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THE BIOARCHAEOLOGY OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AT MARCAJIRCA, NORTH-CENTRAL HIGHLANDS, PERU

A THESIS SUBMITTED ON THE NINTH DAY OF NOVEMBER, 2007 TO THE DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY OF TULANE UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS BY

________________________________ Jillian Landeck

APPROVED:

________________________ John W. Verano, Ph. D. Director

________________________ Trent W. Holliday, Ph. D.

________________________ Grant McCall, Ph. D.

Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Dr. John W. Verano, my advisor, for his support and for providing me with the necessary resources and direction to complete this work. I would also like to thank Dr. Trent Holliday and Dr. Grant McCall for serving on my thesis committee and providing a constructive analysis of my work. Research for this thesis was completed as part of the Huari-Ancash Archaeological Project at the site of Marcajirca. I would like to thank all of its members for their various contributions to the project and this research as a whole. I would especially like to thank Bebel Ibarra, the Director of the project, for providing me with this incredible research opportunity and for advising me not only during excavations and analysis but also through the writing process. I would also like to thank Fernando Gutierrez, Director the Ancash Archaeological Museum, for his kindness and generosity as well as for exposing me to the rich history and wealth of archaeology in the region.

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Table of Contents
1. Introduction 1 a. Site Description, General Finds 2. Geographic Context and Regional Modes of Subsistence.. 5 3. Archaeological Context. 10 a. Burial Architecture 4. Social Differentiation based on Archaeological Evidence. 21 a. Evidence of Violence... 23 5. Social Complexity and Human Health . 26 6. Methodology, Data Collection, and Biological Profile. 27 a. Age Estimates 29 b. Sex Estimates 31 c. Stature Estimates... 33 d. Comparative Samples 37 7. Health and Disease 38 a. Dental Material.. 39 b. Degenerative Joint Disease 45 c. Trauma... 45 d. Possible Evidence of Violence.. 46 e. Trepanation 51 f. Bone Infection... 54 g. Developmental Defects. 58 h. Cranial Modification. 63 i. Non-metric Traits.. 65 j. Summary 67 8. Evidence of Differentiation in Burial Goods. 68 a. Ceramics 69 b. Textile, Rope. 70 c. Wooden Sticks and Cord71 d. Modified Wood and Bone, Mate, and Stone Tools72 e. Spondylus...73 f. Obsidian Procurement and Use..75 9. Evidence of Ancestor Veneration..79 10. Conclusions81 11. Recommendations for future work.83 12. Appendix85 13. Bibliography...96 iii

List of Figures
Figure Page

1. Map of North-Central Peru, including the Huari Province and Puccha River Valley ..... 10 2. Two small chullpas of modest design and materials .. 14 3. Large chullpa of fine detail in design and construction . 15 4. Wilkawain ...17 5. Chullpa and associated residential structure .......21 6. Cave 2, frontal 22 7. Chullpa 3, frontal 23 8. Mandible with periapical abscesses and periodontal disease . 46 9. Mandible with severe healed abscess .... 47 10. Clavicle with severe healed fracture .. 50 11. Severe cranial trauma from Cave 7B . 52 12. Healed radiating fracture from Cave 7B 52 13. Multiple healed cranial fractures from Structure 7 53 14. Right ulna with healed distal fracture 55 15. Left rib with healed fracture .. 55 16. Possible trepanations . 57 17. Subadult femur with possible osteomyletis ... 58 18. Cranial cyst 59 19. Cranium with possible metastatic carcinoma . 61 20. Sacrum with sacralization of the 5th lumbar vertebrae ... 62 21. Thoracic vertebrae with ossifying ligamenta flava .... 63 22. Rib with ossified costal cartilage ... 64 23. Lumbar vertebrae with spondylolysis and osteoarthritis ... 65 24. Sacrum with spina bifida occulta 66 25. Cranium with probable tumpline modification ...67 26. Cranium with annular-oblique modification .. 68 27. Mandible with palatine torus .. 70 28. Mandible with mandibular tori 71 29. Textile pieces from Cave 2 . 74 30. Cord likely used in mummy bundling ... 75 31. Sharpened wooden sticks ... 75 32. Modified bone artifact. 76 33. Spondlyus ... 79 34. Obsidian flakes.... 82

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List of Tables
Table 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Page Percentages by Age Category and Burial Structure.35 Sample Composition by Sex Percentage......37 Cave 1 Femur and Tibia Stature Measurements...39 Cave 2 Femur and Tibia Stature Measurements...39 Chullpa 3 Femur and Tibia Stature Measurements...40

1 Chapter 1: Introduction

Human remains are cultural bodies in that they have the unique ability to serve as a template for exploring broader social, political, and economic systems. Skeletal and dental indicators can help us, as archaeologists, to reconstruct individual lifeways. A fairly recent theoretical expansion in physical anthropology has allowed new inquiry into archaeological matters concerning sociopolitical complexity through a biological framework. The study of mortuary contexts provides a basis for advancing and challenging theories of social structure, ancestor veneration, economic specialization, identity and social differentiation. The ancient human remains of Marcajirca are uniquely positioned to provide us with a trace of what life was like in the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon Period in a small central highland community. Research for this thesis took place over the course of three months in the highlands of north-central Peru. The first month involved investigation of the region through work at the Ancash Archaeological Museum in Huaraz, Ancash, Peru as well as independent travel and research, with investigation focusing particularly on burial sites surrounding the Central Highlands. Subsequently, I conducted two months of research from June-July 2007 through archaeological excavation and analysis at the site of Marcajirca, Ancash, Peru. Those excavations served as the primary source of data for this thesis. The principal goal of this project is to provide a comprehensive osteological and paleopathological analysis of a skeletal sample from the site of Marcajirca in order to contribute to the very limited body of literature and knowledge about pre-Hispanic populations of this region. In addition, I will attempt to construct an understanding of the

2 social complexity that existed at Marcajirca based on both archaeological evidence and evidence from human remains recovered during the 2007 field season as well as based on comparative analyses of burial structures and remains from other sites occupied during the same time period, in the Department of Ancash and in other parts of Andean Peru. Human skeletal evidence from three burial structures will be presented to outline heath and social disparities that may have existed between burial groups. The remains of at least 112 individuals were examined for evidence of nonspecific indicators of stress, fractures, bone infection, dental caries, abscesses, periodontal disease, and degenerative joint disease. Additional biocultural practices including trepanation and cranial modification were analyzed for links with health and social status. Employing an epidemiological approach to paleopathological research, this study gives a sample perspective on population variability. Mortuary elements including burial goods, mortuary architecture, and evidence of ritual mortuary practice were used to provide additional evidence of social differentiation. While this research represents an attempt to recover a representative burial sample for social analysis, there is a need for future work in many more funerary structures as well as in other types of structures throughout the site. Additionally, future work in bioarchaeology throughout the Department of Ancash, particularly on the eastern side of the Cordillera Blancas will help to further reveal regional similarities in socio-political structures, funerary practices, and skeletal health. Without access to the data regarding the entire skeletal population of Marcajirca, in part due to looting and site disturbance and in part due to the need for more extensive bioarchaeological analysis, current work can only serve as an imperfect sample of the population as a whole.

3 We have two sources of data from which to begin examining the mortuary context of Marcajirca. Firstly, based on the presence of different forms of mortuary structures and burial goods, archaeological data provides insights into social complexity and evidence of access to raw materials, of both local and exotic origin. Comparative archaeological data from the region are relatively limited and are generally confined to non-mortuary sites. It is unclear what type of society existed at Marcajirca, although evidence supports the presence of a chiefdom-like polity supported by a hierarchical lineage system, sharing a common architectural style, language, and system of beliefs. Secondly, working under the assumption that biological data reflect social organization, evidence of pathologies and general health status indicators in the human skeleton can serve to reflect greater social complexities. While the research completed for this thesis is limited in perspective, it is an important step in initiating future bioarchaeological work in the region.

Chapter Organization Chapter 2 discusses the specific regional, environmental, and temporal context for the site of Marcajirca. It examines patterns of high altitude land use and their implications for diet, health, and social organization. Chapter 3 examines the expansion of the use of above-ground mortuary architecture and its role in the ayllu system of social organization. It also looks at the exclusive mortuary context at Marcajirca and its connection with regional archaeological patterns. Chapter 4 explores the theoretical foundations for the investigation of archaeological data as a basis for understanding social organization. It also examines evidence of archaeological fortification and the possibility of warfare during the sites occupation. Chapter 5 looks at the connection

4 between health and social status as evidenced through various stress indicators. It references the ways that health data have been correlated with social status within other archaeological contexts. Chapter 6 presents the studys research methodology as well as the biological profile of each burial sample, including age, sex, and stature data. Chapter 7 examines health and disease through an examination of non-specific health indicators such as trauma, degenerative joint disease, dental pathology, and other instances of disease found in isolated bone elements. Chapter 8 examines the differentiation between burial structures as evidenced through specific burial goods. Additionally, the role of prestige items and long-distance trade in social positioning is discussed. Chapter 9 explores the ritual practice of ancestor veneration in the Central Andes and possible corresponding evidence from Marcajirca. Chapter 10 presents conclusions and Chapter 11 discusses recommendations for future bioarchaeological work at Marcajirca and at other sites in the region.

5 Chapter 2: Geographic Context and Regional Modes of Subsistence

Highland Ancash, la Sierra de Ancash, represents a dynamic place for examining the distribution of agricultural subsistence patterns across diverse geographic zones. The Department of Ancash traverses the central Andes to the east and west, from the Pacific coast to the border of Brazil. To the west, the Cordillera Negra Mountains separate the coastal lowlands from the Santa River valley. Further east, the region is longitudinally divided by the Cordillera Blanca and the Cordillera Huayhuash mountain ranges, which represent some of the tallest peaks in the world. They create a powerful geographic barrier, preventing direct east-west travel. To the east of these ranges lie the Conchucos Mountains and highland Ancash, where Marcajirca can be found. This region lies in the puna ecological zone, between 3800 and 4000 meters. The presence of several lakes and rivers in the area comprise an essential element of the geography, allowing individuals before the arrival of the Spanish to establish settlements high on mountain peaks and ridges while obtaining important resources such as water from sources at lower altitudes. Marcajirca is an abandoned pre-Hispanic village, located in the north-central highlands of Peru, on the eastern side of the Cordillera Blanca mountain range. The site lies approximately 600 km north of Lima, at 3800 m in elevation in the province of Huari, where it occupies a ridge near the Puccha river valley, just beneath the summit of Mt. Llamoq. Llamoq is considered a profoundly sacred site in the cosmology of inhabitants of the surrounding region and is visited regularly by many during religious pilgrimages. Marcajirca was inhabited between approximately 1200-1532 A.D., primarily during the Late Intermediate Period in Peruvian cultural chronology, as is evidenced through comparative ceramic analyses (Ibarra 2004).

MARCAJIRCA

Figure 1. Map of the north-central highlands of Peru, including the Huari Province and Puccha River Valley (Ibarra 2004).

For excavation purposes, the site was subdivided into three primary sectors. The principal portion of the site consists of the funerary and residential sectors, each which comprise approximately 500 sq. meters. This paper will be focused primarily on these

7 two sectors. The residential sector occupies the south side and is made up of primarily circular structures. The funerary sector is very extensive, comprising the largest part of the site. It consists of several types of funerary structures, including single-level chullpas, two-level chullpas, caves, and tombs positioned beside stone cliffs, most of which contain human remains. Thus far, excavations have been completed in two caves and one chullpa and have focused primarily on determining the number of individuals buried within each structure, the chronology of the burials, the biological profile of those buried there, and information regarding nutrition and disease prevalence. Additionally, the site contains a ceremonial sector in the highest part of the site that consists of several circular platforms aligned to the north. As mentioned earlier, Marcajirca lies situated along a ridge adjacent to the peak of Mt. Llamoq. A settlement pattern characterized by the establishment of residential and ceremonial centers atop mountains on the eastern side of the Cordillera Blancas has been described by several archaeologists. Bebel Ibarra discusses the importance of Mt. Llamoq as an apu or wanka, a sacred mountain place at which societies in pre-Hispanic times chose to settle (Ibarra 2004). At the Late Intermediate Period site of Turriqaqa (4215 m), more than 30 tombs carved into the cliff wall have been identified (Herrera 2005). Thus far, 86 circular ceremonial structures, or kanchas, have also been identified atop mountains in highland Ancash (Herrera 2005). Securing an ecological subsistence at highland settlements in pre-Hispanic times inevitably encompassed many challenges. Archaeologists and ethnohistorians have described the pre-Hispanic and modern system of cultural ecology in the Central Andes as a vertical economy, in which individuals and groups were forced to exploit not only

8 the resource zone of primary habitation but as many others as they could economically work (Murra 1972). This pattern of verticality derives from the general patterns of Andean geography, climate, and biotic communities and requires an understanding of the subsistence technology of the regions people. Similar to agro-pastoralism today, many communities held lands located many hours distance from the principal community center. This system helped to ensure a sufficient and varied subsistence and also secure non-food resources such as water, wood, and coca. Vegetation zones of the Central Andes include six major zones recognized by the Incas ranging from high altitude punas to the chakimayo or lower valley. Marcajirca occupies a puna zone (3800 m and above). At close proximity to the site, within the puna zone, the only primary agricultural crop that could have been cultivated was potatoes. Potatoes are grown in the Andes between 3700 and 4000 meters. In addition to growing potatoes, the higher ecological zones encompass many slopes used solely for the grazing of sheep and goats while the lower valleys of the maway (3200 3700 m) specialize in the cultivation of numerous varieties of potatoes and other root crops including oca, ulluco, and anu. Due to the relatively low soil quality of this region, sheep and goats play an important role in enriching the soil and crops while they are left dormant for several growing seasons before being replanted. This concept of verticality stresses the maximization of resource acquisition from non-contiguous zones and thus also increases the likelihood of inter-cultural interaction (Lau 2006). Goldstein (2000) reconsiders verticality through the idea of diaspora communities, such as the Tiwanaku who maintained strong ties to their homeland in the form of pottery and architectural style while migrating from the altiplano for agricultural

9 reasons. Regional similarities are seen in architectural style, both funerary and otherwise, between Marcajirca and other Ancash sites (Herrera 2005, Mantha 2005, Ibarra 2004). Thus, it is likely that ecological land use patterns promoted interaction with nearby cultures and the exchange of material culture. Yet, many questions remain in regards to Marcajircas interaction with other regional communities during the time of its occupation. While several small archaeological sites have been identified in Ancash on the eastern side of Cordilleras, very few within 100 km of Marcajirca have been studied or dated. Therefore, there is relatively no information pertaining to the temporal association between Marcajirca and other regional sites. One feature of the site that supports the theory that the individuals living at Marcajirca interacted or at least were knowledgeable of other nearby communities or states is the presence of large defensive wall on the north side of the site. There is highly concentrated network of structures to the south of the wall and while a few isolated chullpas have been discovered on the north side of the wall, they are all situated near the top of the ridge and a significant distance from the wall. Thus, the wall appears to have been constructed at the sites inception. Furthermore, there is skeletal evidence of violence within the community that may have come from interpersonal or inter-societal conflict.

10 Chapter 3: Archaeological Context Burial Architecture Three primary types of burial structures are known at Marcajirca: caves, singlestory chullpas and two-story chullpas. Many differences exist between individual structures of the same type. The term chullpa generally refers to a type of burial house. Amongst the singlestory chullpas, significant differences in architectural style including stone type, area, height, and roof design are evident. Some chullpas are small and display a rougher, more unpolished construction (Figure 2), while others are quite large and present a finer masonry with better-polished and thinner stones (Figure 3). Similarly, some caves exhibit man-made elements including an entrance stone, partial roof construction, or interior wall construction, while others appear to consist of only naturally occurring elements. A key focus of past, present, and future archaeological investigation has been to determine the temporal placement of each type of structure.

Figure 2. Two small chullpas of modest design and materials.

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Figure 3. Large chullpa exhibiting fine detail in design and construction. Investigation into ceremonial and mortuary architecture can help to illuminate the presence of social complexity even within a small civilization. It has been argued that social relations in communities containing these types of funerary structures were based around the idiom of kinship (Lau 2001, Herrera and Lane 2003). After the Chavn era (c. 800-200 BC), formal mortuary architecture, including above-ground chullpas and belowground caves or machays, emerged and quickly came to dominate central Andean funerary practice. Efforts to construct a pattern for the placement of these diverse mortuary structures in spatial and temporal contexts is complicated by recent looting as well as historic campaigns to destroy idolatry in the form of huacas, effigies representing supernatural beings, and other symbolic architecture (Salomon 1995).

12 While it is difficult to say where the first evidence of chullpa construction emerged, several have argued that the Early Horizon site of Chavn de Huntar represents a highly elaborate, regionally significant chullpa-type structure (Herrera and Lane 2004). Similarities in exterior and interior design and construction elements between the temple of Chavn and several later above-ground structures were pointed out by Tello during the sites initial investigation (Tello 1932, 1960). While Chavn does not constitute a mortuary site due to the absence of burials, similarities can be drawn in the sites ceremonial function and the presence of offerings. Numerous very large chullpas located at the site of Honcopampa, Wilkawan, and Katiam on the eastern side of the Cordierra Blancas have also long commanded the attention of archaeologists (Tschauner 2003; Isbell 1989, 1991; Bennet 1944; Zaky 1978). Wilkawain and Ichic Wilkawain, two associated mortuary sites, are considered the largest, most elaborate chullpas in the Department of Ancash (600-900 AD). Wilkawain in Quechua literally means grandfathers house. It was built as a mortuary replica of the earlier and larger ceremonial temple at Chavn de Huntar (Bennet 1944).

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Figure 4. Wilkawain, one of the oldest and most elaborate chullpas on the eastern side of the Cordillera Blancas located near the modern-day town of Huaraz.

The widespread emergence of chullpa architecture can be traced to the Early Intermediate Period (200 BC- 600 AD) and the Middle Horizon (600-1200 AD) in the Santa valley to the west of Chavn. Unlike the chullpas at Marcajirca which contain only one room, most of these chullpas are internally subdivided, containing narrow galleries (Herrera and Lane 2003). Few archaeologists have studied mortuary architecture in the Department of Ancash and north-central highlands. Thus, only limited comparative evidence for the presence of similar types of mortuary structures is available. In the Rapayan valley, approximately 80 km north-east of Marcajirca, several types of above-ground mortuary structures including chullpas have been described. These structures have been dated to the Late Intermediate Period (A.D. 1000-1450) and Late Horizon (1450-1532). Alexis Mantha argues that the presence of monumental architecture, including large chullpas

14 exhibiting finely detailed construction, indicates that the sites functioned under a chiefdom-like political system. According to Mantha, the ability to concentrate and exercise social power to mobilize human labor for the construction of irrigation works and monuments would require a certain level of social complexity (Mantha 2005). Ethnohistorical documents suggest that several late pre-Hispanic groups used above-ground mortuary structures to dispose of the bodies of their deceased (Cieza de Len [1553] 1984; Guaman Poma [1615] 1936; Cobo [1653] 1990). Mary Doyle conducted an exhaustive examination of historical citations on ancestor cults in the central Andes in which Spanish clerks describe hundreds of mummy bundles disposed together, very few of which are characterized as malquis or sacred ancestors who were the focus of a groups oral tradition within the ayllu system. Testimonies indicate that many of these bodies were interred in the same structures as their deceased ancestors (Doyle 1988). Mantha points out that these historical writings describe how ancestor remains played a crucial role in the constitution of social organization by materializing the common descent and kinship ties of a given communitys members. In the same way, mummified or bundled ancestors symbolized a lineage groups legitimacy, identity, and internal organization. During particular ceremonies throughout the year, the mummified founding ancestors were given offerings and were consulted for a wide range of purposes such as good health, abundant crops, protection, marriage approbations, good fortune, and the naming of offspring (Mantha 2005). Additionally, our understanding of the use of chullpas as burial monuments has been greatly expanded by William Isbells examination of the ayllu system and open sepulcher construction throughout much of pre-Hispanic Peru. Isbell describes open

15 sepulcher structures, of which the term chullpa can be used interchangeably, as possessing certain shared characteristics including: an east- facing doorway, association of the buildings with plazas or cayans, and grouping of several similar buildings into a ceremonial complex. Although these characteristics do not hold true for many chullpas at Marcajirca, Isbell emphasizes that differentiating open sepulchers from residential, storage, or administrative constructions can only be done by taking into consideration a sites specific cultural context. Throughout the central Andes, Isbell recognizes the term chullpa as referring to ruins, usually prehistoric, of above-ground tombs and burial houses. He identifies mortuary architecture to be of considerably higher quality than domestic architecture (Isbell 1997). Similarly at Marcajirca, the relative preservation of chullpas in comparison to residential structures speaks to the quality of their construction. Isbell suggests that the Aymara term chullpa, which originally referred to the type of reed binding used to wrap human cadavers and later became a generalized term for the place where mummies were kept, came into popular use in southern Peru and the altiplano in the nineteenth century. He points to French traveler, Eugene de Sartigess use of the word following examination of the burial monuments of Sillustani during his visit on February 8, 1834. During E. George Squiers subsequent travels throughout the Lake Titicaca altiplano and in the coastal mountains above Tacna, he encountered burial houses, little buildings of rough painted stone, and called them chullpas. After his visits, Squier remained convinced however that the burial house was a building characteristic only of the Aymara people of Collasuyu and the presence of chullpas in other regions suggested the presence of relocated Aymaras (Isbell 1997). While the term chullpa may

16 be a characteristic of the southern Aymara region, chullpas are in fact far more widely distributed temporally and spatially than Squier claimed. Isbell examines the distribution of open sepulchers or chullpas throughout the altiplano and much further north into the central and northern highlands. He infers that ayllu organization and chullpa mortuary architecture first originated in the north highlands as far north as Chota-Cutervo and Huamachuco, near the Maranon Valley, as early as A.D. 200-500 during the Early Intermediate Period and then spread into the central highlands after several hundred years and finally extended into the southern highlands following two to four more centuries. By the Late Intermediate Period, Isbell identifies that the open sepulcher chullpa became the most prominent form of mortuary monument throughout the Andean highlands (Isbell 1997). Furthermore, Isbell suggests that there was concurrent emergence and cultural and ideological unity of ayllu social organization and chullpa construction. He views chullpas as the necessary material cultural manifestations of ayllu organization based on the presence of four uniting features: a social group, corporate resources and management, kin idiom organization, and a mummy ancestor (Isbell 1997). Furthermore, chullpas, the above-ground mortuary monuments in which bodies were disposed, serve as the most frequent and obvious material remains of ancestor veneration.

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Figure 5. Chullpa and associated residential structure in the funerary sector of Marcajirca. Many Andean archaeologists have considered ayllu organization as the formative condition from which the sociopolitical state emerged. According to Isbell, ayllu organization initiated the process of state construction by simultaneously defending kin interests and challenging class-based difference and privilege (Isbell 1997). At Marcajirca, both chullpas and burial caves appeared to serve as the material foundation for this system of social organization. 36 chullpas of varying types have been identified in both the residential and funerary sectors, indicating that chullpas served as the primary burial structure for the population of Marcajirca. However, 16 burial caves have been identified at Marcajirca as well. For this study, remains from two caves and one chullpa were examined. Most of the

18 caves exhibit man-made walls and entrances. The three primary structures examined in this thesis include Cave 1, Cave 2, and Chullpa 3. Cave 1 is a small cave found located on the eastern edge of the site. It is constructed of two naturally-occurring walls and a naturally-occurring entrance facing north. The eastern wall consists of 21 rocks of various sizes and appears to be man-made. Cave 2 is much larger than Cave 1 and also consists of both naturally-occurring and man-made features (Figure 6). The interior appears to be of primarily naturally occurring architecture; however the entrance is man-made, consisting of primarily six large rocks. Cave 2 is subdivided into two separate burial areas. A man-made interior wall separates a small burial in the south corner from the primary burial and largest portion of the cave near the entrance. This second, small burial behind the wall has not yet been excavated and appears to come from an earlier time period.

Figure 6. Cave 2 Exterior with cord measuring 1 m in each horizontal unit

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Chullpa 3 is a large chullpa found in the funerary sector, on the easternmost edge of the site (Figure 7). It is surrounded by man-made walls on the west and south sides. Directly adjacent to the back wall of the structure, another smaller chullpa structure is located. The access to both chullpas faces the southeast. Its front wall measures approximately 1.79 m by 3.36 m. The roof consists of twenty rock layers, however the topmost layer collapsed and many rocks fell into the chullpa. As a result of rockfall and probable looting, all of the remains inside were found commingled and disarticulated.

Figure 7. Chullpa 3 It is currently unclear whether both caves and chullpas served the same funerary function for the population of Marcajirca. While much literature exists to the support the association between chullpa construction and the ayllu system in the central highlands,

20 little research has been done on the use of burial caves in the north-central highlands. Based on the similar placement of both caves and chullpas in spaces closely associated with residential structure, a preliminary hypothesis assumes that burials in both structures followed a system based on kinship or social relations.

21 Chapter 4: Social Differentiation based on Archaeological Evidence

This chapter discusses various sources of archaeological evidence of social differentiation from mortuary contexts. The body is a powerful template on which social meaning is indirectly contained and outwardly constructed. Thus, the space in which the bodies of ancestors are placed and the materials that are interred with them carry a symbolic social significance. In seeking coalescence between social theory and the archaeological record, we are inevitably required to look to present models of social stratification for clues, particularly in the contextual analysis of mortuary practices. In attempting to extrapolate information pertaining to the identity of deceased individuals, we must first consider whether mortuary contexts are constructed in a way that accurately reflects ones social position. Binford (1971) argues that mortuary archaeology reveals the general principle that treatment in death is primarily determined by ones social position in life. He argues that sociopolitical complexity and mortuary affluence have a positive correlation. Referred to as the Saxe-Binford approach, this theory views contrasting mortuary practices as having a structure that can be used to inform the observer of societal organizational principles and facets of the dead individuals social position. The dead individuals social position reflects the social roles of the individual during life, and at death, the highest social role will be most archaeologically visible (Brown 1995). Accordingly, the weight of a persons social position can thus be reflected through material culture. The elite of a society have the ability to mobilize human labor for a variety of projects, including monument building and warfare. The size and quality of tombs and fortifications often exceed the practical purpose of the structure itself. Thus,

22 the elaborateness of a burial structure constructs a material expression of the social power of the individuals buried there (Trigger 1990). Additionally, differences in subtle elements such as household size and construction, similar to those seen throughout Marcajirca, also reflect the existence of social inequalities (Mantha 2005). Burial practices also provide an apt setting for the living to create and maintain a sociopolitical structure based on kinship. Throughout history, we find that burial practice often speaks more strongly of the sociopolitical position of the living involved in ancestor veneration than it does the sociopolitical position of the dead. The processualistpostprocessualist debate addresses this tie between social meaning and mortuary construction and reminds us that the mortuary context is fraught with a variety of coded messages from the living regarding the deceased. The treatment and placement of the dead reflect the relationship the living have with the dead and the way that social memory and ancestry are perceived and incorporated into the present (Parker Pearson 1999). Therefore, we must be mindful of the different ways in which group identity can be signaled. The conditions of remains and the presence of associated burial goods can be used to suggest the type of burial and the degree of care taken with the burial of those individuals, however these elements can only be written on the body and not in the body. Thus, osteological and paleopathological evidence also must be examined to help to understand how identity is objectively and implicitly contained in the physical body. If carefully integrated with other evidence from skeletal remains, mortuary theory and archaeological data can help to examine ancient social identity, whether through a direct

23 expression of ones social position or an indirect reflection of power through kinship relations. Evidence of violence Evidence of extra-regional social interaction is relevant to the discussion of internal social relations because warfare is a primary vehicle through which those in power organize the masses. The public architecture required to defend a population from its enemies is often large in scale and its construction requires the organization of mass labor. At Marcajirca, the presence of a large defensive wall along the most vulnerable border of the site demonstrates not only the use of cooperative, organized labor, but also the threat and possible occurrence of conflict during the sites occupation. The defensive wall exhibits significant deterioration from its original state. At its highest point, it measures approximately 3 meters but was likely several meters taller during the sites occupation. It extends along the north side of the site where enemies could approach along the side of the ridge, yet no walls are built to the east, west, or south where the mountain slopes steeply away. Furthermore, the hilltop location of the site suggests that it was strategically placed to defend against possible attackers. However according to some archaeologists, sites that are only partially encircled by walls, such as Marcajirca, the small, incompletely walled hilltop sites of the Junin area, and Inkallaqta in Cochabamba, have been argued to offer no protection against a determined enemy. Nonetheless, we see that forts in many pre-modern contexts were constructed without walls at the most difficult points of access, where natural barriers such as cliffs, rivers, or steep slopes were located. Still, the defensive intent of the high, thick walls the Middle Horizon capital of Wari has been questioned. Walls of this nature

24 have been argued to serve merely as symbolic barriers used to indicate social boundaries and mark off special places (Parsons et al 1997). The walls in the Junin highlands have also been questioned as defensive structures due to their association with tombs. Yet, based on the geographic isolation of the site it seems questionable why a wall would be built only on one side of the site merely to serve as a symbolic barrier. Furthermore, Arkush and Stanish emphasize that at many Andean sites of different geographic context where conflict is known to have occurred, walls block the routes of easiest access. Thus, walls constructed to block points of easiest access should not only be seen as symbolic barriers but also as defensive design (Arkush and Stanish 2005). Conflict of varying intensity has occurred throughout prehistory in the Andes with significant periods of low conflict or peace. Thus, care must be taken in distinguishing between ritual battles or tinku, and warfare. Tinku have been described as festive, contained combat between local individuals or elite individuals from neighboring sites. Arguments for tinku or ritual battles have often been invoked by archaeologists to explain inadequate site defenses, ritualized conflict, ritual features in walled sites, or violence not restricted to adult males (Arkush and Stanish 2005). However, we see that all warfare can contain ritual elements including warfare that involves the killing of enemies, the taking of property and people, and the appropriation of land. Thus, the dichotomy between sites as either defensive or ritual cannot be easily drawn. We should expect to see defenses at ritual sites and ritual uses of defensive sites. Tinku in ethnographic descriptions differs from warfare, however, in that it is generally described as contained and bloodless. Although, we are limited by the absence of ethnographic texts describing violence at Marcajirca and iconographic

25 depictions of violence, the argument for ritual battle at Marcajirca is challenged by the presence of fortifications and notable rates of skeletal trauma. Overall, the pattern of hilltop settlement and defensive design suggests the threat of warfare in the region. Evidence of skeletal trauma is further suggestive of warfare, even though the sex bias for most cases of trauma cannot be determined. Future research may verify a larger number of male burials than female. Importantly however, cranial trauma is seen exclusively in male skulls. These factors will be discussed further within the context of health and disease in skeletal material in chapter 7.

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Chapter 5: Social Complexity and Human Health

In modern societies, research has determined that health is strongly impacted by socioeconomic status. Within groups of lower socioeconomic strata, specific diseases have greater prevalence due to increased risk factors related to biological and physiological stress. Environmental factors and work related physical stress also have noticeable health impacts. Individual response to environmental and biological stress factors is influenced by ones developmental status, age, sex, genetic background, and social environment. For example, in a study of stature by social class, results indicated that variation in stature was explicitly affected by early childhood health and birth weight as well as genetic factors such as parental height and birth weight (Power et al 1998). Health impacts such as these can be directly observed by paleopathologists through evidence in human skeletal remains. Several specific health indicators impacted by social status were examined for this thesis. Initially, a bioarchaeological approach to determining social status was taken by relating explicit skeletal evidence of health and nutrition to archaeological evidence, tomb architecture, and burial goods to implicate social positioning. However, based on the studys findings, these two sources of evidence could not be ideally conflated. Specific social strata could not be established based on the limited amount of data available. However, I will look at skeletal evidence from stature, trauma, osteoarthritis, and the incidence of dental pathologies to help to illuminate differences within the population.

27

Chapter 6: Methodology, Data Collection, and Biological Profile The objective of osteological analysis of human remains at Marcajirca was to determine the minimum number of individuals, age-at-death, evidences of the cause of death, sex, stature, and other physical characteristics associated with general health for each burial structure. The skeletal remains excavated from Chullpa 3, Cave 1, Cave 2, Cave 7B, and Structure 7 included primarily individual isolated bones and some clusters of articulated elements. Although the vast majority of remains appeared disarticulated and disassociated in all three structures, three partially articulated individuals were found in Cave 1. Only the axial skeleton was found articulated for one individual. The other two individuals appeared to be interred in an extended position. The vast majority of remains studied in the Peruvian highlands have been described as buried in either a seated or flexed position. Extended positioning of bodies is extremely rare for this region. The standard methods utilized for age, sex, and stature recording were taken from Buikstra and Ubelakers Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains (1994). Data from nonspecific indicators of stress, fractures, bone infection, dental caries, abscesses, periodontal disease, postcranial metrics and degenerative joint disease were evaluated and analyzed by categories of age and sex when possible. An attempt was also made to outline health differences and subsequently social differences between groups buried in different burial structures. With the rapidly vanishing condition of Andean archaeological data, Marcajirca provides a rare opportunity for a mutual examination of mortuary archaeological evidence and human skeletal remains. The true quantity of the human skeletal material

28 present at the site is currently unknown. To date, 36 above-ground chullpas and 16 funerary caves have been identified within both the residential and funerary sectors of the site. Of these, one chullpa (Chullpa 3) and 2 caves (Caves 1 and 2) have been fully excavated and one subdivided cave (Cave 7B) and one wall burial (Structure 7) have been partially excavated. Only remains from the chullpa and the two fully excavated caves have been analyzed for biological profile data. The frequency of disarticulated elements complicated my ability to estimate the total number of individuals present, but individual skeletal element counts calculate a minimum number for each structure. In Chullpa 3, a minimum of 17 adult individuals was determined based on left tibia and a minimum of 13 subadults was determined based on right femora. In Cave 1, a minimum of 8 adults was found based on right femora and a minimum of 6 subadults was determined based also on right femora. In Cave 2, a minimum number of 50 adults was determined based on right fibula and a minimum number of 18 subadults was determined based on left femora. From these structures, a total of 112 individuals (MNI), consisting of 75 adults and 37 subadults were included in the sample. Not all individuals included in the sample based on minimum number of individuals could be used for calculating age, sex, and stature percentages. From the Cave 7B and Structure 7, only remains that exhibited evidence of cultural modification and trauma were removed due to time constraints. This evidence will only be used to indicate the presence of trauma and social differentiation within the site as a whole. Several periphery areas of the site, particularly along the western slope of the ridge have yet to be investigated or mapped and appear to contain several chullpas and burial caves. There are few studies from the north-central highland region that have collected pre-Hispanic

29 osteological or paleopathological data. In fact, no such studies are known within the Department of Ancash. Thus, very few data from collections for other Andean populations are presented for comparative purposes.

Age Estimates Age estimates were determined according to methods outlined by Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) based on dental eruption, wear patterns, and presence or degree of alveolar resorption present in the mandible. Mandibles were numbered by bone per unit, and subdivided into 6 age categories: Infants (birth-2 years), Children (3-11 years), Adolescents (12-20 years), Young Adults (21 35 years), Middle Adults (35-50 years), and Old Adults (>50 years). Left and right fragments included in the sample were analyzed to determine whether they might articulate as part of the same individual. Crania were not used due to the limited number recovered from the three structures. Again, virtually all of the material from the examined structures was disturbed and disarticulated. Therefore, almost no association could be made between postcranial and cranial material. Certain bones, which were considered to be of indeterminable subadult or age, were placed in a general subadult/adult category. In Cave 1, 1 adult and 4 subadults were of measurable age and 7 adults and 2 subadults were of indeterminate age. In this group, infants made up 0% of sample, children made up 14.3%, adolescents made up 14.3%, indeterminate subadults made up 14.3%, young adults made up 0%, middle adults made up 7.1%, old adults made up 0%, and indeterminate adults made up 50% of the group sample. In general, 42.9% of the group consisted of subadults and 57.1 % of the sample consisted of adults.

30 For Cave 2, 30 of the 50 adults and 15 of the 18 subadults could be examined to determine age. Thus, the other 20 adults and 3 subadults individuals were considered to be of indeterminate age. Based on findings from Cave 2, infants made up 2.8% of the sample, children made up 11.7% of the measurable sample, adolescents made up 7.4% of the sample, indeterminate subadults made up 4.4% of the sample, young adults made up 7.6% of the sample, middle adults made up 22.1% of the sample, old adults made up 14.6% of the sample, and indeterminate subadults made up 29.4%. Thus, 34.8% of the group sample consisted of subadults and 65.2% of adults. For Chullpa 3, there were 7 measurable adults and 7 measurable subadults, and 10 adults and 6 subadults of indeterminate age. Based on findings from Chullpa 3, infants made up 10%, children made up 6.7%, adolescents made up 6.7%, indeterminate subadults made up 20%, young adults made up 3.3%, middle adults made up 13.3%, old adults made up 6.6%, and indeterminate adults made up 33.3% of the group sample. Overall, 43.3% of the sample consisted of subadults and 56.7% of the sample consisted of adults. Amongst the three structures, a significantly greater number of subadults were found in Chullpa 3 and Cave 1, which lie in close proximity to each other on the eastern side of the site, while a smaller percentage of subadults were recovered from Cave 2 on the western side of the site. While no distinction can necessarily be drawn based on the placement of these structures within the site, an interesting disparity between subadult and adult burials is found between opposing sides of the side. This disparity could be associated with differences in mortality between kin or ethnic groups or the presence of

31 differential burial patterns based on age. Greater evidence of these differentiations may be validated through future excavations.

Cave 1 Infant (birth-3) Child (3-12) Adolescent (12-20 ) Subadult Young Adult Middle Adult Old Adult Adult Total Subadult Total Adult 0 14.3 14.3 14.3 0 7.1 0 50 42.9 57.1

Cave 2 2.8 11.7 7.4 4.4 7.6 22.1 14.6 29.4 34.8 65.2

Chullpa 3 10 6.7 6.7 20 3.3 13.3 6.6 33.3 43.3 56.7

Table 1. Percentages by Age Category and Burial Structure

Sex Estimates Sex estimates were determined using techniques from Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) based on several diagnostic features of adult ossa coxae especially the greater sciatic notch and subpubic region. Sex determination was only determined for adults since age estimation for infants and subadults is considered highly problematic (White

32 and Folkens 2000). Numbers of right and left bones are presented although the largest number from one side was used to calculate percentages (e.g. 5 left and 1 right female ossa coxae recovered from Cave 2; 5 were included in the percentage). Sex estimates were also calculated for cranial data based on diagnostic features including the nuchal crest, mastoid process, and supra-orbital ridge. According to my findings, in Cave 1, 35.7 of the ossa coxae were female, 7.1 % were male, and 57.2% were of indeterminate sex. In Cave 2, I found that male ossa coxae represented 38% of the sample, female ossa coxae represented 48% of the sample, and indeterminate ossa coxae represented 14% of the sample. In Chullpa 3, I determined that 10 % of ossa coxae could be identified as female, 20 % could be identified as male, and 70% were of indeterminable sex. Based on the significant number of indeterminable ossa coxae in the sample, it is not possible to draw any clear distinction as to the percentage of males and females in each burial structure or to draw any conclusions about the differentiation between structures based on sex.

33

70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Cave 1 Cave 2 Chullpa 3 Indeterminate Female Male

Table 2. Sample Composition by Sex Percentages Stature Measurements Metric data from skeletal remains were collected from long bones to aid in the estimation of adult stature. Stature was determined by measuring maximum femur and maximum tibia length in cm for each complete bone based on Santiago Genovss formulae for Mesoamerican populations (1967), as they have been used for coastal and highland Peruvian populations (Verano 1997; Verano 2003). Some recent studies have noted discrepancies between stature estimates calculated from tibial and femoral lengths using Genovss formulae (Marquez and del Angel 1997, Verano 2003). Therefore, stature was calculated for this study using the average of maximum tibial and femoral lengths. All measurements were taken using an osteometric board. According to the Genovs formulae, the average stature for males is 158 cm and the average for females is 149 cm. The standard error is 3.42 cm for male femora, 2.82 cm for male tibia, 3.82 cm for female femora, and 2.72 cm for female tibia.

34 Genovss formulae provides separate stature equations based on sex differentiations for long bones, thus sex was determined by assessing size and robusticity using methods outlined by Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994). Sex distinctions for isolated long bones have a considerable probability of error. Therefore, all sex determinations should be considered provisional. Corresponding right and left numbers do not correspond to the same individual; numbers for each side are unique. Based on average stature calculations determined by sexes, which are presented below, the average stature for male femora and tibia in all structures combined is 159.534 cm, 1.534 cm greater than the Genovs average for Mesoamerican population and the average stature for female femora and tibia is 149.362 cm, .362 cm greater than the Genovs average. While taking into consideration coefficients of error, the average stature for individuals of both sexes from Cave 2 is only slightly greater than the average for Mesoamerican populations. Although it would be favorable to have a stature for Andean populations exclusively, literature indicates that Andean populations average stature was comparable with that of Mesoamerican populations (Farnum 2002). Stature is shown to be strongly correlated with health and nutritional status. Growth patterns reflect the severity of environmental stressors, particularly nutritional factors and disease, experienced by a population (Johnston and Zimmer 1989). For Cave 1, only two female femora could be measured for stature. In Cave 2, 30 male femora, 37 male tibias, 9 female femora, and 25 female tibias were measured. In Chullpa 3, one male femur, four male tibias, and six female tibias were measured. A significant number of tibias and femora from all three structures were badly weathered and therefore could not be used to calculate stature.

35 Average Stature (cm) Tibia Males Females Femora Males Females Total Males Females -

147.513

147.513

Table 3. Cave 1 Femur and Tibia Stature Measurements

Average Stature (cm) Tibia Males Females Femora Males Females Total Males Females 164.739 154.331

160.774 149.216

162. 757 151.774

Table 4. Cave 2 Femur and Tibia Stature Measurements

36 Average Stature (cm) Tibia Males Females Femora Males Females Total Males Females 159.232 148.799

153.39 -

156.311 148.799

Table 5. Chullpa 3 Femur and Tibia Stature Measurements

Chronic nutritional deficiency during early childhood, particularly protein-energy malnutrition (PEM), may result in retarded growth rates and prolongation of skeletal maturation often leading to reduced adult body size. Nutritional deficiency is commonly referred to as a nonspecific stress marker because of its non-association with a specific stress episode (Powell 1988). Nutritional deficiency impairs phagocytosis for pathogen removal and protein synthesis from tissue repair, resulting in increased vulnerability to bacterial infections. In effect, a protein and calorie deficiency can lead to anemia, growth retardation, deficient immune response, and susceptibility to infection (Powell 1988). In skeletal populations, individuals with deviations from the normal course of development may often have died at younger ages. Clark et al. (1986) found that reduced vertebral growth was associated with a shortened life span in 90 skeletons from the Dickson Mound, a prehistoric site in Illinois (950-1300 AD). Thus based on stature, it could be assumed that the individuals in all structures had little deficiency in their diet and maintained relatively good developmental health.

37 However, differences in height between individuals in Cave 2 and those in Cave 1 and Chullpa 3 could suggest differential access to adequate food sources, particularly foods high in protein, between social groups.

Comparative Samples Only in the last decade has research in bioarchaeology expanded into many parts of South America. The expansive history of human occupation and cultural complexity in the Andes further exacerbates the lack of comparative samples of health and disease. Especially in the central highlands of Peru, where virtually no studies have been conducted on human skeletal remains, finding comparative samples in measures of health and disease was extremely challenging. Ideally, comparative samples would be chosen which lie in considerable geographical proximity to Marcajirca, including those from the same relative time period. However, the central highlands have been particularly neglected where bioarchaeological research is concerned. Several Late Horizon (AD 1474-1534) samples were found, but for coastal populations primarily. Due to the vast differences between diet and social organization during this time period, these samples could not serve as adequate comparisons. Thus, only a few, isolated comparisons for osteological and paleopathological data are presented.

38 Chapter 7: Health and Disease in Skeletal Remains

The unique composition of bone allows it to respond in dynamic ways to stress. Extrinsic forces acting on bone manifest during development through trauma, disease, nutritional deficiency, environment, and occupation. Pathological conditions disrupt the equilibrium of bone and result in abnormal bone growth or resorption, or a combination of the two (Steinbeck 1976). In some cases, inferences can be made between the frequency of the certain pathological conditions and the social status of affected individuals. However, not all illnesses or trauma leave skeletal markers as some conditions are so acute that individuals often die before and impact is made in their skeletons and many acute conditions develop in such a way that they never involve the skeletal system. Still, when bone growth or resorption is observed, paleopathologists are able to identify the unique impact that an infection, trauma, or other condition has had on an individual (Zimmerman and Kelley 1982). Still, limitations exist in attempting to reconstruct the meaning of paleopathological conditions from the past. The majority of paleopathological evidence in any skeletal population occurs within three general disease categoriestrauma, infection, and arthritis. Additionally, many factors affect the onset and development of a pathological condition including: the age of onset, the individuals nutritional status, the immune response of the person, the biology of infectious agents, the portal of disease entry, the effectiveness of treatment methods, and social conditions that can affect the transmission of disease (Ortner 1992). When possible, a differential diagnosis was made, keeping in mind that many stress factors manifest in similar ways within the skeleton.

39 In this study, instances of disease, arthritis, trauma, and other anomalies were recorded and photographed according to methods outlined by Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994). Pathological lesions were recorded according to their location, appearance, and severity. Lesions were differentiated based on their active or healed state.

Dental Material Dental pathologies, including dental abscesses and carious lesions were recorded in order to reconstruct diet and determine the impact of systematic stressors, such as malnutrition and disease. While enamel hypoplasias present strong evidence of nutritional deficiency and environmental stress, frequencies of these traits were not recorded for most teeth. Several teeth showing enamel hypoplasias were noted in research, however, more work needs to be done. The number of teeth containing carious lesions was recorded for teeth articulated in mandibles and maxillas, as well as for isolated teeth. Thus the percentages of carious lesions for each group are reflected for the total sample of teeth and not by individual. Abscesses were identified based on the presence of a drainage passage from the alveolus near the tooth root to the exterior of the mandibular or maxillary alveolus. The number of mandibles and maxillas exhibiting abscesses was recorded and a percentage was then calculated based on the number of mandibles and maxillas present in the group sample (Goodman and Martin 2002). The presence of dental calculus was also observed and discussed however the amount of calculus could not be systematically measured for the sample. The causative factors associated with dental caries include exposure of teeth surfaces to the oral environment, the presence of aggregates of complex indigenous

40 bacterial flora, salivary glycoprotein, and inorganic salts adhering to surfaces, and diet (Rowe 1982). The development of caries may be additionally influenced by secondary factors including tooth size, the presence or absence of enamel defects, dental wear, age, genetics, masticatory mechanics, and cultural practices involving food preparation (Bowen 1994). While dental wear is seen to increase with diets containing large amounts of non-sticky abrasive foods, caries prevalence increases with non-abrasive food consumption due to the accumulation of bacterial acids on dental surfaces from metabolizing sugars and carbohydrates (Behrend 1978). Nonetheless, severe wear on tooth surfaces can also weaken tooth structure, allowing the entry of bacteria into the pulp cavity through its exposure, with consequent abscess development at the root of the tooth (Roberts and Manchester 2005). Heavy tooth wear populations are also typically susceptible to dental fractures, from minor chipping to major cracks and breaks, which also exposes the pulp to dental infection (Katzenburg and Saunders 2000). It can be assumed that inhabitants of Marcajirca had access to relatively similar types of food due to environmental constraints and geographic isolation. Yet, access to larger quantities of food of specific types may have varied between levels of social strata. Accordingly, it could be argued that because high classes were able to consume more meat, they thus suffered from a lower rate of caries associated with increased protein consumption (Robert and Manchester 2005). Christine White studied Maya elites from Copan and Lamanai and found that elites exhibit a lower prevalence of caries than commoners (White 1994). Turner (1979) examined Old and New World populations of varying subsistence strategies and found a much greater proportion of dental carries in agricultural communities. He found that

41 foragers have an average caries rate of 1.7%, mixed foraging agriculture had an average of 4.4%, and 8.6% of individuals in agriculture-reliant societies exhibited carries. Agricultural societies are also attributed with 30- 38 % tooth loss due to various factors including dental caries (Rose et al 1993). At the site of Sican on the North coast, teeth containing carious lesions accounted for approximately seven percent of all teeth, a number consistent with expectations of carious rates in pre-Hispanic agricultural populations, according to Turner (Farnum 2002). The incidence of dental caries at Marcajirca was measured by calculating number of carious teeth per total number of adult teeth. In Cave 2, 55 of the 468 adult teeth exhibited carries of varying size and severity, 11.8% of adult teeth. In Chullpa 3, 22 of the 202 adult teeth, 10.9%, exhibited caries. Caries rates were not calculated for Cave 1 due to failure to record these data during analysis. The high prevalence of caries seen at Marcajirca can primarily be attributed to the large amount of maize and potatoes, foods high in carbohydrates, in the diet of people from highland Ancash. It can be assumed that all inhabitants of Marcajirca had access to relatively similar types of food due to environmental constraints and geographic isolation. Yet, access to larger quantities of food of specific types may have varied between levels of social strata.

42

Figure 8. Right mandible from Unit 4, Cave 2 with periapical abscesses and periodontal disease. Dental abscesses are also seen with significant frequency in the population of Marcajirca. The frequency of abscesses in the sample was calculated by determining the number of mandibles exhibiting either periodontal or periapical abscesses. Maxillas were not included in the calculation due to the high number of calvaria lacking maxillas and the overall poor preservation of this bone in the sample. In Cave 1, 1 of the 6 complete adult mandibles exhibits an abscess (16.7%). In Cave 2, 10 of the 34 complete adult mandibles exhibit abscesses (29.4%). Finally in Chullpa 3, 1 of the 4 complete adult mandibles exhibits an abscess (25%). All of these results are high, but due to the presence of large amounts of carbohydrates from potatoes and maize in diet of individuals in this region, the main causative factors are obvious. However, no significant differences are

43 seen in the frequency of abscesses in different structures and thus there are no distinct social differences evident based on the dental health of individuals from different structures. Periodontal abscess formation can be attributed to the development of periodontal disease and a periodontal pocket. In addition to periodontal abscesses, periapical abscesses develop from the exposure of the pulp chamber through severe attrition or extensive carious decay to produce an inflamed or necrotic pulp. When microorganisms accumulate in the pulp cavity, inflammation begins and a pocket of pus containing dead cells and bacteria forms. As pus builds up and pressure increases, a hole or sinus is created on the surface of the mandible as an escape for the pus. At this stage, the abscess can be identified archaeologically (Roberts and Manchester 2005). Periapical abscesses can be identified by their location at the apex of the dental root and by the smooth, rounded margin of the abscess cavity, which exposes the tooth root (Isan and Kennedy 1989).

Figure 9. Mandible from Cave 2 exhibiting a severe dental abscess.

44 Calculus accumulation and associated periodontal disease are also present at Marcajirca. The presence of dental calculus indicates long-standing plaque accumulation. Dental plaque consisting of microorganisms embedded in a matrix partly derived from proteins in saliva is responsible for the accumulation of calculus. It is seen to accumulate at a faster rate in a diet high in carbohydrates (Roberts and Manchester 2005). When calculus accumulates in pockets between teeth and the soft tissue and bone of the jaw, periodontal disease is prone to set in. There appears to be a direct correlation between calculus buildup and prevalence of periodontal disease in the archaeological record (Roberts and Manchester 2005). Periodontal infection begins with the inflammation of soft tissues of the jaw, and subsequently transmits to the bone, leading to bone resorption and loss of periodontal ligament as the distance between the bone and the cementoenamel junction enlarges. Diets generally rich in carbohydrates and increasing age are predispositions for periodontal disease. Periodontal disease is characterized by the gradual loss of alveolar bone, which eventually progresses to a point that causes the tooth to become unstable. After tooth loss occurs, the lesion heals over creating a smooth surface. As more alveolar bone is lost, there is a general reduction in the height of the alveolar process. Periodontal disease reflects the greatest cause of ante-mortem tooth loss (Roberts and Manchester 2005). Dental pathologies are abundant in prehistoric populations since they often preserve better than other skeletal material and are easy to observe and diagnose. At Marcajirca, the high incidence of dental pathologies is compatible with the high levels of carbohydrates expected for a highland agricultural community. Most of these pathologies were not severe and were obviously not the cause of death for affected individuals.

45

Degenerative Joint Disease Degenerative joint disease was identified in the sample through macroscopic observation of osteophytic bone activity, marginal lipping, porostity, and pitting on the articular surfaces of bone associated with osteoarthritis (Roberts and Manchester 2005). However, frequencies of bone elements exhibiting evidence of osteoarthritis were not recorded, so no distinction between burial structures can be drawn. Vertebral osteophytosis was the primary evidence noted. A few cases of Schmorls nodes were also observed in Chullpa 3 and Cave 2. Additionally, lipping and increased porosity was seen in numerous long bones along joint articular surfaces, particularly in elbow and knee joints. The pattern of arthritis seen in this collection appears to be activity-related and is consistent with repetitive motion of the vertebral column associated with the squatting, bending, and hunching over of agricultural activity. Joint degeneration and osteoarthritis are known to accelerate under conditions of heavy physical labor (Kennedy 1989). In future research, more detailed frequency data may help to indicate differences between sexes and social or kin groups.

Trauma The incidence of bone trauma is significant because it can indicate the occupations and activities performed by individuals and social groups on a daily basis. Additionally, trauma can indicate patterns of violence in a population. Trauma manifests itself in the skeleton in the form of healed calluses from old injuries, active remodeling,

46 unhealed fractures, and the ossification of muscle, tendon, and connective tissue near injured muscles (Merbs 1989). This study measures the location and frequency of fractures. Where it was possible, the type of fracture (simple, comminuted, spiral, depression, radiating, etc) was recorded, although due to weathering and callus formation, this was not possible in most cases. Additionally, fractures were identified as antemortem or perimortem. Postmortem fractures were very common due to disturbance and were recorded, although most of those data are not included in this report.

Figure 10. Clavicle from Unit 2, Cave 2 with severe healed fracture showing pronounced bony response.

Possible Evidence of Violence Another way that social inequalities manifest themselves in skeletal remains is through evidence of violence. Evidence of violence in skeletal remains is not always

47 unequivocal. However, high frequencies of ulnar fractures and cranial trauma can indicate the presence of interpersonal violence or warfare in a population. Two cases of cranial trauma were found in Cave 7B and one case was found in Structure 7, two structures that were not excavated in their entirety and not included in the osteological sample previously discussed. However, crania excavated from these structures suggest the presence of interpersonal violence or warfare during the sites occupation. The first cranium shows evidence of a perimortem radiating fracture on the right side of the occipital (Figure 11). Radiating lines extend onto the right frontal. The trauma to this individual was severe causing the right parietal, temporal, and inferior occipital to be separated from the rest of the cranium. The second cranium shows evidence of an antemortem, healed, radiating fracture on the left parietal (Figure 12). This wound was likely received from a blow by a right-handed attacker. The third cranium exhibits three, antemortem, healed fractures (Figure 13). The first is a depressed fracture located on the superior portion of the right frontal and exhibits significant evidence of healing. The second is a fracture of the left zygomatic. The zygomatic is separated from the orbital but shows evidence of healing. The third fracture is of the nasal bones and also appears healed. The incidence of cranial trauma for all excavated crania is relatively low but still notable. Only 3 of the 21 complete crania exhibit signs of trauma (14.3%). Based on morphological features, all three cases appear to be male. Tiffany Tung examined a sample of crania for trauma from three Wari sites in the central highlands: Conchopata, Beringa, and La Real. During the Wari period, a period of intense state conflict, she found that 31% of crania, 40 % of male and 25 % of female, exhibited cranial trauma

48 (Tung 2007). Therefore comparatively, the presence of warfare cannot be argued based on the frequency of cranial trauma alone, although given the severity of the fractures, one could argue that these crania mark intent to cause severe injury or death.

Figure 11. Severe Perimortem Cranial Trauma from Cave 7B.

Figure 12. Healed Radiating Fracture from Cave 7B.

49

Figure 13. Healed Depressed Fracture of the Frontal and Fractures of the Nasal and Zygomatic Bones from Structure 7B. A right ulna from Unit 2, Cave 2 exhibits a possible parry fracture caused in defense of a blow, which may be indicative of violence (interpersonal or warfare). In paleopathological studies, ulnar fractures, especially those occurring midshaft or on the left side, have been usually attributed to defensive trauma. Fending off blows is considered a prominent cause of forearm fracture (especially when restricted to the ulna) in modern and prehistoric populations, and these parry or nightstick fractures are not limited to the middle third of the shaft, but commonly occur distally as well (Roberts and Manchester 2005). Falling on outstretched hands with the forearm pronated is another prominent cause of forearm fractures (Kilgore et al 1997). As if the case with parry fractures, breaks related to falls can occur anywhere along the ulnar or radial shaft. Accidental falls are also commonly the mechanism of fracture when both the radius and ulna are involved.

50 While the percentage of forearm fractures in the Marcajirca sample does not indicate a high rate of accident-related trauma, the most parsimonious explanation for this type of trauma is accidental falls. Marcajirca is situated in a region of extremely rugged, mountainous terrain and given the difficulty of growing crops at such a high altitude, the population would have found it necessary to descend the steep slopes of Mt. Llamoq frequently to tend crops. In addition, these arduous trips would be commonly made while carrying a variety of items such as tools, water, and harvested materials. It appears that no attempt was made to treat fractures given the angular deformation of several lesions. For postcranial remains, in Cave 1, no fractures were observed. In Cave 2,1 femur, 6 tibia, 1 fibula, 1 radius, 1 ulna, 2 clavicle, and 4 rib fractures were observed. In Cave 2, 4 tibiae (right tibia #1 and right tibia #21 from unit 2 and right tibia #30 and right tibia #31 from unit 1) also exhibit healed, calloused complete fractures on the mid-shaft. Right tibia #21 shows signs of trauma on the distal end and signs of infection during healing. In Chullpa 3, 1 fibula, 1 femur, and 1 rib fracture were recorded. Also in Cave 2, a left radius from unit 3 exhibits a healed midshaft fracture. Cause of this fracture is unknown. One right clavicle and one left clavicle from unit 2, presumably not from the same individual exhibit healed fractures, one on the sternal end and the other on the acromial end. One of the fractures is severe but healed. It is unknown whether these fractures are from accidental or intentional causes. While the frequency of fractures in this sample is not extremely high, it suggests both that the local environment posed a risk of accidental injury as well as the possibility of interpersonal violence or warfare.

51

Figure 14. Right Ulna from Unit 3, Cave 2 with healed distal fracture.

Figure 15. Left rib, unit 3 exhibiting a healed fracture.

Trepanation Trepanation comprises a special kind of trauma, that of surgical intention. Two skulls were identified from the sample exhibiting trepanations, one from Cave 2 and one from Cave 7B. Skulls exhibiting trepanations have been identified in prehistoric Peru dating from 400 BC to 1,500 AD at sites extending through the Central Andes and coastal regions. Four trepanation techniques have been identified from ancient Peru including

52 scraping, linear cutting, circular grooving, and boring and cutting (Verano 2003). While the extensive degree of healing evident in both of the cases found at Marcajirca prevents determination of technique with absolute certainty, it appears that circular grooving or scraping was used to conduct both of the operations. Linear cutting is actually seen as the most common technique used in the central highlands. Circular grooving appears late in the pre-Hispanic record and appears to have evolved in the southern Peruvian highlands (Verano 2003). Verano identifies, however that there is evidence of more than one technique being used to administer trepanations in the central highlands. From the southern highlands to the northern highlands, trepanation is seen to have emerged in the archaeological record during the Middle Horizon (600-1000 AD) and continued at least until the end of the Inca Empire (1532 AD). Over this span of time, smaller and more consistently sized trepanations are generally found, particularly at Inca sites in the southern highlands (Verano 2003). Both cases at Marcajirca show evidence of long-term survival based on healing and extensive bone remodeling. Accordingly, Verano (2003) indicates that scraping and circular grooving show the highest rates of survival. Cranium #11/ Individual #1 from Unit 2 exhibits a small trepanation. The wound is located on the left parietal and appears significantly healed, indicating that the individual did not die as a result of the surgery. The trepanation appears to have been created by circular grooving. The second evidence of trepanation was found in Cave 7B and also appears to be of this type. It measures approximately 3 cm in width. The incidence of skull fracture in association with trepanations has also been examined in Peruvian samples, showing that 26.2% of trepanned skulls from the central

53 highlands are associated with depressed skull fractures (Verano 2003). Neither of the trepanations found at Marcajirca however exhibit skull fractures, although skull injury is not always associated with visible skull fracture. Both of the trepanations thus found at Marcajirca are located on the left side of the skull. Notably, it has been shown that trepanations usually occur with greater frequency on the left side of the skull (Stewart 1958). Although the specific motivation for the practice of trepanation is unknown it is evident in a large percentage of cases that trepanation was used to treat the effects of skull fractures. Other possible reasons for treatment include the treatment of headaches, epilepsy, paralysis, or other health conditions (Verano 2003).

Figure 16. Possible Trepanations from Cave 2 (left) and Cave 7B (right) with evidence of long-term healing.

54 Bone Infection One case of probable osteomyletis was found in Unit 1, Level 2 of Chullpa 3. The advanced infection is seen on a distal end of a right subadult femur. The pathological lesion appears to have resulted from a bone fracture that led to a localized infection. A large cloaca is present, which would have served to drain the infection. Active bone remodeling is present at the site of infection where woven bone is seen, indicating that the infection was active at the time of death. The spread of this infection from its focus may have led to septicemia and death of the affected individual.

Figure 17. Subadult femur with possible osteomyletis

55 Neoplastic Growth Cranium #2 was found in Unit 1 (Figure 18). It contains a 2 cm circular hole on the left parietal along the lambdoidal suture and appears to be caused by a cranial cyst or tumor which formed during life. Healing extends 1.4 cm from the inferior edge of the defect and 1.8 cm from the left and right edges. The opening is approximately .4 cm in depth. Dermoid and epidermoid lesions are the most common manifestation of benign cranial tumors. These types of lesions arise in the diploe and expand to involve both tables of the skull. As they expand, they compress the surrounding bone to produce sclerotic margins, which appear sharply defined and may be scalloped or lobulated. In some cases, an infection develops and an area of osteomyletis is seen surrounding the lytic lesion (Kaufman et al 1997).

Figure 18. Cranium #2 from Unit 1, Cave 2 with a probable cranial cyst

56 One incidence of possible metastatic carcinoma is observed on Cranium #6 from Unit 2 (Figure 19). The fragmentary cranium consists of both parietals and the occipital. The individual appears to be a male, middle-aged adult. Evidence of lytic bone destruction is seen in the suprainiac region of the posterior crania, on the parietals and occipital. This activity appears to have been active at the time of death. Therefore, it is presumed that the condition was fatal. Metastatic carcinoma is a malignant, lytic condition that is most typically seen in adults above the age of 30. Metastatic lesions are characteristically multiple with varying size and ill-defined margins. Often the edges are beveled with one table affected more than the other (Kaufman et al 1997). Osteomyelitis is a possible differential diagnosis for this case, which might have developed due to the failed healing of a cranial fracture. The infected lesion would have caused lytic bone resorption around the point of infection. However, it is rare that osteomyletis would have led to such advanced lytic action. Pyogenic osteomyelitis is a cranial form of osteomyletis in which long-standing, untreated cases lead to very extensive erosion of bony tissue. The resulting condition results in bone exhibiting a moth-eaten appearance with lytic areas coalescing to form holes with irregular margins. Periosteal new bone formation in these cases is almost unknown. Additionally, granulomatous osteomyelitis is characterized by the development of sclerotic skeletal lesions associated with tuberculosis, syphilis, yaws, leprosy, and parasitic conditions (Kaufman et al 1997). However, this type of infection is unlikely in this case, as there is no sclerotic reaction present.

57

Figure 19. Cranium #6 from unit 2 with possible metastatic carcinoma.

Developmental Defects Left femur #5 and right femur # 8 from unit 1 exhibit antemortem anterior bending of the diaphysis likely caused from repeated work that required carrying heavy loads thus transforming normal biomechanics and putting great pressure on the proximal end on the femur. Sacrum #2 from Unit 1, sacrum #5 from Unit 3 (Figure 10) and one lumbar vertebra (Figure 11) from Unit 2 exhibit sacralization with partial or complete fusion of the 5th lumbar vertebra to the sacrum. Barnes (1994) describes sacralization as the

58 complete or incomplete incorporation of the last lumbar vertebral segment into the sacrum, with cranial shifting of the lumbosacral border.

Figure 20. Sacrum from unit 2 exhibiting sacralization of the 5th lumbar vertebra. Two fused thoracic vertebrae were found in Unit 2, Level 1 of Chullpa 3. Fusion is between the bodies of both vertebrae. The superior vertebral centrum exhibits a postmortem fracture, and the second vertebral centrum exhibits a loss of bone cortex. It is unclear what type of pathology may have caused this premature fusion. Individual 3 from Cave 1 exhibits fusion of the atlas (1st cervical vertebrae) to the base of the skull. This type of fusion appears less often than fusion of the thoracic or lumbar vertebrae. This fusion is also due to unknown causes. Two thoracic vertebrae from Unit 3 and one from Unit 2 in Cave 2 exhibit laminal spurs. These are normal variants of the spine often seen associated with increasing age or believed to accompany strenuous activity. The condition is seen in all populations, most often in thoracic vertebrae, then in lumbar, and rarely in cervical. The spikes appear

59 along the superior border of the V- shaped neural arch (lamia) that serve for the attachment of the inferior ligamentum flavum (Barnes 1994).

Figure 21. Thoracic vertebrae from Unit 3 exhibiting ossifying ligamenta flava A left first rib recovered from Unit 4 exhibits costochondral ossification. This condition usually ranges between the formation of small osseous islands in the cartilage to a complete ossification of the first rib and the sternum (Barnes 1994). This case exhibits relatively mild ossification and probably associates with an individual of advanced age.

60

Figure 22. 1st Rib with ossified costal cartilage. One case of spondylolysis was identified in a 5th lumbar vertebra from unit 2. The vertebra also exhibits osteophytosis and advanced arthritis. Spondylolysis is characterized by neural arch separation without anterior displacement of the vertebral body (Zimmerman and Kelley 1982). The most common manifestation of the condition is complete bilateral separation between the superior and inferior articular processes of the fifth lumbar vertebrae. This separation usually occurs between the ages of 4 and 20 and is generally more common in males. The sex and age of this individual are unknown. It has been noted that spondylolysis occurred most frequently in people doing heavy labor from prehistoric populations (Isan and Kennedy 1989).

61

Figure 23. Lumbar vertebrae exhibiting spodylolysis and osteoarthritis.

One sacrum from unit 3 exhibits spina bifida occulta. While spina bifida occulta can cause significant pain, it is often asympotamic and is rarely fatal. Spina bifida occulta is the mild form of a more serious condition, spina bifida, which is characterized by the failure of the vertebral neural arches to fuse because of a neural tube defect.

62

Figure 24. Sacrum from unit 3 with Spina Bifida Occulta

One case of mild scoliosis is identified in a sacrum from Unit 3, Cave 2. Scoliosis refers to the lateral curvature of the spine. Some cases are attributed to congenital abnormalities such as hemivertebrae, neurofibromatosis, and osteochondrodystrophy. The majority appear shortly after birth or in childhood. Incidences of scoliosis have been noted in high frequency in nineteenth-century English laborers associated with carrying heavy loads with greater convexity of curvature seen on the weight-bearing side of the body (Kennedy 1989). Lipping and porosity are seen in high frequency on the medial and lateral surfaces of the patella, particularly those found in Chullpa 3 and Cave 2. In one study, Tainter (1980) discusses this feature as a general stress response of lower-status individuals of Woodland Illinois Valley populations.

63 Cranial Modification Cranium #9 from Unit 2, Cave 2 exhibits probable modification in the form of a moderate depression posterior to the coronal suture. This type of modification is considered unintentional. It was likely caused from the use of a tumpline on the head for use in transporting heavy materials.

Figure 25. Cranium # 9 from unit 2 with probable tumpline modification.

64

Figure 26. Crania exhibiting annular-oblique modification Additionally, six crania were found in Cave 7B exhibiting annular-oblique modification. All crania appear similar to that in Figure 26, with modification of varying extents. Cranial modification, both intentional and unintentional, was by far the most widely distributed form of body modification among prehistoric Andean populations (Verano 1997). Intentional cranial modification of this type has been used by many researchers as complementary means of studying diversity in ancient societies. The annular-oblique type of modification is seen with great frequency throughout the Central Andes, particularly within sites under Wari and Tiwanaku occupation (Blom 2004).

65 Pedro Weiss referred to annular-oblique modification as tipo chavin due to its believed association with the Chavn cult, which emerged during the Early Horizon Period, in addition to the large number of skeletal cases discovered exhibiting the feature within the central highlands (Weiss 1972), while others called it Aymara deformation because it was first observed in Aymara skulls in Bolivia (Eaton 1916; MacCurdy 1923). This type of modification is characterized as an elongated, tubular vault and it is achieved through circumferential cranial compression with bands that wrap the frontal, temporal, parietal, and occipital bones. Often, textiles or pads were used in wrapping as well as thin flexible pieces of wood. In many populations, cranial modification served as an ostentatious symbol of social position or indicator of membership within a particular ayllu, signaling overt regional, ethnic, or kin group differences (Blom 2004).

Non-metric Traits A fairly large palatine torus is observed in cranium #3 from Unit 3, Cave 2. This non-metric trait is also known as torus palatinus and is described as a raised plateau of bone varying in size along the midline of the palate. The trait is asymptomatic and not associated with any disease. The frequency of the trait generally varies between ethnic groups. There is no significant relationship between age and presence of the torus palatinus (Mann and Hunt 2005).

66

Figure 27. Mandible with palatine torus Mandibular tori, also known as torus mandibularis, can be observed on 4 mandibles, 3 from Unit 3 and one from Unit 4 in Cave 2. This non-metric, nonpathological trait is characterized by rounded, usually symmetrical bony growths (hyperostoses or hematomas) that may be found along the superior lingual border of the mandible below the premolars, but may extend further along the mandibular corpus. The tori are developmental anomalies that are seen more commonly in females and may have a genetic link. There is a possibility, however that smaller growths may be associated with chronic gum disease (gingivitis) (Mann and Hunt 2005).

67

Figure 28. Mandible #8 from Unit 3 exhibiting mandibular tori.

Summary Paleopathological evidence from this research primarily includes dental pathologies, trauma, and degenerative disease. A few isolated cases of neoplastic growth and bone infection are discussed as well. Overall, these results are characteristic of those found in most prehistoric populations (Ortner 1992). In attempting to draw conclusions concerning the social status of individuals based on paleopathological evidence of health conditions, it is difficult to make an obvious distinction between burial structures.

68

Chapter 8. Evidence of Differentiation in Burial Goods

Several aspects of the burials provide evidence of social differentiation: 1) evidence of bundling, 2) the presence of animal remains and associated evidence of burning, 3) ceramic offerings, 4) textile, wood, and modified bone offerings, and 5) Spondlyus and obsidian offerings. There was no evidence of bundling in Chullpa 3 or Cave 1. However, differential preservation between structures must be considered as factor in the preservation of rope remains, although all three structures were similarly exposed to elements such as rainfall, moisture, and sun. In Cave 2, two groups of bones were found bundled with cord and fragments of rope, cord, and other woven material was identified in large quantities throughout the cave. No animal remains were found in Chullpa 3. While scarce, guinea pig and camelid remains were uncovered from Cave 1. However, in Cave 2, an exceptional amount of animal remains were uncovered. The remains of at least 10 camelids were removed, along with guinea pig, and other unidentified animal bones. The quantity of animal remains in Cave 2 far exceeded those of Cave 1. Additionally, unlike the animal remains from Cave 1, the vast majority of those in Cave 2 exhibited evidence of burning. Evidence of burning was found on very few bones in Chullpa 3 or Cave 1, while in Units 3 and 4 of Cave 2 (the back portion of the cave), approximately 1/3 of recovered human remains exhibited evidence of burning. While the burning of animal bones may be associated with ritual activity, cremation was not a standard funerary practice in the Andes (Verano 1995). It is possible though that ritual activity within Cave 2 caused the

69 burning of nearby human remains. Furthermore, it is possible that evidence of burning in these structures indicates the presence of ancestor veneration. However, throughout the highlands, individuals are known to take refuge in caves for find warmth and to escape unfortunate weather conditions. Thus, fires are often lit in caves for reasons unassociated with ritual activity. Additionally in the southern highlands, MacCurdy reported the disturbed, unsalvageable state of mummies and skeletal remains in the caves he explored. In a particular burial cave at Torontoy, local residents had set fire to the mummy bundles to drive out bats which at night harassed pack mules that stopped to rest in the nearby town (MacCurdy 1923: 224). In Cave 2 at Marcajirca, the presence of bat guano and evidence of burning on skeletal remains may suggest a similar sort of non-ritual activity.

Ceramics Ceramics accompany the burials in all structures as offerings. However, great differentiation is seen between the amount and quality of ceramics found in Cave 2 compared to those of Chullpa 3 and Cave 1. In both Cave 1 and Chullpa 3, a small number of pottery sherds (<30) were found. While a few sherds exhibit pre-fire red slip paint, most are unpainted. Most of the sherds are black, brown, and orange in color. However, an exceptional amount of pottery (>250), primarily small to medium sized sherds, were recovered from Cave 2. A greater variety of colors is exhibited in this structure and many more contain pre-fire slip paint or other impressions and designs. Ceramic analysis has not yet been conducted on these pieces, however many appear to be shashal, a temper used in pottery analyzed from the residential sector and commonly seen used in pottery in the highlands of the Huari province (Druc 2005). Yet,

70 based on the much larger quantity of pottery found in Cave 2, it appears that these individuals were either initially buried with a greater quantity of burial goods or more burial offerings were left within the structure over time.

Textile Two pieces of woven textile, the first textile recovered from the site, were found in Unit 3 in Cave 2. The first is gray in color and the other is gray and white. The first measures approximately 5 by 13 cm. The second measures approximately 5 by 8 cm and contains several symbols and designs. These pieces likely served as part of a funerary bundle or were left as an offering.

Figure 29. Woven textile pieces from Cave 2. Rope Several pieces of braided rope and cord of made from various materials and braided in various forms were recovered from Cave 2 that may have served to wrap

71 mummy bundles (Figure 30). In Unit 3, a braided cord was found holding a cluster of associated bones together.

Figure 30. Cord recovered from Unit 3, Cave 2 likely used in mummy bundling. Wooden Sticks and Cord Four sticks of unknown wood were recovered from the northwest back corner of Unit 4 in Cave 2. The sticks have cord of unknown substance wrapped around one end. The other ends are carved to a sharp point. These sticks may have been used as objects of ancestor veneration, or as tools for textile production or fire making.

72

Figure 31. Sharpened wooden sticks, three with cord on one end.

Modified Wood and Bone One sharpened wood artifact and three sharpened, modified bone artifacts were found in Units 1 and 3 of Cave 2. Each contains one round hole at the widest end. The tools appear to have been used in textile production. Another unique modified bone artifact was recovered from Unit 2 in Cave 2. It is round with smoothed edges and contains a small hole in the center. All modified bone objects are made from animal bone.

73

Figure 32. Modified bone artifact possibly used in textile production. Mate and Stone Tools Several broken fragments of a black painted gourd bowl were found in Unit 2 of Chullpa 3. This bowl may have been used in a ritual burial offering. Three smooth stones were found in Cave 1. The geological origin and type of stone are unknown. All appear to have been used in a domestic context for grinding grain.

Spondylus Excavations within Cave 2 of the funerary sector at Marcajirca yielded, amongst various other burial goods, the first Spondylus recovered at the site. Throughout the Central and North Andean region, Spondylus princeps shells have been used in the archaeological record as conspicuous symbols of social influence due to their involvement in a system of long distance trade of sumptuary goods. Spondylus was acquired through participation in a regional trade-supported cosmology for more than four millennia.

74 Norton (1984) traced this long-established trade network to the geographic region of Manab on the southern coast of Ecuador, which includes the islands of La Plata and Salango. In Spanish conquistador, Bartolome Ruizs log, he references the present town of Puerto Lopez in the southern Manab Province as a center of exchange for Spondylus. Spondylus flourish in the warm waters off the coast of Ecuador and are known to be found extending from the Santa Elena Peninsula in Ecuador to the Gulf of California, but not in the cold waters of the current found off the coast of Peru (Burger 1984). Spondylus initially emerged in the Ancash region as a central symbol of Chavn ideology, particularly at the site of Chavn de Huantar, located approximately 40 km south of Marcajirca, during the Early Horizon around 1000 B.C. Various aspects of Chavn iconography, including Spondylus appear to have spread to many ecologically and culturally disparate regions, cutting across obvious cultural and political boundaries. Spondylus may have been regionally manipulated by local elites to enhance their prestige and validate their authority (Burger 1984). Despite the height of Marcajircas occupation taking place more than 2000 years later, the widespread influence of Spondylus remained evident until the arrival of the Incas and was likely linked to its initial appearance within Chavn religious ideaology. Burger describes Spondylus exchange as belonging to a system of external trade. According to Burger, external trade generally consists of non-productive goods, which are locally unavailable and, while not being essential to its survival, may become vested with symbolically charged meanings by those groups or individuals acquiring the exotic materials (Burger 1984). He mentions that these objects contain little information in terms of source and dating and it is common to find them modest in quantity. Donald E.

75 Thompson conducted excavations at sites associated with the Late Intermediate Period (1200-1500 A.D.) and ethnographic work for the departments of Huanuco, Ancash and La Libertad. Through this work, he identified two caches of Spondylus shell including whole pieces and pieces worked into beads and pendants found in excavations at Inticancha in the La Libertad department as evidence of highland connections with the Pacific coast (Morris and Thompson 1985). Currently, only one Spondylus artifact has been recovered at Marcajirca, although burial excavations have only taken place on a very limited scale. Yet, there was only one Spondylus pendant recovered from Cave 2, a burial structure containing at least 62 individuals, indicating a very low proportion within a particular sample.

Figure 33. Spondlyus pendant found in Cave 2.

76 Obsidian Procurement and Use Further support for Marcajircas participation in a system of extra-regional external trade is evidenced in the discovery of several small obsidian flakes in front of the access of a small chullpa on the eastern side of the funerary sector. The interior of this chullpa has not yet been excavated. The flakes were less than 2 cm in maximum dimension, notably small in size, and have not yet undergone trace element analysis. It appears that they are flakes deposited from the reworking of a larger piece of obsidian into a tool or other desired object. Nonetheless, the presence of obsidian, an element not found in the nearby region, suggests that the material must have been transported from a significant distance away. Obsidian is a volcanic glass formed by the rapid cooling of magma extruded by a volcanic eruption. In order for the obsidian to be useful, it must be geographically recent as old deposits absorb water and lose their distinctive flaking quality. Attractive geologic sources contain large enough nodules or blocks to be worked into tools but as the only evidence of obsidian at Marcajirca involved very small fragments less than 2 cm in size, it is difficult to know whether large blocks were acquired and then reworked to produce the small fragments recovered in excavations during the 2007 season. Only a few attractive sources of obsidian have been identified for pre-Hispanic Peru. According to Burger et al. (2005), there were no more than a dozen sources exploited in pre-Hispanic times and of those, only three were dominant providers of volcanic glass identified from archaeological artifacts: Quispisisa in a drainage of central Ayacucho, Alca in the Cotahuasi Canyon of central Arequipa and Chivay in the Colca valley of southern Arequipa.

77 Of the three major sources, the Quispisisa source is closest to highland Ancash. It is located in the puna zone in the drainage of the Rio Cararcha, one of the major tributaries of the Pampas River, approximately 550 km from the modern city of Huaraz. The Puzolana source is actually located 80 km closer to highland Ancash than the Quisipisisa source but is characterized by tiny obsidian nodules rarely exceeding 4 cm and embedded in a thick layer of volcanic ash whereas the Quispisisa source where the nodules frequently exceed 30 cm in diameter (Burger et al 2005). Thus, there is a high probability that the obsidian found at Marcajirca was obtained from the large obsidian deposit at Quisipisisa, which was widely exploited and traded throughout central and northern Peru. Burger (1984) has determined that 94% of the obsidian studied from Chavn de Huantar was derived from the Quispisisa source. Exotic or luxury items derive their significance, and hence their prestige, in part from the added energy it requires to procure them, in some circumstances by transporting them from long distances away. At many sites, obsidian was principally used for utilitarian purposes and was likely transported in large quantities. However, because was only found in very small quantities at Marcajirca and as it was attained from external sources, it likely signaled prestige for those who exploited its use as tools and other purposes. Even more notable perhaps are the social mechanisms required for those individuals to traverse a very large, potentially unknown distance to obtain obsidian. Obsidian use in the central Andes reliably dates to 11,000 years BP, almost to the time of the first human settlement of the region and spans at least until the arrival of the Spanish. For most of Central Andean prehistory, obsidian was used primarily for tools such as points, scrapers, knives and utilized flakes. It is noted as well that in some cases,

78 as in the Nasca culture, that obsidian was used for ceremonial functions (Sandweiss et al. 1998).

Figure 34. Obsidian flake recovered from in front of a chullpa access.

It is our hope that in the future, this material will undergo X-ray fluorescence and neutron activation testing to confirm its trace element composition and source deposit. Yet, it remains a viable working hypothesis that the presence of obsidian and spondylus within a mortuary context at Marcajirca are suggestive of a vertical social hierarchy.

79 Chapter 9. Evidence of Ancestor Veneration As discussed throughout highland social archaeological accounts, it appears that political and social leadership roles were constructed through kinship relations and ancestor affiliations. Authority was likely centered in civil and ritual spheres, especially concerning the agricultural calendar, communal projects, distribution of land and water resources, and defense of territories. Isbell points out that chullpas likely represented the funerary interments and religious foci for corporate groups organized by kin or group affiliation (Isbell 1997). Additionally, chullpa placement within residential structures demonstrates that those living within the residential compound had a direct relationship to those buried within its associated chullpa (Figure 5). Lau further suggests that variation in chullpa form, elaboration, and quality at Chinchawas, a site located on the central highlands on the western side of the Cordillera Blancas, similar to that seen at Maracjirca, is suggestive of varying status or economic standing of those buried there (Lau 2001). The development of sociopolitical complexity at Marcajirca may also be tied to ancestor veneration ceremonies as a way of mustering political currency through the expression of descent and hospitality (Lau 2002). George Lau argues that by A.D. 500, special public ceremonies combined ancestor veneration and feasting as a part of community politics in Recuay society (Lau 2002). Due to the geographic proximity of Recuay site and later Wari sites where the same type of social activities are seen, it is assumed that similar political and cultural activities would have taken place at Marcajirca. Evidence of a large quantity of camelid bones as well as guinea pig remains is suggestive of feasting and/or ritual activity pertaining to several mortuary structures.

80 Interestingly, as animal remains and general burial goods were found in large quantity within Cave 2 but no burial goods or animal remains were recovered from Chullpa 3, it is suggested that either ancestor veneration occurred only at a time when caves were used as burial structures or that there was a clear social differentiation between the ancestors of those buried in caves and those buried in chullpas. Lau identifies mortuary practices at Chinchawas shifting from subterranean tombs to housing ancestors in chullpas by about 800 A.D. At that time, chullpas were becoming increasingly ubiquitous throughout the Callejn de Huaylas, on the western side of the Cordillera Blancas, in areas with or without settlement hierarchy (Terada 1979). Lau interprets changing cultural patterns in funerary architecture and ceremonial activities as local responses to internal and external historical pressures (Lau 2002:280). Additionally, Doyle identifies, based on historical observations by Spanish priests, that ancestor ceremonies commonly occurred in special architectural spaces that were suited to accommodate large numbers of people (Doyle 1988). Marcajircas administrative center, a plaza-like structure found on the northern edge of the site presents an ideal public space for this type of activity. Numerous animal bones in Cave 2, containing the remains of at least 8 camelids, many guinea pigs, and other unidentified animals, many of which exhibit burning, suggest that feasting and ancestor veneration occurred during the occupation of Marcajirca. Additionally, the presence of large quantities of ceramics and other grave offerings demonstrates an active relationship that may have been based around systems of social power and kinship existed between the living and the dead.

81 Chapter 10. Conclusions

As this thesis suggests, correlations between archaeological and paleopathological evidence of social differentiation cannot always be unequivocally drawn. Diagnoses of specific disease conditions from archaeological remains is challenging due to limitations of bone response and the tendency for different disease to produce similar lesions (Verano 1997). However, the preliminary analysis of disease frequencies across a population is important for examining broader patterns of disease and demography across spatial and temporal boundaries. Additionally, an understanding of the unique geographical and environmental challenges faced by prehistoric populations living in the central highlands has valuable implications for the reconstruction of individual lifeways and population patterns. The initial primary research goal of this thesis focused on connecting differences in quality and quantity of burial goods, evidence or absences of ancestor veneration, and type and construction quality of burial structures with evidence of health and disease from skeletal remains. During excavations, clear archaeological differences emerged between the three primary burial structures. Cave 1 and Chullpa 3 appeared modest in construction and contained far fewer burial goods or evidences of ancestor veneration than Cave 2. Moreover, human remains in Cave 2 were found associated with prestige items including Spondylus, achieved through long-distance trade, as well as textiles and other unique modified wood and bone artifacts. Additionally, differences in stature between the structures seem to reinforce the idea that individuals buried in Cave 2 may have represented individuals from a higher social class or more elite kinship group than those in Cave 1 and Chullpa 3.

82 However, these initial findings were partially incongruent with other paleopathological evidence. Comparatively high frequencies of caries and abscesses, degenerative joint disease, and other pathologies were discovered in association with Cave 2. Therefore, while individuals from Cave 2 are associated with more prestigious burials, they also appear to have been in poorer health than individuals found in Cave 1 and Chullpa 3. However paradoxically, the number of pathological lesions found in Cave 2, particularly dental pathologies, may be age-progressive and actually indicate that individuals in this structure were in better health and lived comparatively longer than those in Chullpa 3 and Cave 1. Additionally, further excavations in Cave 7B and Structure 7 will help to infer the social positioning of individuals from these unique structures. Thus, attempts to construct a connection between health and social status from skeletal remains at Marcajirca have been partially inconclusive up to this point, in part due to the disassociated state and poor preservation of remains which complicated my ability to record evidence of certain pathologies. While preliminary social differences between the three primary structures examined in this thesis can be seen in both health and archaeological contexts, an unequivocal correlation cannot be drawn due to incongruities in paleopathological evidence. Thus although it is reasonably assumed that social status played an important role in exposure and response to developmental stress at Marcajirca just as it has in similar societies, assessable factors presently remain limited.

83

Chapter 11. Recommendations for Future Work

Highland Ancash has attracted archaeologists for decades, primarily because it contains the monumental site of Chavn de Huantar and the center of the unique, artistic Recuay culture. However, the unique climatic and geographic challenges of the region also provide a rare opportunity for exploring small, isolated highland settlements and their dynamic relationship with their local environment and other nearby and distant populations. As I have outlined, the examination of archaeological and paleopathological data from sites such as Marcajirca reflect these discrete complexities. While paleopatholgoical and osteological profiles from Marcajirca have provided a valuable insight into the health status of individuals at Marcajirca, further investigation into these findings and those from other structures will expand our understanding of the social and biological complexities of the site. Preliminary evidence provides an exciting glimpse of the level of social complexity and kinship relations that existed at Marcajirca during its occupation. This work promotes the continued development of a population perspective on health and disease, which has been one of the important, recent achievements of Andean paleopathology (Verano 1997). Further testing of recovered remains may help to expand our knowledge of the past lives of these individuals. DNA testing of remains within different structures may answer questions pertaining to the genetic relationships between individuals and help to verify our hypothesis that lineage groups were buried together. Stable isotope testing of remains will help to identify whether there were dietary differences between separate kin and social groups. Finally, radiocarbon dating will allow us to provide a temporal context

84 for the habitation of Marcajirca and allow us to make further comparisons with other regional sites from the same time period. The ancient human remains of Marcajirca are uniquely positioned to provide us with a trace of what life was like in an isolated highland community. While this research represents an attempt to recover a representative burial sample for social analysis, there is a need for future work on many additional structures within various sectors of the site. Additionally, future work in bioarchaeology throughout the Department of Ancash, particularly on the eastern side of the Cordillera Blancas will help to further reveal regional similarities in socio-political structures, funerary practices, and skeletal health.

85

Proyecto Arquelogico Marcajirca, Huari-Ancash 2007 Ficha de Inventorio Oseo


UE: 1-2, disarticulated

Sector: F

Estructura: Cueva 1

Unidad: 1-4

Capa: 1-2

Bone crania frontal parietal temporal occipital sphenoid ethmoid maxilla mandible hyoid vertebrae C1 C2 C3-7 T1-12 L1-5 Sternum manubrium body xiphoid process clavicle scapula humerus ulna radius hand scaphoid lunate triquetral pisiform trapezium trapezoid capitate

Adult Right

Left

5 7

Indeter/ NA 41 fragments 1 complete, 7 fragments 4 17 fragments 5 6 fragments 12 fragments 1 complete, 1 fragment 1 2 complete, 4 fragments 1 3 complete 42 fragments

Subadu lt Right Left

Indeter.

2 3

21 41 19 1 fragment 2 2

2 6 3

2 6 5 5 7 2

23 32 51 31 42

indeterminate fragments fragment indeterminate indeterminate

3 1 1 3

1 1 2 2 1

2 1

2 2 indeterminate 1 indeterminate

1 1

1 indeterminate 1 indeterminate 1 2 indeterminate

86
hamate 1st metacarpal 2nd metacarpal 3rd metacarpal 4th metacarpal 5th metacarpal 1st proximal phalange 1st distal phalange proximal phalange middle phalange distal phalange ribs 1st 2nd 3rd-10th 11th 12th os coxae femur patella tibia fibula sacrum coccyx foot talus calcaneus cuboid navicular 1st cuneiform 2nd cuneiform 3rd cuneiform 1st metatarsal 2nd 2 2 1 indeterminate

3 indeterm inate 38 indeterminate (hand or foot)

25 (hand or foot), 55 indeterminate 30 (hand or foot) 15 (hand or foot)

59

48 167 indeterminate

12

5 7

3 1 indeterminate 6

1 5 2 1

3 2 2 1

2 2 1 1

3 complete, 1 partial

4 3 2 3

4 3 4 3

2 3 1

11

87
metatarsal 3rd metatarsal 4th metatarsal 5th metatarsal 1st proximal phalange 1st distal phalange proximal phalange middle phalange distal phalange dentition upper incisors I1 I2 upper canines upper premolars P3 P4 upper molars M1 M2 M3 lower incisors I1 I2 lower canines lower premolars P3 P4 lower molars M1 M2 M3 Associated/ Articulated Remains Individual 1

3 1 4

10

3 2 2 11

15

88
Mandible Vertebrae Sternum Scapula Humerus Ulna Radius Hands Scaphoid Ribs Os Coxae Sacrum Femur Patella Tibia Fibula Feet Talus Calcaneous Navicular Individual 2 Cranium Indeterminate Fragments Mandible Vertebrae Indeterminate Fragments Thoracic Lumbar Individual 3 Cranium Mandible Dentition Vertebrae Cervical Thoracic Lumbar Sternum Ribs Os Coxae Sacrum Femur Patella Tibia Fibula Feet Tarsals Talus Calcaneous Cuboid Navicular Cuneiforms complete complete all except left max. I1, M1, M2; right max I1, I2, M1, and M2; left mand. I1 C1 T2-T12 L1-L5 manubrium, body 4 left, 2 right, 4 indeterminate fragments 1 right illium and ishium complete 1 left, 1 right 1 right 1 left, 1 right 1 left, 1 right complete 4 complete 11 5 2 complete 18 manubrium 1 left, 1 right 1 left, 1 right 1 left, 1 right 1 right 1 left 12 left, 12 right 1 left illium, 1 right complete 1 complete 1 left, 1 right 1 left 1 left, 1 right 1 left, 1 right 1 right 1 right 1 right

1 left, 1 right 1 left, 1 right 1 right 1 left, 1 right 3rd right

89
Metatarsals Phalanx Fragments(of foot) Indeterminate Fragments 8 8 3 42

90

Proyecto Arquelogico Marcajirca, Huari-Ancash 2007 Ficha de Inventorio Oseo

Sector: F Bone crania frontal parietal temporal occipital sphenoid ethmoid maxilla mandible hyoid vertebrae C1 C2 C3-7 T1-12 L1-5 Sternum manubrium body xiphoid process clavicle scapula humerus ulna radius hand scaphoid lunate triquetral pisiform trapezium trapezoid capitate hamate

Estructura: Cueva 2 Adult Right

Unidad: 1-4

Capa: 1 Subadult Right

UE: 1-4, nonarticulated

Left

Indeter/ NA 10 complete 6 indeterminate 10 14 2 indeterminate 6 3 6 0 2 complete 1 34 complete 2 32 31 140 279 148 17 15 2

Left 1 2 6 1 3 1

Indeter. 2 1 4

10 21 2 7 3

3 3

2 1 3 9 compl.

5 5 41 75 42

37 45 47 44 38 17 17 12 5 14 12 18 17

28 50 46 49 44 23 14 9 8 20 16 17 14

8 12 12 15 15 1 6

11 14 16 16 9 1 4 1 2 1 2

2 1

1 1

91
1st metacarpal 2nd metacarpal 3rd metacarpal 4th metacarpal 5th metacarpal 1st proximal phalange 1st distal phalange proximal phalange middle phalange distal phalange ribs 1st 2nd 3rd-10th 11th 12th os coxae femur patella tibia fibula sacrum coccyx foot talus calcaneus cuboid navicular 1st cuneiform 2nd cuneiform 3rd cuneiform 1st metatarsal 2nd metatarsal 3rd

24 28 40 18 27

18 31 34 19 26

2 indeterminate

1 1 1 1 1 2 4 1

8 11 205 98 95 25 33 325 26 20 45 42 21 46 51 43 29 353 75 indeterminate 15 7 6 indeterminate 41 39 24 1 indeterminate 41 37 30 10 6 125 4 26 16 15 15 13 3 72 9 3 20 21 16 9 23 8 10

12

1 21

28 30 22 24 17 12 17 25 14 20

35 33 17 26 27 16 14 31 19 27 3

9 3 2 2 2

5 4 1 1

1 1 4 2 3 2

92
metatarsal 4th metatarsal 5th metatarsal 1st proximal phalange 1st distal phalange proximal phalange middle phalange distal phalange dentition upper incisors I1 I2 upper canines upper premolars P3 P4 upper molars M1 M2 M3 lower incisors I1 I2 lower canines lower premolars P3 P4 lower molars M1 M2 M3

17 18

26 23 44 30 127 29 25

3 8

2 2

2 22 1

13 8 17 27

13 5 20 28

1 1 2

1 2

1 4 2 12 12 11 13 4 7 6 2 8 8

1 5 3 10 8 16 9 6 3 8 1 3 7 1

1 3

2 7

93

Proyecto Arquelogico Marcajirca, Huari-Ancash 2007 Ficha de Inventorio Oseo

Sector: F

Estructura: Chullpa 3 Unidad: 1-4

Capa: 1-2 UE: 1-4, disarticulated Subadu lt Right Left 4 5 3 5 1 6 1 6 1 6 compl. 1

Bone crania frontal parietal temporal occipital sphenoid ethmoid maxilla mandible hyoid vertebrae C1 C2 C3-7 T1-12 L1-5 Sternum manubrium body xiphoid process clavicle scapula humerus ulna radius hand scaphoid lunate triquetral pisiform trapezium trapezoid

Adult Right 2 10 7 3 7 4

Left 2 7 8 2 4 3

Indeter/ NA 25 fragments 2 complete 30 fragments 5 fragments 6 complete, 6 fragments 7 fragments 1 fragment 3 complete 4 complete,1 mesial fragment 1 9 8, 1 fragment 27, 7 fragments 43, 30 fragments 27, 22 fragments 1 fused 2 3

Indeter. 1 8 1 7

1 , 1 frag 11, 7 22, 10 7,1 3 frag frag frag frag 2 2

10 13 13 10 , 1 fragment 12 4 3 1 1 1

7 11 8 12 10 5 4 3 1 3

8 7 9 3 7

6 7 9 7 5 2 1 1

1 frag 2 1 frag

94
capitate hamate 1st metacarpal 2nd metacarpal 3rd metacarpal 4th metacarpal 5th metacarpal 1st proximal phalange 1st distal phalange proximal phalange middle phalange distal phalange ribs 1st 2nd 3rd-10th 11th 12th os coxae femur patella tibia fibula sacrum coccyx foot talus calcaneus cuboid navicular 1st cuneiform 2nd cuneiform 3rd cuneiform 1st metatarsal 2nd 3 3 2 2 5 1 4 2 6 4 4 5 7 3 7 1 1 1 1

2 7 indeter.

9 5 10, 31 indeterminate 12 2 155 14 15 8 10 9 15 13 2 2 124 73 indeterminate 8 8 11 14 9 1 indeterminate 17 16 3, 1 fragment 4 39 2 16 13 3 11 8 5 32 2 11 11 1 11 9 4 4

1 5

10 8 6 8 6 4 7 6 4

8 7 7 11 6 3 4 8 6 3

4 3 1 1

2 4 1

2 1

95
metatarsal 3rd metatarsal 4th metatarsal 5th metatarsal 1st proximal phalange 1st distal phalange proximal phalange middle phalange distal phalange dentition upper incisors upper canines Upper premolars upper molars M1 M2 M3 Lower incisors lower canines lower premolars P3 P4 lower molars M1 M2 M3

13 5 6 3 1 16 20 28 12 10 14

6 6 8 5 4 indeterminate

3 5 3

3 1 1 4 indeter.

13 8 13 4 5 17

3 indeterminate

17 indeter.

8 indeterminate 8 2 3

1 3 3 16 10

1 4 4 11 4 3 3

1 2

2 1

11 9 2 2 2

9 5 1 5 1 1

96

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