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HAWTHORNE'S MAN OF SCIENCE

by

LOUIS HENRY BRYAN, JR., B. A.

A THESIS IN ENGLISH

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS

May, 1970

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SOS"
970

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am deeply indebted in the preparation of this thesis to Dr. M. S. Carlock, whose lectures first interested me in Hawthorne when I was an undergraduate, and to Dr. J. T. McCullen, whose assistance as my director has been beyond that which I deserved or even expected.

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CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I. INTRODUCTION II. HAWTHORNE'S MEN OF SCIENCE The Stereotype "^Roger Chillingworth Aylmer -r. Rappaccini ~Frofessor Baglioni Septimius Felton Dr. Portsoaken Dr. Heidegger Dr. Grimshawe Dr. Dolliver Holgrave Owen Warland

ii 1 4 4 5 11 17 21' 25 29 32 35 38 ^1 44

III. THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY STEREOTYPE OF THE MAN OF SCIENCE IV. CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY 47 55 57

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Throughout Nathaniel Hawthorne's work there exists a character often described in critical works as "the standard Hawthorne man of science." Yet the critic then offers but little discussion of the qualities which constitute this "standard" creation. This study will first demonstrate that a "standard man of science" does indeed

exist in Hawthorne's work and then show that it was the contemporary stereotype of the man of science that led Hai'7thorne to use him as a stock character in his examinations of the nature of sin and its effect on the individual. It may be well at this point to comment upon the avoidance thus far of the word scientist. The Oxford English Dictionary records the coining of scientist in 1840 and lists several instances 2 in which the word was used in the years inmiediately following. When one considers that during the nineteenth century new words crossed the Atlantic with relative slowness, that Hawthorne died in 1864, that excluding The Marble Faun and Our Old Home he published nothing written after 1854, that there is no certainty that he was ever See, as an example, Edward H. Rosenberry, "Hawthorne's Allegory of Science: 'Rappaccini's Daughter,'" American Literature, XXXII (March, 1960), 40. ^The Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933), IX, 223.

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acquainted with the vjord, and that his tastes in matters of orthography and rhetoric v/ere rather conservative, it is hardly surprising to find no instance of his using scientist. That Hawthorne did not use scientist only suggests that he either confined himself to terms describing the practitioner of a specific branch of science (for

3 example, his reference to Roger Chillingworth as a physician), or used some other means to express the concept of the practitioner of science in general. Most frequently, Hawthorne used the specific, but when he wanted a general term he used "man of science." Of the specific characters with whom this paper is concerned, Havjthorne referred to Aylmer in "The Birthmark" (II, 47), Roger Chillingworth in The Scarlet Letter (V, 151), and Giacomo Rappaccini and Pietro Baglioni in "Rappaccini's Daughter" (II, 116) as "men of science." This paper V7ill retain Hawthorne's usage in the belief that an anachronism vjhich retains appropriate nineteenth-century flavor and connotations is justified. The above-mentioned men of science (Aylmer, Chillingworth, Rappaccini, and Baglioni) are those with whom this paper is primarily concerned. In addition, secondary attention will be given to Owen Warland of "The Artist of the Beautiful," Holgrave of The House of the Seven Gables, Dr. Heidegger of "Dr. Heidegger's Experiment," and 3 The VJorks of Nathaniel Havrthorne, With Introductory Notes by George Parsons Lathrop (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 18821883), V, 150; subsequent references will be by volume and page number inserted in the text.

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to the protagonists of three of Hawthorne's four unfinished novels

Dr. Grimshawe of Dr. Grimshawe * s Secret, Dr. Dolliver of The Dolliver Romance, and Septimius Felton of the novel of the same name. Brief though Hawthorne's reference to him is. Dr. Portsoaken of Septimius Felton must also be included. Ethan Brand of the short story of the same name and Professor Westervelt of The Blithedale Romance both exhibit certain characteristics of the man of science; however, neither of them is sufficiently protrayed as a man of science to warrant his inclusion in this study. One final introductory note concerns the use of The Dolliver Romance, Dr. Grimshawe's Secret, and Septimius Felton in this study. To accept the characters in these works as complete portrayals would be unthinkable, inasmuch as the works in which they are found were not considered by Hawthorne to be fit for publication; however, to produce a study in which one, ostrich-like, ignores characters suitable for inclusion would be equally unthinkable. The characters in question areespecially in the instances of Dr. Dolliver, Dr. Portsoaken, and Dr. Grimshawepoorly developed; but they are nevertheless men of science and must be treated herein. Finally, it seems worth noting with respect to Hax>^thorne' s unfinished novels that in his struggle to produce another romance after The Marble Faun he, in all three attempts, seized upon men of science as his protagonists. The man of science, then, obviously fascinated Hawthorne; hopefully this study will provide some insight into his interest.

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Only if one considers The /ancestral Footstep a separate novel would there be four.

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CHAPTER II

HAWTHORNE'S MEN OF SCIENCE

The Stereotype

The best approach to an understanding of Hawthorne's man of science may be a listing of his characteristics. The man of science is a pale, thin old man whose age is strikingly contrasted with that of a youth or a child found in his proximity. He is, in the modern sense of the word, an intellectual. His work is of an esoteric nature and usually concerns life, especially human life; he is most often a physician. If we learn anything of his laboratory, we find that it is isolated and fiery and has an oppressive atmosphere laden with various chemical fumes. When the man of science engages upon a project, it almost invariably fails after having given the initial appearance of impending success; and the man of science generally can be found taking an ecstatic delight and reveling in premature triumph over his assumed successes. In spite of his failures, he becomes so fanatically devoted to his work that it becomes an obsession with him. He will stop at nothing to increase his store of knowledge or achieve his ends and is possessed of a consuming ambition and an immense pride. His very nature, tHen, causes him to lose touch with the world; and this isolation from humanity serves at

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once as the cause and source of his sinthe "want of love and reverence for the Human Soul. . .the separation of the intellect from the heart," attitudes and actions described by Hawthorne in an oftenquoted notebook entry in which he speculates upon the nature of the unpardonable sin. The man of science ultimately suffers direly as a consequence of his sin, but he is clearly the cause of his own destructionthere is no deus ex machina in his downfall. Finally, he has within him an element of greatness which causes him to approach the status of a tragic hero. (R. B. Heilman has discussed this point while speaking of Aylmer in "The Birthmark." )

Roger Chillingworth

Turning now to an examination of Hawthorne's men of science individually, we might first choose The Scarlet Letter and consider Roger Chillingwortha man who stands as the classic example of Hawthorne's man of science. Roger Chillingworth is, as expected, "small of stature" (V, 81) and has a "pale, thin, scholar-like visage" (V, 79). He is old, and his age is frequently contrasted with that of the other three main characters in the novel. He speaks to Hester of their marriage as the occasion "when I betrayed thy budding youth into a false and unnatural relation with my decay" (V, 150). Hawthorne,

describing the gradual closening of the relationship betvjeen

Randall Stewart, ed., The American Notebooks by Nathaniel Hawthorne (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1932), p. 106. ^R. B. Heilman, "Hawthorne's 'The Birthmark': Science as Religion ," Th^ Sou_yi A^jint^ ^ u ^ ^ LXVIII (October, 1949), 575.

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Chillingworth and the young Dimmesdale, refers to them as "these two men, so different in age" (V, 150). Too, in the scene in Chapter X in which Chillingworth and Dimmesdale observe Hester and Pearl passing beneath Chillingworth's window, there is a striking contrast between the youthfully exuberant Pearl, as she shouts, "Come av7ay, or yonder old Black Man will catch you!" (V, 164) and the "old Black Man" smiling grimly in the window. Like the typical man of science, Chillingworth can claim to be an intellectual; for example, Dimmesdale recognizes in him "an intellectual cultivation of no moderate depth or scope" (V, 151). His work is of an esoteric nature; he refers, in his interview with the incarcerated Hester, to his "old studies in alchemy" (V, 94), and he presents himself to the Bostonians as "a man of skill in all Christian modes of physical science, and likewise familiar with whatever the savage people could teach, in respect to medicinal herbs and roots that grew in the forest" (V, 92). Dimmesdale frequently visits Chillingworth's laboratory "for recreation" and watches "the processes [presumably sufficiently esoteric to be interesting] by which weeds

were converted into drugs of potency" (V, 160). Like many of Hawthorne's men of science, Chillingworth practices medicine without a degree; in the previously-mentioned interview with Hester he observes that "my old studies in alchemy. . .and my sojourn, for above a year past, among a people well versed in the kindly properties of simples, have made a better physician of me than many that claim the medical degree" (V, 94). Shortly thereafter, Hawthorne refers to him as "the physician, as he had a fair right to be termed" (V, 94).

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. .',^ 1MI*-^-i- IWI II -^

7 Hawthorne says little of Chillingworth's laboratory; but, as can be expected with a man of science, it is isolated "on the other side of the house" (V, 154) and is "provided with a distilling apparatus, and the means of compounding drugs and chemicals" (V, 155). Too, in developing Chilling\^7orth's character, Hawthorne later reports the town rumor that the fire in Chillingworth's laboratory "had been brought from the lower regions, and was fed with infernal fuel" (V, 156). We have said that when a man of science engages upon a project it almost invariably fails after having given the initial appearance of impending success; this observation is partially true of Chillingworth. If we maintain that Chillingworth's goal is to become "not a spectator only, but a chief actor, in the poor minister's interior world. . .[to] play upon him as he chose" (V, 171); to "burrow and rankle in his heart. . .[to] cause him to die daily a living death"

(V, 206), then certainly Chillingworth is eminently successful. But the very nature of Chillingworth's revenge is such that he can achieve only a partial success; when, during their forest interview, Hester asks him, "Hast thou not tortured him enough?. . .Has he not paid thee all?" Chillingsworth replies, "No!no! He has but increased the debt!" (V, 208). Too, in the penultimate chapter vrhen Dimmesdale prepares to mount the scaffold and make his public confession, Chillingworth no longer has reason to live and kneels beside him "with a blank, dull countenance, out of which the life seemed to have departed," repeating, "Thou hast escaped me!" (V, 303).

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8 Thus, even though he has been the death of his enemy, he has failed in his ultimate goalthe eternal earthly torment of Dimmesdale. Chillingworth clearly fits the stereotype, though, in his ecstatic delight over his success in discovering the identity of Hester's correspondent: After a brief pause, the physician turned away. But with what a wild look of v7onder, joy, and horror! With what a ghastly rapture, as it were, too mighty to be expressed only by the eye and'features, and therefore bursting forth through the whole ugliness of his figure, and making itself even riotously manifest by the extravagant gestures with vjhich he threw up his arms toward the ceiling, and stamped his foot upon the floor! Had a man seen old Roger Chillingworth, at that moment of his ecstasy, he would have had no need to ask how Satan comports himself when a precious human soul is lost to heaven, and won into his kingdom (V, 169).

In spite of failures and setbacks, the man of science is so fanatically devoted to his work that it becomes an obsession with him. Chillingworth had early devoted himself to his work; in his first interview with Hester he refers to himself as "having given my best years to feed the hungry dream of knowledge" (V, 96). We have already discussed his knowledge of medicine, and it can be assumed that this knowledge was not gained without a certain devotion to its acquisition. However, it is only when he undertakes the discovery of Hester's paramour that we sense the beginnings of Chillingworth's obsession as, his eyes aglow, he says, "Sooner or later, he must needs by mine!" (V, 98). Hawthorne describes the development of Chillingworth's obsession as follows: "But, as he proceeded, a terrible fascination, a kind of fierce, though still calm, necessity

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seized the old man within its gripe, and never set him free until he had done all its bidding" (V, 158). Chillingworth's obsession develops such intensity that in time he becomes a very fiend in his torment of Dimmesdale. Hawthorne declares: "In a ^^7ord, old Roger Chillingworth was a striking evidence of a man's faculty of transforming himself into a devil, if he will only, for a reasonable space of time, undertake a devil's office" (V, 205). In discussing with Hester his torment of Dimmesdale, Chillingworth says, "A mortal

man, with once a human heart, has become a fiend for his [Dimmesdale' s] especial torment!" (V, 207). Later, during the same meeting, Hester expresses her pity for Chillingworth "for the hatred that has transformed a wise and just man to a fiend" (V, 209). Chillingworth possesses in abundance the pride and consuming ambition characteristic of the man of science; we see his pride in his arrogant self-confidence during his first meeting with Hester when he tells her: I shall seek this man [Pearl's father], as I have sought truth in books; as I have sought gold in alchemy. There is a sympathy that will make me conscious of him. I shall see him tremble. I shall feel myself shudder, suddenly and unax\Tares. Sooner or later, he must needs be mine! (V, 98). Chillingworth's pride is even more apparent in his forest interview with Hester when he declares: I tell thee, Hester Prynne, the richest fee that ever physician earned from monarch could not have bought such care as I have wasted on this miserable priest! But for my aid, his life would have burned away in torments, within the first two years after the perpetration of his crime and thine. . . .What art can do, I have exhausted on him. That he now breathes, and creeps about on earth, is owing all to me! (V, 206).

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10 Closely associated with Chillingworth's pride is his ambition; in Chapter IV he confidently predicts: "His [Hester's correspondent's] fame, his position, his life, will be in my hands" (V, 99). After he has achieved this goal and has mercilessly tormented Dimmesdale for

some time, Hester begs Chillingworth to "leave his further retribution to the Power that claims it!" (V, 209). Chillingworth refuses and thus demonstrates what must be the ultimate in ambitionthat of usurping a heavenly prerogative. We have said that the man of science has lost touch with the world, that he is isolated. Chillingworth early characterizes himself as "isolated from human interests" (V, 99), and Hawthorne describes hira as having chosen "to withdraw his name from the roll of mankind" (V, 145). Thus Chillingworth falls into his principal sinthe "want of love and reverence for the Human Soul. . .the separation of the intellect from the heart." That Chillingworth displays a "want of love and reverence" for Dimmesdale's soul is seen even before he discovers that Dimmesdale is the father of Pearl: Having recognized that Dimmesdale is one "whose body is. . .conjoined. . .with the spirit whereof it is the instrument" (V, 166), Chillingworth mutters, "A rare case!. . .1 must needs look deeper into it. A strange sympathy betwixt soul and body! Were it only for the art's sake, I must search this matter to the bottom!" (V, 168). (Italics mine.) When, during their forest meeting, Hester informs Dimmesdale that Chillingworth was her husband, the minister realizes the enormity of Chillingworth's sin and declares: "He has violated, in cold blood, the sanctity of a human heart" (V, 234).

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11 Chillingworth suffers for his sin and is clearly the cause

of his own destruction; in the concluding chapter Hawthorne remarks: This unhappy man had made the very principle of his life to consist in the pursuit and systematic exercise of revenge; and when, by its completest triumph and consummation, that evil principle was left with no further material to support it, when, in short, there was no more Devil's work on earth for him to do, it only remained for the unhumanized mortal to betake himself whither his Master would find him tasks enough, and pay him his wages duly (V, 307). Chillingworth's presumably unrepentant death "within the year" (V, 308) is the culmination of his tragedy. That a man who, in Hawthorne's words, "had been calm in temperament, kindly, though not of warm affections, but ever, and in all his relations with the world, a pure and upright man" (V, 158) could allow himself to become so consumed with hatred that he makes himself a probable candidate for eternal damnation is a tragedy of the highest order. It is perhaps for this reason that Hawthorne concludes his treatment of Chillingworth with a hint of possible redemption, suggesting that "in the spiritual world, the old physician and the minister. . .may, unawares, have found their earthly stock of hatred and antipathy transmuted into golden love" (V, 308).

Aylmer

After Roger Chillingworth, Hawthorne's most clearly-dra\\Ti man of science is Aylmer of "The Birthmark"; most of Chillingworth's characteristics as a man of science can be found in Aylmer. In his physical description Aylmer fits the stereotype of the man of science. He has a "slender figure" and a "pale, intellectual

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12 face" CII, 55); however, unlike most of Hawthorne's men of science, he is not described as old. It is difficult to fix Aylmer's age; but Hawthorne's reference to Georgiana as Aylmer's "young wife" (II, 47), his mention of the discoveries Aylmer had made "during his toilsome youth (_II> 53), and his failure to refer to Aylmer as young suggest that V7e may best consider Aylmer to be of middle age. Also, Hav7thorne's use of "young" in his descriptions of Georgiana provides, to a lesser degree, the youth-age contrast typically associated with the man of science. Certainly Aylmer is an intellectual; Hawthorne tells us that he "had made discoveries in the elemental powers of Nature that had roused the admiration of all the learned societies in Europe" (II, 53) and describes him as "an eminent proficient in every branch of natural philosophy" (II, 47). And surely we may label esoteric investigations into "the secrets of the highest cloud region and of the profoundest mines. . .the causes that kindled and kept alive the fires of the volcano, and. * .the mystery of fountains" (II, 54). Although not a physician, Aylmer has "at an earlier period. . . studied the v7onders of the human frame, and attempted to fathom the very process by which Nature assimilates all her precious influences . . .to create and foster man, her masterpiece" (II, 54); thus he does deal with human life. Too, and more significantly, the very theme of "The Birthmark" concerns Aylmer's attempts to remove a birthmark from the cheek of his otherwise perfect V7ife.

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13 Aylmer's secluded laboratory is described in greater detail than that of any of Hawthorne's other men of science. When Georgiana strays from that portion of the laboratory which her husband has converted into her boudoir for the duration of the experiment, she encounters the unadorned world of the man of science: The first thing that struck her eye was the furnace, that hot and feverish worker, with the intense glow of its fire, which by the quantities of soot clustered above it seemed to have been burning for ages. There was a distilling apparatus in full operation. Around the room were retorts, tubes, cylinders, crucibles, and other apparatus of chemical research. An electrical machine stood ready for immediate use. The atmosphere felt oppressively close, and V7as tainted with gaseous odors which had been tormented forth by the processes of science (II, 63). In the above description we find the fire and oppressive atmosphere characteristic of the man of science's laboratory; the element of isolation may be found in Hax^thorne's statement that Aylmer and Georgiana "were to seclude themselves in the. . .laboratory" (Italics mine.) (II, 53). We have said that the projects of the man of science are almost invariably failures; Aylmer's work illustrates this point vividly. When Aylmer is trying to "soothe Georgiana, and, as it were, to release her mind from the burden of actual things" (II, 56), he fails miserably in a pair of abortive experiments: He produces a flower which becomes blighted at Georgiana's touch; and, in an

attempt to "take her portrait by a process of his own invention" (which seems strikingly similar to daguerreotypy) (II, 57), he produces a portrait in which the only clear feature is the hated birthmark,

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14 Too, when Georgiana reads through the folio in which Aylmer has recorded his experiments, she discovers that: Much as he had accomplished. . .his most splendid successes were almost invariably failures, if compared with the ideal at which he aimed. His brightest diamonds were the merest pebbles, and felt to be so himself, in comparison with the inestimable gems which lay hidden beyond his reach. The volume, rich with achievements that had won renown for its author, was yet as melancholy a record as ever mortal hand had penned (II, 61). Small wonder that Georgiana feels "a less entire dependence on his judgment than heretofore" (II, 61)! Even so, she remains prepared to join Aylmer in his most monumental failure: his attempt to render her birthmarked cheek "as flavzless as its fellow" (II, 53). Typically, impending failure has the initial appearance of success: The almost-magical plant actually produces a flower before it is blighted at Georgiana's touch. Too, Aylmer is successful in removing the birthmark from Georgiana's cheek, but "as the last crimson tint of the birthmark. . .faded from her cheek, the parting breath of the now perfect woman passed into the atmosphere" (II, 69). Thus, the "almost irrepressible ecstasy" (II, 68) v/hich Aylmer,

"laughing in a sort of frenzy" (II, 68), enjoys as the birthmark is fading away heightens the irony of the failure he is momentarily to experience as Georgiana dies. Hawthorne informs us early that Aylmer is passionately devoted to his work: Aylmer "had devoted himself. . .too unreservedly to scientific studies ever to be vjeaned from, them by any second passion" (II, 47). Shortly after his marriage to Georgiana, Aylp.cr begins to

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15 be disturbed by her birthmark; his "sombre imagination was not long in rendering the birthmark a frightful object" (II, 50), and we soon see in him the tendency to obsession characteristic of the man of science. He realizes that "until now he had not been aware of the tyrannizing influence acquired by one idea over his mind, and of the lengths which he might find in his heart to go for the sake of giving himself peace" (II, 52). However, his reaction to this realization is his decision to make Georgiana an object of study, actually to attempt to remove the birthmark. In his decision, Aylmer reveals pride and ambition of an order surely unexceeded by any of Hawthorne's other men of science. When, in a passionate outburst, Georgiana asks him whether it is beyond his power to remove the birthmark, he replies: Doubt not my power. I have already given this matter the

deepest thoughtthought which might almost have enlightened me to create a being less perfect than yourself. . . .1 feel myself fully competent to render this dear cheek as faultless as its fellow; and then. . .what will be my triumph when I shall have corrected what Nature left imperfect in her fairest work! (II, 53). By recounting Aylmer's dream of being "inexorably resolved" (II, 53) to surgically remove the birthmark, Hawthorne early establishes that, as a typical man of science, Aylmer is prepared to go to any extreme to accomplish his ends. Aylmer later explains to Georgiana: "Know, then, that this crimson hand, superficial as it seems, has clutched its grasp into your being with a strength of which I had no previous conception. I have already administered agents powerful enough to do aught except to change your entire physical system" (II, 65). Aylmer's obsession is such that he can

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16 admit to Georgiana that "only one thing remains to be tried. If that fail us we are ruined" (II, 65). Even so, he is compelled to make the attempt. It may be argued that in our presentation of Aylmer's obsession we have painted him a shade too black, that we have overlooked Georgiana's willingness to be the object of his experimentation. However, Georgiana's insistence upon the initiation and continuation of the experiment and her avowal that she would "take a dose of poison if offered by [Aylmer's] hand" (II, 64) seem to indicate how strongly his obsession has affected her; for her willingness to submit is but a reflection of Aylmer's desire that she submit.

Aylmer's desire to perfect Georgiana's "sensible frame" (II, 66) that it might equal her spirit in perfection indicates that he has lost touch with the world. Surely one who had not isolated himself from humanity would realize that there is invariably a "fatal flaw of humanity which Nature, in one shape or another, stamps ineffaceably on all her productions" (II, 50). Too, by subjecting Georgiana to the anguish she suffers as a result of his obsession, Aylmer demonstrates a "want of love and reverence" for her soul. Hawthorne leaves somewhat ambiguous the question of Aylmer's fate; thus, one can only speculate upon the consequences of his sin. Whether Aylmer suffers as a direct result of Georgiana's death is a difficult question, but his treatment of Georgiana as an object of experimentation suggests that the love he possibly feels for her is, in actuality, merely a reflection of his self-love. Thus, his destruction of Georgiana in his attempt to perfect herhis failure

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17 to understand that "the fatal hand. . ".was the bond by which an angelic spirit kept itself in union with a mortal frame" (II, 69)-can be assumed to be forgotten almost as easily as he "forgot [the] mortifying failures" (II, 57) with the ephemeral plant and the daguerreotype. His pride and his lack of wisdom can scarcely permit otherwise. As Heilman states, Aylmer resembles the tragic hero; however

since Aylmerin Heilman's words"cannot see the Furies," he is not complete as a tragic hero. Aylmer's nobility, his element of greatness, is his intellect; his tragic flaw is that his knowledge never becomes wisdom. Hawthorne writes: "Yet, had Aylmer reached a profounder wisdom, he need not thus have flung away the happiness which would have woven his mortal life of the selfsame texture with the celestial" (II, 69). Perhaps Aylmer's most tragic aspect is that, like most of Hawthorne's men of science, he will never have sufficient wisdom to become a tragic hero.

Dr, Rappaccini

Signor Giacomo Rappaccini exhibits the physical appearance of the Hawthorne man of science: he is an "emaciated, sallow, and sickly-looking man, . . .beyond the middle term of life" (II, 112). Rappaccini's age and infirmity are vividly contrasted with the youth and vibrance of his daughter in Hawthorne's initial descriptions.

Heilman, The South Atlantic Quarterly, XLVII, 583.

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18 Unlike her "emaciated, sallow, and sickly-looking" father, Beatrice Rappaccini is "redundant with life, health, and energy" (II, 113). When Rappaccini calls to Beatrice "in the infirm voice of a person

affected with inward disease" (II, 113), she answers with "a rich and youthful voice. . .a voice as rich as a tropical sunset" (II, 113). Like most of Hawthorne's other men of science, Rappaccini is often referred to as intellectual. Hawthorne describes his face as being "pervaded with an expression of piercing and active intellect" (II, 124). Too, Rappaccini's work is of an esoteric nature and concerns human life; Professor Pietro Baglioni tells Giovanni that Rappaccini "is said even to produce new varieties of poison, more horribly deleterious than Nature, without the assistance of this learned person, v7ould ever have plagued the world withal" (II, 117) and intimates that Rappaccini has "nourished [Beatrice] with poisons from her birth upward, until her whole nature was so imbued with them that she herself had become the deadliest poison in existence" (II, 135-136). Rappaccini is, as his scientific studies indicate, a physician; and he is characterized by Baglioni as "eminently skilled" and having "as much science as any member of the facultywith perhaps one single exceptionin Padua, or all Italy" (II, 116). Rappaccini's laboratory is not described, but Hav7thorne's very failure to even mention it suggests that, like that of the typical man of science, it is isolated. Too, Rappaccini's garden is, in a sense, his laboratory; when Giovanni has gained access to the isolated

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garden, Beatrice tells him, in a statement more meaningful than she perhaps realizes, that "this garden is his [Rappaccini's] world" (II, 129). One of the most significant characteristics of the man of science is that his projects fail after having given the appearance of success. Rappaccini is even more successful in transforming Beatrice than Aylmer was in removing Georgiana's birthmark; the process of transformation, itself, does not kill Beatrice. Nevertheless, Beatrice becomes, like Georgiana, a "poor victim of man's ingenuity and of thwarted nature, and of the fatality that attends all such efforts of perverted wisdom" (II, 147). But, before failure becomes obvious, Rappaccini indulges in the man of science's characteristically premature triumph: The pale man of science seemed to gaze with a triumphant expression at the beautiful youth and maiden, as might an artist who should spend his life in achieving a picture or a group of statuary and finally be satisfied with his success. He paused; his bent form grew erect with conscious power (II, 146). We have said that the man of science becomes fanatically devoted to his work in spite of his failures. In Rappaccini's case, the only failures of which we learn (other than his ultimate failure with Beatrice) are those alluded to by Baglioni when he declares that Rappaccini "should be held strictly accountable for his failures" (II, 117). It is clear, though, that Rappaccini is devoted to his work; his eminence as a scholar and physician would not otherwise be likely. Too, with superb irony of anticipation, Baglioni I ells Giovanni that Rappaccini "would sacrifice human life, his ov.m among the

.^^' t)

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20 rest, or whatever else was dearest to him, for the sake of adding so much as a grain of mustard seed to the great heap of his accumulated knowledge" (II, 116). Baglioni further informs Giovanni that "Rappaccmi, with what he calls the interest of science before his eyes, will hesitate at nothing" (II, 138). Thus, Rappaccini clearly displays the v/illingness of the man of science to go to any extrem.e in pursuit of his ends. Rappaccini's pride and ambition are seen in his attitude toward Giovanni and Beatrice when he tells her: "My science and the sympathy between thee and him have so wrought within his system that he now stands apart from common men, as thou dost, daughter of my pride and triumph, from ordinary women" (II, 146-147). (Italics mine.) Also, the very nature of Rappaccini's undertaking indicates an ambition uncommon in all but men of science. Rappaccini's failure is the direct result of his having lost touch with the world and his attempt to render Beatrice even more isolated from humanity than he is. He shows a "want of love and reverence for the Human Soul" in being, as Baglioni expresses it, "not restrained by natural affection from offering up his child in this horrible manner as the victim of his insane zeal for science" (II, 137). "The separation of the intellect from the heart" is seen-^ in Baglioni's description of Rappaccini as being "as true a man of science as ever distilled his ov/n heart in an alembic" (II, 137-138). Again, one can only speculate upon the degree to which Rappar.

ccini will suffer as a result of his sin. Certainly, as Sister Jane

Page 24

21 Marie Luecke writes, "There is little doubt that Rappaccini himself was convinced that he was performing an inestimably good service to
o

his daughter." That Rappaccini cannot be accused of malice, however, does not absolve him from guilt in being at least partially responsible for Beatrice's death. Rappaccini has a noble ambition: to protect his beloved daughter from harm. In his attempt to protect her, however, he violates her soul and commits an affront to nature that he readily repeats with Giovanni. Thus, like Aylmer, his greatest flaw is that he lacks the wisdom to apply his knowledge as a man of science. Professor Baglioni

Closely associated with Rappaccini is Professor Pietro Baglioni. Like Rappaccini, Baglioni is old; Hawthorne describes him as "an elderly personage" (II, 115). Too, his age is frequently contrasted with Giovanni's youth; when he accosts Giovanni on the street, he calls him "my young friend" (II, 123). As a "professor of medicine in the university" (II, 115) and Rappaccini's opponent in "a professional warfare of long continuance" (II, 117), Baglioni can logically be termed an intellectual. Also,

if we assume that he has prepared the antidote that he gives Giovanni for Beatrice, we can properly say that he shares Rappaccini's interest

Sister Jane Marie Luecke, "Villians and Non-Villians in Hawthorne's Fiction," PMLA, LXXVII (December, 1963), 554.

Page 25

22 in the esoteric science of compounding drugs. As "a physician of eminent repute" (II, 115), he is clearly concerned with human life; and his very role in the story revolves around his ultimate destruction of Beatrice. Baglioni's laboratory is not described, nor is any clear indication given that he even cultivates an herb garden. However, if we again assume that he has prepared the antidote, there is at least the possibility that he has prepared it of materials he has himself gathered. Baglioni is atypical as a man of science in that he achieves a final success in his major undertaking, his attempt to thwart Rappaccini. In fact, the only failure that may be ascribed to Baglioni is found in Hawthorne's early comment that Rappaccini "was generally thought to have gained the advantage" (II, 117) over Baglioni in their professional war. Even so, Baglioni ultimately has a real success over which to congratulate himself. Having apparently stationed himself in Giovanni's chamber in order that he might savor his

triumph at its moment of realization, he calls to the stunned Rappaccini: "Rappaccini! Rappaccini! and is this the upshot of your experiment!" (II, 148). That he speaks thus, "in a tone of triumph mixed with horror" (II, 148), recalls Chillingworth's ecstasy over discovering Dimmesdale's secret. Baglioni seems to be devoted to his work as "a teacher of the divine art of medicine" (II, 116), and he is clearly devoted to his chief goal, that of thx-7arting Rappaccini. Baglioni characterizes

Page 26

23 himself as well as Rappaccini when he tells Giovanni that Rappaccini "will hesitate at nothing" (II, 138) to achieve his ends. A professional rivalry of the sort enjoyed by Baglioni and Rappaccini is not possible without significant pride on both their parts, and it is Baglioni who is presented as taking the offensive against Rappaccini. He derogates Rappaccini in his first meeting with Giovanni; and when he realizes, after having accosted Giovanni on the street, that "Rappaccini has a scientific interest" (II, 125) in the young student, he thinks: "This must not be. . . .Besides, it is too insufferable an impertinence in Rappaccini, thus to snatch the lad out of my ovm hands" (II, 125). Too, when Baglioni is describing Rappaccini as "having as much science as any member of the faculty," his pride induces him to add the modifier, "with perhaps one single exception

[i. e., himself]" (II, 116). In view of the "light that Hawthorne throws around Baglioni 9 as his chief culprit" mentioned by Sister Luecke, one is tempted to think of his destruction of Beatrice as V7illful. And there is some textual evidence to support this view. Baglioni's avovjed goal is to thwart Rappaccini, and he is struck early in the story with the thought of thwarting Rappaccini through his daughter: "This daughter of his! It shall be looked to. Perchance, most learned Rappaccini, I may foil you where you little dream of it!" (II, 125). Baglioni can achieve his goal equally well by either of two methods: first, by returning Rappaccini's supposedly-invulnerable daughter to a normal

^Luecke, PMLA, LXXVII, 554.

Page 27

24 human state; or second, by demonstrating that Beatrice is not as invulnerable as her father thinks. Even more so than the empiricist Rappaccini, the traditionalist Baglioni, who admits to "reading an old classic author lately" (II, 135), ought to be aware of the classical theory of antidotes that "those herbs, stones, or any other thing, which being put into a Serpents mouth, doth kill him, is an Antidote against his poyson." That Baglioni knows that the anti-

dote will probably have the same effect on Beatrice is suggested by his leaving Giovanni to conclude that the antidote will have the effect of transforming Beatrice's nature from poisonous to benign;

he tells Giovanni only to "hopefully await the result" (II, 138). Even so, since Baglioni can achieve his goal of foiling Rappaccini without killing Beatrice, the safest critical argument may be found in maintaining that he is callously indifferent to Beatrice's welfare. Whichever critical view one takes of the extent of Baglioni's malignity, it is clear that he demonstrates a "want of love and reverence" for Beatrice's soul and that his use of Giovanni to further his ends is scarcely less callous. Thus, in this final characteristic he fits Hawthorne's stereotype as a man of science.

John Baptista Porta, Natural Magick, ed. Derek J. Price (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1957), p. 225; this work is a facsimile of the 1658 London translation of Porta*s Magiae naturalis libri XX In quibus scientarium naturalium divitiae et deliciae demonstrantur "(Naples, 1589).

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25 Septimius Felton

Turning now to Septimius Felton. which, according to Una Hawthorne, was the last novel her father wrote (XI, 227), we find that the protagonist is a standard man of science in many particulars. Hawthorne describes Septimius as having a "slender, agile figure" (XI, 351); and after he has been engaged for some time in

his obsessive attempt to prepare an elixir of life, he develops the pallor characteristic of the man of science. Septimius is not old, but he ironically enough undergoes a transformation from the vigor of youth to a premature old age during the course of his quest for immortality. Robert Hagburn, with whom the youthful Septimius is compared at the first of the novel, returns from war and tells Septimius: "Study wears upon you terribly. You will be an old man, at this rate, before you know you are a young one" (XI, 389). Septimius is, above all, an intellectual man of science. At the beginning of the novel, Hawthorne informs us that "Septimius had early manifested a taste for study" (XI, 321); his minister tells him: "Your reputation as a scholar stands high at college" (XI, 237); and Hawthorne later refers to "the intellect, which was the prominent point in Septimius" (XI, 270). Septimius' attempt to produce an elixir of life can clearly be called esoteric; and in his fervid efforts to decipher the manuscript which he thinks holds the secret of immortality, he is "said by tradition to have found out many wonderful secrets that were almost beyond the scope of science" (XI, 381).

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26 The man of science is typically a physician, and Hawthorne relates that after Septimius' departure "the people. . .remember

him as a quack doctor" (XI, 382). Too, at the wedding of Rose Felton and Robert Hagburn, Dr. Portsoaken asks: "And how has been my learned young friend Dr. Septimius,for so he should be called" (XI, 419). Septimius' laboratory is but briefly described; however, it contains "implements of science, crucibles, retorts, and electrical machines" (XI, 421). Also, a legend that springs up after Septimius has gone tells that "old Aunt Keziah used to come with a coal of fire from unknown furnaces, to light his distilling apparatus" (XI, 381), recalling the rumors about the source of Chillingworth's fire. We have said that the man of science's projects fail after giving the appearance of success; certainly Septimius is, for a time, sure of success. His only question seems to be one of "whether Sibyl Dacy shared in his belief of the success of his experiment" (XI, 412). But Septimius does, of course, fail in his attempt to create an elixir of life because Sibyl deceives him into using a false ingredient that converts "the drink into a poison, famous in old science" (XI, 426). When Septimius has his flash of insight into the secret of the cryptic manuscript dealing with the elixir of life, he exhibits the characteristic ecstasy: "His brain reeled, he seemed to have taken 11 Rose Felton is Rose Garfield in the first part of the novel; too, she is earlier Septimius' fiancee rather than his sister.

Page 30\

27 a draught of some liquor that opened infinite depths before him, he could scarcely refrain from giving a shout of triumphant exultation, the house could not contain him" (XI, 397). Too, when he is sure of success in compounding the draught of immortality, he spends happy hours with Sibyl in mapping out their lives for millennia to come. At the beginning of the novel Septimius becomes deeply concerned with the question: "Why should I die?" (XI, 240), and his fixation gradually worsens; Hawthorne comments: "It was strange how every little incident thus brought him back to that one subject which was taking so strong hold of his mind" (XI, 242). At first Septimius applies himself "v7ith earnest diligence to his attempt to decipher and interpret the manuscript" (XI, 336). Then, believing that he knows all the manuscript's secrets, he begins to work at preparing the medicine and becomes thoroughly obsessed: "He had a strange, owl-like appearance, uncombed, unbrushed, his hair long and tangled; his face . . .darkened with smoke; his cheeks pale; the indentation of his brow deeper than ever before; an earnest, haggard sulking look" (XI, 382). That the man of science is willing to go to extremes to achieve his ends has been established. After Aunt Keziah's final illness, during which Septimius has precipitated a marked v/orsening of her condition by adding a new ingredient to her nostrum, Hawthorne ironically comments: "Septimius, much as he loved life, v7ould not have hesitated to put his own life to the same risk that he had imposed on Aunt Keziah; or, if he did hesitate, it would have been only because, if the experiment turned out disastrously in his own person, he would

Page 31

28 not be in a position to make another and more successful trial; whereas, by trying it on others, the man of science still reserves himself for new efforts, and does not put all the hopes of the world, so far as involved in his success, on one cast of the die" (XI, 362). Septimius' pride and ambition are seen most vividly in his presumption in asking, "Miy should I die?" and in his efforts to thwart nature by concocting an elixir of life; but he also shows his pride in lesser ways, We learn that when Septimius first looked at the strange manuscript he had gotten from Cyril Norton, the young British officer whom he had umcfillingly killed, he "could not with certainty read one word!" (XI, 280); however, he is shown to be untroubled by his inability "because he felt well assured that the strong, concentrated study that he would bring to it would remove all difficulties" (XI, 280-281). Those of Septimius' qualities described thus far are sufficient to cause him to lose touch with the world. During the first day recounted in the novel, Septimius is portrayed as feeling "himself strangely ajar with the human race" (XI, 250). Later, when Septimius has become obsessed with his attempt to concoct the elixir, Hav7thorne tells us that "he shunned the glances of his fellow-men, probably because he had learnt to consider them not as fellows, because he was seeking to withdraw himself from the common bond and destiny" (XI, 382).

As Septimius withdraws from humanity, he turns to introspection and seeks to achieve a "separation of the intellect from the heart" within himself. That he is partially unsuccessful in this

Page 32

29 effort is seen in his becoming romantically involved with the mysterious Sibyl Dacy. However, Septimius does exhibit a "want of love and reverence" for his omi soul in that his attempt to become immortal contravenes natural order, and he is "crushed and annihilated, as it were, by the failure of his magnificent and most absurd dreams" (XI, 430). Thus, demonstrating yet another characteristic of the man of science, he suffers as a direct result of his own actions. The man of science is typically portrayed as unwilling to profit from his mistakes; that Hawthorne leaves Septimius' ultimate fate a matter of speculation suggests the possibility that Septimius, the last man of science that Hawthorne portrayed, may deviate from the pattern by recognizing his error and thereafter undergoing a positive transformation of character. Whether V7e can jump to this conclusion or notperhaps it requires too great a leap of faith we do see that Septimius at least abandons his efforts to prepare an elixir of life.

Dr. Portsoaken

Another man of science found in Septimius Felton introduces himself as "Doctor Jabez Portsoaken, . . .late surgeon of his

Majesty's sixteenth regiment" (XI, 301). Hawthorne describes him as a "somewhat elderly man" (XI, 300), and his age is contrasted with Septimius' youth. He tells Septimius: "I must have been twice your age before I got so far [in knowledge]" (XI, 302).

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30 Portsoaken is an intellectual; Hawthorne refers to him as "the erudite doctor" (XI, 303), and Septimius finds "a great deal of imagination" (XI, 307) in him. Portsoaken's work is especially esoteric even for a man of science. In his first meeting with Septimius, he tells him: "I have hung my v7hole interest in life on a spider's web" (XI, 302); and he demonstrates, as Septimius tells Aunt Keziah, an extraordinary "knowledge of herbs and other mysteries" (XI, 305). Too, the "eminent chemist and scientific man" (XI, 363) is a doctor; and at the conclusion Hawthorne recalls the popular suspicion that Portsoaken, "with his fantastic science and antiquated empiricism, had been at the bottom of the scheme of poisoning, which V7as so strangely intertwined with Septimius's notion, in which he went so nearly crazed, of a drink of immortality" (XI, 429). Hawthorne is somev7hat ambiguous in his treatment of Portsoaken as a man of science whose grandest project fails. Portsoaken's

first love as a man of science seems to be his experimentation with spiders, their webs, and their venom; and despite Portsoaken's injunction to "see if the mere uninstructed observation does not discover a wonderful value in him [a favorite spider]" (XI, 370), one learns of no tangible benefit that the doctor may have achieved. That Portsoaken is a failure in other ways is suggested by Hawthorne's description of him as being "a humbug in scientific matters" (XI, 429) And finally, Portsoaken's connection with his niece, Sibyl Dacy, is such that "he appeared to have consented to, or instigated. . .this

Page 34

31 poor girl's scheme" (XI, 429). Thus, if we think of Portsoaken as the instigator of Sibyl's plot to poison Septimius, we can properly say that this project, too, fails. We see a hint of the man of science's fanatical devotion to his work in Portsoaken's enraged outburst when Septimius blandly admits having killed spiders and destroyed their V7ebs. Portsoaken cries: Crush them! Brush away their webs! . . .Sir, it is sacrilege! Yes, it is worse than murder. Every thread of a spider's web is worth more than a thread of gold; and before twenty years are passed, a housemaid will be beaten to death with her own broomstick if she disturbs one of these sacred animals (XI, 303). However, Hawthorne does not clearly describe Portsoaken as obsessed, nor is he shown to possess the man of science's willingness to go to

any extreme to further his ends. Perhaps Portsoaken's singular modesty and apparent lack of any really consuming ambition make him more cautious in his goals, or perhaps Hawthorne's portrayal is simply incompleteSeptimius Felton is, after all, an unfinished v7ork. Portsoaken can be termed isolated in that the esoteric nature of his v7ork with spiders tends to isolate him from the common people. As he tells Septimius, "I run some risk from my intimacy with this lovely jewel [the spider], and if I behave not all the more prudently, your countrymen will hang me for a wizard and annihilate this precious spider as my familiar" (XI, 370). Even so, the measures that Portsoaken takes to "behave all the more prudently" tend to make him rather less isolated than most men of science.

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32 Hawthorne's portrayal of Portsoaken as being at least aware (and possibly the instigator) of Sibyl Dacy's scheme shows his "want of love and reverence for the Human Soul," but the brevity of Hawthorne's treatment of him renders any really deep analysis impossible.

Dr. Heidegger

One of Hawthorne's earlier short stories, "Dr. Heidegger's Experiment," has a man of science as its protagonist. In Hawthorne's portrayal of Dr. Heidegger as an "old gentleman" (I, 260), his ref-

erence to Heidegger's "snowy head" (I, 270), and his description of the "ashen visages" (I, 260) of the doctor and his friends, we see the advanced age typical of the man of science. The frequently-seen contrast of youth with age is found in "Dr. Heidegger's Experiment" with an unusual twist; for Heidegger's age is contrasted with the transitory false youth of his aged contemporaries as one of them strives "to imitate the venerable dignity of Dr. Heidegger" (I, 268) and the Widow Wycherly asks him to dance: "The four young people laughed louder than ever, to think what a queer figure the old doctor would cut" (I, 268). Heidegger's work is esoteric, and since he is a doctor it clearly concerns human life. The very focus of the short story is upon his experiment with the water of the Fountain of Youth. Too, his subjects are apparently familiar with his penchant for experimentation; Hawthorne informs us that "they anticipated nothing more wonderful than the murder of a mouse in an air pump" (I, 261).

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33 Here again, we see the emphasis on life, and we can also suspect that it was more than Hawthorne's lust for alliteration which led him to describe the experiment upon the mouse as murder. Certainly nothing in Heidegger could be more true to the stereotype of the man of science than the failure of his experiment

after its initial apparent success. The briefly-youthful subjects quickly discover that "the Water of Youth possessed merely a virtue more transient than wine" (I, 270). Too, Hawthorne continuously suggests that the youth the four old people briefly enjoy is as illusionary as it is transient. Hawthorne relates that "the tall mirror is said to have reflected the figures of three old, gray, withered grandsires, ridiculously contending for the skinny ugliness of a shrivelled grandam" (I, 269). Also, Hav7thorne says that "the delirium which it [the water of youth] created had effervesced away" (I, 270). Finally, we should note that, as Hav7thorne describes the event, "above half a century ago. Dr. Heidegger had been on the point of marriage with [a] young lady; but, being affected with some slight disorder, she had swallowed one of her lover's prescriptions, and died on the bridal evening" (I, 260). Dr. Heidegger does not exhibit the man of science's characteristic ecstasy over his apparent success; in fact, he sits "watching the experiment with philosophic coolness" (I, 264). The ecstasy is seen in Heidegger's subjects, who become "a group of merry youngsters, almost maddened with the exuberant frolicsomeness of their years" (I, 267) and exult: "We are young! We are young!" (I, 267).

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34 A delicious irony is found in that "the most singular effect of their gayety was an impulse to mock the infirmity and decrepitude

of which they had so lately been the victims" (I, 267). Heidegger does not seem to be obsessed with his work; however, Hawthorne does portray him as being "constantly in the habit of pestering his intimates" (I, 261) with scientific demonstrations. Too, as a "very strange old gentleman, whose eccentricity had become the nucleus for a thousand fantastic stories" (I, 260), Heidegger seems to be somewhat isolated. Although to a certain degree Heidegger demonstrates the typical "want of love and reverence for the Human Soul," he is not the grievous sinner that the man of science often is. Certainly he can be accused of being perhaps too little concerned with the souls of his four venerable friends; he experiments upon them seemingly as readily as he would upon a mouse. However, he does not bear them any ill will, and he does not seem to cause them any harm other than the disappointment they experience when their newly regained youth has fled. Too, Hawthorne portrays Heidegger as learning from his experiment; at the conclusion Heidegger tells his friends: "If the fountain gushed at my very doorstep, I would not stoop to bathe my lips in itno, though its delirium were for years instead of moments. Such is the lesson ye have taught me!" (I, 270). Unlike Heidegger, his friends do not learn from their experience: "The doctor's four friends had taught no such lesson to themselves. They resolved forthwith to make a pilgrimage to

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35 Florida, and quaff at morning, noon, and night, from the Fountain of Youth" (I, 271). A final factor in ameliorating Heidegger's sin of experimentation is that Hawthorne never presents Heidegger's foolish old subjectsa bankrupt merchant, a wastrel, a ruined politician, and a fallen womanas objects of pity. We can never feel for them as we do for Georgiana or Beatrice; thus, in comparison, Heidegger appears almost admirable in his wisdom.

Dr. Grimshawe

Another of Hawthorne's isolated doctors is the protagonist of the collection of fragments (seven brief preliminary studies and two lengthy drafts) kno\ra as Doctor Grimshawe's Secret. In the introduction to his faithful reproduction of the above-mentioned manuscripts, Edward Davidson details Julian Hawthorne's "editorial sleight of hand" in revising, rearranging, and otherwise altering the available material in order to produce the grossly corrupt Dr. Grimshawe's Secret found in the 1883 Lathrop edition of Hawthorne's works. 12 It should also be mentioned that Hawthorne uses

a variety of names for Grimshax^re in the several drafts and even varies the name in repeated uses on the same page (DGS, 18); in the first few pages of the second draft the doctor's name is Ormskirk, but Hawthorne later changes this name to Grimshawe (DGS, 213) and 12 Hawthorne's Doctor Grimshawe's Secret, ed. by Edward H. Davidson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954), p. 15. Subsequent references in this chapter will be by means of the abbreviation "DGS" and the page number inserted parenthetically in the text.

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36 retains this name throughout the second draft. Since the second draft portrayal of Grimshawe more clearly presents him as a man of science, this portrayal will be used in the following discussion."*"^ Grimshawe is a typical man of science in that he is old; he is introduced in the second draft as "an elderly person of grim aspect" (DGS, 204). Too, his age is contrasted with the youth of his wards, Ned and Elsie. Hawthorne says: We began with calling the grim Doctor an elderly personage; but, in so doing, we looked at him through the eyes of the two children who were his intimates, and had not learned to decypher the. . .purport and value of his wrinkles. . .whether as indicating age or a different kind of wear and tear. Possibly, he appeared so vigorous, . . . he might scarcely have seen middle age; though here again we hesitate, finding him so stiffened into his o\vm way, so little fluid, . . .that he must have left his youth very far behind him (DGS, 208). Throughout the draft there are scenes in which Hav7thorne repeatedly conveys "the effect of these two beautiful children in such a sombre room, looking on a graveyard, and contrasted with the grim Doctor's aspect of heavy and smouldering fierceness" (DGS, 212). As a man of science, Grimshawe is an intellectual; for Hawthorne presents him as "being a man of a good deal of intellectual ability made available by much reading and experience" (DGS, 217). And certainly, his work is esoteric; like Dr. Portsoaken, he manifests an interest in spiders and has a study festooned with cobwebs in which reposes an "enormous spider, the biggest and ugliest ever seen, the

13 Davidson points out that the second draft portrayal is mo deled on Seymour Kirkup, the Florentine necromancer (DGS, 11).

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37 pride of the grim Doctor's heart" (DGS, 209). Too, our man of science is described as a doctor who "was not generally acknowledged by the profession, with whom, in truth, he had never claimed a fellowship, nor had ever assumed, of his own accord, the medical title by which the public chose to know him" (DGS, 207). Finally, Hawthorne pictures Grimshawe's laboratory as being "fitted up with book shelves, and. . .various machines and contrivances, electrical, chemical, and distillatory, wherewith he might pursue such researches as were wont to engage his attention" (DGS, 207). Grimshawe seems to be obsessed; however, Hawthorne's portrayal of him is so incomplete that it is difficult to state precisely the nature of his obsession. Hawthorne early relates that "it appeared to be his unfortunate necessity, to let his thoughts dwell very constantly upon a subject that was hateful to him" (DGS, 221). Later, after having been helped by Seymour, the Yankee schoolmaster who had come to his aid against a pack of angry villagers, Grimshawe appeals to him: "Wliat would I be likely to do, . . .supposing I had a darling purpose, to the accomplishment of which I had given my soulyes, my soulmy hopes in life, my days

and nights of thought, my years of time; dwelling upon it, pledging myself to it; until, at last, I had grown to love the hideous, to bed it, and not to regret my own degradation" (DGS, 244-245). Although Grimshawe does not seem to be excessively proud or inordinately ambitious, he does show the isolation typical of the man of science. Hawthorne declares: "It is a hard case with a man

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38 who lives on his own bottom and responsibility, making himself no allies, sewing himself on to nobody's skirts, insulating himself" (DGS, 233). After he has sent Ned away to school, Grimshawe becomes even more isolated and eventually tells Elsie: "I have wrought this many a year for an object; and now, taking all things into consideration, I don't know whether to execute it or no. . . .1 will let myself die, therefore, before sunset" (DGS, 268). While Hawthorne has incompletely sketched the object for which Grimshawe has worked (It seems to be to prepare Ned to become the heir to an English estate.), the doctor's motives are even more obscure. Thus, since Grimshawe's goals are obscure, and since he relinquishes them before his death, it is quite difficult to paint Grimshawe very black as a sinner. Even his intemperate consumption of brandy"half, at least, of the fluids in the grim Doctor's system must have derived from that same black bottle, so constant was his

familiarity with its contents" (DGS, 212)is treated by Hawthorne as more an idiosyncrasy than a sin.

Dr. Dolliver

Turning now to The Dolliver Romance, another of Hawthorne's unfinished novels, we find that the manuscript, which consists of three unconnected fragments totalling only fifty-three pages, contains a man of science. Hawthorne introduces him as "Dr. Dolliver, a worthy personage of extreme antiquity" (XI, 15), and emphasizes the old man's age on numerous occasions; for example, in the opening scene Dolliver

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39 is presented laboriously dressing himself and being encouraged "by the comparative ease with which he found himself going through the usually painful process of bestirring his rusty joints" (XI, 16). Too, there is a striking contrast between his age and the youth of his three-year-old great-granddaughter, Pansie. Hawthorne remarks that they "had met one another at the two extremities of the lifecircle: her sunrise served him for a sunset" (XI, 23). As is typical of a man of science, Dolliver's work is esoteric; he is an apothecary. Of his being called a doctor, Hawthorne writes: Deeming it a matter of courtesy, we have allowed him the honorary title of Doctor, as did all his to\ms-people and contemporaries, except, perhaps, one or two formal old

physicians, stingy of civil phrases and over-jealous of their o\<rn professional dignity. Nevertheless, these crusty graduates were technically right in excluding Dr. Dolliver from their fraternity. He had never received the degree of any medical school, nor. . .had he ever been even a practitioner of the awful science with which his popular designation connected him. Our old friend, in short, . . .claimed to be nothing more than an apothecary (XI, 25). Later in the narrative, Hawthorne tells that after Dolliver had begun to display a number of indications of senility, "the people revoked the courteous Doctorate with which they had heretofore decorated him, and now knew him most familiarly as Grandsir Dolliver" (XI, 30). Dolliver's laboratory is not described; however, like Rappaccini, he tends a garden "where he \<ras wont to cultivate a variety of herbs supposed to be endowed with medicinal virtue" (XI, 35).

Page 43

40 We have said that when the man of science engages upon a project, it almost invariably fails after having given the appearance of impending success. This aspect of the man of science is seen in Dolliver's grandson rather than in the old apothecary. As he is describing the death of Edward Dolliver, Hawthorne speculates: "It may be that he had come to the perception of something totally false and deceptive in the successes which he had appeared to win, and was too proud and too conscientious to survive it" (XI, 40).

Dolliver, however, is himself a failure in that his grandson, "whom he had instructed in all the mysteries of science, . . .was generally believed to have poisoned himself with an infallible panacea of his own distillation" (XI, 25) (Italics mine.). Too, "Dr. Dolliver's once pretty flourishing business had lamentably declined" (XI, 25) after the death of his grandson, and he is reduced to a state of genteel poverty. The obsession with work normally associated with the man of science is seen more fully in Edward Dolliver than in his grandfather. We learn that old Dr. Dolliver's "legend of the miraculous virtues of these plants [in the herb garden]. . .took so firm a hold of his [Edward's] mind, that the row of outlandish vegetables seemed rooted in it, and certainly flourished there with richer luxuriance than in the soil where they actually grew" (XI, 37). Dr. Dolliver strikingly shows the man of science's isolation; we learn that: Walking the streets seldom and reluctantly, he felt a dreary impulse to elude the people's observation, as if with a sense

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41 that he had gone irrevocably out of fashion, and broken his connecting links with the net-work of human life. . . .He was conscious of estrangement from his tov7ns-people, but did not always know how nor wherefore, nor why he should be thus groping through the twilight mist in solitude (XI, 32). Dr. Dolliver is such a benign creature in general, however, that he is not easily forced into the mold as a man of science.

Perhaps the most derogatory aspect of his character is his willingness to thwart nature by extending his life span; but even here his sin, if we can deem it such, is mitigated by the purity of his motives. Dolliver muses: "I only wish. . .that I may live longer to earn bread for dear Pansie. She provided for, I would gladly lie down yonder [in the adjacent cemetery] with Bessie and our children" (XI, 51-52). And even in the same thought, he realizes "the vanity of desiring lengthened days" (XI, 52). Finally, when 14 the salubrious effects of his mysterious cordial have begun to manifest themselves, he does not take credit himself; rather, "thanking Heaven that he was spared" (XI, 53) and showing "much gratitude to Providence" (XI, 53), he gives all credit to God.

Holgrave

The penultimate man of science to be discussed in this paper is Holgrave of The House of the Seven Gables. Holgrave is not especially typical as a man of science, but he does possess a sufficient

The cordial is said, in the first fragment, to have been prepared by Dolliver's grandson (XI, 16); however, in the third fragment Dolliver prepares the cordial himself (XI, 49).

Page 45

42 number of the characteristics of the stereotype man of science to

make his inclusion necessary. First, Holgrave is described as "a slender young man. . . with rather a grave and thoughtful expression for his years" (III, 61). Too, his thinness is accompanied by the pallor frequently associated with the man of science; we learn that "the artist looked paler than ordinary" (III, 355) on the occasion of Phoebe's return to the Pyncheon house. Holgrave's work is esoteric; he is introduced as "an artist in the daguerreotype line" (III, 46), and the reader learns later that Hepzibah "had reason to believe that he practised animal magnetism, and. . .[was] apt to suspect him of studying the Black Art" (III, 108-109). Hepzibah's suspicions are, at least in part, well founded, for Holgrave "had been a public lecturer on Mesmerism, for which science (as he assured Phoebe, and, indeed, satisfactorily proved. . .) he had very remarkable endowments" (III, 212). While Holgrave does not display the unbounded arrogance of the stereotype man of science, he is at least appreciative of his own merits; Hawthorne remarks that it is pleasant to behold a man "with so much faith in himself" (III, 218). Too, Hawthorne later mentions the "insight on which he [Holgrave] prided himself" (III, 218). Holgrave's self-confidence, however, never leads him to the obsession of the typical man of science. Even so, Holgrave displays a certain fixation on the subject of the Pyncheon family history;

Page 46

43 he tells Phoebe, "This subject has taken hold of my mind with the strangest tenacity of clutch since I have lodged in yonder old gable" (III, 223). The isolation of the man of science is also seen in Holgrave. He inhabits "his own solitary gable" (III, 119) of the Pyncheon house, and Hawthorne writes that Holgrave was not eager to "betake himself within the precincts of common life" (III, 360-361). Holgrave's isolation from humanity is further seen in his apparent "isolation of the intellect from the heart." Phoebe early thinks of Holgrave as "too calm and cool an observer" (III, 213) to be affectionate and realizes that "in his relations with them, he seemed to be in quest of mental food, not heart-sustenance" (III, 213). Holgrave later admits, "It is not my impulse, as regards these two individuals [Hepzibah and Clifford], either to help or hinder; but to look on, to analyze, to explain matters to myself" (III, 258). He also shows an inclination toward the man of science's willingness to go to extremes in the furtherance of his ends. He tells Phoebe, "Had I your opportunities, no scruples would prevent me from fathoming Clifford to the full depth of my plummet line" (III, 214). After telling Phoebe the legend of Matthew Maule's domination of Alice Pyncheon, Holgrave realizes that Phoebe is on the brink of being mesmerized. Howthorne declares that "to a disposition like Holgrave's, at once speculative and active, there is no temptation so great as the opportunity of acquiring empire over the human spirit; nor any idea more seductive to a young man than to become the arbiter

Page 47

44 of a young girl's destiny" (III, 253). Holgrave, however, is able to resist the temptation, an ability which Hawthorne attributes to his having "the rare and high quality of reverence for another's individuality" (III, 253). This quality may also serve to mitigate somewhat Holgrave's deceit in his long concealment of his identity; he tells Phoebe, "You should have known sooner (only that I was afraid of frightening you away)" (III, 375). Thus, if we assume that Holgrave's fear was as much for Phoobe's sake (and for Clifford and Hepzibah's) as for his own, the relative purity of his motives and the absence of harmful consequences make his deceit a trivial sin indeed. Finally, Holgrave's ultimate relinquishment of his isolation, as seen in his joining the surviving Pyncheons at "the elegant country-seat of the late Judge Pyncheon" (III, 372), suggests that he has left the estranged ranks of the men of science and joined himself in a common bond with humanity.

Owen Warland

Owen Warland of "The Artist of the Beautiful," the last of Hawthorne's men of science to be treated in this paper, is the least typical. Warland's "pale face" (II, 504) and his "small and slender

frame" (II, 523) make him physically a standard man of science, but his youth contrasts sharply with the age of most of the men of science previously discussed. Warland's work is certainly esoteric; but unlike that of most of Hawthorne's men of science, it does not directly concern human life.

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45 Rather, Ox^en attempts to "spiritualize machinery, and to combine with the new species of life and motion thus produced a beauty that should attain to the ideal which Nature has proposed to herself in all her creatures" (II, 524). Warland's devotion to his work suggests the obsessed nature of the man of science. Hawthorne early tells that Owen "was becoming more and more absorbed in a secret occupation which drew all his science and manual dexterity into itself, and likewise gave full employment to the characteristic tendencies of his genius" (II, 504). Another indication of Warland's devotion to his work may be found in Hawthorne's later inclusion of him among those "who set their hearts upon anything so high, in their own view of it, that life becomes of importance only as conditional to its accomplishment" (II, 526). Nevertheless, compared to that of the typical man of science, Warland's obsession is a rather mild one. Warland also displays the failures typical of the man of science; again and again he fails, but ultimately it is "his fortune, good or ill, to achieve the purpose of his life" (II, 527). He pre-

sents to Annie, as a belated bridal gift, an artificial butterfly of such magnificence that, as Hawthorne says, "Nature's ideal butterfly was realized here in all its perfection" (II, 529); but even in the perfection of the butterfly there is what first appears to be failure, * for the butterfly is almost immediately destroyed by Annie's child.

Page 49\

46 However, Owen has no real failure here, Hawthorne concludes: He looked placidly at what seemed the ruin of his life's labor, and which was yet no ruin. . . .When the artist rose high enough to achieve the beautiful, the symbol by which he made it perceptible to mortal senses became of little value in his eyes while his spirit possessed itself in the enjoyment of the reality (II, 535-536).

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CHAPTER III

THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY STEREOTYPE OF THE MAN OF SCIENCE

Having established the existence of a standard man of science in Hawthorne's works and having defined the parameters of this stereotype, we turn now to a discussion of the popular stereotype of the man of science which existed in Hawthorne's day. Even today, a century after Hawthorne's death, there exists in that vast body of humanity

which includes all non-scientific minds a certain ambivalence of feeling toward the man of science. On the one hand, we recognize that, if we are now entering the Age of Aquarius, it is largely due to the efforts of men of science: men who have wrought so marvelously in curing and preventing disease, halting famine, and providing a veritable cornucopia of creature comforts through which we can more fully appreciate the burgeoning leisure our increased efficiency of production has brought us. And at the same time we realize that that same fertile band who gave us the electric can opener has also provided us the wherewithal to achieve, among other horrors, a Pyrrhic Armageddon in a global nuclear holocaust. As Richard Fogle says, "For most of us the chemist, the nuclear physicist, and the biologist are indeed wizards, and the disproportion between scientific and

47

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48
humanist advances in knowledge has become a com.monplace, as has the power of scientism." Small wonder indeed that we have reservations

about the man of science. Small wonder that so many of the elements of Hawthorne's stereotype (the thinness, the pallor, the secluded laboratory, the pride, the obsession, the isolation from humanity, and the "separation of the intellect from the heart") seem to fit our contemporary stereotype of the man of science. That our contemporary

stereotype is similar to Hawthorne's suggests that the nineteenthcentury stereotype would be even more similar. The following discussion will demonstrate that the stereotype we have established in Hawthorne is, in fact, the nineteenth-century stereotype. An attempt to trace the development of the stereotype of the man of science up to the nineteenth century i^/ould be beyond the scope of this paper; neither is it necessary for our purposes to detail the development of popular prejudice against science. Suffice it to say that the stereotype we are discussing is grounded in antiquity and that clearly the most pervasive influence in establishing a distrust of science in western culture has been Christianity. In the preface

to his two-volume A History of the Warfare of Science V7ith Theology in Christendom, Andrew Dickson White describes the furor which resulted from the attempts in the early 1860's by the founders of Cornell University to establish an institution "in which science, pure and

Richard Harter Fogle, Hawthorne's Fiction: The Light and the Dark (Rev. ed.; Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1964),

p7~127.
16 Andrew Dickson I^Jhite, A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (2 vols.; New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1926).

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49 applied, should have an equal place with literature" and which should be under the control of "no single religious sect.""'"'' White professes surprise over the furor, but surely he exaggerates. He records the opposition of the southern states to the Morrill Act, which was twice

vetoed by President Buchanan before it was signed by Lincoln in 1862, and suggests that the opposition was based on fundamentalist religious . ,. 18 prejudice. Similar events had been happening for centuries; in a

treatise on Milton, Howard Schultz describes a report that "v7hen the Savilian chairs were endowed at Oxford in 1619 some of the gentry 19 refused to send their sons there to be smutted with the black art." It would seem safe to assume that the "naive religious suspicion of strange and unusual knowledge" and the "slanderous whispers of black 20 art" which existed in seventeenth-century England were, if no longer rampant, at least extant in nineteenth-century America. The prejudice against science of the nineteenth-century man of letters is clearly seen in Ashley Thorndike's study of the effects of science on nineteenth-century literature. He writes: With their prodigious advance, hox\rever, they [science, invention, and machinery] have seemed to change from passive opposition to open hostility. Science has forced its attitude and

17 White, History, pp. vi-viii.


1 o

White, History, p. 413. "^^Howard Schultz, Milton and Forbidden Knowledge (New York: Modern Language Association of America, 1955), pp. 43-44. 20 Schultz, Milton, p. 43.

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50

method upon the interests that literature held most dear. . . .The sentiments.and sympathies which found beauty in the placid harmonies of Nature or the ruined monuments of antiquity turned with horror from the amazing mechanisms of steel with which man was refashioning the earth.^^ Turning now from the more general aspects of prejudice and suspicion directed against science, we might consider some of the specific characteristics of the stereotyped man of science as seen in nineteenth-century writings. A suitable starting point is John Timbs' often-reprinted Curiosities of Science. Here, Timbs records 22 examples of opposition to scientific improvements; but, more important for the purposes of this paper, he mentions aspects of Hawthorne's stereotype. In a discussion of Dr. Wollaston, Timbs writes of the doctor's isolation: "Dr. Wollaston was accustomed to carry on his experiments in the greatest of seclusion. . . .His 23 laboratory was sealed to even his most intimate of friends"; in his treatment of Newton, he refers to the intensity of Newton's application to his work. 24 and

In a discussion of chemistry in A Dictionary of Science, Literature and Art, W. T. Brande expresses the belief that chemists have died of "too intense application" to their studies. 25

^"''Ashley H. Tnorndike, Literature in a. Changing Age (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1925), p. 225. ^^John Timbs, Curiosities of Science, Past and Present (5th ed.; London: Lockwood and Company, 1875), p. 74. 23 Timbs, Curiosities, p. 177. Timbs, Curiosities, pp. 172-173. ^\. T. Brande, A Dictionary of Science, Literature and Art (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1848), p. 221.

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51 Yet another reference to the devotion of the man of science to his work is found in Charles Caldwell's flamboyant autobiography. Caldwell writes of a Dr. Woodhouse's love of chemistry: At times, his devotion to it and the labor he sustained in the cultivation of it, were positively marvellousnot to say preternatural. . . .During an entire summer. . .he literally lived in his laboratory, and clung to his experiments with an enthusiasm and persistency which at length threw him into a paroxysm of mental derangement, marked by the most extravagant hallucinations and fancies.^6 Caldwell later comments: So deep is the hallucination in x^hich alchemy first, and afterwards chemistry, its lineal descendant, have, in raany cases, involved the minds of their votaries and rendered them permanently wild and visionary in their action. It is not, I think, to be doubted that alchemy and chemistry have deranged a greater number of intellects than all other branches of science united.27 Finally, Caldwell declares that Woodhouse "even believed, and, on one occasion, proclaimed, . . .that, by chemical agency alone, he could
oo

produce a human being." Woodhouse was not alone in his belief. William B. Stein observes: "In Aylmer's belief that it was possible to discover 'the secret of creative force' or perfection itself there is the equivalent presumption that marked scientific thought in Hawthorne's 29 day." Probably the most important, and certainly the most striking.
9 f\

Charles Caldwell, Autobiography of Charles Caldwell, M.D. (Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo, and Co., 1855), p. 175. 27 Caldwell, Autobiography, p. 176. 28 Caldwell, Autobiography, p. 175.

29 William Bysshe Stein, Hawthorne's Faust: A Study of the Devil Archetype (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1953), p. 91.

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52 parallels in nineteenth-century literature with this aspect of Hawthorne's stereotype can be found in Mary Shelley's Frankenstein. Frankenstein might well have been one of Hawthorne's men of science, and certainly if one must choose a single archetype for all of Hawthorne's men of science it would be Frankenstein. He describes his physical appearance as follows: "My cheek had groxm pale with study, and my person had become emaciated with confinement." 30 His work is

esoteric: "Natural philosophy, and particularly chemistry, in the most comprehensive sense of the term, became nearly my sole occupation." 31 Also, his work concerns human life:

One of the phenomena which had particularly attracted my attention was the structure of the human frame, and, indeed, any animal endued with life. Whence, I often asked myself, did the principle of life proceed?32 Frankenstein relates: "I succeeded in discovering the cause and generation of life; nay, more, I became myself capable of bestowing 33 animation upon lifeless matter"; and he isolates himself in "a solitary chamber, or rather cell, at the top of the house, and separated from all the other apartments" in an attempt to construct a human
or)

Mary W. Shelley, Frankenstein (London: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1963), p. 48. 31 Shelley, Frankenstein, p. 43.

oo

Shelley, Frankenstein, p. 44.


o o

Shelley, Frankenstein, pp. 45-46. Shelley, Frankenstein, p. 48.

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53 beingan endeavor of which he says, "I doubted not that I should ultimately succeed." 35 Having once commented that "none but those

who have experienced them can conceive the enticements of science,"^^ Frankenstein later recalls his obsession: "I seemed to have lost all soul or sensation but for this one pursuit." Frankenstein states

that during the course of the experiment, "I shunned my fellowoo

creatures as if I had been guilty of a crime."

His isolation be-

comes even more complete when his attempt to create a human being has resulted instead in the construction of a hideous monster. When the monster has murdered Frankenstein's younger brother and an innocent maiden has been hanged in its stead, Frankenstein declares, "I shunned the face of man; . . .solitude was my only consolationdeep, 39 dark, deathlike solitude." Finally, Frankenstein is the cause of his own destruction; he is the creator of the monster which ruins his life. The tradition of the Gothic novel, to which Frankenstein belongs, is rich in scientific and pseudo-scientific lore; Jane

Lundblad details these and other attributes of the Gothic novel in 35 Shelley, Frankenstein, p. 47. 36 Shelley, Frankenstein, p. 44. 37 Shelley, Frankenstein, p. 48.
30

Shelley, Frankenstein, p. 50.


30 ,^

Shelley, Frankenstein, p. 90.

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54 her Nathaniel Haimiorne and E u r ^ ^ Literary Tradition,^^ but one need not turn to fiction to find these elements of science. As H. Bruce Franklin says: "The long line of doctors, chemists, botanists, mesmerists, physicians, and inventors who parade the wonders of their skills throughout Hawthorne's fiction rarely strays far from historically accepted achievements or theories."^'" Franklin points out that hypnotism enjoyed a rather more elevated status as a science in mid42 nineteenth century and that the daguerreotypy found in The House of the Seven Gables^ and "The Birthmark" had been in existence only since 1835. 43 Thus, in Hawthorne's day, these fields were still considered esoteric sciences.

40 Jane Lundblad, Nathaniel Hawthorne and European Literary Tradition (Upsala: A.-B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1947), pp. 81-150. 41 H. Bruce Franklin, Future Perfect: American Science Fiction ^^ the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 7. 42 Franklin, Future Perfect, p. 8. 43 Franklin, Future Perfect, p. 14.

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CHAPTER IV

CONCLUSION

We have established that Hawthorne's man of science is a stock character, and we have further seen that the characteristics of Hawthorne's stereotype are largely those of the nineteenthcentury popular stereotype. Having done so, we may well ask why Hawthorne chose to use this existing stereotype in his works. It is a commonplace that Hawthorne's primary concern in his

writing was with sin and its effect on the individual. Leonard J. Fick has established that, in Hawthorne, the consequences of sin for the individual are first, "a diminution of the soul's splendor" and second, "a moral and physical estrangement from individuals and from society." When we consider the nineteenth-century stereotype of

the man of science, we find that this stereotype lends itself admirably to use as a stock character in whom sin and its consequences might readily be portrayed. In reference to Hawthorne's villains, Sister Luecke has written that "Hawthorne was too much a forerunner, rather than an inheritor, of the modern psychological novel (and perhaps also too much absorbed in the whites and blacks in moral issues) to avoid using some stock portrayal when his moral purpose

Leonard J. Fick, The Light Beyond: A Study of Hawthorne's Theology (Westminster, Maryland: The Newman Press, 1955), p. 110. 55

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56 was advanced by doing so."^^ she could just as well have been writing about the man of science. A great deal has been V7ritten about Hawthorne's attitude toward science, and critical views vary greatly. Rosenberry states bluntly: "One of the plainest attitudes in Hawthorne's writings is a contemptuous distrust of science, which he personified in villain

46 after villain of Rappaccini's stamp." Franklin concludes that Haw-

thorne's "science fiction thus tends to become a kind of anti-science fiction, only exalting the scientist insofar as he transcends both his science and the matter with which it deals." Stein states: "He per-

ceives that a science which advances more rapidly than morals will create an ethical reality of its own. Once this condition prevails there will be no possibility of reconciling the values of science and those of Christianity." 48 Finally, Fairbanks declares: "Hawthorne, 49 At least a partial

however, was not hostile to science as such."

resolution of this variance may well be found in considering the practical angle. Even had Hawthorne worshiped science, the nineteenthcentury stereotype of the man of science would nevertheless have made him ideal for use as a stock character in a treatment of sin.

^\uecke, "Villains," p. 551. Rosenberry, "Allegory," p. 42. Franklin, Future Perfect, p. 16. 48 Stein, Faust, p. 43. ^^Henry G. Fairbanks, "Hawthorne and the Machine Age," American Literature, XXVIII (May, 1956), p. 163.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brande, W. T. A Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1848. Caldwell, Charles. Autobiography of Charles Caldwell, M. D. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo, and Company, 18557 Fairbanks, Henry G. "Hawthorne and the Machine Age." American Literature, XXVIII (May, 1956), 155-163. Fick, Leonard J. The Light Beyond: A Study of Hawthorne's Theology. Westminster, Maryland: The Newman Press, 1955. Fogle, Richard Harter. Hawthorne's Fiction: The Light and the Dark. Rev. ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,1964. Franklin, H. Bruce. Future Perfect: American Science Fiction of the Nineteenth Century. New York: Oxford University Press, 1966. Hawthorne, Nathaniel. The American Notebooks of Nathaniel Hawthorne. Edited by Randall Stewart. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1932. . Hawthorne * s Doctor Grimshawe's Secret. Edited by Edward H. Davidson. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954. The Works of Nathaniel Hawthorne. Edited by George Parsons Lathropi 15 vols. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1882-1883. Heilman, R. B. "Hawthorne's 'The Birthmark': Science as Religion." The South Atlantic Quarterly, XLVIII (October, 1949), 575-583. p^t_T. Luecke, Sister Jane Marie. "Villains and Non-Villains in Hawthorne's Fiction." Publications of the Modern Language Association, LXXVIII (December , 1963), 551-558. Lundblad, Jane. Nathaniel Hawthorne and European Literary Tradition. Vol. VI of Essays and Studies on American Language and Literature. Edited by S. B. Liljegren. Upsala: A.-B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1947. McCullen, Joseph T. and Guilds, John C. "The Unpardonable Sin in Hawthorne: A Re-Examination." Nineteenth-Century Fiction, XV (December, 1960), 221-237. 57

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58 The Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933. Porta, John Baptista. Natural Magiclc. A volume of The Collector's Series' in Science. Edited by Derek J. Price. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1957. Rosenberry, Edward H. "Hawthorne's Allegory of Science: 'Rappaccini 's Daughter.'" American Literature, XXXII (March, 1960), 39-46. Schultz, Howard. Milton and Forbidden Knowledge. New York: Modern Language Association of America, 1955. Shelley, Mary W. Frankenstein. London: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1967. Stein, William Bysshe. Hawthorne's Faust: A Study of the Devil Archetype. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1953. Tliorndike, Ashley H. Literature in a Changing Age. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1925. Timbs, John. Curiosities of Science, Past and Present. 5th ed. London: Lockwood and Company, 1875. White, Andrew Dickson. _A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom. 2 vols. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1926.

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