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The Archaeology of Black Americans in Recent Times Author(s): Mark P. Leone, Cheryl Janifer LaRoche and Jennifer J.

Babiarz Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 34 (2005), pp. 575-598 Published by: Annual Reviews Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064899 . Accessed: 04/02/2014 16:17
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The

of Black Archaeology in Recent Times* Americans


Mark P. Leone,1 Cheryl Janifer LaRoche,2 and Jennifer J. Babiarz3
of Anthropology, University ofMaryland, College Park, Maryland department 20742; email: mleone@anth.umd.edu 2 Department of American Studies, University ofMaryland, College Park, Maryland 20742; and Department of History, University ofMaryland University College, Adelphi, Maryland 20783; email: claroche@umd.edu 3 Department of Anthropology, University of Texas, Austin, Texas 78712; email: jbabiarz@mail.utexas.edu

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005. 34:575-98 The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org doi: 10.1146/ annurev.anthro. 34.081804.120417 Copyright ? 2005 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved *Mark Leone was invited to write this review by Annual Reviews. In order of effort, our contributors are Cheryl LaRoche, Mark Leone, Babiarz. and Jennifer

Key Words
African diaspora, maroon, race, gender

Abstract A review of work on African Americans


place under diasporic studies and relies

through archaeology takes


on literature that defines

the North American black experience. The focus is on the estab lishment of freedom by the founding of maroon communities and
independent settlements of free people, as well as on the use and

interpretation of African diasporic history and theory, particularly by archaeologists using knowledge of the diaspora to effect modern political change.

0084-6570/05/1021 0575$20.00

515

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Contents DIASPORA. 576

ship

scholarly aimed

We development. at investigating

report antiblack

scholar racism

and at highlighting
local, political, We and see

transnational as well
communal the responses as being

as
to

COMMUNITY STUDIES WITHIN THE DIASPORA.


RACE, RACISM, AND ETHNICITY.580 IDENTITY, ETHNICITY, HUMAN GENETICS. DIASPORA. RITUAL, SPIRITUALITY, MEMORY. AND AND

577

enslavement. approached

successfully

diaspora not only

through

the traditional critiquing


systems, mosdy capitalism

of profit-making
and colonialism,

581 582 584 585 587 589 590

and their supporting ideology of racism, but


also tion, through understanding identity forma and ethnicity, "The archaeology Diaspora one of intersectionality. of the post-Columbian has the the potential important to be

MATERIALCULTURE INTHE

African come

GENDER INAFRICAN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY.

most

kinds

of archaeology
p. 63). Orser

in the world"
a road map

(Orser 1998,
for the fu

CONTEMPORARY USES OF
ARCHAEOLOGY. ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY, AND IDENTITY. CONCLUSION.

archaeologists working on sites move functional plantation beyond of pursuit include the ma ism, topics worthy terial aspects of freedom from enslavement, the archaeology of cultural and the identity, racism. Mod the under capital are

provides ture of the subfield. As

DIASPORA
The legacy of the African diaspora has within
for little independence scholarly position that until attention. of diaspora recently of our Because studies, it a quest received the political

archaeological ern archaeology that the standing ism, imperialism, and

examination proceeds influences colonialism, simultaneously

of

with

of global and

racism

alternately

in operation.

From East Africa (Kusimba 2004) to Canada (Nevin 1994, 1998; Powell & Nevin 1998),
diasporic archaeological investigations follow

job is to highlight
legacy within that the slavement nent the position locates than

the scholarship of that


range of responses to en slavery it previously in a less promi occupied In this have them the me forma as re ex to

other disciplines
reemphasizing ness of Africa by Africans and and

in the study of ethnicity by


interconnected sites occupied through con the their colonial descendants

the historical

experience. defining diasporic view we how archaeologists identify racialized plicated landscapes, using reveal chanics tion on of the structures of racism

out the Adantic world


2003a, p. 1). For some

(Lovejoy & Trotman


time now, the

tinually evolving topic of identity has moved


away toward from a common ethnic monolithic communities "African" that com diverse

and in the

of oppression the African

inherent diaspora.

Studies

centered

prise the diaspora. The mutability


in is evinced in modern poric identity as well, as the term African American

of dias
contexts is be

transadantic

slavery responses

omitted such as

communal

that

independent seen

Haiti
2002). on

in the late eighteenth century (Trouillot


Some role contemporary of resistance research and escape focuses from the the

ing increasingly applied to African descen dants throughout the Americas. The field is
moving whether or free toward those black studies of black communities, sites sites ar communities settlements. are maroon Plantation

oppression black We an

as vehicles

for understanding as not but

diaspora. see the African almost

diaspora global

only also

chaeology although

continues excavations

to occupy at

the discipline, and

enormous,

event,

seventeenth-

$j6

Leone

LaRoche

Babiarz

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Figure Adrinka coffins

on symbols wooden hand-carved from Ghana prior to on-site reburial at the

African Ground New Photo: LaRoche.

Burial

(ABG), York City. Cheryl J.

www.annualreviews.org

The Archaeology

of Black Americans

in Recent Times

C-l

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eighteenth-century
Massachusetts

plantations
Maryland

located from
also chal

relations

of

power

and

domination;

and

to western

lenge traditional definitions of plantations and


reveal tations that of static nineteenth-century Southern plantation interpre sites are ge

the sociopolitics of archaeological practice" (Singleton 1999, p. 1). Revealing the rich vein of diasporic studies, Franklin & McKee
(2004) seek current methodological, theoret

UGRR:
Underground Railroad ABG: ground African burial

ographically narrow and temporally limited (Malakoff 2004). Investigations byMrozowski (2003), Sawyer & Perry (2003), Rivers et al. (2003), Catts & Silber (2003), and Bankoff & Winter (2003), among others, intoNorthern plantations are finding direct economic and
familial connections between Northern plan

ical, and/or political locations of the African diaspora. To build on these directions, in ad
dition to race of and racism, we focus on the ar and chaeology resistance at maroon sites

other black communities; the Underground Railroad (UGRR) movement in the United
States; the material genetics, and the manifestations spirituality, contemporary of recent iden works uses of tity, human on gender, archaeology.

tation sites and properties in the Caribbean, often functioned as provisioning which
plantations.

The
Americans inated

historical
in by

archaeology
has of

of African
been dom in

the Americas

excavations

plantations

the American

South and the Caribbean 1995, Orser 1998). Singleton (Singleton (1985, 1999), Agorsah (1994), and Orser (1996) helped move the discourse away from
archaeology toward the archaeol

COMMUNITY STUDIES WITHIN THE DIASPORA


Specialists in African American studies are needed to bring robust interpretations to the archaeological record (Singleton 1997). As Africans, African Americans, and indigenous peoples within the diaspora bring meaning ful contributions to their various fields of
study, agenda ward the tone and away scope from of the research to toward toward shifts freedom, and enslavement oppression passivity romantic

plantation

ogy of the African diaspora. No longer con cerned with recordation of black historical el
ements, the transformed goal of archaeology

posited by Singleton evolved from the study


to the story of the for of a "forgotten people mation and transformation of the black At lantic world" (Singleton 1999, p. 1). Seeking

away from away from

resistance, agency. Orser

to include Africanist archaeologists in the dis course, Agorsah (1994) looked to both sides of
the Atlantic to inform the "dual character of

identifies

"the

notion

of African

rebels openly defying


of the attractions to information social

the slave
of maroon to and

the archaeology of the diaspora" (Singleton 2001). Orser (1998) articulates the future of the subfield in his discussion of broadening historical archaeology to include sites outside the United States for a fuller conceptualiza
tion of the experiences of African-descendant the lo around the world. Moving populations cus away from the European encounter, is more interested in the global

as one regime" sites. In addition power

pertaining

relationships,

connections,

economic, political and spiritual life, he ob


serves of that a "romantic intrigues and noble character (Orser research" archaeologists

1998, p. 69). The historical overemphasis placed on slavery has created the illusion that
the quest for a balanced the to diaspora conveying of expe a ro of is a riences mantic within need and is instead a history

Orser

encounters

of Africans in the post-Columbian world and


includes ern the African which presence has usually in Europe, early mod over been

reconceptualize

looked (Orser 1998). Singleton highlights not


only but cultural also identity, race, interaction gender, and and class "cultural change;

slavery disempowerment. that cannot be separated from phenomenon or re has This also been oppression. slavery

Resistance

peatedly

stated by several scholars such as Singleton (1985), Beckles & Shepherd (1991),
The Archaeology ofBlack Americans in Recent Times 577

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and Heuman and escape

(1986). remain an

Therefore, inseparable an within example,

resistance part of New

or Columbia Jamaica, (Mullin Price 1979, Heuman 1986, Palmi?

1972, 1995,

World
such of the

history (Agorsah 1994, p. xii) and as


should research constitute agenda for inseparable historical part ar

at Palmares, Excavations 2000a,b). Schwegler a maroon kingdom large seventeenth-century

in northeastern
exploration and Latin of

Brazil, Weik's
black semin?le sites,

(1997, 2004)
maroon and sites Agorsah's

chaeology.

Consider,

the colonial

power in Jamaica, which recognized that the


escapee community determined the course of

American

historical events. The British, "from the time of Charles II in 1658 to George III in 1795, had to ceaselessly grapple with the desperate fight of the slaves, who were struggling for
their freedom, and escapees also struggling

in settlements (1994) work on maroon Jamaica continue to shed light on these obscure settlements (LaRoche 2004).
Through nal affiliations in maroon manifest the societies, as black primary and commu cultural form the

expressions

landscape

to maintain
p.ix).

their freedom" is a vehicle


communal From the across

(Agorsah 1994, through which


compo can formations earliest the moments used

first evidence of cohesive solidarity while


multaneously 1994). These harboring counter runaways communities (Agorsah "became

si

Archaeology
the nents be of origin, of diasporic

evolution,

and material

understood. slavery,

the bases towhich others might flee" (Harding 1981). By the end of the 1530s, colonial liter ature from Jamaica began referring to Afro
American runaways (Franco 1968, p. 93; see

escapees

diaspora

flight to alleviate their conditions (Price 1979, Morgan 1999). Tens of thousands of blacks es caped Southern slavery by fleeing to North
ern states, the Old Northwest, Florida, and

also Guillot
1864, no

1961, p. 38). Between


than 50 maroon

1672 and
ex

fewer

colonies

isted in the American South (Christian 1995). These diasporic sites hold major implica
tions for the future of diasporic archaeol

other parts of the American South (Franklin & Schweninger 1999, Chadwick 2000). They
found ments refuge and among in every Native part American of North settle America

ogy and offer historical archaeologists a dif ficult and challenging opportunity to explore
resistance through landscape studies. Fanon

(Henson 1877;Katz 1986,1987). Archaeolog


ical excavations at Garcia Real de Santa Teresa

(1968) describes consciousness


within of white such black and the communities safety possibilities away comfort gaze,

of blackness
as from a the place the and

deMose in Spanish Florida, for example, of fer insight into original communities of self liberating enslaved workers (Deagan 1995). Escapees not only found refuge with the Span ish in Florida, but also established maroon
settlements Carolina, in the swamps of Virginia, They traveled North west and Louisiana.

of violence,

the menacing,
white space.

"otherizing"
and enduring

implicit within
maroon set

Stable

dements frequently
itary action to freedom-appropriating

required sustained mil


the self-liberated, in an at communities

dislodge

ward to Texas and California (LaRoche 2004).


In addition to these domestic locations,

they sought international refuge in Canada, South America, the Caribbean, Mexico,
Africa, and England, revealing a constant

tempt to force the freedom seekers to live in these destabilized white spaces. Stamped with the image of fugitive slaves, these early
maroon colonies generally are not analyzed

or included among the first free black sites.


"Maroon black communities where represent freedom the first free was appro settlements

striving
regional settlements

for freedom
parameters. of

beyond
Autonomous were

the narrow
"free" a diasporic

self-liberators

reality. Runaways could be found in the for bidding terrain of the hills of Brazil (Funari 1999), Suriname (Agorsah 1997, 2001),
$j8 Leone LaRoche Babiarz

priated rather than granted and seized rather than bestowed" (LaRoche 2004, p. 106).This has powerful implications for archaeological
interpretation in shaping a more balanced

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understanding

of the range

of responses

to en

did they govern themselves, and how did they define personhood and in dividuality? UGRR studies fallwithin the broader con text of African American communal studies,
and In indeed, the United diasporic States, community the escapee's studies. quest

slavement. How

the Emancipation Proclamation. The work of Mullins (1999), Weik (1997), and U.S. For est Service archaeologists McCorvie (2004), (n.d.), Cramer (LaRoche 2004), Krieger LaRoche (2004), Shackel & Fennell (2005), and F. Price (2003; personal communication)
are concerned with the hundreds of towns in

for freedom foreshadowed the rise of the UGRR and free black settlements in the
Northern ments United reflect States. Maroon behavior, settle commu autonomous

the United States that were founded by and for free people of African descent. Some of Mound Bayou in the these, such as Mississippi
Delta, were exclusively African American. In

places such asNew Philadelphia where blacks


and whites lived among one another, contem

nity formation also associated with UGRR


sanctuary.

archaeology as one field within a multidisciplinary approach, LaRoche expands our understanding of theUGRR by introduc ing free black communities and their associ ated black churches, often African Methodist Using
Episcopal, as sites of resistance in the

porary emphasis by the local community is on racial harmony and tolerance (Shackel & Fennell 2005), although from some descen
dants' perspective this view of the past is not

a historic reality (Mackenzie 2005). Such enclaves survived through the 1930s in the United States, and F. Price (personal
communication) reports more than 72 towns

American North (LaRoche 2004). Through collective analysis of five sites located along the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, LaRoche showed that free black communities were sit uated in the landscape, often alongside and overshadowed by more famous abolitionist strongholds. She found the UGRR was as
much about paths between communities con

and settlements were founded from 1835 on ward by and for free African Americans in the United States. These havens, which were 95% black, were organized around agricul ture. Standing in the midst of racial hostility, these locales were subject to antiblack legis
lation, were sidelined economically, and were

nected by the black church and sistered by


abolitionist tions." Few strongholds studies directly as it was relating about "sta to archae

then all but forgotten as their inhabitants mi


to cities and larger grated to maintain their economic chaeology cuperation of of these a towns towns viability. speaks past in a quest ar The to that the re

ology and the UGRR have been undertaken (Bankoff et al. 2001, Bordewich 2004, Delle
& Levine nication), 2004; J. Geismar, personal work alerts commu archae and LaRoche's

forgotten

reveals

the search for liberty and freedom


cultural, political, and religious

to develop
autonomy.

ologists to hidden dimensions that situate free


black greatest communal resistance sites within movements. one of the world's However, ar

chaeologists may find daunting the depth of


research necessary to document these sites.

At the New Philadelphia archaeological site in Illinois, for example, town founder Frank McWorter expended more than $14,000 to secure freedom for 16members of his family. Philadelphia was the first town platted and registered by afree African American be fore the CivilWar. The town, particularly the McWorter family, probably functioned as a conduit to Canada along the UGRR (Walker 1983). Although remote, such villages and their living descendent populations are impor tant examples of the role of and need for New
The Archaeology ofBlack Americans in Recent Times $79

This
straints source

is particularly true given the time con


frequently management. associated with cultural re

Within North America, we highlight towns founded before and after the Civil War that were home to free blacks and for
mer ther slaves through who obtained their freedom ei or manumission,

self-purchase,

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archaeology.

The

remains to

beneath

such and draw that

vil at

lages give vitality to a part tention submitted to found parts or enjoy long to

archaeology of the diaspora slavery, communities are

never

and which

escaped that alive in to

By the time he writes Dusk ofDawn in 1940, he has fully articulated the situational com plexities of racial identity. "I recognize it quite easily and with full legal sanction; the black
man is a person who must ride Jim Crow' in

independent of

some day

the world

either

contemporary

acclaim

(Agorsah

1994, Funari
lages and towns assimilation

1999).
may

Study
show

of
the

such vil
opposite Their of

Georgia" (Du Bois 1940, p. 153). Black iden tity is formed, lived, andmanipulated through bodily performance in everyday life; it is a
cultural rather than a biological phenomena.

or of double

consciousness.

value to scholars comes from shining a light on dogged resistance in the midst of slavery's
intractability.

In quoting St. Clair Drake, Paynter observes that racism is embedded in "the conjunction of slavery and African labor" through the de
velopment of "systematic doctrines of racial

RACE, RACISM, AND ETHNICITY


Postmodernist theories have influenced ar

inferiority and superiority" (Drake 1987, p. 7; Paynter 2001, p. 134). Many archae ologists (Mullins 1999, Delle et al. 2000, Epperson 2001, Orser 2001) find value in race
as the and find component primary analytical it an effective method for elucidating the me to chanics of oppression relevant archaeolog

chaeological inquiry (Hodder 1986, 2001; Shanks & Tilley 1987; Johnson 1999; Delle et al. 2000), and as a result, the field has ex panded its analysis of identity. Multiple and
concurrent themes define the archaeology of

ical sites. For Mrozowski


focus der and, tant on the intersections to race has in addition in their view,

et al. (2000), the


of class and their gen work impor prac informs

the African diaspora: the study of race and


racism, ethnicity, and intersectionality?the dynamics gender. and These tied inter an investigation sections of race, of the power class, are and and

been

the most social

development

in structuring

tices and ideologies in the social sciences as a


whole. In its current ceptualized an "other," iteration, race is usually used con

alytical categories ern of identities One to finds race not as usefulness an

inevitably for diasporic in continued tool;

to mod

peoples. adherence cer have one

as a social often

construct

to define character

through

physical

analytical

tainly evolved hand,

mutually toward

exclusive,

although other paths on offer the

istics but also through knowledge of lineage


and social kinship. Race may also be used economic to mark status differences through

and

Race, ethnicity. on the other, ethnicity,

differ

rather than biology


ing race as a social

(Harrison 2002). Defin


construct is not meant

ent scholarly paths often loaded with different


political consequences.

to say that the ramifications of racialization


do not scriptions continues exist. In the United as an States, identifier, and racial de continue as a tool racism racial

Often, implicit racialized realities have been the lens through which archaeologists have viewed African Americans without the
explicit use of race as an analytical compo

for oppression,

identity continues
transnational acterized slavery, oppression the as political ca

as a rallying point
actions of groups The and the legacy systems the

for
char of of di

nent

(Orser 1998). W.E.B.


on race

Du Bois wrote
throughout his

comprehensively

subordinate. slave trade, operated

reer, historically and theoretically positioning Africans and African Americans in the dias
pora. Du Bois also imagined the use of race

that

throughout

as a political tool for mobilization. In The race not states in the he is that Negro (1915), a in but shared of blood, oppression. history
$8o Leone LaRoche Babiarz

aspora should leave archaeologists with little leeway in confronting the topics of race,
racism, torical and racialized archaeologists oppression. who do his Many not wish to

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avoid

the

topic

of

race

are

finding

ways

to

confront it as they begin to comprehend the need to deal with antiblack racism through archaeology (Franklin 1997; LaRoche & Blakey 1997; Epperson 1999,2001; La Roche 2004). Epperson (2001) uses critical race the
ory to analyze seventeenth-century Virginia,

IDENTITY, ETHNICITY, AND HUMAN GENETICS


Some recent on scholarship ethnicity of centers as people, less on of race cat and more egorizing "a system which

groups

are usu

ally perceived to be largely biologically self perpetuating, and which share fundamental
cultural values, comprise and a common and field identify of communication interaction,

specifically by illuminating specific times of change in the definition of race. He specifi cally addresses a period in the development of the notion of whiteness at multiple sites
in late seventeenth-century Virginia, using

themselves
constituting

and are identified by others as


a recognizable group" (Lovejoy

& Trotinan
avoids while groups. We genetics tities, using aiming

2003a, p. 2). Such an approach


the to older understand terminology the of race affected

mainly historic data but setting forth ideas


and research questions for future archaeo

logical work. By understanding how defini


tions of race were political created, Epperson hopes oppres become of dif racist to take action racial against races have between facts, to both and elide this and fact excuse

recognize to modern especially

the

importance

of human iden re

African regarding

American ties to various

sion. Differences taken-for-granted ference is used

gions of Africa for human origins and ties to


modern to an disease diasporic understanding inheritance. communities, of genetic as well components as ties of

practices by hegemonic
By tracing the racial

forces in the present.

as a of whiteness emergence an as to category inevitability, opposed to of works concepts Epperson problematize race.

Jackson ishelping define a set of relevantly


connected issues. She has begun the analy

The focus on whiteness is purposeful and is tied directly tomodern uses of ideas about
how race is constructed. on the social used that work can be, Epperson recognizes construction of race to ignore or shroud

sis of DNA samples from the skeletal ma terial of the ABG. Her research intent is to
find to the genetic living West spectrum African that compares as for best ex

populations,

ample those in Cameroon. This would


both gence, home raising populations the question and of levels factors of

show
diver behind

and has been,

race behind the rhetoric of colorblindness. Part of the reasoning behind studying white
ness tool is that used the against by study cannot then descendent talk of race become com as es a minority any

genetic diversity in the skeletal and descen


dent African interested gence and munity. origin genetic she is Furthermore, populations. in both the similarity and the diver DNA the skeletal between population's of the American research and descendent com

munities

silencing

that

sentialist, and thus delegitimizing diasporic racial identities. Work developed in the field
of whiteness cerns, many of studies has caused many about con essen them warranted,

This

embodies the

populations diversity. uses

of questions reasons for their

tializing or oversimplifying concepts inways not so different from previous theorists of


race ness and ethnicity. lies The importance of white interests studies in its practitioners'

Jackson alternative ments

layering ethnogenetic to technique phenotypic categorization.

as an assess at

or

racial

Jackson

tempts to define microethnic


sections of the United States

groups in three
using ranges of

in thinking about race and ethnicity in new


ways that both agitate our culturally normal

ized views of differences and link academics


to the politics of the present.

data, both cultural and biological, to iden tify heightened susceptibility and resistance
to diseases such as specific cancers. After the

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The Archaeology ofBlack Americans inRecent Times

$81

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correlations

are

complete,

she

can

identify

among to expect

the materials or hope

groups for frequency of specific diseases that


crosscut such the standard macroethnic European categories, Ameri as African American,

archaeologists to encounter

have at sites

come once

occupied by enslaved and free African Amer


icans. The structured sistance, of this material analysis to dominance distinguish acculturation, creolization, culture and continu re is

can, Asian/Pacific Islanders, Hispanic/Latino, and American Indian/Alaskan Native, used in theUnited States.
Jackson's analysis has two strong points.

ity, or discontinuity
The creation involved of ture has both

of an African heritage.
American cul creolization and recon

an African

The first is her use of biological and genetic


variables, tionary high people or and the second is her use of evolu to explain among and and environmental low disease rates variables occurring Indian,

figuration
1995).

in the material
now

record (Singleton
realize that ethnic

Archaeologists

of European,

American

markers either linked to Africa or associated with African Americans are ineffective for in terpreting the majority of African American sites because few yield robust distinctive in formation (Singleton 1995). Elements of cul
ture, severe as part and of evolve systems, adaptive or are totally both per reinvented

African descent. Thus

this technique avoids the large difficulty of labeling a living pop ulation with a historical origin, centuries removed biologically and environmentally.
it uses who have the Darwinian idea of popu lations to local variables, adapt particular an on a group of impact regardless origin generations ago (Jackson

Rather,

which

(Schuyler 1980, Deetz 1996). Perry & Paynter (1999) and Orser (1998) argue that these de
bates ognize within the historical intricacies archaeology of cultural must construction rec

its geographic

et al. 2000, Kittles et al. 2000, Jackson 2004). The issue here is how to identify the plu rality of African groups that comprise the dias
pora. Because these individuals were not cul

under conditions
domination.

of economic had

and political named


as dias

Before
transnational

the field

formally
studies

turally homogenous
range must World, of have environments, been

but came from a wide


variation the genetic as well. In the New degrees of mix

archaeological

poric, Handler
work at Newton

& Lange's
Plantation

(1978) continued
associated arti

diverse

there

were

varying

facts to specific regions within Africa and to


specific spiritual practices within those re of

ing of African ethnic and biological groups.


Some scholars have approached the study

the African diaspora by attempting to identify


what is preserved of these ethnic and biolog ical groups. gion, dance, Researchers music, food, reli study language, and mtDNA. These

gions. The work of Armstrong (1985) atDrax Hall in Jamaica and Fremmer (1973) analyz ing dishes from colonial graves pushed the field further into comparative analysis with
Caribbean sites. McKee recovered from slave

studies often reveal traditions and beliefs that can sometimes be tied to specific African groups, aswell as to clines of genes found in
varied frequencies across important working African connections communit for arc ies, revealing haeologists

dwelling sites on the Hermitage plantation small brass items in the shape of a closed hu
man fist. Two from other Annapolis, similar charms were re a root covered another from

throughout

the diaspora.

cellar of a slave dwelling near Memphis, and yet another from a slave dwelling north of the Hermitage.
Funari

(McKee 1995).
and Orser a studied Palmares community record. and had In heterogeneous

MATERIAL CULTURE IN THE DIASPORA


Crystals, place with marine Xs on blue beads, shells, them, fist drilled charms, artifact coins, pipes, out-of spoons are

found

that

left a homogeneous comparative studies

archaeological of pipes

excavated

from

and

cache;

Palmares, Orser (1998) found morphological similarities among pipes recovered from

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Newton from

Plantation the maroon

cemetery settlements

in Barbados, in the Domini

Paynter

is best known for his pioneer


analyses concerning between material the cul

can Republic
decorations public on

as well as from Cuba. Incised


the Dominican pipes from were in turn reminiscent Re of

ing archaeological reflexive relationship et

ture and racial identity (McGuire & Paynter


1991, Paynter al. 1996, Delle et al.

and Cuba

pipes from both Africa and the Chesapeake


region of the United States. continue productive to pro material Low-fired vide earthenwares with

2000). In his work on theW.E.B.


boyhood Massachusetts, semblage of the home he site in Great that not the found site was

Du Bois
artifact as dif

Barrington,

archaeologists

that much

culture analyses of diasporic identities. The on low work of Ferguson (1978,1991,1992)


fired in earthenware, the American of comparison referred South, across to as colono forms multiple an ware enduring contexts

ferent from what one would expect to find at


a contemporaneous He says it would artifact or middle-class be a mistake, with white home. to expe however, lived

conflate rience

basis

assembleges to assume that comparable

artifacts

within

the diaspora (H?user & Armstrong Haviser 1999, 1999). Archaeologists increas
these artifacts as expressions of demonstrations exertions of identity.

indicate life formiddle-class


would implies whites have that and been the consumerism blacks and that

blacks andwhites
evidence different differences for was these

same. Much

interpret ingly to dominance, of resistance cultural continuity, and

DeCorse's
Elmina, Ghana,

(1999)
for

continuing
example, and

work
that

in
of

would have marked the meaning of objects for an individual in complex and sometimes
work contradictory to have racism of ways. Paynter also looks for his com contemporary in the present meaning,

(1997), Orser's (1994), Weik's Agorsah's and Funari's (1996), (1999), among many
other archaeologists' work focusing on ma

bating notions

by reconstructing

the past.

roon settlements, ismoving the field further into African diasporic global contexts to gain
greater the understanding of complexity is counter of and appreciation the African to and cultural entwined for mi with

Mullins'
both on

(1999) work inAnnapolis focuses


as an important on por

consumerism,

tal through which racial identity was formed


and defined of in the past, and an the com plications interpreting object that may

lieu, which the

investigations

into European

expansion.

have had shifting meanings


ple throughout space

for multiple peo


One illustra

In stressing this point, Hicks

urges British
eth

and time.

postmedieval archaeologists and examine the role of material culture nicity in the expression and negotiation of historical as identities Britain's overarch they critique

to consider

tion of the difficulties of interpretation was in his discussion of the economy of African
American ingly cosmetics, contradictory specifically, readings of the the seem use of

ing role in the slave trade (Hicks 2000). There


exists in historical archaeology "a continuing

straightening products. It would be easy for


archaeologists to read these goods as a reflec

struggle to link global processes with practices at the local scale" (Delle et al. 2000, p. xii).
ample, Mullins, Paynter, use material and culture Franklin, and for ex to foodways Americans to survive

tion of the assimilation by blacks towhite stan


dards of beauty or an attempt This to escape racism however, by "whitening." analysis, ig nores the fact that a powerful of hair economy

understand may have

used

that African strategies to negotiate identity

and beauty products had been built by black


Americans in the late nineteenth and early

in regional racialized and racist landscapes of


power. power, rectly aspora Attempts and connect scholars. survival to understand intersected work how identity, in the past di by African di

twentieth centuries, as exemplified by neigh


borhood as Madame time barbershops CJ. and entrepreneurs This culture role of was of such also a Walker. U.S. the

to present

in dominant about

discussions

dynamic women in

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work

and

family uses

and

the

rise

of

first-wave

feminism. Franklin plore identity an analysis to ex of foodways cultural difference,

the First African Baptist Church in Philadel sites exem phia (McCarthy 1997). These the richness of the plify morphological record.
Bioanthropological culture analysis, are the sulated types within and change, skeletal and data, spiritual artifact beliefs encap

formations,

and social relations on Rich Neck Plantation inWilliamsburg, Virginia (Franklin 2000). She describes the power that food has to de fine identity and draw cultural boundaries us ing both archeological and historical data. She
refers to an African American collective iden

of analytical cemeteries

information and graveyards.

Brown & Cooper


number

(1990) note

that in a
these

of artifact-cataloging

schemes,

artifacts would fall in the household or archi


tectural missed. The categories use and of their ritual to significance and

tity with an understanding that individuals would not solely have defined themselves by
such a group construct.

objects

negotiate

The
American

heterogeneous
population

African

and African
and con

communicated

nected
whites now meat,

through foodways. In the early part of the eighteenth century, both slave-holding
and may much enslaved be blacks were undesirable swine and eating what cuts cattle of and considered of it from

mediate the spiritworld iswell documented in historical and archaeological sources (Levine 1977, Raboteau 1978,Thompson 1987, Klin LaRoche 1994, gelhofer 1987, Stuckey 1987, 1996, Leone & Fry Singleton 1995,Wilkie 1999, Ruppel et al. 2003) and is a pervasive
concept in historic African American com

munities
strategy oppressed environment.

and throughout
reflects attempts population These

the diaspora. This


and the

some of itwild. By the end of the eighteenth century, the enslaved population atRich Neck
was eating a smaller variety of wild animals,

an enslaved by over to take control

and whites were


that mirrored

eating less fish and meat


cuts. Franklin

contemporary

plex meanings ran contexts. ity with social, value texts, funeral

show the com examples in diaspo carried by artifacts a The be commod object may levels or of value, a marker status; mortuary use of and con because gener

hypothesizes
starting time, to be so white

that enslaved populations were


controlled slave-owners in the use asserts control revolts more closely have at that been would

various spiritual,

economic Within

may

be mutable. meanings

attempting captives. tion of and

to rein Franklin increased to,

of firearms this

that due and

by the is a reflec fear of, across

inherited

and burial by

may prevail sites were spaces not the enslaver. a fuller The range where

to white uprisings

reaction

ally frequented was therefore terial ary and remains

mourner of ma mortu

allowed

the diaspora, such as the 1791 Haitian Revo


lution. It was probably also an attempt to sep

cultural "form fundamental

expression a ritual social

communication values are ex

aratewhite and black identity even further, by having obviously different foodways. Some of the complexities of identity formation can be
seen sites when contextualizing in the past. smaller, regional

in which

pressed" (Jamieson 1995).


Although of ponents some the scholars the dispute existence the com of re totality,

ligious practices alive from


cannot regions can archaeological be avoided. data

specific African
North Ameri religious

RITUAL, SPIRITUALITY, AND MEMORY


The ous sion archaeological examples among of record ritualistic contains spiritual population. numer expres At colo

reflecting

practices tied to African localities and the Caribbean came after historical scholars had
already established such strong connections

the diasporic

(Ferguson 1992, Fennell 2000, Leone 2001, Leone & Fry 1999). Terms
as hoodoo, rootwork, conjure, and fixing, conjuration, along with

et al. such

nial graves in Jamaica, Fremmer (1973) found dishes similar to those found in the graves at
$84 Leone LaRoche Babiarz

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implements are now jos, can be said Christian even

such used to

as hands, less frequently pagan, among

and tobys, because less-than-devout those using, To

mo they

integrity ity and

of

integrity

or attributes its origins creativ to it as a result of adaptation

imply

and the strength coming from using new and


or complementary idea can of cre?le meanings. culture de-Africanize it inauthentic, dependent among Does use of Ameri and the African

adherence about,

knowing

the practices.

avoid

interpreting African Americans as adhering to


pagan West practices, African we spirit have practices. adopted the term

scholars

African less on tied

culture

thus make origins,

to African

or more

the absorption

Archaeologists
tence, variety of

have established the exis


forms, and chronology of

West African spirit practices from Texas and the deep South, to the border states, the
Chesapeake region, and into Connecticut and

of European or other cultures (Aondofe Iyo 2005)? This important interpretative issue can be solved by acquiring more knowledge. But
it can also be solved by understanding the po

New York City. Evidence of burials of caches of selected artifacts under and near hearths
and and chimneys, around in northeast doors, steps, corners and sills, of rooms, and some

litical role played by the citation of origins. There could be a larger position assumed for the role of power in the use of new knowledge, and this could be advanced by understand ing the roles of heritage andmemory (Shackel 2000,2001; Ricoeur 2004). Seeing these diffi
culties practice, in creolization theories connecting some have archaeologists begun to to

times in the middle of African work rooms, is now well established (Leone & Fry 1999, Fennell 2000). The meanings are varied still, but there can be little doubt about relation
ships between these artifact occurances and

work

religious belief systems.


Are these cre?le or native and unmediated

through processes of African diaspora identity theory (Delle et al. 2000; Franklin 2000, 2001; Hicks 2000; Orser 2001). Distinct from spirit practices discussed
above, the spiritual enslaved entwined among practices healing were related. population closely areas of are often negotiation and

African religious practices? Because scholars


have successfully warned archaeologists that

many different African captives representing


many ported different cultural the traditions diaspora, were trans throughout archaeolo

The

difficult to separate. The roots of poor health,


sickness, and misfortune may lay more in the

gists live today with the effort to distinguish


between essarily more-or-less-unified cre?le religious practices and thus nec or unmedi

spiritual domain than in the physical world.


Therefore, mediation. revealing curatives, contributed each Through knowledge the enslaved much to location required careful evidence herbs, population and archaeological of roots, and our free

ated African practices from different regions kept intact and preserved from West Africa. Future scholarship will undoubtedly continue to grapple with these distinctions. Ample evi
dence now suggests that the West African di

understanding

of well-being
2001). Within interactions

and illness (Edwards-Ingram


U.S. between contexts, blacks complex and whites social were

aspora holds religions of African forms, prac


tices, and meanings that contain elements

comparable to the diasporic religions of Cuba, Haiti, and Brazil. Regardless of how these come to be studied in detail, one of the next
steps is to understand the details of one or

defined by medicinal practices dictated under slavery and held broad implications for the
enslaved population.

more African-derived religions widely spread and used from the eighteenth century onward among North American African captives and
African terpreting Americans. a culture The issue is whether threatens in the as cre?le

GENDER IN AFRICAN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY


A significant aspect of the black feminist
to locate and reinstate the project is the effort

works of black women throughout history and


The Archaeology ofBlack Americans in Recent Times 585

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to use nist ther

the

emerging and

tradition as a

of black

femi for fur that to re

theory political

thought platform action. Franklin observed are of in a unique the lives of position black

archaeologists cover evidence

in 1771 had a daughter, Sarah, by Job Fos ter as is duly recorded by the Rev. Samuel Phillips.... 'July 14, 1771 Sarah a child given to Job Foster and Lucy[.] aNegro Child was
baptized.'"

women

who
fected forcing

left no written
as a social women enslaved aspects

legacy (Franklin 2001).


system of oppression af and men differently, to their opposition forms"

Lucy apparently lived and worked


enslaved laborer in the house with and Job Foster when she conceived

as an

"[S]lavery

Hannah and deliv

of women's to assume

enslavement

gender-specific

(Shepherd 2003, p. 196).What was true for


women in other areas was of the Caribbean, regarding productive, the and true the diaspora, in the United productive, were they such States re called as

ered his child, the daughter Sarah (slaverywas not abolished inMassachusetts until 1783). Although neither the Bullens nor Baker cen sored the passage, they failed to engage with
the information.

"contradictory sexual roles

Although Lucy Foster's life receives some


analysis, time, the to the perhaps focus site of is what all the was three available articles at pertain the

upon to play" (p. 196). We begin this discussion


place, with Lucy Foster

in an unlikely
Lucy's Gar

ing

ceramic

assemblage

of "Black

den" (Bullen & Bullen 1945). In 1943, theBul


lens excavated a vegetable cellar hole, possi

rather than gender dynamics. Bush (1990), White (1985), Hine (1989), Gaspar & Hi?e (1996), Roberts (1997), and Collins (2000,
2004), among others, have written exten

bly the first of many root cellars that would later become a hallmark on African American sites. Located at the foot of a knoll containing
an Indian site, the cellar contained a rich ce

sively of the sexual plight of the black woman under slavery. Franklin (2001) argues for
the ate use a of these feminist archaeological critiques to cre gendered interpretation

ramics deposit that the Bullens hoped would aid in dating pottery presumed to be Colonial (Bullen & Bullen 1945, p. 17).The initial ex
cavation ceramics. Bullen's to devise ses about teenth centered From research cultural the late analysis a theoretical was one on of the abundant R.P. standpoint, of the "first attempts and and social hypothe early nine from

as well. Using chaeological historical, evidence ethnographic, a to build and long-term ar

context, Willrie (2000) effec tively interprets the life of African Ameri socio-historical
can women multiple living, generations both on enslaved and free, for Louisiana's Oakley

chronology eighteenth

century

American

system

plantation. With
ways, shows dolls, and toys, how and reinforce and

evidence derived from food


personal items can be adornment, such used Wilkie as medicine, to construct level.

the study of pottery" (Baker 1978). Baker's


subsequent analysis of the site tested Otto's

everyday combs

ceramic theories. At the time of the original


excavation in 1945 and Vernon's reanalysis in

identities

at a household

1978, a gendered analysis was not highlighted among historical archaeologists. It is a little
surprising, den has not however, been that reanalyzed Black from Gar Lucy's a feminist

She also emphasizes the fluidity of iden tity. In the late nineteenth century, black
women worked as tenants at plantation living Oakley as servants in the white house planter's

perspective. We draw attention to Lucy Foster be

cause of a paragraph that originally appeared in the Bullen & Bullen (1945) article, which
was subsequently reduced to two sentences in

and also lived somewhat physically separated from the local black community. Their every day journeys through time and space would
have cision uality, required making, race, constant in terms and age repositioning of gender, identities. and class, de sex also

the two works by Baker (1978, 1980). The


Bullens state, straightforwardly, that "Lucy

Wilkie

examines childhood

toys through multiple

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generations racialized

to understand identities were

how

gendered

and

learned norms using

and man of behav toys; "we

CONTEMPORARY USES OF ARCHAEOLOGY


The has tive whole been U.S. educated community archaeological the advent of Na through Protection and Repa NAGPRA: American Protection Repatriation Native Graves and Act

not just that certain aged. It is ior were taught and reinforced

should listen carefully to the ways that chil


dren the spoke to adults and one another use of, through and dis attainment, maintenance,

American

Graves

card of toys" (Wilkie 2000, p. 153).


By focusing on African the construction American of gender contexts such in Southern

triation Act (NAGPRA); some feel it has been a helpful experience, whereas others feel it has not. There is little ambiguity among his
torical archaeologists that descendent com

as colonial Virginia and middle Tennessee, Galle & Young (2004) have produced the first
multi-authored collection focusing on gen

munities and their members should be involved in the archaeology of African Amer
icans sues and related that to the results dealing with are positive. The stakehold States the Bris is various

der and archaeology within African American


contexts. Archaeologists, however, have yet to

ers are nor to

particular archaeologists.

neither

to the United In 1997, when

develop and publish a body of intellectually satisfying interpretations of the lives and expe riences of black women. With the exception of Galle & Young (2004), publications address ing this woefully neglected topic are lacking.
We urge Women cal record. a change. are present One of in the archaeologi areas obvious experiences identification research remains, proto New

sought to commemorate the of Cabot's voyage from Bristol quincentenary tol City Council
to mainland America, Bristol's black commu

the most

for the recovery is in mortuary and analysis col. Although

of black women's contexts, where

nity contested the "uncritical and celebratory tone of the Cabot 500 festival, bringing to a head feelings of 'official' silence about Bris tol's historic role in the slave trade" (Hicks 2000). As a result, the Bristol Slave Trade Ac
tion Group, cillors, seum an informal coalition members workers, of the black teachers, in an effort to of city coun mu community, was and academics, bring about a more

of sex is standard much more work

York City's ABG as well as the First African Baptist Church site in Philadelphia contained
numerous cultural, female burials containing ethnic, and gendered analytical components

established

balanced retelling of history. Similarly, in the more than 14 years since


the General Services Administration con

(Blakey & Rankin-Hill


1997). More women some

2004, Rankin-Hill

the experiences of black recently, in the have been of included analysis sites. In works such as archaeological

tracted for the erection of a federal office building on what is now known as the ABG site inNew York City, the burial ground has
had ested munity a profound public as well. but on the impact not only on the archaeological Historical archaeologists inter com have

Archaeology of Inequality (McGuire & Paynter 1991), Race andAffluence (Mullins 1999), Lines That Divide (Delle et al. 2000), and Race and the Archaeology of Identity (Orser 2001), the
voices of black women are being recovered.

been engaged with the lessons derived from


community turbance and and stakeholder reactions to dis spiritu excavation of culturally,

Edwards-Ingram's (2001) work on enslaved black women andmedicinal practices relating to pregnancy, childbirth, child care, and the death of children is particularly compelling.
Future studies will of understanding black women. add to our also materially the lives and experiences of

ally, and politically sensitive sites. Sites such as the burial ground mirror the lessons of theNAGPRA inways that have fun damentally changed how archaeologists think
about the role and power as how of public the public reactions engages to our work, as well

with sites or projects they identify as critically important. The burial ground is just one of

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The Archaeology ofBlack Americans in Recent Times

587

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several vested power interests

sites

at which

the

public, the

deeply sharing The

in of

communities, guardians.

stakeholders,

or

self-identified

in the outcome, and of access to

forced information. African

main com

The
pact on

legacy of the ABG has had an im


not only the public but also the ar

the many

diasporic

munities involved with the project centered on the identity, ethnicity, and material and physical conditions of the enslaved Africans represented in the New York City graves.
One of the other critical requirements voiced

chaeological community. Internally,McDavid & Babson's (1997) seminal Historical Archaeol ogy thematic issue "In the Realm of Politics"
set cal an agenda with which to the archaeologi partic community as a ularly teaching continues tool. engage,

by the New York communities who assumed


stewardship for the site was the desire to

"Seizing

Intellectual

Power" (LaRoche & Blakey


cle within that issue, continues

1997), an arti
to be widely

identify the geographical areas inAfrica from which these enslaved peoples had originated. The desired goal was to connect diasporic peoples to a specific physical place, a necessity
for any diasporic project. Showing riences of enslaved and free Africans, "the expe their var

taught and cited, particularly for discussions of ethics in archaeology and working with Similarly, Mack & "Until the Blakey (2004) view, discipline views
descendant pants in the communities comprehensive as integral research partici effort,

descendant communities.

ied interactions with other populations, and their place in the creation of the global econ omy and 'Western' society" (Mack & Blakey
2004, p. 15) gives relevance to present descen

there will always be the real risk of lost re


search opportunities and manistically problematic and hu scientifically in and ineffective

dent political groups. The complexities of working with these communities and the dearth of African Amer
ican sure and that other outreach research archaeologists to stakeholders strategy. Outside of color remains the work en a

vestigations of the African Diaspora" (p. 16). Yet, after 14 years of engaging with texts
about gists set of community not be may involvement, fully aware of with Answers archaeolo the complex

difficult

challenges sensitive culturally consensus

associated sites. among

excavating are often and Con pub with

at ABG and other sites such as Levi Jordan


(for other work with descendant communi

difficult;

stakeholders elusive.

self-identified

guardians

is often

ties, see Potter 1991, McKee 1994, Brown & & Leone McDavid 1997, Logan 1997, extent to Babson 1997, McDavid the 1999),
which new gists descendant knowledge are, however, and lack the communities remains seeking unclear. to work are using the Archaeolo with other

versely, archaeologists lic support and local results that range The this will that from

to attract seeking interest may meet disinterest

to misun site the be en case, tai

derstanding. sures that which lored

uniqueness continue approaches

of each to be must

indicates

representatives they often

constituencies, support networks

although or ef

to suit particular

circumstances. to linger power

Archaeology

continues

fective consultation skills for overcoming "the negative legacy established by the practices of
previous ignoring generations the human of archaeologists factor in the past, such as well as

fully in the public imagination. What stake holders often know implicitly is that interpre tations of the past affect identity formation
in the present and are thoroughly contempo

as in the present (Agbe-Davies 1998, pp. 1-2). Unlike NAGPRA or the mandates contained in Section 106, the archaeological community
has no legal source of authority when work

rary acts. Hall (1996) connects identity to the


reconstruction tity cally is not went of the past always on in the past so much in the present. about what Iden specifi the mul

as it is about

ing with African American communities


is under no obligation to engage descendant

and

tiple ways in which


used in the present

the reconstructed past is


as a political tool to oppress

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or coerce

or to

glorify

and empower.

Over

the

past 10 years since Singleton & Bograd (1995) wrote their defining article, archaeologists
have increasingly concerned themselves with contributory aspects and public components,

particularly with receptivity of their work (Agbe-Davies 1998, Brown 1997, Franklin & McKee 2004). The role of power in the scholarship of the African diaspora is now becoming more clearly articulated in the archaeology of black Americans. The scientists of the ABG project
have done a great deal to demonstrate the abil

nated atHoward University in Washington, DC, andmoved through Baltimore, Philadel and Newark before a phia, Wilmington, at flotilla arrival Wall Street at the site of New York's colonial slave market (Calendar of Events 2003). "At each of the memorials,
the emotion and pain of centuries was on view, Africans, as the descendants of once-enslaved

as one person commented, 'finally piad] the chance to be in the presence of and to cry for those who lived through slavery, those who made it possible for us to be here today'" (Car rillo 2003). With
remains and the

the reburial of the human


associated artifacts, another

ity of scholars to work with, follow the leads provided by, and enrich descendent commu
nity members. community successful four from The and effort very idea of a descendent comes and teach human now-famous that none of from from the the its members to and study nineteen

layer of memory has been added to the ABG


site, which well now exists as a site of memory as as a site of conscience.

After lengthy consultations with the public


throughout the selection process for amemo

hundred

remains ceme the polit

this once-forgotten, recommend

tery. We

ical activity that has consistently surrounded the site be taken as accidental or incidental by
historical archaeologists. Instead, we hypoth

rial design to be placed at the burial ground site, Rodney Leon's design has now been cho sen (Katz 2005). The final major component of the project, the Final Report, should bring heightened scholarly interest in the site and
provide current and future archaeologists and

esize both a trend and even an inevitability in the involvement of the lay community inwhat
were to be thought discoveries. archaeological once arcane or irrelevant

anthropologists with ample data for years of


dynamic comparative analysis and compelling

scholarship (see Blakey & Rankin-Hill


as its historical

2004).

The contemporary history of the ABG site


continues to be as compelling was

legacy. On September
Trade Center, which

11, 2001, theWorld


the home for the ar

ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY, AND IDENTITY


"Actual identities are about questions of using and culture the resources of history, language

chaeological laboratory of the Five Points site aswell as theAfrican burial site, was destroyed by an act of terrorism. Although virtually all the artifacts from the Five Points site were lost, the artifacts from the burial ground were
not on site and were spared.

in the process of becoming rather than being:


not much been 'who we as what represented are' or we may 'where we become, came how from,' we so have

and how

that bears

on how

On October 4, 2003, the remains were reinterred inwooden coffins draped inKente cloth and hand carved inGhana, West Africa
(Figure 1, see color insert). The coffins were

we might represent ourselves" (Hall 1996, p. 4). The myth of racial democracy in Brazil is
one curs. example Under of the how guise identity of formation democracy, oc racial

reburied in lower Manhattan in seven large crypts placed along the western edge of the original burial site. The magnitude of the im pact of the burial ground on the American
public Rites can be seen by the four-state, of Ancestral Return tribute multi-city that origi

dominant white groups in Brazil perpetuate state and local levels of racism by identify ing differences and justifying inequality as
cultural and economic rather than as racial

(Hanchard

1999, p. 8). Racial

democracy
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constructs

a type

of

racism

and unrecognized Brazilians by many as it attempts to difficult fight against, color as a signifier. standards, By U.S.

unacknowledged that to erase the real

is

We experiences. diasporic defining that Africans, African Americans,

advocate and other

indigenous peoples within the diaspora in combination with specialists inAfrican Amer
ican and studies alternative record. are necessary interpretations to expanded bring to the archae

ity of racial identity in Brazil does not match


this myth, however, because it can easily be

identified through historic contextualization. "[P]henotypic self-identification does not op


erate as a free-floating long-standing (Hanchard must groups and signifier for Brazilians, of white 9-10). Ar that of re in but within and black..." chaeologists dominant history parameters 1999, pp.

ological

Historical archaeologists working within the African diaspora approach the field with a
researchers of political variety agendas. Many ex use and European colonialism, capitalism, as their whereas foundation, pansion scholarly others explicitly and deconstruct Some state the desire to racism focus on expose in the the us

continually have used

the

recognize resources

construction the used present,

to control a certain language of the past to control people and this includes and the categories

institutionalized place greater

present.

ages of material
and oppressed therefore use poses By cavate, of identity, archaeology and

culture by both hegemonic


to negotiate others power, focus political and on the pur whereas

for domination

subordination.

groups

Although archaeology is a vehicle through which the origin and evolution of black com
munal and cultural formations can be under

for modern

contemporary of the sites

empowerment. they choose to ex

stood, specific training in African American history or history of the African diaspora is
not We a requirement advocate and for working that historical that the in this subfield. archaeologists requires,

virtue

archaeologists

researching

the African

diaspora have been instrumental


focus toward away from resistance enslavement and freedom.

in shifting
to

develop,

profession

and oppression This is not

a strong historical
American of African history in the African and diaspora American in general practices American of has

knowledge
studies. historical been much

in African
Exploitation sources and less evident excavating exceptions

deny the realities of captivity and enslavement


but on to communicate overemphasized as well reflects of studies scholarly struggles and as the that the a narrow focus compo slavery singular

nent of African American


on slavery, it, clearly

life. The
shifting

emphasis
away from on

archaeologists sites, although

contemporary the past. offer an

influences

exist (Adams & Smith 1985, Brown & Cooper 1995, 1991, Singleton 1990, Ferguson Paynteretal. Historical
create material analytic forms

interpretations Diaspora observe Some evance

opportunity in action.

to

1996). archaeology has the capacity to


links of history such among expression and written, as oral, and it continues Re

transformation that have are

contemporary the struggle

rel for

intertwining areas search

anthropology.

preservation; to reclaim locate nation and to

parallels the use lost define involve to

of history

and memory the the efforts determi interested the recog to

communities; cemeteries; and introduce

as Northern

plantations,

the UGRR, or the discovery of the ABG in New York have led to new thematic issues
within torical archaeology as well. that are setting the his

communities

archaeology,

and

nition of the long historical involvement and


presence landscape. of diasporic communities in the

agenda

The role of the descendant communities

in

CONCLUSION
In this review, we locate the resistance to slav

creating as a ing by-product

and using

new

knowledge

is emerg Archaeol

of archaeology.

ery and the quest for freedom


5po Leone LaRoche Babiarz

among the

ogists investigating UGRR

sites, for example,

This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

engaged with the larger community of UGRR


scholars for racial to use the movement and for as a the metaphor of awareness fostering

data

with

which or has

change tions,

as well of

that must working it is our interpreta changed; as our awareness of the con interpretations, that must

we

are

racial Most

harmony. of the scholars we cite here aim to

sequences change.

these

improve the modern


peoples cause within European

condition of exploited
hemisphere. depended diasporic but also Be on peo stand

the Western colonialism

Historical archaeologists would do well to follow the example set by Morgan. In his American Slavery, American Freedom (1975),
he wrote tion, of an extensive slavery, including system that was of exploita to required

for survival and profit, slavery can be seen as ples living with, that process. ing against, vast The majority

build and sustain the intellectual and insti


of historical archae tutional bases of democratic government in

ologists working in the United States are intellectually conservative and politically lib
eral. U.S. pora, scholars however, working are far more and are more within focused politically the on dias chang active.

the United
interested

States. This hypothesis has never


American historical archaeologists.

Yet the archaeologists of African America have explored those most exploited by the Amer
ican of economic system to broaden in our is meant peoples, ask whether the level democratic This voices, First, we participation is what voiceless must modern

ing the present

They
and

are more willing


between colonialism

to problematize
capitalism, traditional

the

relationship

democracy, are more than

democracy. of hidden groups. made record see roon another

by notions and muted this world we has and must ma using we di are

scholars within
greater willingness

the field and may


to investigate

exhibit

the econom

any difference the result

in the modern precisely. and African were, Second,

ically self-sufficient and self-governing black


comminutes within these parameters, and to

that African communities form

American not, which

investigate the ramifications of the racialized


societies African complicate defined gender, throughout diaspora how race, the diaspora. are scholars ethnicity, working to are class, are

or were from

of governance not only and

can

learn. We

are concerned adaptations, but

with also

and gender Race,

asporic

survivals

in the past and other

and the present.

rightly concerned with the vehicles for free


dom and But how tionalize is one independence. Escape did maroon and free communities or conceptualize individuals, From begin must freedom, and the thing. ra

inseparable,

of aspects and our scholarly

self-identity interpretations

of the past should grapple with these compli


cations. analytically oversimplifying acterizations of identity, we deny complexity, and personhood. Maroon studies are, agency, in part, a political reaction to this oversimpli By char

for or against

including institutionalize to these capital be familiar to tied with to

questions ism and

self-government? we can its classes

answers

to see whether inevitably others,

fication of not only identity but also of com plex cultural and political processes and in teractions with the landscape. It is not the

democracy, the worst built

or whether conditions society. of

the

tie

capitalism,

a better

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Mark Leone is indebted to Jay B. Haviser andKevin C. MacDonald for allowing access to their volume African Re-Genesis: Confronting Social Issues in the Diaspora, to be published byUniversity as of London Press of the One World part College Archaeological Series. Leone's knowledge
of maroon indebted settlements to Lisa Kraus and the issues constant they raise comes and from this volume. Jennifer Babiarz is for her advice collaboration.

www.annualreviews.org

The Archaeology ofBlack Americans in Recent Times

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