clerics' thirst for the Bible in German. Harder to dismiss out of hand are the triumphalist versions of Protes- tant historiography epitomized by Steven A. Ozment 31 and naturalized 28 See Hans:Jiirgen Goertz, Fjojfonhass und gross Geschrei: die rifOrmatorischen Bewegungen in Deutschland I5I7-I529 (Munich: C. Berk, 1987) and Peter Dykema and Heiko A. Ober- man eds., Anticlericalism in Later Medieval and Earry Modern Europe (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1993). 29 Or perhaps only with plates cast in sand, as Paul Needham and Blaise Agiiera y Arcas are now arguing (http://www.princeton.edu/pr/pwb/o1/o212/). 30 Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent qf Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Earry Modern Europe (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979)' 31 See, for example, Steven E. Ozment, The Age qf RifOrm an Intellectual CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM in North American scholarship since the time of Preserved Smith's 19II book The Life and Letters if Martin Luther 32 and his 1920 monograph The Age if the RifOrmation 33 In his significantly named survey text The Age if RifOrm, I200-I6oo, Ozment argues that Luther's reform move- ment became the institutional revolution we know as the Reforma- tion because the laity (and many clerics) were unimaginably relieved by the 'new good news' provided by Luther's famous interpretive trans- lation of Romans 3.28 and Hebrews 10.38: man is justified by faith alone (sola fide). More ink probably has been spilled about this 'contextual' translation-qua-interpretation than about any other tricky passage in scripture. For our purposes, the point is that Ozment seized on this principle as the secret, the key, that explains the attraction of the laity, otherwise not much concerned with niceties of doctrine, to Luther's particular reading of the process of justification through this passage, and to Luther's movement. Freed (again the eleutherian theme!) from the fear of Purgatory, so the argument goes, and consequently from chasing after or having to buy indulgences, the worthy burgher could enjoy both a woh!foile Kirche (a good, cheap church, one of the peasants' demands in 1524-1525) and a 'new' certainty of salvation. 34 Just how certain or uncertain Christians were of salvation before Luther is never addressed directly in this argument and its epigones; rather, the late medieval church is assumed to have been so mired in the corrupt fis- calism that Luther deplored in Johann Tetzel's kurmainzisch indulgence and Religious History qf Late Medieval and Riformation Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980). 32 Preserved Smith, The Lift and Letters qf Martin Luther (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 19II). 33 Preserved Smith, The Age qf the Riformation (New York: H. Holt and Co., 1920). 34 In his chapter in the best-selling 'world history' textbook of which he is a co- author, Ozment claims that indulgences were 'an aid to a laity made genuinely anxious by the belief in a future suffering in purgatory for neglected penances or unrepented sins', though the language of authenticity and anxiety owes more to modern evangelical Christianity than to the sources (458); Ozment admits that Luther was protesting 'especially against the impression created by Tetzel that indulgences remitted sins and released the dead from punishment in purgatory-claims he [Luther] believed went far beyond the traditional practice and seemed to make salvation something that could be bought and sold'. Instead of concluding that Luther's tirade against indulgences was based on a misunderstanding of their nature excacerbated by Tetzel's preaching, Ozment admits the charge but hardly changes the story. D. Kagan, S. Ozment and F. Turner, The Heritage qfWorld Civilizations (Upper Saddle River, l'{J: Prentice Hall, 1986 and following), 4th ed., vol. 11,458-459. 172 ANDREWGOW campaign of 1517, and that led the dyspeptic monk to post the Ninety- Five Theses on October 31st of that year, that no-one felt secure in the face of impending judgement. This entire thread of analysis sees Luther and Wittenberg in a light available to no one in 1517, and therefore anachronistically: at the cen- tre of a powerful new movement. The notorious pluralism of Albrecht of Brandenburg and the kickbacks he paid in order to accede to the juiciest episcopal see in all of Europe, the Electorate-Principality-Arch- bishopric of Mainz, had led to an equally notorious collusion between the Augsburg banking house of the Fugger and Albrecht's men, includ- ing the DominicanJohann Tetzel, a skilled salesman of indulgences, to raise the money Albrecht needed to pay for the pallium and for the fines or fees to dispense him from the canonical disabilities under which he suffered-he was already bishop-administrator of Halberstadt and was therefore a pluralist; and he was below the canonical age for bishops. Tetzel stretched his mandate and actually claimed, as official doctrine did not, that merely buying the indulgence was a meritorious act that would shorten or even prevent one's suffering in Purgatory. The offi- cial position was that contrition was necessary for an indulgence to be effective. Luther, a marginal monk in a marginal town in the middle of nowhere, reacted to this extreme distortion of the doctrine of indul- gences and launched a polemic against them as though they every- where and always had been dispensed under the used-car-Iot terms Tetzel was offering: as soon as the penny drops, the soul springs out of Purgatory, he claimed in regard to plenary suffrages purchased for one's dead relatives. Historians who believe Luther's Tetzelite version of indulgences are colluding in his fabrication of a decadence narra- tive. In a sense they are helping to bury the period and institutions in which Luther himself grew up and participated as a monk, doctor of scripture, and university teacher deeper in the mire that has obscured our view backwards through the short-focus lens of the Reformation ever since. If indulgences actually provided a strong reassurance of mercy, and thus of eventual entry into paradise, to the anxious and contrite souls of late medieval Europe-as contemporary theory claimed-, then what of Ozment's relief thesis? The problem is that we have so few self- expressions by contemporary laypeople that it is hard to tell exactly what they felt about salvation and how to achieve it; the Ozments of this world must rely more on what Luther said about indulgences and what his 'solution' to the 'problem' was than on evidence from the statements of late-medieval and Reformation-era believers. In fact, CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM 173 there is a legitimate question as to whether or not there really was a soteriological crisis or 'problem' at all outside the overly scrupulous conscience of the monk Luther. 35 We do have better indications of the actions oflate medieval Christians, and to judge by these, on which more anon, Roman Christianity was a going concern right up until the time of the Reformation-not to mention well beyond it. All these schools of thought have a great advantage over much of the recent specialized social and religious history of the Reformation: they are willing to ask higher-order questions-although scholarly eagerness to provide ready answers has turned many historians off the 'big ques- tions' of traditional scholarship. These schools also begin with a deeply whiggish premise. Both Luther and his contemporaries and many of the leading thinkers of the 'Enlightenment' (especially Voltaire) ampli- fied and played fugues on Renaissance disdain for the barbaric lan- guage and culture of the post-Roman period, on the glories of Bib- lical humanism and on old-fashioned Protestant triumphalism. Their theme was always to suggest that there was something truly rotten in the state of late-medieval Christendom-that the Church, led by a suc- cession of princelings and even the odd condottiere, had declined pre- cipitously to a state of utter corruption under the Borgia and Medici popes, selling offices and even salvation itself for cash in its rush to the trough. While it is true enough that the exigencies of Italian power- politics after the end of the Great Schism, especially in the mercenary world that opposed the Milanese dynasty of the Sforzas to most of the rest of Italy, required the popes after Martin V to be more statesmen than spiritual leaders, it is anachronistic to produce or credit narra- tives of specifically late-medieval decline in the first place: from what? Most medieval popes, including such early incumbents of the papal see as Pepin's counterpart, Stephen III, had been forced to engage in politics to safeguard the interests of the church and its administration. Gregory VII springs to mind, as does John XXII. Luther was enough of a historian to push the 'golden age' back to the patristic era, but his version of 'early Christianity' has not stood the test of time under scholarly analysis. Modern scholars, especially in the Anglo-American 35 See the rather polemical Catholic view of Hartmann Grisar, Luthers Werden. Grund- legung der Spaltung bis IS30, 2 nd ed. (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 19II). Also see the psychiatric interpretation of Paul Reiter, Martin Luthers Umwelt, Charakter und Psychose: sowie die Bedeutung dieser Faktoren for seine Entwicklung und Lehre: eine historisch-psychiatrische Studie (Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgard, 1937). 174 ANDREWGOW ecumene, have adhered more to the (now antiquated) 'western-civ.' ver- sion of a flourishing high Middle Ages that gave way to the decline of the later period, while handing on the best of the (Roman) past to the Renaissance as a packet of 'premium' seeds from which to grow the florid garden of modernity. This fits neatly into the humanist paradigm of European decline from the glories of Roman letters, art, architec- ture and statecraft to the barbarian state of affairs that branded the period between the decline of Rome and the age of humanism as noth- ing but an interlude, a medium aevum, best got out of the way as soon as possible. Biblical humanists with religious goals, from Reuchlin and Erasmus through the young Luther, found that this narrative served their purposes very well. Narratives of decline, as in Huizinga's path- breaking but deeply flawed analysis of courtly Burgundian culture, gen- erally imply subsequent narratives of renewal and rebirth-narratives that serve the interests of their producers and transmitters, not of his- torians without their own confessional or cultural dog in the fight. It is instructive to note that the greatest nineteenth-century Roman Catholic historian of the Reformation (and polemicist against Luther), Heinrich Denifle, was unable to counter the narrative of papal decline and decadence in the pre-Reformation era, so strong was its influence and moral prestige in nineteenth-century scholarship.36 Indeed, the Tri- dentine church had been happy enough to admit that the Borgia and Medici popes had led the papacy and church into the sorry state that merited the reforms of the Council of Trent. The real trouble with all these narratives of decadence and decline is that they are so often wrong. Late medieval religion, as recent schol- arship has shown, though it had problems enough (anti-clericalism, cri- tique of the papacy and prelacy, national tensions with Rome, and an overly worldly leadership), seems to have been a healthy and viable set of ideas, beliefs and practices. Townspeople still contributed large amounts of money, voluntarily, to build cathedral and civic churches, nobles endowed monasteries and abbeys, and all sorts of people and organizations-guilds, confraternities, burial societies, and craftsmen as well as merchants, patricians and nobles contributed to the endowment of altars, chapels, windows, memorial masses and chantries right up until the time of the Reformation. 37 A history that claims that every- 36 See Heinriche Denifle, Luther und Luthertum in der ersten Entwickelung; quellenmiissig dargestellt (Mainz: F. Kirchheim, 1904-1909). 37 See, for example, Eamon Dufl)r, The Stripping if the Altars. Traditional Religion in CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM 175 thing was rotten before 'our side' won and righted all wrongs is win- ners' history, not scholarship. If the success of Protestantism was not due primarily to widespread disgust and anger at the 'old church' (as Protestant explanations insisted until a very short time ago), or to a sense of overwhelming relief from the burden of having to perform 'good works,' then what were its roots, perhaps even its causes? Most of the less successful attempts to make sense of the Reformation confuse roots or causes with praxis, and thus attempt to find causes in the mecha- nisms that effected the Reformation; or confuse the political workings of a particular princely or bourgeois Reformation with the preconditions that made the change possible or even desirable. 38 Entire bodies, entire generations, of historical work have been de- voted to the attempt to find the causes of the Reformation. Historians have employed a number of perspectives: theological, economic, social and, above ali, political, dating back at least to Ranke (if we limit ourselves to professional historians). Much recent work has insisted on the importance of extra-religious factors: bourgeois aspirations to more power commensurate with their growing wealth; political constellations that favored certain princes; a common-sensical, self-interested and anti-religious hatred of priestcraft and clerisy. Yet the role of the Bible, especially the Gospels, loomed large in the Reformers' own descriptions of current events and their causes. The possibility of a causality rooted in the importance and impact of the Bible long ago ceased to attract the serious attention of historians (other than historians of theology, the church, or religion). As Andrew Cunningham has argued so lucidly and cogently, contemporary actors' categories are crucial for making sense of the intellectual and cultural endeavors of the past. 39 Therefore England, c. 1400-c. 1580 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); see also Thomas A. Brady, Ruling Class, Regime and Riformation at Strasbourg, 1520-1555 (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1978); Nicholas Terpstra, Loy Confraternities and Civic Religion in Renaissance Bologna (Cam- bridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 38 Lee Palmer Wandel is guilty of both of these logical errors in her interesting but uneven book, Alwqys Among Us: Images if the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); see my review in Zwingliana 20 (1993):179-181. 39 'To "ask" of people in the past [ ... J what their own description of their own intentional activity was, and then to take seriously what we learn (i.e., to set out to reconstruct that activity in its wholeness), is our means of "getting out of the present," or transcending our present-centeredness as historians [ ... J. It may turn out unfortunately for us, that what people in the past were actually doing does not coincide with what we wanted to find them doing.' Andrew Cunnigham, 'Getting the Game Right: Some Plain Words on the Identity and Invention of Science,' Studies in the History and Philosopl!)! if Science 19 (1988): 382-383. ANDREWGOW there is every reason to insist on the role of the Bible at the eve of the Reformation as crucial for understanding what the Reformers and their audience thought they were doing. Lay Bible-reading and interpretation in the later Middle Ages have traditionally been thought to have been severely limited by restric- tions on lay possession of vernacular texts of the Bible. This supposed embargo, an idea based largely on an extrapolation of the Constitu- tions of Oxford (1408) to the entire period and to the Continent, has long been claimed by Protestant historians to justifY the Reformation of the sixteenth century (McGrath, Pelikan et at.). Yet in previous genera- tions, especially in the interwar years, such scholars as Franz Falk, Hans Volmer, Hans Rost, Cebus Cornelis de Bruin, Margaret Deanesly, to name only the most prolific, demonstrated that large numbers of liter- ate layfolk had access to translations of Biblical texts and to a wide and constantly growing range of compilations, 'historiations,' encyclopaedic and literary treatments of the Bible. The history of the Waldensian Bible translations of the late-twelfth/ early-thirteenth centuries and the Waldensians' insistence on their right to preach on the basis of those texts is well-known; their efforts may have failed on the institutional level, and ended in France in complete defeat, but seem to have had a wide-reaching and long-term influence on the devout laity of central Europe, especially in the Rhineland and Bohemia. 40 The attitude of the medieval Church to vernacular translations was mixed, tending toward lenience in the Empire and strictness in areas such as southern France, Bohemia and the England of the Lollards where important heretical movements based much of their challenge to established authority on their own (unlicensed) reading of scripture. In the fourteenth century, monarchs across Europe, from France to Norway, commissioned ver- nacular translations of the Bible for their own use, and ecclesiastical authorities tended not to protest the existence of translations so long as they did not receive much attention or help create dissent. As a general rule, prohibitions against translating and owning ver- nacular scriptures coincided with outbreaks of religious rebellion, oth- erwise known as 'heresy.' Official unease with the Beghards in northern 40 See Franz Jostes, Die Waldenser und die vorlutherische deutsche Bibelubersetzung. Eine Kritik der neusten Hypothese (Miinster: Heinrich Schbningh, 1885), and Hermann Haupt, Der waldensische Ursprung des Codex Teplensis und der vorlutherischen deutschen Bibeldrucke gegen die Angriife von Dr. E Jostes vertheidigt ... Mit einem Anhang ungedruckter Aktenstucke und zahlreichen Proben mittelalterlicher deutscher BibelUbersetzungen (Wiirzburg: Stahe!, 1886). CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM France and the Rhineland during the thirteenth and early fourteenth century led to condemnations of their way of life, which was strikingly similar to that of the more obedient, orthodox mendicants: Beghards lived on alms and, like the oudawed Waldensians, preached among the common people in the towns. They were accused of claiming to interpret scripture for the common people. 41 Not only did members of Beghard circles preach, they also wrote and spread other German books: glossed plenaries,42 books of homilies, semi-mystical devotional works; others, such as the Gotteifreunde, advocated German episdes and Gospels; and some Beguines used the German sermons of Meister Eck- hart to justifY what was called at the time their pantheistic heresy. At the same time, the lay Brethren of the Common Life in the Nether- lands and Rhineland were forming, with a firm commitment to vernac- ular preaching and the copying of vernacular devotional works includ- ing the Historiated Bible and Bible translations. There was a serious attempt to suppress the Beghards in Germany between 1366 and 1378, under Popes Urban V and Gregory XI and the 'clerics' emperor' (IJqf- .fenkaiser), Charles IY.43 In 1369, in the wake of an interview at Rome with Urban V, Charles issued a number of edicts strengthening the Inquisition from the city of Lucca. That of June 17th was directed against German devotional books and, like earlier decrees issued at Paris (1210), Toulouse (1229) and elsewhere to combat Waldensians and their unlicenced versions of scripture, it clearly prohibited vernacular translations of the Bible, plenaries, service books, psalters, sermons, books of mystical instruction, indeed any books 'de sacra scriptura trac- tantes.' This clearly was impossible to attain, given the large number of what were considered to be perfecdy orthodox, licensed German manuals and versions of particular Biblical texts, not to mention the Historiated Bible, then already in circulation in the Empire. It is worth noting parenthetically that Etienne de Bourbon could enforce the edicts of Paris and Toulouse in thirteenth-century France, because such man- 41 Joannes Dominicus (Giovan Domenico) Mansi, Sacrorum Concilium Collectio. nova et amplissima collectio (Paris: Hubert Welter, 1901; reprint, Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1960-1961), XXv, 261: 'Seque fingunt coram personis simplicibus expositores sacrarum scripturarum.' 42 Plenaries are editions of Gospels and episdes with homilies, printed mainly in German between 1470 and 1520. 43 Richard Kieckhefer, The Repression qf Heresy in Medieval Germa11:Ji (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979) remains the standard modern work in this field, yet there is nearly nothing about Bibles in the book; the terms 'Bible,' 'Gospel,' and 'New' or 'Old Testament' are not even in the index. ANDREWGOW uals were in the possession only of great lords; this was not the case ISO years later in the Empire. In 1375, a fresh and much less restrictive edict was issued by Gregory XI, the rescript ad apostolatus;44 the general principle seemed to be that it was prohibited for laypersons to own ver- nacular translations of scripture. Yet as Thomas More would remark over a century later, he had seen English Bibles in the homes of friends, good and old versions, licensed by their bishops for their use-though no such manuscripts have survived. Clearly the general principle was also unenforceable in the Empire. This is amply proven by the deter- minations of 1398 at Deventer. The burgeoning lay movement of the Brethren of the Common Life, founded by Gert Groote (d. 1384), and centered on the houses at Deventer and Zwolle, was seen as suspect by some churchmen, especially the Dominicans and 'their' Inquisition. This movement clearly was responding to a need or demand on the part of the laity for a devotional life more like that of the regular and secular religious, with instruction in religion and the everyday practice of the precepts of a more ascetic Christianity. The brethren and later sisters lived together in communal houses, worked and prayed together, but took no vows. They read vernacular works suited to their abilities: most of them were non-Latinate, but generally literate, laypeople. In 1398, they invited the law faculty at Cologne and other friendly church- men to gather at Deventer to determine the lawfulness of their way of life, and of their use of vernacular books, especially scripture. The answers recorded by the librarian of the Deventer house, Gerard Zer- bolt of Zutphen, were positive, perhaps because the Cologne lawyers of canon and secular law had been influenced by the Rhineland traditions of the Waldensians, Gotteifreunde and Beghards. 45 On vernacular scrip- ture, they announced that 'to read such books is lawful and meritorious, provided they do not contain heresies or errors'; the decision goes on to state most explicitly that it is lawful and in accord with the 'sayings of the saints' (Church Fathers) for laypeople to read scripture and for vernacular translations to exist. This does not mean that the Brethren advocated unrestricted access to translations of scripture for alliaypeo- 44 Johann Lorenz von Mosheim, De Beghardis et Beguinabus commentarius. Fragmentum ex ipso MS. auctoris libra edidit, duplici appendice, complurium diplomatum varietate lectionis, notis aliis, et indice locupletavit (Leipzig: G.H. Martini, 1790), 378; Inquisitio haereticae pravitatis Neerlandica; geschiedenis der inquisitie in de Nederlanden tot aan hare herinrichting onder keizer Karel V (I025-I520), ed. Paul Fredericq (Ghent:]. Vuylsteke 1892-1897), I, 237. 45 Margaret Deanesly, The Lollard Bible and other Medieval Biblical Versions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1920),91. CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM 179 pIe; rather, they saw their job as learning from scripture (the Vulgate) and communicating this to the broader laity by copying and rarely by producing devotional books. 46 The Brethren then obtained approval for their way of life from the Council of Constance, but had to struggle for it for the next century. Nevertheless, the determination found its way into other works, including an early fifteenth-century manuscript, 'The Book of Gerard Zerbolt' (published by Jacobus Revius in his history of Deventer in 1651), and a popular and perfectly orthodox book of ser- mons published around 1466, by the Augustinian eremite Gottschalk Holen of Osnabruck,47 where a condensation of the determination appears in the sermon for the second Sunday in Advent. However, it was not necessarily the contested and sometimes dangerous translation of scripture that did the lion's share of transmitting Biblical materials to the laity. The Historia scholastica of the Parisian master Peter Comestor (c. II69), a summary retelling of the Hebrew and Christian Scriptures interwoven with legendary, literary, apocryphal and divers other non- canonical materials, was not only one of the most popular Latin access points, mainly for clerics, to scriptural materials, it also was translated into a large number of vernaculars and became the main source of Biblical stories and material for the laity in the later Middle Ages. It was translated into Low German verse by Jacob van Maerlant around 1271, and High German translations followed in the fourteenth cen- tury. The Bible historiale, a French version, was produced by Guyart des Moulains, a canon of Aire in Artois around 1291-1294. Manuscripts of the Historia's vernacular translation outnumbered actual translations of the Bible. Historiated Bibles were printed well before printed Bible translations became common. 48 As Michael Milway has shown, print- ers generally printed only for a market, to meet demand; and the vast majority of works printed in the fifteenth century were manuals and devotional works printed for clerics, followed by primers printed for students, then works of Biblical and devotional content. 49 Uwe N edder- meyer has discussed the relationship between manuscripts and printed 46 Deanesly, 92; The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, MS 355; this one printed by FranzJostes in Historisches Jahrbuch XI, 14-22; 709-717; extant in three other mss. 47 Printed in 1517 as Sermonum opus exquisitissimum ... lectoris patris Gotschalci eremitari divi Augustini profissi. 48 Deanesly, 19. 49 'Forgotten Best-Sellers from the Dawn of the Reformation,' Continuity and Change, [[3-142 . 180 ANDREWGOW books in this period in his massive 1998 Habilitationsschrift.50 He sees print largely as a function of pre-existing manuscripts: those books that existed in large numbers of manuscript copies were those most likely to be printed. His figures show that from 1450-1519, there were in the Empire 65 Latin editions of the Bible and 22 Germanic ones; in Italy 41 Latin editions and 14 Italian ones; in France 45 Latin editions and I French one, as well as 21 of the Bible abregee; making for a total of 20,000 copies of Germanic Bibles in the Empire; 13,450 Italian Bibles in Italy; 1200 French Bibles in France as well as 23,700 Bibles abregeesY N eddermeyer also estimates the number of readers in the Empire as follows: between 1470 and 1500, over 125,000 (male) clerics and 30,000 nuns, not counting those who could read only the vernacular; learned people, including university members, students and graduates, secre- taries, scribes, etc.: over 80,000, as well as over 200,000 children in Latin schools, and something less than 20,000 readers of the German vernaculars. 52 While Neddermeyer's charts 53 show an explosion in the printing of Bibles in the Empire after 1522, namely the Luther Bible, there was also a strong increase in the printing of French Bibles in the period 1510-1519. Because he uses different scales, it is hard to see how important the tradition of printing both Latin and vernacular Bibles was in the Empire before 1500 (17a).54 By way of summation, we can say that in the later fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, Biblical material was widespread, popular and well-known among literate townspeople, clerics and nobles alike, especially in the Empire. 55 Netherlandish and German burghers were a notable exception to the general rule elsewhere. Full Bible trans- lations usually belonged to the gentry/nobility and religious houses 50 Uwe Neddermeyer, Von der Handschrifl zum gedruckten Buch, Schrifllichkeit und Lesein- teresse in Mittelalter und in der friihen Neuzeit, Qyantitative und qualitative Aspekte, Buchwis- senschaftliche Beitrage aus dem deutschen Bucharchiv Miinchen 61 (Wiesbaden: Ha- rassowitz, Igg8). 51 Neddermeyer, ibid., I, 461. 52 Neddermeyer, ibid., I, 515. 53 Neddermeyer, 11,76-77. 54 Neddermeyer, ibid., II, 707-708. 55 See Franz Falk, Die Bibel am Ausgange des Mittelalters, ihre Kenntnis und ihre ferbre- itung (Cologne: Kommissions-Verlag und Druck von J.P. Bachem, Ig05), and Erich Zimmermann, Die deutsche Bibel. Von der Handschrifl zum gedruckten Buch, Schrifllichkeit und Leseinteresse in Mittelalter und in der friihen Neuzeit, Quantitative und qualitative Aspekte, Buch- wissenschaftliche Beitrage aus dem deutschen Bucharchiv Miinchen 61 (Wiesbaden: Harassowitz, Igg8). CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM (Brethren of the Common Life, etc.), with relatively large numbers of German Bibles showing up in inventories especially for the period 1500 to the Reformation. Perhaps the availability of printing presses in the German-speaking world facilitated this greater distribution. Because they were under the direction of a warden or house confessor, nuns had relatively good access to vernacular translations. A fifteenth-century Netherlandish manuscript specified that the sister who was in charge of the books was to see that If anything in the book appeared to be false, it should be brought before the rector of the house for him to examine, before it is allowed to be commonly used by the sisters. ( ... ) Great care is to be taken not to lend books to outsiders without the permission of the rector. ( ... ) Uncommon books are not to be read at meals until the rector has first seen that their contents are good and profitable. ( ... ) Books are not to be lent to ignorant people. 56 In those important female houses whose library catalogues have sur- vived, we notice the existence of vernacular Bibles. The Dominican nuns at Niirnberg, who were reformed shortly before their library cata- logue was written (between 1456 and 1469), owned a total of 350 diverse volumesY 160 codices of German manuscripts from St. Catharine's have survived in the Nurnberg civic library. Each codex contains be- tween one and a dozen or more discreet works, making for many hundred German texts in total. 58 There are dozens of Biblical works, including a number of full Bibles in German. 56 Nederlansch Pro;:;a, van de dertiende tot de achtiende eeuw, ed. JH. Vloten (Amsterdam, 1851), '297-'299 57 Nurnberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, MS Cent. VII. 79, fols. 86--146: 'Item die hernach geschrieben puecher hat der Convent hier zu sant Kathereyn zu Nurn- verb prediger ordens'; printed by H. Jostens, in 'Meister Eckhart und seine Junger', Collectanea Friburgensia, fase. IV (1895), 1I3ff., but he mistakenly identified it as a list of books read in refectory [po xxiii]; printed by P. Ruf in Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskata- loge Deutschlands und der Schwei;:;, ed. by the Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften in Munchen (Munich: 1918), vol. TIl, 3 (1939), Nr. 1I9 58 In an older catalogue used by Deanesly, only '26 of the hundreds of works were explicidy identified as German. They consisted of a book of 'sins' (a treatment of the Ten Commandments, the seven mortal sins and the like), a German psalter, two Latin- German psalters, seven books of sermons, one 'missal' (antiphoner?) for Advent and Lent, a treatise by Augustine, the Dominican rule in German, two copies of the rule in German and Latin, five prayer books, two hymn books, two lives of Mary, and a treatise on a psalm. I have listed these just to provide a sense of what was already known to scholarship well before the Second World War. ANDREWGOW Schneider's catalogue Die Handschriften der Stadtbibliothek Niirnberg 59 , published in 1965, lists the surviving volumes (Einbande) and each sep- arate work, along with the usual cataloguing material, incipits and, for German works, the dialect. These German titles include numer- ous books of the Bible, full Bibles, historiated Bibles, Gospel harmonies, summaries and the like, as well as a very large number of devotional, pastoral and homiletic works. By far the majority of these vernacular texts is on religious topics, and Biblical materials of all kinds constitute a large percentage of the total. A large number of these was written by the nuns themselves in their own scriptorium. Other books were also read in refectory. The list of these begins with Heinrich Suso's work Eternal Wisdom and specifies that on Christmas Eve, the reading was to be the prophecy and epistle and Gospel for the third mass, or from the lessons and from the third mass on Christmas Day-these were to be German versions or discussions of the scriptural texts they were about to hear in Latin. Others included Gospel harmonies, 'Bible histories,' lives of Jesus, sermons, especially of Eckhart and Tauler, confession books, several 'Imitations of the Life of Christ' by Thomas a Kempis and many saints' lives. These were precisely the genres most likely to appear in translation at this time. 60 The nuns themselves also owned a number of manuscripts privately, as another catalogue shows. 61 These were almost all prayer books. A smaller library catalogue survives from the Franciscan tertiary house in Delft, which was influenced by the Brethren of the Common Life and directed by them. It was a daughter-house of the tertiaries of St. Agatha at Utrecht, with which Gert Groote had been connected. The 109 titles in this catalogue included at least one 'Flemish Gospel book.' In both houses and in many other convents, vernacular Gospel harmonies (retellings that melded or 'harmonized' the stories of the four Gospels) were very common; nuns in both houses seem to have studied Lives (of Jesus, Mary, the apostles and saints) and Bible har- 59 Ed. Karin Schneider, with a description of the decorative elements by Heinz Zirn- bauer (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1965); voL I of Die deutschen mittelalterlichen Handschrijten. 60 See Uwe Neddermeyer, '''Radix studii et speculum vitae". Verbreitung und Re- zeption der Imitatio Christi in Handschriften und Drucken bis zur Reformation', in Studien zum 15 Jahrhundert, Festschrijt Erich Meuthen, 2 vols., ed. J. Helmrath and. H. Muller (Munich: R. Oldenburg, 1994): 1,457-481; see also the descriptions of the Dominicans' library in Walter Fries, 'Kirche und Kloster zu St. Katharina in Nurnberg', Mitteilungen des Vereinsfor Geschichte der Stadt Nurnberg 25 (1924): 3-143. 61 Nurnberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, MS. Cent. VII, 92, ed. P.Ruf, Mitte- lalterliche Bibliothekscatalogue, Nr. 115. CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM monies more than the texts of the Gospels. Yet another library cat- alogue exists from the women's cloister at Wonnenheim (St. Gallen, MS 973, fols. 1-9). Dutch Bible histories were owned by the nuns of St. Margaret at Haarlem, the Franciscan tertiaries of the convent of Sion at Liere (1412) and the nuns of St. Agnes extra mures at Nijmegen (1453). The convent of St. Ursula at Enkhuysen owned the four Gospels (or at least a Gospel harmony), and a canoness regular of Haarlem near Syl, sister Mary, daughter of Jacob Willemsz. ofDordrecht, copied the Epistles and Acts in 'Dutch' in 1447. Other examples abound. Deanesly concluded that nuns owned more Biblical translations than can be proved to have belonged to lay people at the time, and that the chief readers of the vernacular Bible in manuscript were the nuns and tertiaries, especially in the Netherlands, who owned more of such texts than male houses did. 62 This remains to be tested more systematically, but seems to be an accurate impression. The prevalence of Bible trans- lations, mainly in manuscript and mainly for internal use, among nuns runs parallel to the 21 printed editions of the entire Bible in High Ger- man (18) and Low German (3) that appeared between 1466 and 1500; most of them between 1466 and 1486, when the archbishop of Mainz, Berthold Graf von Henneberg, issued an edict prohibiting the transla- tion of the Bible into the vernacular by unqualified people and without episcopal license. None of the 14 German Bibles printed before nor any of the three or so Bibles printed in High German after 1486 received the approval of an ecclesiastical censor. Though the 1480 Latin edition at Cologne did receive the approval of the university's censor, the Low German Cologne Bible of that epoch (c. 1478-1480) did not. Along with the rapid increase in printings of vernacular Bibles after 1466, the evidence from provincial councils and manuals and regarding lay own- ership of Bibles suggests that this period witnessed a gradual relaxation of restriction and growth in favor of translations. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Deanesly informs us, 'councils and synods had passed many regulations for the preaching of sermons in the vulgar tongue: but the end had always been the instruction of the faithful in the elements of the faith [Canon LVI of the diocesan synod of Strassburg, 1335, required all parish priests in their Sunday sermon to preach and explain the creed to their people in the vulgar tongue], not the translation to them of the Sunday Gospel. The value of these sermons at mass was especially emphasised in Germany in 62 Deanesly, IIS-II6. ANDREWGOW the fifteenth century; and, at the end of it, priests were advised to explain the meaning of the Sunday Gospel in German. ( ... ) [O]ne manual recommended in 1504 that the priest should [read the text of the Gospel in German] in place of the sermon, if hard pressed for time. '63 The synods of Eichstatt (1447) and Regensburg (1512) enjoined priests to preach the Holy Scripture plainly and intelligibly, explaining the text first in the vernacular and then adding a verse-by-verse commentary. The very popular Manuale curatorum (also Manipulus curatorum) by Ulrich Surgant of Altkirch, parish priest of St. Theodor at Basel (d. 1503), lists books suitable for young priests' studies and provides all sorts of discussion and advice on priestly duties. In regard to the sermon, Surgantrecommends But sometimes, if the priest is in great haste or has to say several masses, he may say to the people 'I shall merely read to you the Gospel for the day, without comment or introduction; these are the words of St. Matthew, and this is the meaning, in the vulgar tongue. '64 He goes on to caution lay listeners that all he is reading is a translation, and that if they have Bibles or have heard it read before, the words might not all accord with what he said. It is harder to pinpoint lay use and ownership of Bibles, though there are some interesting examples and prescriptive formulations regarding both Bible ownership and Bible reading among the laity. Sebastian Brant wrote in the Ship if Fools (NarrenschiJl) in 1494 that 'All Land sind jetzt voll Heiliger Schrift' (All countries are now full of Holy Scripture). As Olaf Schwencke has argued, the early Lubeck plenaries 65 fit into a circle of Erbauungsschriflsteller ('edifYing writers') who wrote in a number of genres with similar pious intentions. 66 The 1492 and 1493 plenaries, which are based on the 1475 Low German version, repeat the most 63 Deanesly, 126-127. 64 Deanesly, 128. 65 On plenaries see Paul Pietsch, Ewangely und Epistel Teutsch: die gedruckten hochdeutschen Perikopenbiicher (Plenarien) 1473-1523: Beitrage zur Kenntnis der Wiegendrucke, zur Geschichte des deutschen Schrifltums und der deutschen Sprache, insbesondere der Bibelverdeutschung und der Bibelsprache (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1927), and Winfried Kampfer, Studien zu den gedruckten mittelniederdeutschen Plenanen (Munster: Bohlau-Verlag, 1954). 66 These included the German Psalter (Salter to dude mit der vthlegginge) of 1493, the Lubeck Totentanz (Dance of Death) texts of 1463 and especially the printed Dance of Death books of 1489/96, the 1520 Dance of Death (based on an older model), and the 1496 Speygel der Leyen (Mirror of the Laity): 0. Schwencke, 'Ein Kreis spatmittelalter- licher Erbauungsschriftsteller in Lubeck,' 26. CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM 18 5 frequent admonition of the genre: that 'simplelen lude' (simple folk) should read from the scriptures,67 and admonish the reader: Shame on you, you arrogant person, that you do not take care to provide yourself with some suitable books, which you can buy for a small amount of money, so that you can extract from them and learn the things that make you prideful, because you spend and waste much more money on the devilish items with which you strengthen and adorn your pride . .. There are also many books in which fables or other worldly stories are contained; such books are not what we are discussing here. Man-if you can read, you can buy for very little money such books as we are discussing here, from which you can read the will of God, so that the light does not shine uselessly on your days (i.e., so that you use the light that is given to you during your lifetime). For Holy Scripture is like a light by which we poor sinners can find the path to eternal life. 68 The Basel plenary of 151 4 69 recommends reading scripture aloud after Sunday sermon and at dinner among the family, and says that there ought to be no man who does not have a copy of the holy Gospel with him in his house. 7o While this was a sales pitch in the preface to the plenary, finding and buying one of the 102 plenaries 71 cannot have been especially difficult. This plenary also notes If you are a pious person, hear the word of God and do not disdain it, if you do not want to suffer eternal misery (hunger). Even though you have books in your house, the Gospels or other spiritual books, that is no reason to neglect the word of God, as you are required to listen to it for the sake of your soul's salvation. 72 67 Schwencke, 'Kreis,' 29, from the 1492 plenary. 68 'Scheme dy, du homodige mynsche, dattu nicht vlyt deyst, dath du dy schaff est welke ghenochlike boke, de du umme ringe ghelt tuegen machst, unde mochtest dar uth sughen unde leren de dynge, de dy to othmode mochten reysyghen, wenthe du doch vele meer gheldes uthghyfst unde vorspyldest to den duuelschen stucken, dar du dynen homoed mede starkest unde tzyrest ... Dar werden ock vele boke ghemaket, dar fabulen efte andere wertlike ystorien ynne staen; alsodane boke werden hir nicht gemenet. Men-kanstu lesen, so machstu umme eyn ghans ringe ghelt wol dy de boke schaff en, de hir ghemenet, dar du den willen godes uth lesen unde leren machst, uppe dat dy dyt lycht nicht vorgeues en luchte in dynen dagen. Wente de hilghe schryft wert ghelikent eyner luchten, dar by wy armen sunders mogen wanderen na deme ewyghen leuende.' 1492 Plenary, cited in Wolfgang Stammler, ed., Spatlese des Mittelalters II Religioses Schrifitum (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1965), 62-63. 69 See Pietsch, Ewange[y und Epistel, 233ff. 70 Johannes Janssen, History qf the German People at the close qf the Middle Ages, trans. M.A. Mitchell and A.M. Christie (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, 1905, 2 vols.): I: 54. 71 Janssen I: 54. 72 'Bist du ein frummer mensch, har das wort gottes und verschmahe es nit, wiltu 186 ANDREWGOW The 1508 Nutzlich Buchlin and the 1509 Wurz:gartlein 73 recommended to the faithful to read the scriptures for themselves in a spirit of humility (noting that if you read them in a spirit of pride, they will be hurtful to you). The 1513 Himmelstur stated: All that you hear in sermons or through other modes of instruction . .. should incite you to read with piety and humility the Bible and holy books, which are now translated into German, and printed and distributed in large numbers, either in their entirely or in part, and which you can purchase for very little money. 74 Indeed, they were widely available, along with at least 22 German editions of the Psalms before 1509, and 25 of the epistles and Gospels before 1518.75 If we look to France, we see that a few printed editions of the Historiated Bible, the 'Bible abregee' and a few actual translations appeared before 1500; in total, there are over 20 editions of these before 1540, whereas other medieval legacies, such as the Exposicion de la Bible, with Lyra's commentaries, and the Biblia Pauperum picture book were printed in only one or two editions each. The first edition of the New Testament in French was printed at Lyons by Guillaume Le Roy for Berthelemy Buyer, c. 1476-1478, and was a version of Guyart des Moulins' French Bible historiale. This text and its successors present the interesting and significant feature of having been 'veu et corrige' by the Augustinian doctors of theology Julien Macho and Pierre Farget, as noted in the colophon. Thus this edition was demonstrably orthodox and authorized. This followed by only a few years what was probably the very first edition of any Biblical text printed in French, a 'Bible abregee,' a compilation of Hebrew Bible books (Genesis-Job) and a text on the seven ages of the world, probably originating in Lorraine ('Cy commencent les rubriches de ce present livre/ Au commencement crea dieu Ie ciel et la terre ... '), also printed at Lyons by Guillaume nit leyden den ewigen hunger. Ob schon du hast bucher in deinem hauE, die ewangelia oder ander geistliche bucher, darumb solt du nit verseumen das wort gottes, wann du bist es schuldig zu horen bey deiner selen heyl.' Cited from Stammler, Spat/ese, 63. 73 Janssen I: 59. 74 Janssen I: 56. 75 Deanesly cites four instances of laypeople, from 1399 to 1474, who owned either vernacular Bible texts or a Bible History, noting that in England, there is little evidence other than that of Thomas More for lay ownership of vernacular Bibles after 1408. Deanesly, 130. CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM Le Roy for Barthelemy Buyer, c. I473-I474.76 Yet another version of the Bible, printed at Lyons by Martinus Russ, not after I477 and again shortly thereafter ('Cy commence lexposicion et la vraye declaracion de la bible tant du viel que du nouveau testament principalement') was an independent version consisting of select portions of the Bible, translated into French and followed by commentary taken from Nicholas of Lyra and others. This was also edited by Julien Macho, and though the title claims it was translated by 'un tres excellent clerc lequel par sa science fut pape,' Reuss stated that he knew of no Pope between the time of Lyra and Macho to whom any such work could be attributed. 77 Again, the book claims orthodoxy and authorization, this time not only via its editor's impeccable credentials as a doctor of theology, but from its supposed translator, an unnamed Pope. The fact that none of these editions announces that it has been licensed by a bishop suggests that the authorizations noted above were considered sufficient, and that episcopal license was not necessarily the norm. Indeed, the pre- I496 Bible historiale commissioned by Charles VIII (r. I483-I498), under the direction of his confessor, Jean de Rely, which consists of a new patchwork of translations, glosses, prefaces and additions to the old tradition of the Bible historiale, does not announce any episcopal license: it clearly did not need one either. Nobles, townsfolk, layfolks and nuns, Brethren and sisters of the Common Life, Beguines and tertiaries were hungry for the Bible: IJappetit vient en mangeant and they had already had quite substantial help- ings. I believe this may be a better explanation for the whirlwind suc- cess of the Protestant cause, with its emphasis on Biblical truth and guidance, among the burghers and nobility, than a putative lack of acquaintance with the Bible. If my hypothesis is correct, it raises many more subsidiary questions: why and to what extent did Luther see the Biblical materials and texts available to his contemporaries before I523 as inadequate? Was the addition of legendary and literary material to traditional Bible stories so corrupting, in his eyes, as to pervert the mes- sages of scripture? Many of his utterances and statements suggest this. Or did Luther's objection to 'additions' to prisca doctrina made by the 76 Bettye Thomas Chambers, Bibliograpl!]! if French Bibles. Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century French-Language Editions if the Scriptures (Geneva: Droz, 1983), 1-4 77 Chambers, 5; Eduard Reuss, 'Fragments litteraires et critiques relatifs a l'histoire de la Bible fran<;:aise,' in Revue de thiologie (Strasbourg), seconde serie, XIV Ganvier 1857), 1-48; fevrier 1857), 73-I04; (mars 1957), 129-160; 140 (continued in 1865 and 1866). I88 ANDREWGOW scholastic doctors, which were in his eyes illegitimate additions and per- versions performed in the interest of strengthening Roman and cleri- cal power, predetermine him to see Historiated Bibles, for example, as hopelessly corrupt? The dozens of rather wooden German and N ether- landish translations of the Bible then in circulation did not meet his aes- thetic and linguistic standards, and were necessarily inadequate from a scholarly perspective because they had been translated chiefly from the Vulgate and other Latin versions, not from the original languages. It is also clear that the Vulgate and its vernacular translations did not do the work of 'evangelical' interpretation that Luther performed when he produced his own version ('sola fide'). It is worth noting that Lefeb- vre d'Etaples' I523 French translation of the New Testament, which appeared shortly after Luther's, relied primarily on the Vulgate, also omitted the medieval glosses and other additions, and presented the entire text; his goals were clearly slightly less radical than Luther's and he operated in an environment of much more effective ecclesiastical (and royal) control than Luther did. VVhig history Johan Huizinga's great conceptual essay (I9I9) on the cultural 'autumn,' generally mistranslated until recently as the 'waning,' of the later Middle Ages dominated historical thinking about this period from the I920S through the I960s.78 This was the heyday of triumphant whig- gish narratives about how the Reformation brought about modernity, the overthrow by Luther and the other major reformers of suppos- edly corrupt medieval institutions, worldviews and ideologies (medieval Christianity), and a return to 'evangelical simplicity and purity,' both in religion and in its institutional expressions (Bainton, Brecht, Ozment). Biblical scholarship focused on the Middle Ages has attempted since that time to correct the image of a corrupt church corrupting the Bib- lical truth, but has remained too narrowly fixed on high theology and 78 Johan Huizinga, Herftttij der Middeleeuwen: stu die over levens- en gedachtenvormen der veertiende en vijfliende eeuw in Frankrijk en de Nederlanden (Haarlem, 1919); see the recent and much-improved translation The Autumn qf the Middle Ages by Rodney J. Payton and Ulrich Mammitzsch (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996); cf. the 1955 translation and abridgement by F. Hopman: The Waning qf the Middle Ages. A Stucfy qf the Forms qf Lift, Thought, and Art in France and the Netherlands in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (London: Penguin Books, 1955). CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM 18 9 the works of high churchmen (Beryll Smalley, Heiko Oberman,jaroslav Pelikan, Gilbert Dahan, the compendious volumes in the series La Bible de tous les temps79). This focus has helped to correct distortions regard- ing medieval exegesis, but cannot explain why layfolk were so eager for Luther's Bible and so receptive to his reading (in translation) of Biblical texts. Robert Scribner studied the propaganda and strategy aspects of Luther's and Lutheran publications in an attempt to address the ques- tion of how the Reformation spread, but he completely ignored the question of pre-existing knowledge of the Bible outside ranks of the male clergy. 80 The intersection of textual tradition and particular contexts of belief gave rise to particular forms of Bible reading tethered to tradition but rich in possibilities and potential. Reformation Biblicism (and Bible- centered religion in general, from the Waldensians through Wycliffe and Hus, the Protestant reformers and on to current evangelical funda- mentalism) owes a great debt to the ways in which Biblical texts were discussed, contextualized and transmitted to later generations in the period roughly II50 to 1520, especially by such pioneers of 'literal' read- ing of Biblical texts as Andrew and Hugh of St. Victor and Nicholas of Lyra. 8l These forms of Bible reading and interpretation certainly did not meet with the approval of many clerics, nor of all the Protestant reformers. Their zeal to produce new Bible translations based on the original versions is testimony to this disapproval, as well as a systematic effort to counter and undermine the papal insistence on the exclusive right of the church hierarchy to authorize translations and interpret scripture according to the magisterium. Yet precisely the medieval trans- lations and especially the other vernacular Bible versions that were so suspect to the reformers may have done more than anything else to prepare the ground for a new, thoroughgoing Protestant Biblicism. 79 This series is published by Beauchesne at Paris; e.g., Guy Lobrichon and Pierre Riche, eds., Le Moyen-Age et la Bible (Paris: Beauchesne, rg84). 80 Robert Scribner, For the Sake qf Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German RifOrma- tion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, rg8r). 81 See Nicholas qf Lyra: The Senses qf Scripture, Philip D.W Krey and Lesley Smith, eds. (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 2000); and Gow, 'Christian Colonialism,' ibid. ANDREWGOW Conclusions and perspectives Many different kind of materials afford us access to lay Bible read- ing and interpretation in the later fifteenth and early sixteenth cen- turies: mainly printed broadsheets, pamphlets and books in a number of European vernaculars (especially late medieval Netherlandish, Low German and High German). Crucial for a sub-literary, sub-theological history of Bible reading is an examination of the play between estab- lished inter-textual conventions and 'outside' (non-scriptural) influences and medieval compilations, historiated Bibles, folk belief, popular magic, literary legends, and pre-Christian practices. As regards non-clerical practices of reading and understanding the Bible, difficul- ties accrue at various levels. It is hard to find more than spotty infor- mation regarding burghers' possession of books, though inventories at death do survive in many city archives. The mere possession of books does not, of course, guarantee that they were read, so other texts writ- ten by burghers (e.g., letters, official documents, speeches and the like) for references to Biblical images, phrases, stories, parables and illustra- tions must also be considered in future studies of the Bible in the later Middle Ages. The understanding of the Bible on the part of layfolk and the lower clergy, and interpretive works by them and written in vernacular lan- guages before the Reformation were heavily influenced by the Historia scholastica (c. u6g) of Peter Comestor, the Compendium theologicae veritatis by the Strasbourg Dominican Hugo Ripelin (c. the Eluci- darium, the Historiated Bibles and a number of lesser compilations. The nature oflate medieval lay piety is attracting increasing attention,82 but there is relatively little work on lay piety in the German-speaking world, and what there is concentrates on theology83 and preaching, not inter- pretation or reading of vernacular Biblical texts, and not on laypeople's reading of Biblical texts of any kind. 82 E.g., Curtis Bostick, The Antichrist and the Lollards. Apocalypticism in Late-Medieval England (Leiden: EJ. Brill, I998), Jane Dempsey-Douglass, Justification in Late-Medieval Preaching, 2 nd edition (Leiden: EJ. Brill, I989), and Berndt Hamm, The RifOrmation if Faith in the Context if Late Medieval Theology and Piety: Essays (Leiden: Brill, 2004) and Spatmittelalterliche Frijmmigkeit zwischen Ideal und Praxis (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 20or). 83 E.g., Hermann Schussler, Der Primat der Heiligen Schrift als theologisches und kanonistis- ches Problem im Spatmittelalter, Verbffentlichungen des Instituts fur europaische Geschichte Mainz, 86 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, I977). CHALLENGING THE PROTESTANT PARADIGM 191 To sum up: late-medieval nobles, burghers, lay brethren and sisters, and nuns had access to and read a variety of Biblical texts and devo- tional works both in manuscript and printed vernacular versions (in the widest sense) of the Bible. Their readings of these texts helped create a demand for more complete and accessible versions of the Bible in the period known as the Reformation. RELIGIOUS DISSIDENCE AND THE BIBLE IN SIXTEENTH-CENTURY ITALY: THE IDIOSYNCRATIC BIBLE OF LUCIA BROCADELLI DA NARNI E. ANN MATTER The role of the Bible in Early Modern Catholicism is a complex sub- ject, and one that challenges some of the received wisdom about the Bible in the Middle Ages. Political, social and theological revolutions in the European Christian world between the thirteenth and the six- teenth centuries led to a number of changes in Biblical scholarship, changes which are well documented by the scholarship in this volume. For instance, the locus of Biblical learning moved from the cloister to the schools, and with the rise of the Mendicant orders, into the towns. By the fifteenth century, preaching (which had always been one of the important end products of Biblical interpretation) took the fore- front for Biblical exposition. And, in spite of the Tridentine insistence on Latin as the proper language of theological learning, vernacular languages, even vernacular Biblical knowledge, became a part of the- ological discourse. This is especially true among those who brought the Bible to the masses through vernacular preaching (like the Mendi- cants), and among those who were not a part of formal school learning ~ i k women). The protagonist of this study is both a Mendicant and a woman. Lucia Brocadelli da Narni was a Dominican Penitent (a female member of the Third Order of Saint Dominic) 1 who was famous for her prophetic gifts at the turn of the sixteenth century in Italy. Among the 'Sante Vive,' the early modern Italian 'Live Women Saints' studied by Gabriella Zarri, 2 she cuts a particularly tragic figure, so it is worth spending a few moments here on her life story. At the turn of the sixteenth century, Suor Lucia da N ami was the official prophet of the 1 For Dominican Penitents, see Maiju Lehmijoki-Gardner, Wordry Saints: Social Inter- action if Dominican Penitent Women in Itary 1200-1500 (Helsinki: Suomen Historiallinen Seura, I999), and the translations edited by Lehmijoki-Gardner in Dominican Penitent Women (New York: Paulist Press, 2005). 2 Gabriella Zarri, Le sante vive: cultura e religiositafemminile nella prima eta moderna (Turin: Rosenberg & Sellier, I990). 194 E. ANN MATTER court of Ercole I d'Este ('Ercole il Magnifico') of Ferrara. 3 She had been brought to Ferrara, through an elaborate ruse by which she was stolen from the city of Viterbo in a gambit reminiscent of St. Paul escaping from Damascus, especially to fill this prophetic, yet civic, function. In Ferrara, Lucia was established in the new convent for a community of Dominican Penitent Women formed around her and named, appropriately, Santa Caterina da Siena. 4 Suor Lucia inspired her patron, Ercole, to publish a treatise praising female prophets at court, in which Ercole suggested that every Chris- tian ruler had need of one. 5 Ercole's defense of female prophecy may reflect some uneasiness about the way he found a woman prophet for his court, or perhaps it reflects his concern to appear orthodox in the wake of the burning of his former spiritual mentor, Girolamo Savonarola, in 1498. Nevertheless, Ercole here describes a number of other women who served the same function in other Italian cities: Osanna Andreasi in Mantova, Stefana Quinzani in Crema for the Dukes of Milan, Colomba da Rieti in Perugia. 6 The little book was elegantly printed with woodcuts from Albrecht Durer's workshop, and was known throughout the Empire as a confirmation of the stigmata borne by Dominican holy women, particularly those of Catherine of Siena. 7 In the broad political and religious context of her time, Lucia Brocadelli's role in Ferrara made perfect sense. Suor Lucia's fame declined precipitously after the death of Ercole in 1505, however. As part of a movement restricting women's public 3 For details of Lucia Brocadelli's life of prophecy, see E. Ann Matter, 'Prophetic Patronage as Repression: Lucia Brocadelli da Narni and Ercole d'Este,' in Christendom and its Discontents: Exclusion, Persecution, and Rebellion, IOOO-IjOO, ed, Scott L. Waugh and Peter Diehl (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 168-176; Edmund G. Gardner, Dukes and Poets in Ferrara: A Study in the Poetry, Religion and Politics if the Fifleenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries (New York: Haskell House, 1904/1968), and Adriano Prosperi, 'Brocadelli (Broccadelli), Lucia,' in Di;;,ionario biograjico degli italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1972) XN:381-383. 4 Many documents from this house are found in Ferrara, Biblioteca della Curia Arcivescovale, Cartelle 25-26. 5 Letter of Ercole I dated March 4, 1500 (Modena, Archivio di Stato, Iurisdizione Sovrana, Santi e Beati 430 A), printed as Spiritualium personarumfeminei sexusfacta d'amira- tione digna (Nl1rnberg in 150!), a tract of twelve unpaginated leaves (six in Latin, six in German). 6 These figures are discussed by Zarri in Le sante vive. 7 For example, the story of Lucia, the Dominican Tertiary with the five wounds of Christ, was known to the German chronicler Johannes Trithemius, Joannis Trithemii Sponheimensis ... Annalium Hirsaugiensium Opus (Monastery of St. Gall: Joannes Georgius Schlegel, 1890). Thanks to Gabriella Zarri for this information. RELIGIOUS DISSIDENCE AND THE BIBLE 195 roles that would culminate in the decrees on monastic enclosure at the last session of the Council of Trent in 1563, the new Duke, Alfonso d'Este, quickly decreed that the Dominican Penitents' house should be a strictly enclosed community.8 This obviously limited Lucia's social and political roles, a consequence Alfonso may have planned in order to distance himself from Lucia's mentor, Girolamo Savonarola, who had been executed in Florence in 1498.9 Her reputation suffered even more after she was reported to have lost the marks of the stigmata, thus losing at least one aspect of her religious power. This was especially catastrophic since Lucia's fame as a stigmatist was one of the reasons for which Ercole had sought her in the first place; and because the possibility, likelihood and sanctity of women stigmatists was a hotly debated issue in the early sixteenth century.1O One consequence of this dramatic change of fortune was that, for the last three decades of her life, Lucia Brocadelli was isolated and strictly controlled (if not an out-and-out prisoner) in the very house that had been built for her. During these years, Suor Lucia is said to have written a number of collections of visions, but only one is extant, or at least positively identified. This text, the Liber or Seven Revelations of Lucia Brocadelli, is a richly imaginative spiritual text. According to a note written by a second hand in the single surviving manuscript, the text was copied by the author's own hand in 1544, the year of Suor Lucia's death. II 8 For these decrees, see Raymond Creytens, 'La riforma dei monasteri femminili,' in his Il concilio di Trento e la riforma tridentina (Rome: Herder, 1963) 1:45-83. 9 The relationship between Lucia Brocadelli and Savonarola has been proven by recent groundbreaking scholarship, see Tamar Herzig, 'The Rise and Fall of a Savona- rolan Visionary: Lucia Brocadelli's contribution to the Piagnone Movement,' Archivfor RiformationsgeschichteiArchivefor Riformation History 95 (Z004) 34-60. 10 Lucia Brocadelli's role in the disputes between Dominicans and Franciscans about whether or not Catherine of Siena, or indeed any woman, could bear the stigmata of Christ has been discussed by Gabriella Zarri in the joint article of E. Ann Matter, Armando Maggi, Maiju Lehmijoki-Gardner and Gabriella Zarri, 'Lucia Brocadelli da N arni: riscoperta di un manoscritto pavese,' Bollettino della Societa Pavese di Storia Patria 100 (zooo):173-199, see especially 189-199. 11 'Liber a Beata Lucia Narnien.(sic) manu propria Scriptus. Anno D(omi)ni MDXLIY,' Pavia, Biblioteca Civica 'Bonetta' MS II. lIZ (gia BIZ), flyleaf, See Xenio Toscani, Gatologo dei manoscritti della Biblioteca Givica 'Bonetta' Givici Istituti di Arte e Storia Pavia (Pavia: Tipografia del Libro, 1973), 79-80. I am grateful to Professor Toscani for his generous help, particularly in the early days of the discovery of the manuscript. This attribution and the title are written on the flyleaf in an eighteenth-century hand, but the hand of the seven revelations can be shown to be Suor Lucia's through 196 E. ANN MATTER The Seven Revelations is an important text for the study of women's religious expression in early modern Catholicism, especially since these visions are remarkably unmediated descriptions of spiritual experience, in the voice and the hand of a women author. They are, it is clear, directed towards a father confessor, perhaps Martino da Tivoli, who encouraged Suor Lucia to write about her life, or Arcangelo March- eselli, who was her confessor in Ferrara just before her death. 12 We cannot be sure if they were written down immediately after, or many years after, the experiences described, since the text is not specific as to the year in which the revelations were experienced. But even if the act of writing was an exercise in memory by an aged nun recalling her once powerful visionary gifts, it is a remarkable first-person record of a sixteenth-century woman's spiritual world. In the course of her seven visions, Suor Lucia is given a tour of Par- adise. Suor Lucia's Paradise is, perhaps unsurprisingly, an old-fashioned world, based in a traditional Christian apocalyptic cosmology and showing a medieval religious imagination. Her guides point out palaces, gardens, angels, maidens carrying cups, altars covered with cloths, heavenly seats, often in groups of four or seven. What is revealed to her comes straight from a long line of Christian apocalyptic literature, beginning, of course, with the last book of the New Testament, the Apocalypse or Revelation to John, although the text does not include even one direct quotation from the New Testament. This apocalyptic material is, instead, mediated through a long history of exegetical and comparison with autographs of letters she wrote to Ercole, Archivio di Stato di Mod- ena, Giurisdizione Sovrana, Busta 430, 'Lettere autografe e copie de lettere della Beata Suor Lucia da Narni.' I would like to thank Gabriella Zarri for help in locating these documents. For reproductions of Suor Lucia's hand in manuscripts in Modena and Pavia, see Matter et al., 'Lucia Brocadelli,' Fig. 3 and Fig. 4. We do not know when or how the manuscript came to Pavia, but the text designated as the Liber of Lucia Brocadelli appears as number I27-B 12 in Renato Soriga's list dated December I9IO, cf. Registro degli oggetti arrivati nel Museo (Pavia: Museo Civico di Storia Patria) quaderno 18 (1908-1927). For a critical edition of the text, 'Le Rivelazioni of Lucia Brcadelli da Narni,' ed. E. Ann Matter, Armando Maggi, and Maiju Lehmijoki-Gardner, Archivum fratrum praedicatorem 71 (200I):3II-344; see also Matter, et al., 'Lucia Brocadelli,' 174-177, for further information about this manuscript. 12 Giacomo Marcianese says that Martino da Tivoli encouraged Lucia to write about her life, and that Marcheselli copied these memorials, but both the original and the copies have been lost, Narratione della nascita, vita e morte della beata Lucia di Narni dell'ordine di San Domenico, Fondatrice del monastero di Santa Caterina da Siena in Ferrara (Ferrara: Vittorio Baldini, 1616),113-125. RELIGIOUS DISSIDENCE AND THE BIBLE 197 homiletic texts; but its most obvious and important source is a treatise by Lucia's fellow Dominican, the martyred spiritual and political leader of Florence, Girolamo Savonarola. 13 Savonarola's Compendium if Revelation l4 was published in his own life- time in both Latin and Italian, and was widely circulated. 15 It would not have been difficult for Suor Lucia to have owned a copy, espe- cially since her patron, Ercole d'Este, had carried on a spiritual cor- respondence with Savonarola. 16 Savonarola's message of reform had attracted a large following of religious women, and continued to influ- ence women's religious life even after his death. 17 Tamar Herzig has recently suggested that, in fact, Lucia Brocadelli had been a follower of Savonarola when she was still in Viterbo, that this connection was part of her attraction for Ercole, and that her eventual fall from grace in Ferrara was directly related to Savonarola's execution in 1498.18 The historical evidence Herzig adduces gives a fascinating background to the obvious close correspondence between the end of Savonarola's vision text and the beginning of Suor Lucia's Seven Revelations. The Compendium ends with a journey through a heavenly garden, where Savonarola, with Saint Joseph as his guide, sees such wonders as heav- enly palaces, legions of saints, and all the orders of angels. The journey ends with an audience with the Virgin Mary, who addresses Savonarola 13 On Savonarola, see Roberto Ridolfi, The Lifo if Girolamo Savonarola, trans. Cecil Grayson (New York: Knopf, 1959). For the cults that surrounded Savonarola, see Patrick Macey, Borifire Songs: Savonarola's Musical Legacy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998). 14 Girolamo Savonarola, Compendia di Rivelazioni: Testa fVlgare e Latino, Edizione Nazio- nale delle Opere di Girolamo Savonarola, ed. Angela Cruucitti (Rome: Angelo Belar- detti Editore, 1974). English translation by Bernard McGinn in Apocalyptic Spirituality (New York: Paulist Press, 1979), 192-275. 15 See the 'Nota critica' of Crucitti, 887-456. 16 For the correspondence between Savonarola and Ercole d'Este, see Antonio Cap- pelli, Fm Girolamo Savonarola e notizie intorno a suo tempo (Modena: Coi tipi di Carlo Vin- cenzi, 1896). 17 Cf. Gabriella Zarri, 'Colomba da Rieti e i movimenti religiosi femminili del suo tempo,' in Una santa, una citta edited by Giovanna Casagrande e Enrico Menesto (Spo- leto: Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1990), 89-108; Domenico Di Agresti, Sviluppi della riforma monastica savonaroliana (Florence: L.S. Olschki, 1980); F. William Kent, 'A Proposal by Savonarola for the Self-Reform of Florentine Women (March 1496)' Memorie domenicane n.s. 14 (1983): 335-341; Lorenzo Polizzotto, 'Savonarola, savo- naroliani e riforma della donna,' in Studi savanoroliani. Verso il V centenario, edited by Gian Carlo Garfagnini (Firenze: SISMEL, Edizioni del Galluzzo, 1996). 18 Tamar Herzig, 'The Rise and Fall of a Savonarolan Visionary.' 198 E. ANN MATTER as 'my son,' 'Figluol mio.' All of these narrative elements are amply present in Suor Lucia's Seven Revelations. 19 Explicit echoes of Savonarola's heavenly tour can be seen right at the beginning of Suor Lucia's First Revelation, where, led by the Virgin, she sees four crowns and four thrones; Savonarola, with St. Joseph as his guide, is shown one triple crown, a symbol of the Trinity, and a throne, designated as the Throne of Solomon, but occupied by a mother and child, symbols of the Church in the world. 20 Like Savona- rola' too, Suor Lucia is graced with a vision of many saints, including the Holy Innocents slain by Herod when Jesus was born,21 and the Nine Orders of the Angelic Host, as described classically in the Celestial Hierarchies of Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite. 22 But, there are also striking differences between Suor Lucia's trip through heaven and that of the formidable Fra Girolamo. First and most striking is the fact that, while Suor Lucia's Revelations are the whole of her narrative, Savonarola's heavenly tour is only the last part of a series of visions that begin with a long debate with the devil in the guise of a friar. Whereas Lucia is mosdy interested in justifying herself against the unfair treatment she has endured, Savonarola is largely concerned with God's will for a good government in Florence. All of the Compendium if Revelation, even the tour of heaven, as so much of Savonarola's spirituality, is expressed in the context of the spiritual state of Florence; even the saints and angels he is shown by St. Joseph are explicidy related to Florence. In contrast, Lucia's visions, although in some ways theologically sophisticated, are not at all politicized. The Seven Revelations is instead overwhelmingly personalized. There are also striking differences in the use of the Bible in the two texts. Savonarola shows his theological learning by quoting widely from scripture. In just the last part of the Compendium, the part that is congru- ent with Suor Lucia's visions, he cites the Bible 49 times, quoting from 19 For a close comparison between the two visionary treatises see the translation of the Seven Revelations by E. Ann Matter in Maiju Lehmijoki-Gardner, Dominican Penitent ftOmen, 212-243. 20 'Le Rivelazioni,' 316, trans. Matter, 216; compare to Savonarola, ed. McGinn, pp. 242- 247. 21 'Le Rivelazioni,' 317, trans. Matter, 217; compare to Savonarola, ed. McGinn, P230 . 22 See the English translation of the Celestial Hierarchies by Colm Luibheid, Pseudo- Diol1)isius: The Complete ftOrks (New York: Paulist Press, 1987),143-191. 'Le Rivelazioni,' 317, trans. Matter 217-218; the parallel scene in Savonarola's Compendium is on pp. 256- 264 ofMcGirm's translation. RELIGIOUS DISSIDENCE AND THE BIBLE 199 Exodus, Kings, Psalms (21 times), Proverbs, Isaiah, Ezekiel, Lamenta- tions, Zechariah, Daniel, Judith, Wisdom, Matthew, Luke, John, Ro- mans, 2 Corinthians, Hebrews, James and Apocalypse. Most of these are single allusions, a few are quoted twice or three times, but the Psalter is quoted no fewer than 2 I times. All of the Biblical quotations in Savonarola's trip to Paradise are proclaimed (usually by saints or angels) in Latin. In one passage, the visionary goes up a staircase of the Orders of the Angels, quoting serial verses from Psalm 19. 23 The use of the Bible in Lucia Brocadelli's Seven Revelations is quite a different story. For one thing, only nine Bible verses are quoted by Suor Lucia, in seven different places. Not one of these is a verse quoted by Savonarola in his tour of Paradise. In other words, if Suor Lucia's visionary imagery borrowed heavily from Savonarola, her use of the Bible seems to be all her own. And it is a creative and idiosyncratic use of the Bible, so interesting that it is worth looking closely at all seven instances in which Suor Lucia quotes from scripture. In the First Revelation, Suor Lucia sees three angels of the Order of the Seraphim who present a cup to the Lord. The text continues: And then that sweet goodness called this, his daughter, by her own name 24 and said: 'Sweetest daughter, come to me.' And she went before the presence of her spouse, and she knelt down. And then sweet Jesus went above that cup and said to her: 'Daughter, look in this cup.' And, looking, she saw inside four liquids, which were these: the first was bal- sam, the second was oil, the third was liquid gold, the fourth and last was wine. And the divisions that separated these four liquids were of crystal. And sweet Jesus said to his daughter: 'I want to tell you, 0 most beloved daughter, what this cup is, and what these four liquids mean. So, daugh- ter, know that this cup signifies my humanity. Balsam denotes my wis- dom, that which is given to my soul. But, since balsam is superior to all other liquids in goodness and virtue, odor and medicine, so was the wisdom given to my soul superior to all created wisdom. Oil, dearest daughter, signifies the humility and meekness given to that soul and its action; and this is because oil humbles everything on which it is placed, and is good for many things. It is a peaceful liquid, just as my soul was peaceful. I know how to suffer every evil and torment, as I did at the time of my Passion when I preached with all humanity. 23 In McGinn's translation, 262-264. 24 'Le Rivelazioni,' 318, trans. Matter, 218. This is the first of five times Lucia mentions that she is called by name in the visions. The first four times the speaker is Jesus, the final time, the only time her name is actually recorded in the text, trans. Matter, 239; the speaker is the Virgin Mary. 200 E. ANN MATTER And gold signifies my divinity because, just as gold is superior to all other metals in beauty, in the same way, my divinity is superior to all created things. And first this shows the humanity of the divinity25 because the divinity conserves all created things and keeps those things lost by the flesh. The wine denotes my Passion and the wine is more like me than other liquids because since wine is pressed by clogs,26 thus did my blood flow out of my humanity by the great force of my torments. But since wine gladdens the heart of men,'27 so is my blood a comfort to the human soul. The quotation at the very end is to Vulgate Psalm 103, quoted in Italian: 'Pero che Eel] vino comforta el core dell'omo,, instead of the Latin 'Et vinum laetificit cor hominis.'28 There is a theological message in this account, but it has to do with the humanity and divinity of the Incarnate Christ, to which this Biblical quotation is almost an afterthought. The second use of the Bible is in the Second Revelation, where Suor Lucia sees a beautiful palm tree with seven large roots and nine branches. Angels from each of the nine Orders sat on the branches, and the angels and the branches moved in unison. Jesus says to her: '0, my dearest daughter, 0 my beloved, what do you think, of the beauty of this tree and its branches and roots?' She answered: 'My sweetest spouse, it seems to me of such and so much beauty that if I had all the understanding of all the men of our world, and of all creatures, I would not be able to nor know how to tell it.' My sweet love, Jesus, answered: 'You speak the truth, beloved daughter, unless it happened by my wish.' And rising up after this speech, he stepped down from his throne and said to her: 'My dear daughter, come with me, for I wish to show you still greater marvels than this tree.' And so sweet Jesus took her by the hand, and kissed her sweetly, and went toward the tree. And coming near it, sweet Jesus leaned down and touched the root of the tree, saying to this his servant, 'Look, 0 my sweet daughter, my much beloved, at these roots.' And she, looking, saw on each root a verse that said: '0 God of love. '29 And when she saw this, sweet Jesus 25 'la umanitade de la divinitade,' 'Le Rivelazioni,' 318 trans. Matter, 218, one of Lucia's many references to the human nature of Christ, a focal point of her devotional theology. See especially Revelation Three. 26 'per Ii zioculari,' 'Le Rivelazioni,' 318, a reference to the stamping out of wine by feet. 27 'Le Rivelazioni,' 318, c Psalm 103 (104).15. 28 Pavia, Biblioteca Civica 'Bonetta,' MS II. 112 (gia BI2), fols. 3'-4 r . 29 '0 Dio de amore,' c 2Corinthians 13.II, IJohn 4.7- RELIGIOUS DISSIDENCE AND THE BIBLE 201 said to her: 'Dear daughter, now look well, first I want to open these doors so that you can see what is inside.'30 Again, the Biblical quotation, this time to 2 Corinthians I3.II and IJohn 4.7 is in Italian: '0 Dio de amore.' But it is immediately followed by another Biblical quotation more in the style of Savonarola, a para- phrase of Ecclesiasticus 39.25. The text continues: And just as soon as sweet Jesus had said these words, all the doors were opened with great and sweet sounds, and much wonder, so that all the heavens were heard, and sounds of marvelous harmony, in such a way that all the angels, and the saints major and minor, and all the blessed souls sang lauds, all according to their own eternal understanding. Sweet Jesus said to this his servant: 'Tell me, 0 my beloved daughter, does this not seem a great thing?' She answered: 'Domine mi, nihil est mirabile magne tue potentie.'3J 'My Lord,' she said, 'nothing is as greatly mar- velous as your power.' To this sweet and good Jesus replied: 'You speak truly, most beloved daughter, but human understanding is also mar- veloUS.'32 Here, Lucia answers Jesus in Latin, and translates into Italian for the sake of her audience, or perhaps of the implied reader, since we could assume that her confessor understood Latin. This Latin quotation and Italian translation are interesting. It happens frequently in the text, although not usually in the form of a Biblical quotation. Perhaps it reflects Savonarola's Italian version of the Compendium, where quotations from the Bible and liturgy appear in Latin, although these, on the other hand, are not translated, not even in the Italian version of the Compendium. The next Biblical quotation, in the Third Revelation, is also given first in Latin and then translated into Italian. This revelation takes place in a marvelous castle, in which Suor Lucia sees Jesus and his mother, the Virgin Mary. Jesus is seated on a throne. Mary is seated beside him; then she gets up and bows down and kisses his feet. All the angels follow her in this; then the Virgin sits down again on her seat. When all of the heavenly host were in place: Then this sweetest Jesus called this, his servant, and said to her: 'Does it seem to you, dearest daughter and my beloved, a marvelous and beautiful thing that they all recognize me according to their intellect, 30 'Le Rivelazioni,' 321-322, trans. Matter, 218-219. 3J Cf. Ecclesiasticus 39.25: 'a saeculo usque in saeculum respicit et nihil est mirabile in conspectu eius.' 32 'Le Rivelazioni,' 322, trans. Matter, 222. 202 E. ANN MATTER and that some thank me with their intellect and their merits, through which they are saved?' To which she replied: 'Domine mi nihil est tibi peris quia omnia potes quecunque volis.' 'My Lord,' she said, 'Nothing is marvelous in your presence, since you can do anything you want.'33 Then sweet Jesus came down from his throne and, holding his sweetest mother, the Virgin Mary, by the hand, he said to this, his servant: '0 my most beloved daughter, do you still see this castle?' And she, looking around, saw nothing of that castle, but she saw its form, with all beauty, in the face of the Divine Majesty.34 Once again, Lucia speaks to Jesus in Latin and then translates into Italian for the benefit of her readers. The phrase 'omnia potes' is attributed to God twice in the Vulgate: in Job 42.2 and Wisdom of Solomon 11.24. The allusion here to a miracle of reflection (a theme found a number of times in the Seven Revelations, where something (in this case the castle in which they were sitting) vanishes, only then to be seen in the face of Jesus. As Armando Maggi has pointed out, the image of the mirror is used by Suor Lucia to emphasize the dual roles of Jesus, who reflects both our humanity and his divinity.35 In the Fourth Revelation, the visionary is again invited to look into the face of Jesus: And she, with all patience, looked into the face of her sweetest love. And at once she recognized three persons in one essence, and she knew how the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son. And when this was done, the Divine Majesty stood up from his chair onto his feet, and gave witness to the Trinity in the Unity and Divinity of the Person of the Son, of the True Person of the Father and of the divinity of the Holy Spirit.36 Then the city she had been shown in this vision disappears: And that sweet goodness said to this, His unworthy servant: 'Now, dear daughter, where is this city?' And he murmured: 'I am 37 all of these things, and I humble myself to show you my own self before you in this form.' And when this His servant looked at that Divine Majesty, she sawall of that aforementioned city in his breast. And then that Infinite Goodness said to this, his useless servant: 'My dearest daughter, to me very beloved, I do not wish to tell you more about this.'38 33 Cf.Job 42.2, Wisdom of Solomon 11.24. 34 'Le Rivelazioni,' 328, trans. Matter, 229. 35 Matter et aI., 'Lucia Brocadelli,' 179-181. 36 'Le Rivelazioni,' 330, trans. Matter, 231. 37 C( Exodus 3.14. 38 'Le Rivelazioni,' 330-331, trans. Matter, 232. RELIGIOUS DISSIDENCE AND THE BmLE The words spoken by Jesus are a Macaronic combination: '10 sum,' a mixture of Latin and Italian, and a possible reference to God's description of himself to Moses on Mount Horeb: 'I AM WHO AM,' in the Latin 'EGO SUM QUI SUM.' Like the last quotation, the Bible is used to emphasize the powers of Christ, and specifically at a moment when there is a reflection (this time of a sort of Augustinian City of God) in the face (this time, the bosom) of Jesus. The Fifth Revelation begins in a marvelous piazza, filled with saints and angels singing wonderful lauds to Jesus. Lucia relates: Then all the saints kneeled before the Divine Majesty with new songs and softest lauds. Then he gave each of them a new garment, and as soon as they saw themselves clad in it, they went before the Lord and kneeled down. That sweetest Lord stretched out his hand to them, and each angel placed his hand in the hand of the sweet Lord. And they all stayed like this. And then that sweet goodness said 'My daughter, look carefully at these things so that you can tell your confessor.' And then he said to the angels 'And what thing do you say about me?'39 And they answered saying: 'Lord, we say that your power is great and high.' And when the angels had said this, the Lord made them all sit in their places, and they, seeing each one sit in his place, thanked the Divine Majesty for his great glory according to their intellect. 40 The Biblical allusion is to Matthew 16.15, where Jesus asks his disciples, 'Vos autem quem me esse dicitis?' and Peter answers, 'Tu es Christus, filius Dei vivi.' In the Gospel, as in the revelation of Suor Lucia, Jesus rewards his followers for understanding his true power, as the angels say here: 'Signore nostro, noi dicemo che e magna e alta la tua poten- tia.' Again, the Biblical reference is used to underline a Christological message. All of this makes the last Biblical allusion in the Seven Revelations particularly interesting, for its message is not about the divinity of Christ, but about the special power of the Virgin Mary. This happens in the Sixth Revelation, where Suor Lucia comes before the throne of the Virgin, just as Savonarola does at the end of his heavenly journey in the Compendium. This time, the Virgin calls Lucia by name: '0 figliola mia e sposa de mio fioglio e tuo nome Luce perche sei fiola de la e[teJrna luce,'41 that is, '0 my daughter and spouse of my son, your name is Light because you are the daughter of the eternal light.' 39 Cf. Matthew 16.15. 40 'Le Rivelazioni,' 331, trans. Matter, 233. 41 Ibid., 337, trans. Matter, 239. 20 4 E. ANN MATTER The Virgin continues: 'non ti pare a ti, fiola, che io sia pulcra e bela?'42 'Do I not seem lovely and beautiful to you, daughter?' As Lucia tries to describe the beauty of the Virgin, Jesus explains that he could show her even more wondrous beauties, except for the fact that Lucia's eyes could not bear it. At this point, Suor Lucia's voice breaks through the text with an intertexual comment: 'This is not well written, Father Confessor, I will go back again to say it better so that there will be passages that you can see in this glory as much as you can see it in its fullness, how the triumphs of heaven are marvelous and adorned above all things, and the one who does this will be blessed. '43 Such a metatextual interruption of the narrative has happened twice before in the Seven Revelations, but this one is particularly interesting because in rephrasing, Suor Lucia quotes for the last time from the Bible, and gives her quotation a special twist: And when the Divine Majesty had said this, all the angels moved and made a great reverence to the Empress of Heaven, with lauds, with sweet and high songs. Then the Divine Majesty took his mother by the hand and made her sit with him on his throne, saying: 'Hec est regina da qua semper delectatus sum.' 'This is the Queen of whom 1 am always pleased, even to the highest delight.'44 And as soon as sweet Jesus had said these words, all the blessed souls and all the male and female saints knew the beauty of sweet Mary, some more, some less. And sweet Jesus said to this his servant: 'I would like you to know, my most beloved daughter, that my mother is always pure and beautiful and remains always in such beauty, but this cannot be known by all. 1 wished to spill out my grace on your eyes so that you could knOw. '45 The reference here is to Matthew 17.5, where, at the baptism of Jesus, God the Father pronounces that he is pleased with his Son. This time, Jesus speaks in Latin: 'Hec est regina de qua semper delectatus sum,'46 an echo of the Vulgate 'Hie est Filius meus dilectus, in quo mihi bene complacui,' and Lucia translates into Italian: 'Hec la regina de la quale sempre me delectai, e somi dilectato,' literally, 'This is the Queen, of whom I am always delighted, even to the highest delight.' 42 Ibid., 337, trans. Matter, 239. 43 Ibid., 337, trans. Matter, 239-240. 44 Here as in other places, the Italian adds some commentary to the Latin, rather than translating it exacdy. There is an allusion in this phrase to the voice from Heaven at the baptism of Jesus in the River Jordan, cf. Matthew 17.5. 45 'Le Rivelazioni,' 337, trans. Matter, 240. 46 Ibid. 337. RELIGIOUS DISSIDENCE AND THE BIBLE 20 5 Two things are striking about this allusion to the Gospel of Matthew: first, it shows a very high level of marian devotion, even to likening the Virgin to Jesus, since in Suor Lucia's molding of Matthew, Jesus is to God the Father as the Virgin Mary is to Jesus. Second, and perhaps more surprising, is the fact that Suor Lucia is actually molding the reference; making a recognizable allusion, but changing it even at such a basic level as changing the interlocutors, and then further changing the translation from Latin to Italian by adding the emphatic phrase 'a somi delectato,, even more pleased than the Father was with the Son at the baptism of Jesus. In other words, here Suor Lucia is not just referring to the Bible, and certainly not quoting from it directly, but using it in a loose way to make a theological point. The text of the Gospel of Matthew becomes a vehicle for expression of something related but quite different: not exactly an allegorical interpretation, but rather a rephrasing of the Bible. In fact, all of the five places where I have uncovered references to the Bible are equally creative and independent references. When I began this essay, I was working through the obvious paral- lels between Suor Lucia Brocadelli's visions of Paradise and the sim- ilar scenes described by Savonarola in the Compendium qf Revelation. For this reason, I assumed the Bible used by Suor Lucia would be a 'Savonarolan' Bible, that is, that it would echo Savonarola's choices of Biblical texts and interpretations. But I was wrong. Certainly, there is a direct influence here, and as far as the heavenly scenes revealed to the visionary are concerned, the Seven Revelations could be called a Savonarolan text. Yet, Suor Lucia's use of the Bible is remarkably idiosyncratic and, like the Seven Revelations in general, very personal. Savonarola's Bible shows his context and training: for example, the large number of references to the Psalms is just what one would expect from a friar; but Suor Lucia, who says in the Fourth Revelation that she says her Office once a week, with no sense that she should say it every day, does not reflect this liturgical use of the BibleY In short, Lucia Brocadelli is not just following Savonarola's use of the Bible, but has made her own very personal selection. Was this selective Bible the product of dissidence? Not in a Savona- rolan way, to be sure. Fra Girolamo's Compendium qf Revelation relates every bit of the visions of Paradise to the spiritual welfare of the City of 47 Ibid., 329, when the angels praise her, Suor Lucia says: 'E questo credo che procedese perche a[s]sai tempo che lei fa ogni setimana una volta 10 suo oficio.' 206 E. ANN MATTER Florence; Suor Lucia's enemies were emphatically personal, and so was her use of the Bible. Yet it is clear that she has one great theological concern: the defense of the divinity of Christ. Why is Suor Lucia so interested in Trinitarian, and specifically Incarnational theology? What accounts for the particular concern of this text with the Incarnation of Christ and the simultaneous humanity and divinity of the Second Person of the Trinity? I can think of two possible answers to these questions. One possibility is social and has to do with the theological worlds that Lucia Brocadelli may have witnessed in Ferrara. It just may be that she was aware of an established, wealthy, educated, important and influential community in Ferrara that denied these very things that her Revelations insist upon: the simultaneous humanity and divinity of Christ. That community was, of course, the Jews. 48 Especially during her period of glory at the court of Ercole I, Lucia may have met influ- ential Jewish scholars, or at least heard a description of their beliefs, including the rejection of a triune God. In this scenario, the Seven Reve- lations takes on a dialogical, if not polemical, tone. The second possible explanation does not necessarily contradict this idea of a dialogue with non-Trinitarian theological ideas, but focuses instead on the traditional Christian trope of imitation of Christ. This devotional approach is especially evident in the Fourth Revelation, where Suor Lucia's psychological and physical sufferings, even her toothaches, are related to Christ's Passion. Especially as a repudiated and spiritually disinherited visionary, a self-understanding in imitatione Christi would also explain Suor Lucia's use of the Bible. In any case, the idiosyncratic Bible of Suor Lucia Brocadelli da Narni shows us several aspects of the 'new' biblicism that will become dominant in the sixteenth century. Here is a woman who uses the Bible more as a series of proof texts, that is, as verses lifted out of context to make a particular point, than as part of a more elaborate interpretative scheme following a theological, allegorical or liturgical system. Most often, she quotes scripture in Italian, and when she does cite a text in Latin, she is careful to translate it immediately. One really has to 48 For the Jews in Ferrara, see David B. Ruderman, The World qf a Renaissance Jew: The Lift and Thought qf Abraham ben Mordecai Farissol (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press; New York: Distributed by KTAV Pub. House, Ig81). Abraham ben Mordecai Farissol and Lucia Brocadelli were exact contemporaries. See also Abramo Pesaro, Memone stonche sulla comunita israelitica firrarese (Bologna: Forni, 1967). I thank Deeana Klepper, who first suggested this connection to me. RELIGIOUS DISSIDENCE AND THE BIBLE 20 7 wonder: how did she know the Bible? How did she read it? In Latin? In Italian? Outside of her notably infrequent recitation of the Office? Perhaps we will never be able to answer these questions completely; but it would be hard to imagine any answer that did not include the fact that these Biblical references have been crafted, each for a specific purpose, by an original, creative, and rather learned religious woman of Early Modern Italy. APOCALYPTIC ISM AND VIOLENCE: ASPECTS OF THEIR RELATION IN ANTIQUITY AND THE MIDDLE AGESl BERNARD MCGINN The apocalyptic worldview is inherently violent. Based on a vision of cosmos and history as the arena for an ongoing struggle between the forces of good and evil, the apocalyptic mentality sees violence all around-in past, present, and especially in the near future as the final contest looms. The conflict model at the heart of apocalypticism is also fundamentally mythical. The Jewish scribes who created apocalypti- cism during the Second Temple Period made use of ancient mythic paradigms to understand contemporary issues, mingling together the old story of origins and the new story of current events. 2 Thus, cos- mogony centering on the battle between the Warrior God (Baal, Mar- duk) and the dragon representing the forces of chaos was projected into the present and near future in order to set contemporary conflicts into a transcendental framework. Apocalyptic scenarios of history, however, unlike Norse myths for example, do not see evil, death and destruction as triumphant at the end. Conflict is not eternal. Despite the presence of malign powers, both in heaven and on earth, God still controls history. The world is ethically, but not metaphysically, dualistic. At the end of the present age God will triumph definitively over evil and his loyal followers will be rewarded for their suffering and constancy, especially by resurrection from the dead in order to enjoy final peace in the terrestrial messianic kingdom. 1 This essay originated in a lecture delivered at Ohio State University on April 3, 2003, as part of a symposium on the relation of religion and violence. I wish to thank the organizers of this symposium and the audience for their help in furthering my reflections on this important topic. 2 See Adela Yarbro Collins, ThR Apocalypse (Wilmington: M. Glazier, 1979), xi. For a summary of the relation of apocalyptic literature to ancient mythology, see Richard]. Clifford, Sj., 'The Roots of Apocalypticism in Near Eastern Myth,' inJohn ]. Collins, ed., The Encyclopedia qf Apocalypticism: The Origins qf Apocalypticism in Judaism and Christianity (New York: Continuum, 1998) I, 3-38. For a general introduction to Jewish apocalypticism, see John]. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination. An Introduction to the Jewish Matrix qf Christianity (New York: Crossroad, 1984). 210 BERNARD MCGINN The VISIOn of the no-holds-barred conflict between good and evil found in the apocalyptic texts created by Jews from the third century BCE to the second century CE made use of striking symbols, especially images of opposition painted in strong, even lurid, colors. A good example can be found in chapter seven of the Book of Daniel, the only apocalyptic text found in the Hebrew Bible, where four monstrous beasts emerging from the sea are contrasted with the heavenly 'Son of Man' who is given eternal sovereignty. The apocalyptic seer does not argue or invite-he sets down in writing a secret message sent by God, one which, when revealed, claims a total hold on the imagination and actions of believers. In this world everything is black or white; there are no grays, no room for ambiguity. In the Revelation of John, for example, the Son of Man commands the seer to write to the Angel (i. e., the bishop) ofthe unhappy Church of Lao dice a: 'I know your works; you are neither hot nor cold. I wish that you were either hot or cold. So, because you are lukewarm ... I am about to spit you out of my mouth' (Rv. 2.15) If apocalyptic texts employ a cosmic and transcendental sense of conflict to give meaning to current historical trials, does this mean that the apocalyptic worldview necessarily encourages believers to indulge in acts of violence? Are all apocalyptically inclined prophets, seers, and groups inherently 'revolutionary millenarians,' to use a phrase from the subtitle of Norman Cohn's influential book, The Pursuit if the Mil- lennium?3 The answer is surely no. The relation between apocalyptic belief systems and physical violence such as guerilla action, subver- sion, and open warfare is far more complicated and therefore more interesting than any simple correlation between belief in the imminent end of the age and willingness to engage in actual violence. The rela- tion between apocalypticism broadly conceived and conflict-religious, social, political-is ambiguous and often tangential, complicated by a host of social and ideological factors. Nevertheless, the history of the interaction of apocalypticism and violence is not merely random. When we investigate the history of apocalyptic beliefs in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, an interesting set of patterns begins to emerge. It is to these, or at to least some of them, that this essay is addressed. 3 Norman Cohn's The Pursuit if the Millennium was first published in 1957 with the subtitle Revolutionary Messianism in Medieval and RifOrmation Europe and Its Bearing on Modern Totalitarian Movements. The second edition of 196r bore the subtitle, Revolutionary Millenarians and Jvfystical Anarchists if the Middle Ages. APOCALYPTIC ISM AND VIOLENCE 2II To gain some perspective on such a large issue it will be helpful to begin by briefly sketching four different attitudes toward violence found in the apocalyptic literature of Second Temple Judaism. 4 These broad paradigms need to be understood in light of two caveats. The first is that not every holy war need be seen as an apocalyptic, or final, war. The books of Maccabees that provide the propaganda for the revolt of Judas Maccabeus and his brothers against the rule of Antiochus IV Epiphanes and the subsequent history of the Hasmonean house certainly make use of holy war motifs (e.g., I Mc. 4.30-33, 5.62, 7.40-42; 2 Mc. 2.21-22, 5.1-4, IO.2g-30, 15.8-16). Nevertheless, there is no evidence that the Maccabees were inspired by apocalyptic ideas, such as those found in the contemporary apocalypse of Daniel. 5 Their theocratic kingdom looked backward to the rule of David; not forward to a final messianic realm. The second cautionary observation concerns the difficulty of identifying the social context of the authors of many apocalyptic texts. Apocalypticism arose among circles of Jews in periods of political and religious oppression. There is little doubt that in its origins, at least, apocalypticism is a view of history designed to provide hope and consolation for the persecuted. Early apocalypticism was also a scribal phenomenon, the product of learned circles who hid their identity under the pseudonyms of ancient seers. While many attempts have been made to give further precision to the class and social location of the Jewish apocalypticists and their audience, there is little general agreement among scholars with regard to the background of many texts. It is true that we can discern the political position of some apocalyptic works by the opponents they mention, but in other cases the human enemies are difficult to determine with any certainty. Fundamental to apocalyptic belief systems is the conviction that God controls the course of history and that he has revealed his plan for the future to the elect. Victory over the forces of evil belongs to the Lord alone. But what should be the attitude of the faithful to whom he has disclosed the secret of his coming triumph? Four models of reaction to persecution, or at least perception of persecution, can be found in Jewish apocalyptic texts. They range from: 4 For what follows, I am indebted to the important article of Adela Yarbro Collins, 'The Political Perspective of the Revelation of John,' Journal of Biblical Literature 96 (1977):241-256, though my categories are somewhat different from hers. 5 For an introduction to the theology of I and 2 Maccabees, see John J. Collins, Daniel, 1-2Maccabees (Wilmington: M. Glazier, 1981), especially 149-152 and 259-267- 212 BERNARD MCGINN (1) passive submission such as we find in the book of Daniel; through (2) willingness to undergo martyrdom in order to bring on the final conflict; to (3) a belief that believers will soon be called to take up arms and fight on the side of the heavenly forces in the last battle; and finally (4) truly revolutionary apocalypticism that encourages armed resistance to the forces of evil. Daniel, written around 167 BCE, at least in its apocalyptic chapters 6-12, is a classic expression of what is the dominant apocalyptic reac- tion to violence directed against the faithful-the counsel to endure and to wait patiently for divine deliverance. In a typical vaticinium ex eventu in Daniel 11.33-35, the supposed sixth-century seer foretells the per- secution of Antiochus Epiphanes who will set up the 'abomination of desolation' in the Temple and divide the Jewish people into those who submit to flattery and abandon the Law and the remnant who stand firm. The text continues: Those of the people who are learned will instruct many; for some days, however, they will be brought down by sword and flame, by captivity and plundering ... Of the learned some will be brought down, as a result of which some of them will be purged, purified and made white-until the time ofthe end, for the appointed time is still to come (11.33-35). Later, in chapter 12.2-4, we hear of a resurrection from the dead (the earliest Biblical appearance of this e l i e ~ in which some awake to shame, but 'the learned will shine as brightly as the vault of heaven.' Daniel obviously expects some of his learned audience to suffer mar- tyrdom, but he does not encourage human resistance to Antiochus- Antichrist, noting in 8.25 that 'by no human hand he shall be broken,' something which goes contrary to the insurrection against Antiochus initiated by the Maccabees. The persecutor's destruction is soon to come, but by divine, not human, action: 'He [the evil one] will pitch the tents of his royal headquarters between the sea and the mountains of the Holy Splendor. Yet he will come to his end-there will be no help for him' (11.45). Daniel knows that the just will suffer death in the time of persecu- tion, but be rewarded for their sufferings. A later Jewish apocalypse known as the Assumption, or better, Testament qf Moses, probably dating to the early years of the first century CE, envisages a different scenario, one in which martyrdom is actively welcomed in order to hasten the final battle and deliverance of the just. 6 Cast as a death-bed speech 6 On the Assumption of Moses, see the translation and discussion by J. Priest in The APOCALYPTICISM AND VIOLENCE by Moses, this text foretells the history of the Jews down to the time when a Levite named Taxo and his seven sons submit to martyrdom. In chapter nine the mysterious Taxo (the name is still open to interpre- tation) and his offspring retire into a cave. 'There let us die,' continues the account, 'rather than transgress the commandments of the Lord of Lords,. the God of our fathers. For if we do this, and do die, our blood will be avenged before the Lord' (9.7). Immediately after, in chapter ten, we find a powerful description of the apocalyptic triumph of God over the devil and the exaltation of Israel in the last days. Though some have questioned whether the martyrdom and the eschatological victory are necessarily connected, this seems the most likely explanation. 7 A third attitude toward apocalyptic violence can be found among the sectaries who established their own form of Judaism in the area of Qumran near the Dead Sea in the second century BeE. The mem- bers of the Qumran community did not compose apocalypses, but they read them with avidity and there is little question that their outlook was deeply apocalyptic. 8 With regard to their dualistic and deterministic view of history, their division of history into epochs, and their expec- tation of an imminent and final intervention of God to destroy evil once and for all, the texts produced at Qumran express an apocalyp- tic worldview. What is new in the literature of the Qumran community, especially in the second-century 'War Scroll,' to quote the words of Flo- rentino Garcia Martinez, is the development of 'the apocalyptic idea of an eschatological war in which the heavenly forces help Israel to defeat the nations in a final war in which all evil will be destroyed.'9 So, while the Qumran community did not summon believers to immediate mili- tary action, they did believe that the community must be ready to take up arms when the divine call would come. 1O The militancy of Qum- Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Apocalyptic Literature and Testaments, James H. Charlesworth, ed. (Garden City: Doubleday, 1983), 919-934, as well as the comments ofJohnJ. Collins in Michael E. Stone, ed., Jewish Writings qf the Second Temple Period (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984), 344-349 7 See, e. g., J. Licht, 'Taxo, or the Apocalyptic Doctrine of Vengeance,' Journal qf Jewish Studies 12 (1961):95-103. 8 For an introduction to Qumranic apocalypticism, see Florentino Garcia Martinez, 'Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls,' in Collins, vol. 1, 162-192. 9 'Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls,' 191. 10 The preparation for the final conflict is most evident in the text known as the 'War Scroll.' For a translation of this text and related fragments, see Florentino Garcia Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated: The Qymran Texts in English (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996, 2 nd ed.), 95-125. For further discussion, see Stone, 426-427; 515-517- 214 BERNARD MCGINN ranie apocalypticism is different from that of the Assumption if Moses- believers should be ready to fight. Were there Jewish apocalypticists of the Second Temple Period who actually did take up arms on the basis of their beliefs about the end? None of the more than twenty surviving Jewish texts that can be called apocalypses supports this view, but the apocalyptic mentality cannot be limited to these texts alone. If the Maccabean revolt was not apocalyp- tically motivated, what about the insurrection of the Zealots of the first century CE and the revolt of Bar Kochba in the second century? Mar- tin Hengel among others has argued for an eschatological motivation for the Jewish War instigated by the Zealots that led to the destruc- tion of Jerusalem in the year 70, but the evidence is fragmentary.ll The argument seems stronger for the Bar Kokhba revolt that lasted from 132 to 135 CEo Bar Kokhba and his followers were fighters not writ- ers; the letters discovered by Yigael Yadin and others, valuable as they are, are brief military and business documents. 12 Nevertheless, the coins minted during the brief kingdom established by Bar Kochba and his group show that they conceived of their initially successful resistance against Roman rule as the onset of the messianic age, as is evident from inscriptions that read 'Year One [or Year Two] of the Freedom [or Redemption] of Israel [or Jerusalem].' Also indicative is the witness of the rabbis, most of them bitter opponents, who accused Bar Kokhba of being a false messiah. A passage from the tractate Ta'aniyot, for example, criticizes Rabbi Akiva for having hailed Kochba (Koziba) as Messiah. 13 Bar Kokhba's revolt, therefore, appears to be an early exam- ple of Norman Cohn's 'revolutionary millenarianism.' In any case, his militant messianism shows that early Jewish apocalypticism allowed for a wide variety of reactions to persecution and repression, from com- plete passivity to the translation of cosmic violence into present military action. II Martin Hengel, Die :?,eloten (Leiden: Brill, 1961), 265-277; 289-292. 12 Yigael Yadin, Bar-Kokhba. The Rediscovery if the Legendary Hero if the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome (New York: Random House, 1971). This work describes the discovery of the letters and includes translations. 13 PT Ta'aniyot 4:68d: 'R. Shimon b. Yohai taught: My master Akiva would ex- pound: "A star has risen from Jacob" (Num. 24.17): Koziba has risen from Jacob. When R. Akiva would see bar-Koziba he would say: "This is the King the Messiah." R. Yohanen b. Torta said to him: "Akiva, grass will grow out of your cheeks and the Son of David will still not come.'" For Rabbinic texts on Bar-Kokhba, see Yadin, Bar- Kokhba, 23-26. APOCALYPTICISM AND VIOLENCE 21 5 The attitudes of Christian and Islamic apocalypticists to the use of violence were also varied, though this essay allows only for a discus- sion of Christian evidence. It is worth noting, however, that a number of scholars of Islam, such as Paul Casanova and Said Arjomand, have argued that early Islam was far more apocalyptic, and often violendy apocalyptic, than standard Western views have allowed. 14 The apoca- lyptic fervor behind current Islamic rejection of the Western world is not a recent phenomenon. The development of apocalypticism over almost two millennia of Christian history is complex and controversial, but a tentative inter- pretive framework may help understand some of the variations in the way in which apocalyptic beliefs, at least in antiquity and the Middle Ages, have viewed armed violence. Although apocalypticism in Judaism and Christianity began with persecuted minorities, it is important to remember that in the case of Christianity the scattered and persecuted early Christian communities eventually triumphed to become the dom- inant majority in the Roman empire. It is no accident that the first four centuries of the history of Christian apocalyptic beliefs display atti- tudes towards violence similar to the first two Jewish types sketched above-that is, passive acceptance of suffering, and even willingness to undergo martyrdom, in the light of the coming divine reward. Mter the conversion of the Roman Empire, however, accessibility of apocalyptic rhetoric to powerful political and ecclesiastical elites produced a situa- tion in which apocalypticism could be employed in an active way, that is, to encourage military action against threats to the imperium romanum et christianum. The extent to which Jesus of Nazareth can be seen as an apoca- lyptic prophet has been a subject for debate for over two centuries. A generation ago the regnant New Testament scholarship was strongly opposed to an apocalyptic view of Jesus. Recent trends in New Testa- ment research that have reconnected Jesus to the Jewish world of his time have allowed for a more apocalyptic reading of his message. 15 In any case, most recent historians of the early Church agree that Chris- tianity, the religion begun by those groups of Jews who confessed the 14 See Said Arjomand, 'Islamic Apocalypticism in the Classic Period,' The Encyclo- pedia if Apocalypticism. Vol. 2. Bernard McGinn, ed., Apocalypticism in Western History and Culture (New York: Continuum, 1998), 238-283, and the literature cited there. 15 On the apocalyptic Jesus, see, e. g., Dale C. Allison, Jesus if Nazareth: Millenarian Prophet (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998); and Bart D. Ehrman, Jesus: Apocalyptic Prophet if the New Millennium (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). 216 BERNARD MCGINN risen Jesus as Lord and Messiah, originated as an apocalyptic sect within Judaism. Nevertheless, the earliest forms of Christianity, as rep- resented by texts that span the half-century between c. 50 and 100 CE, already display a variety of forms of apocalypticism, as well the begin- nings of reactions against belief in the imminent return of Christ to establish a messianic realm on earth. 16 The more closely studied it is, the more complex early Christianity appears. The best-known early Christian apocalypse, the late first-century Jewish-Christian Revelation, or Apocalypse, of John, shares the view of the Testament of Moses concerning the value of welcoming martyrdom as the best way to hasten God's final intervention. The author of Rev- elation was strongly opposed to Rome; his book is filled with calls for vengeance on the great persecutor. Particularly savage is the account in chapter nineteen of the battle between Christ, the Rider called 'Faith- ful and True,' and his heavenly armies, all seated on white horses, and the Seven-Headed Beast, the kings of the earth, and their forces. In this battle, however, as well as in the final struggle in which Satan is released from prison to summon Gog and Magog to attack 'the camp of the holy ones and the beloved city' (Rv. 20)-10), there is no talk of the human warriors fighting with the heavenly forces. Modern interpreters of Revelation have debated whether revenge upon one's enemies or the triumph of divine justice over evil is the dominant motif of the book. 17 Since both themes intermingle through- out the text, the answer is very much in the eye of the beholder. What is clear is that the slaughter (real or imagined) of innocent Christians by the satanic power of Rome is seen as helping hasten the end because a fixed number of martyrs must die before God intervenes. In Revelation 6.g-II, for example, at the opening of the fifth seal, the seer beholds under the altar 'the souls of those who had been slaughtered because of the witness they bore to the word of God.' They cry out: 'How long will it be, holy and true master, before you sit in judgement and avenge 16 For an introduction, see 'Part 3. Apocalypticism in Early Christianity,' in Collins, vol. 1. 17 A good example of the dismissal of Revelation as the vengeance-filled production of a second-rate mind can be found in the noted posthumous work of D.H. Lawrence, Apocalypse (New York: VIking Press, 1932). Among modern interpretations that have sought to vindicate the ongoing theological significance of the work, see, e.g., Jacques Ellul, Apocalypse: The Book qf Revelation (New York: Seabury Press, 1977); and Elisabeth Schussler Fiorenza, The Book qf Revelation. Justice and Judgement (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985). APOCALYPTIC ISM AND VIOLENCE 2 1 7 our blood on the inhabitants of the earth?' They are told to be patient for a little while longer until their number is complete. 18 There is evidence for strong anti-Romanism in other currents of early Christian apocalypticism, such as the Christian Sibyllines and the poet Commodian, who probably wrote in the mid-third century.19 There are also accounts indicating that apocalyptic beliefs helped trig- ger social disruptions, such as those associated with the wandering prophets of the Montanist movement (c. 170), or at the time of the persecutions under the emperor Severus (c. 200-203).20 However, there is no evidence that ardent Christian apocalypticists ever took up arms against imperial Rome, even in times of persecution. A growing major- ity of Christians sought accommodation with the empire, following the advice suggested by the Apostle Paul in Romans 13.1-7. Among the most important patristic apocalyptic authors was the Roman rhetorician, Lactantius, the seventh book of whose Divine Insti- tutes (c. 313) contains a fully realized account of the last events. 21 Lactan- tius believed that before the end Rome would perish in a welter of war and cosmic disturbances (7.15-16). Two Antichrists will arise to perse- cute the faithful-the first a Nero redivivus; the second 'a king, born of an evil spirit, who will arise from Syria' (7.17). In the midst of the latter's persecutions the just will flee into the desert. The wicked king and his army will pursue them and lay siege to the holy mountain where they have taken refuge. Again, it is telling that the just do not fight against him, but rather 'call out to God with a great voice and beg divine aid.' Lactantius continues: 'God will hear them and from heaven will send the Great King who will rescue them and free them. He will destroy all 18 See A. Collins, 'The Political Perspective of John,' 245-256, arguing on the basis of such texts as Rev. 6.9-1I, 16.5-7, 19.1-8, and 20.4-6. 19 On the Sibylline literature, both Jewish and Christian, see JJ. Collins, 'Sibylline Oracles (Second Century B.C.-Seventh Century A.D.). A New Translation and Intro- duction,' in Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 317-472. For the poet Commodian, see Brian E. Daley, The Hope qf the Ear!J Church: A Handbook qf Patristic Eschatology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 162-164, who, however, accepts a fifth-century dat- ing for the poet. 20 See Gustave Bardy, ed., Eusebius, Histoire ecclisiastique (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1952): VI.VII; Ernest Evans, ed., Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972): III.XXN; and Hippolytus, Commentaire sur Daniel (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1947) rv.XVIII-XIX. For an account of this disturbance, Robert M. Grant, From Augustus to Constantine (New York: Harper & Row, 1970), 138-140. 21 For a translation and commentary on Book 7 of the Institutiones Divinae, see Bernard McGinn, Apoca!Jptic Spirituality (New York: Paulist Press, 1979), 17-80. 218 BERNARD MCGINN the wicked with fire and sword' (7.17).22 Lactantius was a firm believer in a literal thousand-year reign of Christ and the resurrected saints on earth (7.24), though most Christians had spiritualized this apocalyptic promise by his time. Into his account of the millennial kingdom he slips a note of future revenge taken by the just on their human foes: 'The nations are not to be totally destroyed, but some will be left for God's victory so that the just can triumph over them and subject them to eternal servitude' (7.24). Lactantius was the tutor of the sons of Constantine. With the new emperor's conversion to Christianity a decisive change in Christian apocalyptic traditions became possible. The Jewish apocalypse known as Fourth Ezra of about 100 CE had already identified the fourth and last empire symbolized in the statue vision of Daniel 2 with Rome. 23 This identification became standard in the early church. The church father Tertullian, furthermore, had identified Rome as the mysterious 'restraining force' holding back the Antichrist mentioned in 2 Thessalo- nians 2.6. 24 In the light of Constantine's conversion, Lactantius's con- temporary, the imperial advisor Bishop Eusebius, went a step further in identifYing the increasingly Christian empire with the millennial king- dom promised in Old Testament texts. 25 In short, apocalyptic rhetoric and symbolism were now being put into service to support rather than subvert the political and ecclesiastical power of Rome. The adoption of apocalyptic language in the service of political power rather than in opposition to it need not imply violence as long as that power remains supreme and unchallenged. But a new situation emerged when the Christian Roman Empire entered into its time of troubles from the late fourth through the seventh centuries. If Rome 22 A second and longer description, found in 7.19 mentions a series of four battles, but once again Antichrist and the forces of human evil fight against Christ and an army of angels, not human combatants. After the millennial kingdom, similar to John's Revelation, there is a final attack of the Prince of Demons and his human allies against the holy city recounted in 7-26, but again the just are passive-'For three days God's people will hide in the caverns of the earth until his wrath against the nations and the LastJudgement will end.' 23 4Ezra 12:10-12, as found in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 550. 24 T.R. Glover, Gerald Henry Rendall, and Walter Charles Alan Kerr, eds., Tertul- lian, Apology (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977) XXXII; Earnest Evans, ed., De resurrectione carnis liber (London: S.P'C.K, 1960), 24. For a survey, see R.A. Markus, 'The Roman Empire in Early Christian Historiography,' The Downside Review 81 (1963):340-353. 25 For a survey of these texts, see Glenn F. Chestnut, The First Christian Historians (Paris: Beauchesne, 1977), 102, 160-161. APOCALYPTIC ISM AND VIOLENCE was now viewed as being on God's side, attacks on her could be viewed as attacks against God. It is even possible to take a further step and view such assaults as part of an apocalyptic scenario, that is, as having an intimate connection with the impending final battle between good and evil. In such a situation it could be argued that passive resistance and willingness to undergo martyrdom were not enough. Violence must be met by violence. Making this possibility a reality required two important develop- ments. The first was the emergence of an adversary of sufficient apoc- alyptic weight to epitomize, if not the ultimate earthly adversary (i. e., the Antichrist), at least his shock troops, or immediate predeces- sors. The second was the move from abstract theory to new symboliza- tion, since the apocalyptic mentality, as argued above, ultimately works through its powerful symbolic force. Although the barbarian invaders of Rome, such as the mid-fifth- century Vandals, were occasionally painted in apocalyptic terms,26 bar- barians came and went with depressing regularity and rapidity, if all too-real destruction. The rise of Islam in the seventh century was a different matter. Initially seen as just another barbarian attack on the sacred empire (not a new religion), it was the persistence of Islam and the way in which it rapidly became a dangerous political rival to Rome that first alerted Christian propagandists that Islam could be inter- preted in apocalyptic terms. The most important early witness for this is found in the late seventh-century Revelations qf Methodius, an apoca- lypse first written in Syriac, but soon translated into Greek and Latin. This popular text saw the 'sons of Ishmael' who had come forth 'from the desert of Ethribus' as the immediate predecessors of the Antichrist and the coming end. 27 In less than a century Islam and its prophet passed into the symbolic world of apocalyptic opposition-and have remained there ever since. While Muhammad was sometimes spoken 26 See, for example, the passage from Augustine's student, Bishop Quodvultdeus, translated in Bernard McGinn, Visions I!f the End. Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages (New York: Columbia University Press, 2nd ed., 1998), 53. 27 The Syriac original has been edited by GJ. Reinink, Die syrische Apokalypse des Pseudo-Methodius, CSCO 540 (Leuven: Peeters, 1993). The Greek and Latin versions can be found in WJ. Aerts and G.A.A. Kortekaas, Die Apokalypse des Pseudo-Methodius. Die iiltesten griechischen und lateinischen Ubersetzungen, CSCO 569-570 (Leuven: Peeters, 1993). There is a translation of the Syriac text of one manuscript version by Paul]. Alexander in The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition (Berkeley: University of California, 1985), 36-5I. For a translation of sections from the Latin version, see McGinn, Visions I!f the End, 70-76. 220 BERNARD MCGINN of as 'an antichirst,' it was the entity of Islam itself that most puzzled and threatened the Christian view of history. The other new development was legendary: the creation of the most important post-Biblical apocalyptic figure, the Last World Emperor. 28 Potent emperors and rulers, of course, were long a part of the apoc- alyptic imagination, though they usually had appeared on the neg- ative side. The Last Emperor was something new: a symbolic real- ization of the new positive role for Rome in the end time through the creation of the image of a coming quasi-Messiah, or stand-in for the Returning Christ. The Last Emperor Legend is probably another result of the Islamic attack. A text known as the Tiburtine Sibyl in its surviving Latin version (eleventh century) speaks of a Last Roman Emperor fittingly called Constans who will 'devastate all the islands and the cities of the pagans and will destroy all idolatrous temples; and he will call all pagans to Christ .... Whoever does not adore the Cross of Christ will perish by the sword.'29 Mter a reign of 112 years, Constans will voluntarily surrender his throne to God, thus clos- ing out the last empire and allowing for the rise of Antichrist. The Greek original of this text, probably produced in the late fourth cen- tury, is lost; but since a Greek version of the sixth century (i. e., prior to Islam) does not contain the Last Emperor prophecy, it seems likely that the later Latin version was influenced by the earliest text in which an identifiable Last Emperor does appear. This is the Revelations if Methodius written about 690 by a pro-Byzantine author who encour- aged the counter-attack of the Christian empire against the Muslim enemy. Methodius's view of history is crudely providential. The sins of the Christians moved God to allow the irruption of the sons of Ishmael to do bloody judgement on the wicked, but after a sufficient cleansing God will relent. 'Then suddenly,' says Methodius, 'there will be awak- ened perdition and calamity as those of a woman in travail, and a king of the Greeks will go forth against them [i. e., the Ishmaelites] in great 28 The figure of the Last Emperor does not appear in the Bible, but its creators utilized a series of Biblical passages to serve as prophetic proof-texts: 2Th. 2.7 (the 'Restrainer'); I Cr. 15.24; Mt. 24.37; Ps. 68.31; and Ps. 78.65. For an introduction to the legend, see Paul J. Alexander, 'Byzantium and the Migration of Literary Motifs: The Legend of the Last Roman Emperor,' Mediaevalia et Humanistica n.s. 2 29 The standard edition of the Tiburtine Sibyl remains that of Ernst Sackur, Sibylli- nische Texte und Forschungen (Halle: Niemeyer, 18g8), For this translation, see McGinn, Vzsions if the End, 49. APOCALYPTIC1SM AND VIOLENCE 221 wrath, and he will be roused against them like a man who shakes off his wine [ps. 77-65], and who plots against them as if they were dead men. '30 The king and his sons will make war against the Ishmaelites, completely defeat them, and inflict on them a yoke a hundred times harder than what they had inflicted on the Christians. During the Last Emperor's reign, the invasion of Gog and Magog will be defeated by an angelic host, before the Emperor retreats to Jerusalem and lays down his crown to signal the end of the Roman empire and Antichrist's com- mg. The author of the Revelations if Methodius, like many early apocalyptic scribes, was the spokesman for a persecuted group; but, unlike them, he looked for help from a powerful earthly redeemer. In his presentation of the dawning apocalyptic era brought on by the incursion of Islam he gives a positive role to the militant earthly power of Byzantium not as an abstraction, but concretely set forth in the figure of a conquer- ing ruler who will set everything right before the final struggle against Antichrist, a conflict that can be won only by God. In the midst of the struggle between Christianity and Islam, the author does not recom- mend passive acceptance of persecution, or even voluntary martyrdom for the sake of bringing on the end, but rather encourages active adher- ence to the cause of Byzantine Rome and the coming last and greatest Roman conquerer. Christian apocalyptic had, for the first time, issued a call for taking up arms against current foes. The immediate success of the Pseudo-Methodius text testifies to how well it expressed an important shift in the relation between apocalyp- ticism and violence in the history of Christianity. Believers were now summoned to defend the Christian empire in its hour of need, and to do so on apocalyptic grounds, that is, so that the divinely ordained last ruler might realize a quasi-millennium on earth before the end. While the initial perspective of Methodius was one of reaction to the onslaught of Islam, such forms of apocalyptic militancy (oddly fore- shadowing what we see around us today) could easily slide into pre- ventive violence. If we think that the forces of evil, ultimate or penul- timate, are ready to attack, we may decide it is better to attack them first. 30 Translation of Alexander, The Byzantine Apoca!Jptic Tradition, 4 8 ~ 4 9 On this text and the history of the Pseudo-Methodius, see also Bernard McGinn, Antichrist: Two Thousand Years qjthe Human Fascination with Evil, 2 nd ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000),87--92. 222 BERNARD MCGINN The Crusades have often been viewed as an example of such pre- ventive apocalyptic violence. 31 Such an interpretation is attractive and has some documentary backing, notably in the account given by Guib- ert of Nogent of Pope Urban II's speech at Clermont in 1095,32 but the picture is more complicated. There are maximalist and minimalist views of how much apocalyptic fervor had to do with the origins of the Crusade. (I prefer the minimali.st camp, for reasons that cannot delay us at present.) One cannot exclude all apocalyptic motivation from the armed masses that marched on Jerusalem at the end of the eleventh century to overthrow Muslim rule, but a full survey of the evidence makes it difficult to think that either the papal curia, or the knights who made up the core of the fighting force, were primarily apocalyptically orientated. It is more difficult to be sure about the large number of non- combatants. One thing that does seem clear, though, is that the surpris- ing success of the Crusaders in capturing Jerusalem in 1099, and its subsequent loss to Muslim forces in lIS7, focused attention on the role of the apocalyptic city par excellence in the late Middle Ages and beyond. Evidence for this can be seen in the fact that as the Last Emperor Leg- end developed and proliferated over the centuries between 1100 and 1700, one aspect became more and more central-the Last Emperor's initial task would be to defeat Islam and recapture Jerusalem in order in inaugurate his program of church reform and messianic peace on earth. We need not think that all the medieval kings and emperors who were willing to have their propagandists suggest that they )ust might be' the Last Emperor were governed primarily by an apocalyptic men- tality. Rulers like Henry IV Germany, the Emperor Frederick II, the French Philip Augustus, and later the Hapsburg Charles V, were gen- erally political pragmatists who acted out of reasons of state. My point is that within the arsenal of weapons that they and their advisors could use to support their political and military agendas the legend of the Last Emperor played a role, especially at times when inter-religious conflict loomed. A few figures, like the half-mad young French king Charles VIII, whose ill-fated campaign into Italy in 1494-1496 was deeply colored by his conviction of his apocalyptic destiny, may have 31 See Paul Alphandery and Alphonse Duprant, La Chretiente et ['idee de la croisade, 2 vols. (Paris: Albin Michel, 1954-1959). 32 Guibert of No gent, Gesta Dei per Francos, ed. R.B.C. Huygens, CCCM 4 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996). For a translation, McGinn, Visions rifthe End, 91--g2. APOCALYPTIC ISM AND VIOLENCE 223 made these predictions more central to their plans. 33 While it is often difficult to know how powerful pro-imperial apocalypticism actually was, there is no question that this form of belief about the end not only encouraged hope for final divine intervention, but also emphasized the conviction that military action could be seen as a part of God's apoc- alyptic plan. Such beliefs lasted a long time. It is said that broadsheet German versions of the Methodian Revelations were distributed to the troops defending Vienna during the last Turkish siege of the city in 1683.34 Not all medieval seers adopted the bellicose attitude implied in Christian apocalyptic imperialism. The most important medieval apoc- alyptic author, Joachim of Fiore (d. 1202), like his early Christian coun- terparts, had no positive role for the Christian empire and ignored the figure of the Last Emperor totally. The Calabrian abbot did regard present persecution as a marker for the imminence of the end of the second status, or age of history. Violence was being inflicted on the Church and believers from inside Christendom by simoniacs, heretics, and evil emperors, as well as from outside by Islam. But Joachim's advice was to bear suffering patiently, knowing that God would soon intervene to reward the faithful in the coming Third Age of the Holy Spirit. 35 Joachim was a medieval representative of the first model of the attitudes toward violence found in the earliest strands of apocalypti- Clsm. Joachim historicized Biblical images of the last events, especially those from Revelation, to explain past, present, and future events. For example, the seven heads of the dragon of Revelation 12 were iden- tified as the seven persecutors of the second age-Herod, Nero, Con- stantius, Muhammad, the Emperor Henry II (or sometimes 'Mese- moth,' apparently a North Mrican Muslim ruler), Saladin, and the 33 Charles VIII and his advisors made use of a Francophile version of the Last Emperor found in the 'Second Charlemagne Prophecy' first created about 1380 for Charles VI. There is a translation in Visions qf the End, 250. See also Maurice Chaume, 'Une prophetie relative a Charles VI,' Revue du mqyen age latin 3 (1947):27-42. 34 Michael Krnosko, 'Das Ratsel des Pseudomethodius,' Byzantion 6 (1931):273-274. 35 Joachim's attitude toward the German empire as a necessary evil has been inves- tigated by Alexander Patschovsky, 'The Holy Emperor Henry "the First" as One of the Dragon's Heads of Apocalypse: On the Image of the Roman Empire under German Rule in the Tradition of Joachim of Fiore,' Viator 29 (1998):291-322. For the abbot's view of Islam, see E. Randolph Daniel, 'Apocalyptic Conversion: The Joachite Alternative to the Crusades,' Traditio 25 (1969):127-154. 224 BERNARD MCGINN coming Antichrist. 36 In the thirteenth century such historicizing of Bib- lical apocalyptic images was sometimes utilized during times of con- flict to demonize one's opponents and cast the seriousness of a political struggle in ultimate terms. The best example of this apocalyptic appeal to violence is found in the bitter conflict between Frederick II and the papacy between 1236 and his death in 1250. During this struggle both sides employed apocalyptic images and language to vilifY the other. 37 Frederick had been hailed as a messianic ruler by a propagandist as early as 1229, but his papal opponents, Gregory IX and Innocent Iv, issued letters attacking him as Antichrist in language taken from Rev- elation. Frederick and his supporters responded in kind. In a letter of 1241, the emperor wrote: He who is pope in name alone has said that we are the beast rising from the sea full of the names of blasphemy and spotted like a leop- ard (Rv. 13.1-2). We maintain that he is the monster of whom we read: ~ o t h r beast rose from the sea, a red one, and he who sat there- upon took away peace from the earth so that the living slaughtered one another' (Rv. 64)38 No one would claim that apocalyptic expectations were at the origin of the quarrel between Frederick and the papacy, but not a little of the savagery of this encounter between sacerdotium and imperium came from the apocalyptic tenor in which the struggle was often framed. Prior to the end of thirteenth century there are, to my knowledge, no examples of revolutionary uses of apocalypticism, that is, violent actions against the established powers of church and state initiated by persecuted groups motivated by belief in the onset of the last events. 39 But from 1300 to at least 1650 Western Europe saw a succession of apocalyptic movements from below that were often willing to engage 36 Joachim often discussed the seven heads of the dragon and their historical mani- festations, most notably in the fourteenth figure of the Liber figurarum. For a translation of this text, see McGinn, Apocalyptic Spirituality, 135-141. 37 On the war of apocalyptic rhetoric that accompanied the struggle between the popes and their allies against Frederick, see McGinn, Vzsions qf the End, 168-179; and Robert E. Lerner, 'Frederick II, Alive, Aloft, and Allayed in Franciscan:Joachite Eschatology,' The Use and Abuse qf Eschatology in the Middle Ages, Werner Verbeke, Daniel Verhelst, and Andries Welkenhuysen, eds. (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1988), 359-384. 38 For this text, see Vzsions qfthe End, 174-175. 39 For a recent survey of the medieval radical apocalyptic movements in the last centuries of the Middle Ages, see Gian-Luca Potesta, 'Radical Apocalyptic Movements in the Late Middle Ages,' McGinn, The Encyclopedia qf Apocalypticism, vol. 2, 110-142. APOCALYPT1CISM AND VIOLENCE 225 in violence against dominant elites. In the words of Gian-Luca Potesta: 'The new apocalyptic movements of the late Middle Ages acquired a much stronger social and political connotation. Their discourse tended to move from a criticism against the worldly church and hope for its reformation toward a longing for deep changes in society in all its political aspects. '40 The possible influence of these movements on modern revolutionary uprisings in Europe is still undecided. In purely political terms these medieval revolts were all failures-no millennium ever ensued. Still, the willingness of some groups to engage in violence to achieve their goal, that is, the subversion of the present order of society in the light of a better apocalyptic future, has made the movements popular with historians of European radicalism. Medieval revolutionary apocalypticism begins with the Italian prophet Fra Dolcino, who about 1300 preached a coming perfect fourth age of the church to his followers, the apostolici, or 'Apostolic Brethren.'41 Persecution of the Brethren by northern Italian clergy and rulers even- tually forced his core following of perhaps a thousand disaffected peas- ants into the high valleys of the Piedmont where they awaited the com- ing Last Emperor and a Holy Pope who would slaughter and destroy their enemies. Pressed by military forces summoned by local authori- ties, the Brethren took up arms, probably convinced that the final strug- gle was beginning and the expected imperial deliverer would soon res- cue them. Mter a few victories in skirmishes, they were cut down in bat- tle. Dolcino was captured and public ally tortured to death in 1307. The survival of his letters provides us with information about the group's apocalyptic scenario based on imminent divine intervention to chas- tise the corrupt church and her adherents. The evidence suggests that while Dolcino rejoiced in the expected bloodbath, it was the attack of his opponents that forced him and his followers into a militant stance. Later, larger, and more violent apocalyptic movements are found in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries. The Taborites, the apocalyptic wing of the Hussites of the second and third decades of the fifteenth-century in Bohemia, are the best known medieval exam- 40 Potesta, 'Radical Apocalyptic Movements,' III. 41 Some of the documents of the Apostolic Brethren are available in Visions qf the End, 226-229. Recent literature on the Apostolici includes Raniero Orioli, Venit perfida hieresiarcha: Il movimento apostolico-dolciniano dal 1260 al 1307 (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1988). BERNARD MCGINN ple. 42 It was among the Taborites that we find for the first time the creation of an apocalyptic theology of vengeance to justifY the use of armed aggression to bring about the realization of the millennial king- dom. 43 One of their Hussite opponents,john ofPribram, described the violence of the Taborite priests as follows: Then the seducers, wanting to bring the people to that freedom [i.e., the millennial kingdom of Rev. 20] and somehow to substantiate their lies, began to preach enormous cruelty, unheard-of violence, and injustice to humanity They said that now was the time of vengeance, the time of the destruction of sinners and the time of God's wrath ... 44 The violence associated with the more extreme forms of the Radical Reformation (c. I520-I550) also had apocalyptic roots, at least in part. 45 Two tragic examples of this appeal to revolutionary violence have been much studied. The Peasants War of I524-I525 does not appear to have been apocalyptically inspired at the start, but the reformed preacher, Thomas Muntzer, who became its spokesman, propagated the farm- ers' radical social and religious program under an apocalyptic banner. Muntzer summoned the peasants to violence against the princes in the name of the approaching apocalypse in almost hysterical terms: At them, at them, while the fire is hot! Do not let your sword get cold, do not let your arms go lame! Strike-cling, clang!-on the anvils of Nimrod. Throw their towers to the ground! As long as the godless live, it is not possible for you to be emptied of human fear .... God leads you-follow, follow! The story is already written: Matthew 24, Ezekiel 34, Daniel 7, Revelation 6-scriptural passages that are all interpreted by Romans I3. 46 The second, and even more tragic, revolutionary use of apocalypticism in the sixteenth century involved the reformed takeover of the city of 42 The literature on the Hussites is large. For a sense of the recent scholarship, see the papers in Alexander Patschovsky and Frantisek Smahel, eds., Eschatologie und Hus- sitismus: Internationales Kolloquium Prag I.-4. September I993 (Prague: Historisches Institut, 1996). 43 Potesta, 'Radical Apocalyptic Movements,' 128. 44 For this text, see Vzsions qf the End, 265-266. 45 There is a survey in Walter Klassen, Living at the End qf the Ages: Apocalyptic Expectation in the Radical RifOrmation (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1992). 46 Thomas Miintzer, Letter 75. To the League at Allstedt. Miihlhausen, 26 or 27 April 1525, as translated by Michael G. Baylor, Revelation and Revolution: Basic Writings qfThomas Miintzer (Bethlehem: Lehigh University Press, 1993), 190--191. Miintzer inter- preted Romans 13 to mean that tyrannous political power could be overthrown. For an overview of Miintzer's thought, see Hans:Jiirgen Goertz, trans. Jocelyn Jaquiery, Peter Matheson, ed., Thomas Miintzer. Apocalyptic Mystic and Revolutionary (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993). APOCALVPT1C1SM AND VIOLENCE 227 Munster in Westphalia between 1532 and 1535. Most such annexa- tions to the cause of Reformation were victories for Luther's theolog- ically challenging but politically conservative views. In Munster a set of special circumstances led to the dominance of radical apocalyptic thinkers, who, like Muntzer, went far beyond what Luther could toler- ate. Inspired by the apocalyptic theology of the Anabaptist Melchior Hoffinan,47 the reformers of Munster moved in increasingly radical directions under the leadership of Jan Matthijs, a Dutch baker and visionary, and later Jan van Leiden. Matthijs declared Munster the New Jerusalem and established an apocalyptic totalitarian theocracy, exiling all who would not follow him and predicting that the end of the world would come on Easter, April 5, 1534. Sallying forth on that day to defeat the forces of evil besieging the city, Matthijs was killed. Jan van Leiden took over the doomed city and pushed Matthijs's pro- gram of terror and reversal of societal norms even further, beyond com- munity of ownership into community of wives. In September Jan had himself crowned messianic king of the world. His spokesman, Bernard Rothmann, in a pamphlet entitled Announcement if Vengeance, proclaimed: 'The glory of all the Saints is to wreak vengeance .... Rev'tnge without mercy must be taken of all who are not marked with the sign [of the Anabaptists] .'48 Munster held out for many months under the increas- ingly irrational, perhaps insane, Jan van Leiden. When the city was taken in August of 1535, he, like Dolcino, was publically tortured to death. The later history of radical apocalypticism in the seventeenth cen- tury, especially in England during the Civil War, cannot be pursued here. 49 The apocalyptic elements in the beliefs of shifting groups among the Radical Puritans-Ranters, Diggers, Fifth Monarchy Men, and the like-provide further proof about how hopes and fears of the last days functioned to encourage violence in late medieval and early modern 47 On Hoffinan and his relation to the radicals of Munster, see Klaus Deppermann, trans. Malcolm Wren, Benjamin Drewery, eds., Melchior Hqifman. Social Unrest and Apoca- lyptic Visions in the Age if the RifOrmation (Edinburgh: T &T Clark, 1987). 48 As cited in Cohn, The Pursuit if the Millennium, 274. 49 The large literature relating to radical forms of English apocalyptic movements in the seventeenth century cannot be surveyed here. A classic general study is that of Christopher Hill, The World Turned Upside Down: Radical Ideas during the English Revolution (Viking Press: New York, 1972). For the most apocalyptic groups, see, e.g., B.S. Capp, The Fifth Monarchy Men: A Study in Seventeenth-Century English Millenarianism (London: Faber & Faber, 1972); and T. Wilson Hayes, Winstanlry the Digger: A Literary Analysis if Radical Ideas in the English Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979)' BERNARD MCGINN Europe. They do not, I believe, introduce new models of the relation between apocalypticism and violence. Radical forms of apocalypticism, however, became rare, at least in Western Europe, after the mid-seventeenth century.50 Reasons for the decline of apocalyptically inspired violence are not hard to find. The orgy of wars of religion in seventeenth-century Europe, abetted, if not fueled, by apocalyptic motifs, eventually proved self-defeating. No reli- gious confession managed to win out; all were tainted by their call to destruction of the other in God's name, whether apocalyptic or not. Cynical rulers, ecclesiastical and political, realized that transcenden- tal appeals to justifY violence were having less and less effect, save with fringe groups that had no loyalty to any human institution. The Enlightenment, with its critique of literal Biblical views and traditional religion, helped reduce what was once a powerful rhetoric of opposi- tion to a worn-out coin of opprobrium that could be applied to almost any group whatsoever. Apocalyptic eschatology did not die out, but its social power was reduced in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. If the reasons for the decline of appeals to apocalyptic violence are relatively clear, the roots of the emergence of such movements between roughly I300 and I650 are more difficult to determine. Granted that each of the revolutionary movements of these centuries had its own context and story, it does not appear to be wholly accidental that violent apocalyptic sects flourished at this time, but were almost non- existent previously. But precisely why is hard to determine. Marginal groups had always existed in medieval society, but why was it that only around I300 some of the di!affected began to turn to apocalyptic ideas as justification for resistance and rebellion? While there appears to have been a greater dissemination of apocalyptic beliefs in popular culture in the late Middle Ages, this does not appear to be a sufficient explanation in itself Despite any generally agreed-upon explanation for the spurt in polit- ically violent forms of apocalypticism between I300 and I650, the long- range view sketched in this essay suggests that a variety of ways of relating the transcendental violence of the apocalyptic imagination to actual historical tensions has existed for over two millennia. Potential for violence, both metaphorical and real, is inherent in apocalypticism, 50 I will not take up New World revolutionary forms of apocalypticism, on which see Frank Graziano, The Millennial New UVrld (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, I999). APOCALVPTICISM AND VIOLENCE 229 but this potential has been played out in many ways over time. Apoca- lyptic incentives and apologies for overt violence are on the rise today in the Fundamentalisms of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam-sometimes implicitly; more often quite openly. A survey of the history of apoca- lypticism shows that there has always been a variety of ways in which belief in an ongoing conflict between good and evil heading for a final decision mayor may not be translated into willingness to engage in actual violence. Recognition of this fact may be helpful in trying to understand alternatives to the contemporary malign effects of the apoc- alyptic imagination. If we cannot escape apocalypticism, we can at least attempt to understand it better. LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Thomas E. Burman is Lindsay Young Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies in the department of history at the Uni- versity of Tennessee. He is the author of Religious Polemic and the Intel- lectual History if the Mozarabs, c. I050-1200 (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1994), and Reading the OJLr'iin in Latin Christendom, II40-1560 (forthcoming from the University of Pennsylvania Press). Dr. Andrew Colin Gow is Professor of History at the University of Alberta (Edmonton, Alberta). He is the author of The Red Jews: Anti- semitism in an Apocalyptic Age, 1200-1600. Leiden: Brill, 1995; co-author, with Lara Apps, Male Witches in Early Modern Europe. Manchester: Man- chester University Press, 2003. Dr. Gow's areas of interest are medieval and early modern religion, Jewish-Christian relations (specifically as regards apocalypticism), history of cartography, cultural history / cultur- al studies, and the theory of narrative. Dr. Sidney Griffith is Professor of Semitic Languages and Literatures at the Catholic University of America. He is a leading authority on the Syriac and Arabic writings of Christians living in the medieval Islamic world. Among his enormous number of publications are Arabic Chris- tianity in the Monasteries if Ninth-Century Palestine (Aldershot and Brook- field, VT: Variorum, 1992), A Treatise on the Veneration if the Holy Icons, Written in Arabic by Theodore AbU OJLrrah (c. 755-c. 830). Introduction, Trans- lation, and Notes (Leuven: Peeters, 1997), and 'The Signs and Wonders of Orthodoxy: Miracles and Monks' Lives in Sixth-Century Palestine,' in Miracles inJewish and Christian Antiquity: Imagining Truth, ed.John C. Cava- dini (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999). Dr. Thomas J. Heffernan is the Kenneth Curry Professor at the Uni- versity of Tennessee. He is the author of Sacred Biograp1ry: Saints and their Biographers in the Middle Ages (Oxford University Press, 1988); The Liturgy qf the Medieval Church (Medieval Institute, Kalamazoo, MI; The Medieval Institute Press for TEAMS, 2001; second revised edition 2005; co-edited with Ann Matter); Sermons and Homilies, (New Haven, 2005; with Patrick Horner). Dr. Heffernan's areas of interests are church his- tory, hagiography, historical linguistics and ancient and medieval biog- 232 LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS raphy. He is currently completing a critical edition of the Passio Sanc- tarum Perpetua et Felicitatis for the series Ancient Christian Writers. Dr. Frans van Liere is Associate Professor of History at Calvin College. He published a critical edition of Andrew of Saint Victor's commen- tary on Samuel and Kings for the series Corpus Christianorum) continuatio mediaeualis (a translation of which will appear in the TEAMS Commen- tary series). He has written several articles on twelfth-century intellec- tual history and fourteenth-century papal history. His critical edition of Andrew's commentary on the Twelve Prophets, together with Mark Zier, is set to appear in 2006. Dr. E. Ann Matter is the Professor and Chair of Religious Studies at the - University of Pennsylvania. He is the author of such books as The Voice if A1Y Belovd: the Song if Songs in Western Medieval Christianiry (Philad<rl- phia:University of Pennsylvania Press 1990); Creative Women in Medieval and Early Modern Italy: An Artistic and Religious Renaissance (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994, co-edited with John Coakley); The Liturgy if the Medieval Church (Kalamazoo, MI; The Medieval Insti- tute Press for TEAMS, 20or; second revised edition 2005, co-edited with Thomas Heffernan). Dr. Matter's areas of intellectual interest: His- tory of Christianity, medieval and early modern, history of Christian women, the study of the Bible in the Middle Ages. Dr. Bernard McGinn is Naomi Shenstone Donnelly Professor of His- torical Theology and the History of Christianity at the University of Chicago. Among his many publications are The Calabrian Prophet: Joachim if Fiore in the History if Western Thought (New York: McMillan, 1985), Antichrist: Two Thousand Years if Human Fascination with Evil (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), and Visions if the End: Apocalyp- tic Traditions in the Middle Ages (Columbia University Press, 1998). Dr. Constant]. Mews is Associate Professor in the School of Historical Studies, Monash University, Australia, where he is Director of the Centre for Studies in Religion and Theology. A specialist in twelfth- century thought, he is author of The Lost Love Letters if Heloise and Abelard: Perceptions if Dialogue in Twelfth-Century France (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999) and Abelard and Heloise (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005). He is also editor of Listen Daughter: The Speculum Virginum and the Formation if Religious Women in Medieval Europe (New York: Palgrave, LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS 233 2001), and co-editor (with Cary Nederman and Rodney Thomson) of Rhetoric and Renewal in the Latin Tt-est IlOO-I54o: Essays in Honour if John 0. Ward (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003) and (with Karen Green) Healing the Body Politic. The Political Thought if Christine de Pizan (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005). Dr. Michael A. Signer is the Abrams Professor of Jewish Thought and Culture in the Department of Theology, University of Notre Dame, and Fellow of the Medieval Institute. He is editor of Andrew if St. Victor on Ezekiel in the Corpus Christianorum, continuatio mediaeualis; editor of Memory and History in the Jewish and Christian Traditions, and with John van Engen, Jews and Christians in Twelfth Century Europe. Dr Lesley Smith is Fellow and Tutor in Politics and Senior Tutor, Harris Manchester College, University of Oxford. She is the author of such books as: Masters if the Sacred Page (Notre Dame, 2001); with P.D.W Krey, Nicholas if Lyra: the Senses if Scripture (Brill, 2000); with Jane Taylor, Women and the Book, 3 vols (British Library and Boydell & Brewer, 1995-1996); and Codices Boethiani, 3 vols (Warburg Institute, 1995-2002). Dr. Anne Marie Wolf is Assistant Professor of History at the University of Portland. She completed her doctorate in 2003 at the University of Minnesota, successfully defending a thesis entitled Juan de Segovia and Western Perspectives on Islam in the Fifteenth Century.' INDEX OF BIBLICAL AND QUR'ANIC REFERENCES BIBLE Genesis 79,86,89 Tobit 80 Exodus 72,86, I98 Judith 80, I99 3 LI8 99 Esther 80 Leviticus 86 I Maccabees Numbers 86, I27 6.28-I 2Il 20.2I 2Il Deuteronomy 86 7.40-42 2Il 2.2I 55 28.64 9 2 2 Maccabees I3 I- 2 2Il Joshua 79,86 5 I -4 2Il I2-24 I4n Judges 79 630ff. I3 2.I-I 2Il Ruth 79 I5 8- I6 2Il I Samuel 63,79-80,87 4 Maccabees I4n IlL8 7 1.5 7 Job 80,86 5. 62 7 2 42.2 202 2 Samuel 63,79-80,87 Psalms 80, 86, 90, 92-93, I27, I86, I98- I Kings 63,79-80,86-87, I99, 205 I98 I9 I99 I2} 95 2 Kings 63, 79-80, 86-87, n 6 5 22I I98 175 I3 lO3 200 I Chronicles 78,86-87 I2.2 9 I 6.I4-I I33 2 Chronicles 78,86-87 Proverbs I98 Ezra n, 80 Ecclesiastes Nehemiah n, 80 27.46 Acknowledgements 236 INDEX OF BIBLICAL AND Q.UR'ANIC REFERENCES Song of Songs 86, 167 Joel 87 ll933 65-66 Wisdom 199 15.3-1 17 Obadiah 87 11.24 202 Micah Ecclesiasticus 7 ll- 12 9 2 39. 25 201 Zechariah 199 Isaiah 34, 63, 65, 79-81, 14. 2 9 0 85-88,91, 159, 198 Gospels 16-17,28,35-36, loll 89 46-49,53,55-57, 7 89 80, 84-86, 89, 45. 6 72,92, 16 7 93, 126-127, 175, 4 6 89 182, 186 8.18 136 344 IOO Matthew 34, 86, 130, 154, 12 9 0 184, 199 49. 2 3 9 2 IO.29-3 55 50.1- 2 9 2 6.27-28 95 9.38 17 1.1 52 665 9 0 67 52 2.1 20 3 Jeremiah 63,79,81,85,93 16.18 150 18.15 89 4. 29 9, 204-205 183 137 2.1-1 149 18.20 147, 149 Lamentations 85, 198- 199 24 226 6.ll 12,50 Ezekiel 63-64, 79, 81, 85- 28.19-20 47 86, 91, 93, 198 17 136 Mark 15, 130 34 226 1.1 55 29-ll 16 Daniel IO, 63, 84, 93, 199, 1534 12 2IO-212 17. 6- 1 47 19 218 7 226 Luke 199 8.25 212 4.30-33 55 2.1-1 212 11.33-35 77 11.45 212 2.1 95 2.1-1 212 IO.I6 147 2334 52 Hosea 2.17 7 2 John 4,35-4,43,49,5 6 , 86, I04, 199 INDEX OF BIBLICAL AND Q,UR' ANIC REFERENCES 237 1.1 55 Ephesians 2.32 47 5. 1 7 17 5. 1 9 50 55 136 42.0 50 6.51 52 Phillipians 15 7. 14-1 49 3. 18- 1 16 IO:36-38 50 11. 25 47 2 Thessalonians 11.35-1.1 4,35-36,38-44 2.6 218 19 II 52 20.17 51-52 Hebrews 199 2.1 47 IO3 8 17 1 20.23 147 IO3 1 13 Acts 16, 65-66, 80, 86, James 199 147, 149, 155, 183 7.59-60 16 IJohn 6.38- 1 23 47 20I 15 147, 152 Revelation 7, 16, 80, 86, 127, Romans 127, 130, 199 150- 152, 159, 165, 16.15 99, I03, II8 196, 199, 216, 233 134 223-224 3. 28 171 2.15 2IO 7 226 6 226 13. 1-7 217 2-1 16 64 224 I Corinthians 69-II 216 67 15 2.1 IOO 12 223 2 Corinthians 199 2.1-1 150 13 II 20I 2.1-1 224 20 226 Galatians 130, 154 207-IO 216 53 132 QUR'AN 1.2 4 8 III. 78 3 0 II.87 52 IV 157 53 II. I05 3 0 IVI71 3 8 ,49 IL282 55 V46 3 8 III.48 4 6 V47 3 6 ,4 6 III.59 35 VIIO 4 6 238 INDEX OF BIBLICAL AND QUR' ANIC REFERENCES VII.IS7 S ~ 6 XXXIII. 40 33 VIII47 39 XXXIVS4 43 IX30-31 3 8 XL.78 42 X.94 3 0 LVIL27 3 8 XI.62 42 LXIS 41 XI.lIO 42 LXI. 6 3S-3 6 XXVIII.S8 39 CXII 3 8 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES Abelard, Peter, 59-61, 73, 96, 98-99, I03, I05, 1II-II3, II5-II6 Abraham, 29, 31,55-56, 130, 132 Abu Qurrah, Theodore, 46--48 Adam, 29, 35, 55, 150 Africa, 19, 27 Alan ofLille, 96, II9 Ambrose, Saint, IOI, II2 Andrew of St. Victor, 5-6, 8, 60-75, 82,88-89, 189 Anselm of La on, III-II3, II5, II7 Apuleius, 27, 127 Aquinas, Thomas, 120 Aristotle, 7, 99, I03, I07, III, II5, 121, 124, 127, 130 Artz, Frederick, 59 Augustine, 13, 80-81, 88, 95-96, IOO-I03, ro6, IIO, II5, II7-II8, 120, 127, 158 Avicebron, 127 Avicenna, 124, 127, 139-140, 142 Bacon, Roger, 69, 74 Bar Kokhba, IO, 214 Basil the Great, IOO-Ior, I03 Baudri, abbot ofBourgueil, II2 Baumstark, Anton, 37-43 Bernard of Chartres, 64-65, II3-II6 Bernard of Clairvaux, 13, II8-II9, 12 7 Berndt, Rainer, 96 Blandina, 23-24, 26-27 Bliemetzrieder, Franz, II3 Blondheim, D.S., 69 Blumenberg, Hans, 97, II7 Boethius, I02-I03, I05, II4 Bonaventure, II9 Brocadelli da Narni, Lucia, 9, 193- 20 7 Calvin,Jean, 120-121 Carthage, 19, 21 Cassiodorus, 79, 81 Chalcidius, I06 Chenu, Marie-Dominique, 96 Chrysostom,John, roo Christ, 6-8,9,46-53,55, 65,72,77, 85, 88, I02, I04, IIO, II2, II7-II8, 130, 137, 147, 150- 151, 153-158, 182,198-206,215-216,218,220 imitatio Christi trope, II, 21, 25, 206 Islamic beliefs about, 5, 29, 35- 39,4 1 ,45,47,5 1 -52,56-57, 152 name of (nomen Christz), 3, 5, II- 19,22-23,26-28 Cicero, 18, 22, I09, II2 Clarembald of Arras, II4 Conan of Praeneste, I08 Conrad of Hirsau, I09-II1 Constantinople fall of, 8, 145, 149, 152, 155 Curtius, Ernst, 97 David, 55, 83, 90, 133, 137, 2II Dionysius the Areopagite (Pseudo- Denis), 7, I03, I05-I06, II4, II6, 198 Eckhart, Meister, 177, 182 Eleazar, 13-14 Eliezar of Beaugency, 68 England, 61, 176, 227 Eriugena,John Scotus, 7, I03-I06, II6-II7 Eusebius, 23, 218 Felicity, 25-27 Ferrara, 9, 194, 196, 206 Fishacre, Richard, II9 Florence, 195, 197-198 France, 5, 68,71, ro8, III-II2, 125, 162, 176-177 Frederick II, 222, 224 Galileo, 121 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES Germain,jean, 145, 153, 156- 158 Germany, 105, 108-109,177, 180 Gilbert of Poitiers, 103 Gratian, 5, 73 Gregory IX, 124, 224 Gregory of Nyssa, 103 Gregory the Great, II6 Guido de B n ~ s 120 Guillaume, Alfred, 37-43 Hamersleben, 107-108 Haskins, Charles Homer, 59 Heloise, II2 Herbert of Bosham, 69 Hermes Trismegistus, 127 Hugh of Fouilloy, II8 Hugh of St. Victor, 5-8, 59-62, 71, 75, 82-89,96- 100, 105-II8, 120- 122, 189 Huizinga,johan, 174, 188 Ibn Ishaq, Abu (Abd Allah Muham- mad,36-44 Isidore, 8 I, 84 Israel, 12, 72, 77-78, 81, 83, 90, 92, 213-214 Italy, 9, 82, 173, 193, 207, 222, 225 jerome, 5, 63-67,70, 72-74, 79-81, 84-85, 88-89, 151 jerusalem, 65-66, 147, 214, 221-222 jesus. See Christ joachim of Fiore, 10,223 john, 14, 16,36,38,41 See also john in Index if Biblical Riferences joseph ben Simeon Kara, 68, 82, 91-92 Josephus, 127 Juan de Cervantes, 145 Karlstadt, Andreas Bodenstein of, 161, 165-166 Kimhi, David (Radak), 68, 70 Kimhi,Joseph, 68, 82, 93 Knowles, David, 60 Lactantius, 217-219 Lippoldsberg, 107 Lombard, Peter, 73-74, 128-129 Luther, Martin, 161-174, 180, 187- 189,227 Lyons, 14, 23, 186-187 Maimonides, 124 Manegold of Lautenbach, 108-109 Marseilles, 107 Mary, 9, 29, 35-36, 38, 49, 52-53, 56-57,89,104,182,197-198,201- 20 5 Maximus, 103 Moses, 29,40,42,46,48,53-54,56, II8, 128, 130, 134, 203, 212-213, 216 Muhammad,4, 7,31, 33, 35-38,41- 42,44-45,47,53,5 8 ) Christian beliefs about, 49, 126, 129, 138-140, 142, 159, 219, 223 Munster reformed takeover of, 226-227 Muntzer, Thomas, 165, 226-227 Neckam, Alexander, 69 Netherlands, 177, 180-181, 183 Nicholas of Cusa, 143, 145, 152, 154, 157 Nicholas of Lyra, 69,72, 159, 168, 186-187, 189 Ohly, Friedrich, 97, II7 Otloh of Emmeram, 109 Ovid, II2 Oxford, 70, 74, 176 Ozment, Steven, 167, 170-172, 188 Paris, 5-6, 66, 68, 70, 75, 82, 96, 105, 107, 124-125, 128, 177, 179 Paris, Cathedral School of Notre Dame, 123 Paris, University of, 62, 104, 123 Paul, Saint, 4, 8, 14-17,65,86,99- 100, 103, IIO-III, 120, 127, 134, 153-154, 163, 184, 217 Pelikan,jaroslav, 169, 176, 189 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES Perpetua, 19-21, 25 Peter, Saint, 65-66 Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius, 145 Plato, 6, 96, I03, I06-I07, I09, II3- II6, 121, 127 Pliny, 12, 14, 23 Poirel, Dominique, 98 Priscian, 64-65 Pseudo-Denis. See Dionysius the Areopagite Qumran, 78, 213-214 Ranke, Leopold von, 165, 175 Reinhard of Halberstadt, 107 Richard of St. Victor, 72, 82, 88-89 Rome, 13, 123, 174, 177, 216-220 Salamanca, University of, 143-144, 146 Sanctus, 26-27 St. Victor, abbey of, 59, 62, 66, I07- I08, III Savonarola, Girolamo, 9, 195, 197- 199, 201, 205 Segovia,Juan de, 8, 143-160 Shor, Joseph Behkor, 68 Sicard, Patrice, 96 Smalley, Beryl, 5, 61, 82, II9, 189 Solomon ben Isaac (Rashi), 5-6, 68, 71-72, 82-83,90-g2, 168 Southern, Richard, 5, 69, 74 Sylvester, Bernard, 96 Tertullian, 15, 21, 24, 26, 218 Tetzel,Johann, 171-172 Thierry of Chartres, I03, II4 Trajan, 14, 23 Trithemius ofHirsau, I09 Wigmore Abbey, 61 William of Auvergne, 7-8, 123-142 William of Champeaux, 62, I07- I08, IIl-II5 William of Conches, 96 William of Hirsau, I09 William ofSt-Thierry, II8 Wolf elm of Brauweiler, I08 Y <sa de Gebir, 145 SUBJECT INDEX Acta martyrii, 3, II, 17, Ig, 21-24, 26, 28 Anabaptists, 165, 227 Animal sacrifices, 7, 131-132 Anima mundi. See World soul Antichrist, 212, 217-221, 224 Apocalypticism, g-1O, 78, 150-151, 159, Ig6, 217-22g in Judaism, 20g-216 Beghards, 176-178 Beguines, 177, 187 Bible, 95-96 in Arabic, 40, 43 in Aramaic, 37, 39-44 in English, 16g, 178 in French, 179-180, 186-188 in German before Luther, 179- 186, 188, Igo in Greek, 6, 39, 42 Historiated, 177-179, 182, 186, 188 in Hebrew, 3, 5-7, 67, 6g-70, 74, 77, 79, 83-84, 93, 123, 127-128, 141, 148, 165, 167-168, 179, 186,210 in Latin Vulgate, g, 6g-70, 75, 164, 167, 179-180, 182-183, 188, 200-207 Luther, 162-170, 188-18g New Testament, 3, g, II, 2g, 34, 48,53-54,62,66,77,83-85, II7, 162-163, 165, 186, 188, Ig6, 215 Old Testament, g, 29-34, 40, 46, 48, 53-54, 62-63, 66, 73 -74, 77, 79, 82, 84, 87, II7, 155,218 of Paris, 70, 75 order of books of, 79-81, 84-86, go printing of, 8-g, 170, 179-181, Igl in the vernacular, 8-g, 162-164, 176- 184, 18g-lgl, Ig4 in Walden sian translations, 167, 176 See also following entry Bible, reading of, 2, 5, 8, 20, Ig8 allegorical, 86-87, II6, 136, 167, 20 5 by Arab Christians, 2-3, 45-55, 58 by early Christians, 3-4 Christological, 66, 79, g2, 102, 167-168,203 and exegesis, 2, 5-8, 30-31, 33, 48,57,61-75, 78-79, 82-87, go, 106, II6, 127, 133-137, 142, 145-146, 148, 167-169, 18g, Ig6 by heretical movements, 3-4, 167, 176- 177 historical, 88-8g, II6-II7 by Jews, 5-6, 61, 66-68,71-72, 74,77-79, 81-83, 88, go-93, 168 during the Middle Ages, 8-g, 164-165, 176-lgI by Muslims, 4-5, 29-45, 53, 55- 58 primacy of scripture, 145-146, 149, 156- 160 during the Reformation, 8-g, 161-16g, Igl by scholastics, 7, 125, 135 senses of interpretation, 136- 137 senses of scripture, 134, 136 See also preceding andfollowing entries; Islamicization Biblicization, 4, 31-32, 36, 38, 45 Brethren of the Common Life, 177- 182, 187 Byzantine Empire, 220-221 Christian as sacred name, 12, 14, 20, 23,26,28 '244 SUBJECT INDEX Christianity Arab Christians, 4-5, 3'2-35, 43, 45-55,5 8 Catholicism, 9, 174, 194, 196 Christian-Muslim encounter, 4, 8, 29-58, 60, 143-160, 219-223 early Christians, 17-21,25, 27, 216-219 Islamic refutations of, 30, 33-45, 47-49,5 1 -53,55-57 Jewish identification with Edom of, 84, 90 , 92 Jewish refutations of, 71, 78, 90- 93 persecutions of Christians, 4, II, 14, 17, 20-26, 217 Protestantism, 8-g, 161-175, 189 Reformation, 8-9, 161-176, 181, 188-191, 226-227 See also Judaism, Martyrs and martyrdom, and individual nonorthodox Christian movements Christian Palestinian Aramaic Lectionary: See Bible, in Aramaic Christology. See Bible, reading of, Christological Circumcision, 132-133, 154 Compendium qf Revelation (Savonarola), 9, 197, 201, 205 Councils, Church, 146-149, 157, 166 Council of Basel, 144, 147-149 Council of Constance, 147, 179 Council of Soissons, 98, II5 Council of Trent, 174, 195 Crusades, 8, 127-128, 157-158, 222 Derash, 71-72, 82-83, 167 De civitate Dei (Augustine), 102 De fide et de legibus (William of Au- vergne), 126-140 De inventione (Cicero), 109 Demiurge, 106 De sacramentis (Hugh of St. Victor), II5, II7 De tribus diebus (Hugh of St. Victor), 99, 106-107, II5 De trinitate (Augustine), 96, 102 De universo (William of Auvergne), 124 Dialectic, I II Didascalicon (Hugh of St. Victor), 84- 87,97, 105, 107, 109, III, II4 Fathers, Church, 105, 166, 178 Greek, 100, 102-103, 112, 125 Latin, 125 See also individual Fathers in the Index qf Persons and Places Gentiles, 100 Glossa ordinaria, 62-63 Gnosticism, 14, 27, 67, 77 God, 3-4, 19,26,28,41,47,50-52, 55,59,64,80,86-87,89-92, 3 6 ~ 137, 140, 150, 153-154, 157-158, 160, 185, 198, 202-204 as giver of Jewish law, 46, 128- 132, 134, 141 Islamic beliefs about, 33, 36-37, 39,42,53-54,138,155 name of, 12-17, 22-23, 38, 48 and nature, 6, 95-96, 98-100, 102-104, 106-107, 110-121 in the Qur'an, 30, 35, 48-49 role in apocalypticism of, 78, 209, 211, 213, 217-221, 223, 226, 228 Gottesfreunde, 177-178 Grammar, III Hellenism, 13, 27 Heretical movements, 2, 67, 127- 128, 141, 223 See also individual nonorthodox Chris- tian movements Historia calamitatum (Abelard), I I I Holy Roman Empire, 105, 177-178, 180 Holy Spirit. See Paraclete Homelies sur I'Hexameron (Basil the Great), 100-101 Humanism, 59-61, 173-174 Hussites, 225-226 SUBJECT INDEX 245 Idolatry, 130-131, 133, 136, 220 See also Paganism Incarnation, doctrine of, 4, 14, 17, 48,51-52,200,206 Inquisition, 177-178 Involucrum, II6 Islam, 29-58 Christian desire for converts from, 150-160 Christian refutations of, 33-35, 45-56, 129, 138- 142 Christian reception of scholarship of, 124-126, 139-140, 142, 145 early development of, 29-35 See also Christ and Muhammad in Index if Persons and Places; Christianity; Crusades; God; Judaism; Qur'an Islamicization, 4, 31-32, 36, 38-39, 42-43,45,56 Judaism, 20, 49, 55 in ancient Israel, 13-14, 72, 77-78, 81, 89, 209, 2II Christian interpretations oflaw of, 128-135, 138, 141, 154 Christian reception of scholarship of, 5-6, 68-13, 78, 81-83, 90- 93, 124-125, 128-130, 141 Christian refutations of, 66-67, 78,83-84,88,90,129-130, 135, 140, 142, 206 desire for restoration of Israel in, 78, 81, 83-84, 89-90, 2II-214 Jewish communities in Middle Ages, 2-3, 9, 68, 82, 84, 206 Jewish-Christian encounter, 5-6, 9,33,52-53,60,67-69,77-93 Jewish-Muslim encounter, 29-31 use of names as power in, 12-14, 16 See also Apocalypticism; Bible; Bible, reading of; Christianity; Martyrs and martyrdom Last Emperor Legend, 220-223, 225 Logica, III Logos,4,15 Maccabean revolt, 3, 13-14, 2II-212, 214 Martyrs and martyrdom, 3-4, II- 28, 215, 219 development of theology of, 15- 19 in Judaism, 3, 13-14, 212-213 legal proceedings involving, 14, 17-20, 23, 26-27 literature of, II, 13, 16-17, 19, 23- 24 of Lyons, 14, 23-24, 26-27 ofPerpetua and Felicity, 19-21, 25-27 torture of, 4, 17, 21, 23-24 Midrashim, 71-72, 81-82, 168 Monologion (St. Anselm), 107 Mundus sensilis, 99, 106-107, II4 Nature, 4, 6, 17-18, 96, 106-107, llO-1I8 Book of, 6-7, 95, 97-99, II6-122 Eriugena's idea of Natura, 103-104 Neoplatonism, 6, 19, 27, 103 Ottoman Turks, 8, 145, 152, 155-156, 158- 159, 223 Paganism, 2-4, 12, 21, 24, 27, 80, 99-100, 102-103, 107-109, II2, II5, 140, 155, 220 See also Idolatry Paraclete (Holy Spirit), 4, 15-16, 35-37,41-42,47,53,55, 66,80, 87-88,96, 102, II2-II3, II6, 144, 147-148, 152, 166, 202, 223 Paradise, nature of, 7, II6, 138, 139, 196- 205 Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis, 19-21, 24-26 Peasant's War, 165, 170-171,226 Peoples ofthe Book, 10, 29-30, 53 Peshat, 71-73, 82-83, 92, 167 Platonism, 6, 100, 107, II4-II6 Pluralism, religious, 2-5, 10, 22, 142 SUBJECT INDEX Policraticus (John of Salisbury), II4 Qur'an Christian readings of, 4, 7, 45-50, 52-54,56-57,124,138,145, 152- 153 Muslim readings of, 4, 33, 39, 41-42, 153 references to Bible in, 5, 29-30, 35-38,41-42,49,52-53,56 Rabbis of Paris, 5-6, 68-72 See also individual rabbis in Index if Persons and Places Reformation. See Christianity, RifOrma- tion Renaissance of the Twelfth Century, 5,59-60,73-74,79 Revelations if Methodius, 219-221, 223 Rhetorica ad Herennium (Cicero), I09 Roman Empire, 3,18-22,67,174, 214-218, 220-221 Scholasticism, 7, 59-60, 125, 135 Sententie de divinitate (Hugh of St. Vic- tor), I07 Sententie divine pagine, I 13 Seven Revelations (Lucia Brocadelli), 9, 195-207 Speculum virginum (Conrad of Hirsau), I09-1IO Stoicism, 4, 13-15 Summary if the Wqys if Faith, 5, 47-55 Syncretism, 14-15 Taborites, 225-226 Talmud, 71, 81, 92, 141 Theologia Christiana (Abelard), I03 Theologia 'Summi boni' (Abelard), 98- 99, II5 Theophaniae, 104 Timaeus (Plato), 96, I06-I07, II4 Torah, 46, 78,91, 123, 127 Tridentine reformers, 169, 174, 193 Trinity, I02-I03, I07, II3 Victorines, 5-8, 61, 96, 123 Visions, 195-205 Waldensians, 2, 167, 176-178, 189 World soul, 96, I07, II6