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RETURNING T O T H E DOMAIN OF T H E POWERS: STOICHEIA AS EVIL S P I R I T S I N GALATIANS 4:3,9

by

CLINTON E. ARNOLD
La Mirada, CA

T h e Apostle Paul opens his letter to the Galatians with an uncharacteristically long greeting in which he emphasizes the work of Christ in delivering his people from the present evil age (Gal. 1:4). Not surprisingly then, the dangers and inadequacies of the old aeon are highlighted throughout Galatians. Paul speaks about the slavery that characterizes life under Torah, flesh, and sin. In Paul's view, the new age, however, has dawned in the revelation of Jesus Christ and now there is the possibility of freedom if one is in Christ living according to faith and the Spiritkey features of life under the new covenant. In Galatians 4:3 and 9, Paul employs the term stoicheia to provide additional perspective on life in the old aeon. What these stoicheia are has been a major issue in the interpretation of this passage. Interpreters have suggested an array of possibilities which include: the fundamental principles of all religions, 1 the regulations of the T o r a h , 2 and the domain of flesh, sin, and death. 3 Some have sug-

F J M a t e r a , Galatians (Collegeville, M N T h e Liturgical Press, 1992) 149-50, D R Bundrick, "TA STOICHEIA TOUKOSMOU(Gal 4 3 ) , " JETS 34 (1991) 353-64, D R M o o r e - C n s p m , " G a l a t i a n s 4 1-9 T h e Use and Abuse of Parallels," EQ 60 (1989) 203-23, Linda Belleville, " ' U n d e r Law' Structural Analysis and the Pauline Concept of Law in Galatians 3 21-4 1 1 , " JSNT 26 (1986) 64-69, W Wink, Naming the Powers (Philadelphia Fortress, 1984) 72, W C a r r , Angels and Principalities, S N T S M S 42 (Cambridge University Press, 1981) 75-76, G Delling, "," in TDNT 7 685 (''that whereon m a n ' s existence rested before Christ even and precisely in pre-Christian religion") 2 R Longenecker, Galatians, W B C 41 (Dallas Word, 1990) 165-66, R Y Fung, The Epistle to the Galatians, N I C N T ( G r a n d Rapids Eerdmans, 1988) 181, 190 3 Vielhauer, "Gesetzesdienst u n d Stoicheiadienst im Galaterbnef ," Rechtfertigung Festschrift fur Ernst Kasemann zum 70 Geburtstag, Eds J Friedrich, W P o h l m a n n , and Stuhlmacher (Tubingen M o h r , 1976) 553 Vielhauer emphasizes that Paul chose the term because of the cosmic significance it normally bore m reference to the four physical elements Paul then applied it to the great powers of the world flesh, sin, and death which he characterized as in close association with the law as characteristic of the old covenant See also A J Band E J Brill, Leiden, 1996 Novum Testamentum XXXVIII, 1

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gested that they should be understood literally as the four physical 4 elements. Still others have suggested that they are personal supernatural forces. Among these are scholars who see the expression reflecting a common Hellenistic and Jewish view that angels were set over the four elements, the planets, and the stars, thus the 5 expression " e l e m e n t a l " spirits as in some translations.

stra, The Law and the Elements of the World An Exegetical Study in Aspects of Paul's Teaching (Kampen Kok, 1964) 57-69 4 R DeMaris, " E l e m e n t , Elemental Spirit," mABD2 445, D R u s a m , " N e u e Belege zu den ," ZNWS3 (1992) 119-25, Schweizer, "Slaves of the Elements and Worshipers of Angels Gal 4 3 , 9 and Col 2 8, 18, 2 0 , " JBL 107 (1988) 455-68 (reaffirming his previous conclusions in " D i e 'Elemente der Welt' Gal 4, 3 9, Kol 2, 8 2 0 , " Verborum Ventas, FS G Stahlin [Wuppertal Brockhaus, 1970] 245-59), F Thielmann, From Plight to Solution, S u p N o v T 61 (Leiden Brill, 1989) 80-83 ( " T h e attested meaning of as the stuff of which the world is composed suggests that the most probable meaning of its occurrence in Galatians is simply 'the world' " ) J a m e s Scott, Adoption as Sons of God, W U N T 2/48 (Tubingen M o h r , 1992) 159-60, says that J Bhnzler has shown convincingly that the expression refers to the four physical elements, but Scott himself concludes " n e i t h e r this nor any other interpretation of the seems to satisfy the context " 5 T h e interpreters who take this position come to a variety of nuanced conclusions but typically point to the background of the term in texts which illustrate its usage in terms of spirits over the four elements, the planets, and the stars, thus the expression, " e l e m e n t a l " or " e l e m e n t a r y " spirits Some representatives of this position would be I -G H o n g , The Law in Galatians, J S N T S S 81 (Sheffield J S O T Press, 1993) 165, J Becker, Paul Apostle to the Gentiles, tr O C Dean, J r (Louisville, KY Westminster/John Knox, 1993, G e r m a n original Paulus Der Apostel der Volker [Tubingen M o h r , 1989]) 269-70, J Rohde, Der Brief des Paulus an die Galater, T H K N T 9 (Berlin Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1989) 131, C Barrett, Freedom and Obligation (Philadelphia Westminster, 1985) 39, E Krentz, Galatians, Phippians, Philemon, I Thessalonians, Augsburg Commentary on the New Testament (Minneapolis Augsburg, 1985)59-60, H u b n e r , "Paulusforschung seit 1945 Ein kritischer Literaturbericht," ANRWll 25 4 (1987) 2691-94, C Cousar, Galatians, Interpretation (Louisville J o h n Knox Press, 1982) 92-93, F F Bruce, The Epistle to the Galatians, N I G T C (Grand Rapids Eerdmans, 1982) 204, H D Betz, Galatians, Hermeneia (Philadelphia Fortress, 1979) 204, Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism (Philadelphia Fortress, 1977) 554-55, Schlier, Der Brief an die Galater, 12th ed , M e y e r K 7 (Gottingen Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962) 190-91, L H a m m e r , " E l e m e n t (Elemental S p i r i t ) , " in IDB (1962) 2 82, W Bousset & Gressmann, Die Religion des Judentums im spathellenistischen Zeitalter, H z N T 21, 3rd ed (Tubingen M o h r , 1966) 323, L E Scheu, Die "Weltelemente" beim Apostel Paulus (Gal 4,3 9 und Kol 2,8 20), Universitas Cathohca A m e n c a e 37 (Washington Catholic University of America, 1933), W G r u n d m a n n , Der Begriff der Kraft in der neutestamentlichen Gedankenwelt, W A N T 4/8 (Stuttgart Kohlhammer, 1932) 48-49, M Dibehus, Die Geisterweit im Glauben des Paulus (Gottingen Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1909) 78-85, O Everhng, Die Pauhmsche Angelologie und Dmonologie (Gottingen Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1888) 66-76, et al

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I will contend that the passage is best explained if one interprets the stoicheia as demonic powers, equivalent to the expression "principalities and powers" in Paul's thought. This interpretation thus finds Paul using an important apocalyptic categoryprecisely what we might expect given the two-age emphasis in his letter openingto characterize life in the present evil age, especially life under the Torah. 6 The Issue of Date Many do not give serious consideration to the spirit interpretation because of the alleged late date of the evidence attesting the use of stoicheia as angels or demons 7 T r u e , we do not have any manuscripts or inscriptions that can be positively dated to the first century or earlier that illustrate this usage. But this does not force us to abandon the possibility that the word was used in this sense at that time. We need to frame the question more in terms of whether we can date any of the traditions that make use of the term stoicheia as supernatural powers to the first century or before. T o this question we can give an overwhelming positive response. I will merely summarize here a few examples stemming from a more extensive study of the interpretation o stoicheia.8 First, in the Greek Magical Papyri, the term stoicheia is used most commonly in connection with the stars and/or the spirit entities, or gods, they represent In a related sense, stoicheia was also used to refer to the 36 astral decans that rule over every 10 degrees of the
6 In my opinion, the person who originally argued this case the best was Scheu in "Weltelemente " Unfortunately, Scheu's work has seldom factored into the discussion Scheu concludes (p 96) " d e r hl Paulus habe in den 'Weltelementen' T r a g e r dmonischer Machte, gottfeindhche, bse Engelmachte, Dmonen gesehen, die hinter der Sunde und dem Gesetze stehen und diesen gegenwartigen Aon (Gal 1, 4) beherrschen " H o n g , Law, 165, also concludes that the stoicheia "represent demonic forces which dominate 'this present evil age,' " but does not argue the case well 7 Delhng's article in TDNT ("," TDNT 7 [1971] 670-83) has been highly influential m prompting many scholars to quickly dismiss the " s p i r i t " interpretation because of the allegedly late date of the sources See also Vielhauer, "Gesetzesdienst u n d Stoicheiadienst," 547, who stresses the post first-century date of the sources 8 See Chapter 6 ("Hostile Powers T h e Problem of the Stoicheia") in my forthcoming monograph titled, The Colossian Syncretism, W U N T (Tubingen M o h r )

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heavens {PGM IV.440-41). 9 Each of these astral decans could also be represented by a magical letter. 1 0 Given one of the common usages of stoicheia as letters of the alphabet, it is easy to see how this usage could have arisen. T h e concept of " d e c a n s " is in the oldest astrological handbooks. It is known in Greek inscriptions of the third century B.C. and it was also used of astral gods in Rome during the first century B.C. (see Manilius 4.298, 3 7 2 ) . n These decans could also be referred to as " a n g e l s " or " d e m o n s . " Given the scholarly consensus that most of the traditions in the magical papyri are ancient 1 2 and the concept of astral decans as predating the first century, it is quite probable that the term stoicheia was used of astral decans in the first century A . D . or prior. Second, the term stoicheia appears twice in the Jewish magical document called Testament of Solomon.13 Although the Testament itself postdates the first century, it contains a patchwork of Jewish magical traditions from much earlier. In particular, chapter 18 of the Testament is an astrological document widely regarded to have had an earlier independent circulation. H a n s Gundel and others have argued that the original form of this document probably dates to the first or second century B . C . 1 4 The term stoicheia appears twice in this document to refer to the 36 astral decans which it also calls " d e m o n s . "

9 For this text and other magical documents recorded on papyrus, see H D Betz, ed , The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Vol 1 Text (Chicago University Press, 1986) for the English translations, and Preisendanz, Papyri Graecae Magicae Die Griechischen Zauberpapyri, 2 vols , 2nd rev edn by A Heinrichs (Stuttgart Teubner, 1973-74), for the Greek edition 10 For a discussion of the 36-character palindrome referring to the astral decans that rule over every 10 degrees of the heavens, see Wilhelm Gundel, Dekane und Dekansternbilder Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Sternbilder der Kultervolker, 2nd Edition (Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1969) 27, see also pp 68-70 11 Gundel, Dekane, 28 12 See, for instance, G Luck, Arcana Mundi (Baltimore and London J o h n s Hopkins University Press, 1985) 16, 20 13 T h e standard critical edition is by G C M c C o w n , The Testament of Solomon, Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 9 (Leipzig Heinrichs, 1922), an English translation with an introduction and notes has been done by D C D u h n g in volume two of The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed J H Charlesworth (New York Doubleday, 1983) 934-87 14 Gundel, Dekane, 45, 56-57 Gundel thinks that a Greek-speaking Jewish author took over an originally Hebrew text and transformed ('degenerated') m a n y of the Egyptian names for the decans into evil demons See also D C D u h n g , " T e s t a m e n t of S o l o m o n , " OTP, 1 977, note 18a

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Third, the longer recension of 2 Enoch 16:7 uses the term in succession with pneumata and angeloi: " T h u s she [the sun] goes, day and night, in accordance with the heavenly cycles, lower than all the cycles, swifter than the heavenly winds, and spirits and elements and flying angels, with 6 wings to each angel." 1 5 Although the text was written in Slavonic, it is most likely that the Greek text standing behind this portion would have read: pneumata, stoicheia, angeloi.16 The dating of 2 Enoch is notoriously problematic. Recent scholarship, however, is leaning toward an early date (as early as the first century A.D.) for the original document 1 7 thus partly confirming R . H . Charles's conclusion 18 because of the apparent antiquity of the traditions contained in the recensions we currently have at hand. 1 9 C. Bttrich suggests that the primitive form of the text stood in the shadow of the more popular 1 Enoch prior to A . D . 70 and afterward became widely used in the esoteric circles of Jewish mysticism. 20 Many additional texts could be discussed at this point, 21 but this is adequate to demonstrate my contention that there is at least a probability that some of the traditions encapsulated in later manuscripts date to the first century A . D . and prior. The evidence is at least sufficiently strong to warn interpreters against an a priori dismissal of the spirit interpretation only on the basis of the date of the evidence.
Translation by F I Anderson, " 2 (Slavonic Apocalypse of) E n o c h , " in OTP, 1 130 16 See Bousset-Gressmann, Religion des Judentums, 323 17 C Bttrich, Weitweisheit, Menschheitsethik, Urkult Studien zum slavischen Henochbuch, W U N T 2/50 (Tubingen M o h r , 1992) 54, summarizes the consensus of scholarship "Grundlegende Bedeutung hat der Konsens der meisten Forscher, da ganz allgemein von einem judischen Grundstock, Archetyp, Kern (oder auch immer) des slHen gesprochen werden kann, der zeitlich dem 1 J h zuzuordnen ist " 18 R H Charles and W R Morfill, The Books of the Secrets of Henoch (Oxford Clarendon, 1896) xxvi 19 See F I Andersen, " 2 (Slavonic Apocalypse of) E n o c h , " OTP, 1 92-97 Anderson sees the divergence in the two recensions as the result of transmission in Slavonic 20 Bttrich, Weitweisheit, 143 H e argues that the text originated in Alexandria in the first century A D and subsequently made its way to Palestine and Asia M i n o r (see also pp 213-15) 21 E g I Enoch (60 11-25, 75 1-3, 80 1, 6, 7) and Jubilees (2 2, 8) clearly contain the concept of angels set over the stars and heavenly bodies (with a Greek fragment of Jubilees 2 2 actually using the term stoicheia) A more complete discussion of these and other texts will appear in my forthcoming monograph, The Colossian Syncretism
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The Stoicheia as Angehe Beings In my analysis, the contextual evidence points strongly in favor of the view that the stoicheia are angelic beings. In Gal. 4:8, Paul compares the stoicheia with beings that the pagans regard as gods. In denying that these beings are gods, Paul is not denying that they have a real existence, only their claim to be gods. 2 2 Paul expressed a similar idea to the Corinthians when he noted that there are many entities "called g o d s " ( ) to whom sacrifices are made (1 Cor. 8:5) whom he subsequently identifies as evil demons (1 Cor. 10:19-20). We may therefore suggest the following equation that seems to reflect Paul's thinking on this matter: the = "those called gods'V'those who by nature are not g o d s " = . In his analogy of the child () at the beginning of Galatians 4, Paul describes the minor as subject to ''guardians and trustees." In his application of this analogy to Jewish Christians ( " w e " ) , 2 3 he claims that in the period of time before they came to know Christ they were all subject to the stoicheia. His comparison of the stoicheia with " g u a r d i a n s " and " t r u s t e e s " can be depicted as follows:
[the child is] [we were children]

T h e noted parallelism is not forced since Paul makes the application clear with the expression , the repetition of and , and the plural of both expressions. T h e plural suggests that Paul is not explicitly identifying either the "guardians and trustees" or the stoicheia with the law (in contrast to what he has done with the in 3:24-25), but he is now introducing something new that presumably has some kind of association with the law. In other words, Paul does not say that the child is under one guardian (viz. the law), but that he is under many. T h e personal terms and hint at a personal interpretation of

22

So also F M u n e r , Der Galaterbrief H T K N T 9 (Freiburg

Herder, 1974)

291
23 Although the first person plural pronoun here may refer inclusively to all Christians, the content of Gal 4 3-5 speaks primarily to the situation of Jewish Christians This follows naturally in seeing 4 3-5 as a development of 3 23-25 which also had primary reference to Jewish concerns of life under T o r a h See further, D u n n , Galatians, 212, and Longenecker, Galatians, 164

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stoicheia.24 This reading is then confirmed by the second occurrence of stoicheia in 4:9. Paul also implies that the stoicheia are masters () since they enslave (Gal. 4:3). Both unredeemed Jews and Gentiles stand as slaves ( ) in their service. 2 5 E. Krentz has rightly observed that Paul represents the potential appropriation of the T o r a h by the Galatians as a relapse into a condition comparable to when they " d i d not know G o d " (4:8). This is therefore a much more serious matter than simply reverting back to elementary teachings; it is tantamount to allowing the former lords to reassert their control. 2 6 Convinced that the stoicheia are here represented as personal beings, B. Reicke (followed by E. Percy, G. Bornkamm, et al.) reached the conclusion that they are the angels mentioned in 3:19 who were the agents of giving the law. 2 7 H e claims that his intepretation has the advantage of explaining the stoicheia as a natural elaboration of a motif (the relationship of the law & angels) already presented. H e can only make this connection by further suggesting that (1) Paul now gives the angels a negative instead of a positive significance, 28 and (2) the angels function as guardians of the law, supervisors over its continuation.

24 G B o r n k a m m , " T h e Heresy of Colossians," in Conflict at Colossae, eds F O Francis and W A Meeks, SBLSBS 4 (Missoula, M T Scholars Press, 1973 [reprint of 1946 edition]) 124, correctly notes " P a u l could hardly have compared them (the ) in Gal 4 2 with the and [guardians and trustees] to whom minor children are subject, and designated them as ' [beings not gods by nature], whom the Galatians served, unless the latter had regarded the as personal, divine beings " Vielhauer, "Gesetzesdients u n d Stoicheiadienst," 548, objects to this line of thinking by contending that this verse does not refer to personal beings but rather a personification of other entities Vielhauer is correct in what he affirms but wrong in what he denies This verse is not decisive for the personal interpretation but needs to be seen m the larger context of thought 25 See Schlier, Galater, 191, and Betz, Galatians, 205 26 Krentz, Galatians, 59-60 27 Reicke, " T h e Law and This World According to P a u l , " JBL 70 (1951 [translation of 1943 edition]) 261-63, E Percy, Die Probleme der Kolosser- und Epheserbriefe, Skrifter Utgivna av Kungl Humanistisk Vetenskapssamfundet L u n d 39 (Lund Gleerup, 1964 [reprint of 1946 edition]) 163-66 So Bornkamm, " H e r e s y , " 124 28 Reicke, " T h e L a w , " 262, specifically says, " P a u l gives the angels a negative instead of a positive function," and " h e therefore speaks contemptuously of "

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I would contend that Reicke is correct in viewing the stoicheiaangels in a negative light and by suggesting that these angels are fulfilling a detrimental function in the behaviour they inspire in relationship to the law. In my opinion, Reicke errs, however, by identifying the referents of stoicheia with the law-giving angels of 3:19. These angels should be seen in a more positive light. The tradition of the presence of the angels at the giving of the law (cf. Deut. 33:2 [ L X X ] ; J o s e p h u s ^ . 15.5.3 1 3 6 ; > 1:27-29) probably served to enhance the excellence, glory, and divine character of the law. 29 This was a point that was probably used by the Judaizers to reinforce their argument about the necessity of the law. 30 These angels were not evil nor were they good angels that subsequently went awry. Jewish tradition uniformly puts the fall of the angels prior to the Sinai events. The angels represented by the expression do have an association with the law, but in a way quite different from the function of the angels of the presence in 3:19; they are evil angels who have taken advantage of people by exploiting the law, just as the principle of sin has used it. Reicke's point would have carried more weight had he connected the angels of 3:19, 4:3, and 9 with the Jewish concept of " g u a r d i a n angels" or "angels of the n a t i o n s . " This more general conception, well established in Jewish thought (see Deut. 32:8-9; D a n . 10:1314, 20-21; Sir. 17:17; 1 Enoch 20:5; Jub 15:31; Tg. Ps.-Jon Gen. 11:7-8), takes into account both good and evil angels. This is the direction that E. Percy takes Reicke's view when he says: i But according to Jewish interpretation the angels were not only the mediators of the law but also the guardians of the world and its orders; as such they were for Paul the and to whom the pre-Christian world was subject and in reality the agents of this present a g e . " 3 1 L. Gaston makes this point as well, contending that the law was administered to the Gentiles by the angels of the nations. H e argues, " T h e stoicheia seem to have exercised a certain positive function in the administration of order in creation, but in a world

29 M a r t i n , Christ and the Law m Paul, S u p N o v T 62 (Leiden Brill, 1989), 35 So also Longenecker, Galatians, 140 30 So Longenecker, Galatians, 140 31 Percy, Probleme, 165-66

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come of age their rule has come to be confining and oppressive." 3 2 H e contends, however, on the basis of Sirach 17:17 that the law was administered directly by God himself for his people Israel. J . D . G . D u n n takes this a step further and suggests that the law itself was the guardian angel for Israel. 33 This view contradicts the apocalyptic traditionon which the Apostle Paul was dependent 34 which asserted that the angel Michael functioned as the guardian angel over the nation Israel (Dan. 10:13, 21). Furthermore, the Q u m r a n and apocalyptic traditions had a strong concept of the ongoing hostility of the angelic realm toward the people of God. The objective of Beliar/Mastema/Satan and his angels was to turn the people away from God through deceiving influences. The point here is that even though God gave the law to Israel (mediated by his angels), even though Michael strongly contended for them as a heavenly prince and warrior (see Daniel 10), there were still hostile angels bent on leading Israel astray from her God. If the judaizing opponents were appealing to the tradition of the mediation of the law by angelic intermediaries to strengthen the appeal of their case for Torah observance, Paul counters it in a rhetorically powerful way. He agrees with the opponents about the angelic mediation of the law, but he points out that there are other angelic beings associated with the lawbeings of a demonic character that belong to the present evil age! The appeal of Torah observance is thus diminished when one recognizes it as God's provision for the old aeon that was exploited by demonic powers. The Negative Evaluation of the Stoicheia T h e stoicheia are seen only in terms of their malevolence in Galatians 4. Nothing good is said about their influence. They are evil demonic powers of the same category as the hostile "principalities and powers."

L. Gaston, "Angels and Gentiles in Early Judaism and Paul," in Paul and the Torah (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1987 [originally published in SR 11 (1982) 65-75]) 42-43. 33 J . D . G . Dunn, "The Theology of Galatians," in Jesus, Paul and the Law (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1990) 250. 34 On the presence of apocalyptic themes in Galatians, see J . L . Martyn, "Apocalyptic Antinomies in Paul's Letter to the Galatians," NTS 31 (1985) 410-24.

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We note first that the language of slavery abounds in the passage. T h e stoicheia are initially presented as guardians who exerted an enslaving influence ( ; Gal. 4:3) over both Gentiles and Jews. In the analogy of the heir as a minor (), Paul makes it clear that the minor is no different than a slave (4:1) until the time set by the father arrives. Then, at the end of the section (4:7), Paul repeats that their former status was that of slaves ( " n o longer are you a slave"). Once again he uses slavery terminology in his description of the condition of the Gentiles before they knew the true God (4:8); their slavery was to their idolsbeings who really were not gods at all, but demons. Now Paul is fearful that by following the dictates of the contrary teachers in Galatia, these Gentiles would lose their freedom and be enslaved to the stoicheia all over again (4:9). J . Scott has recently suggested that the slavery terminology in the passage is part of a "Second E x o d u s " motif that is central to the passage (Gal. 4:l-7). 3 5 The slavery terminology fits well into the pattern of Second Exodus/redemption (4:5). Scott suggests that is not a technical term for a " m i n o r " but is a manner of referring to Israel at the time of the Exodus (cf. Hos. 11:1), that refers to the collective heir of the Abrahamic promise, and that " l o r d of a l l " ( ; 4:1) refers to Israel's corporate eschatological expectation that they would one day rule the world as heirs to the promise given to Abraham. Scott also advances the novel thesis that the and are official titles that should be interpreted as the Egyptian taskmasters. Ultimately, he explains " a d o p t i o n " in terms of the Jewish expectation of divine adoptive sonship in the messianic time based on 2 Sam. 7:14. Although I do not think that all of the terminology of the passage can (or needs to be) explained solely on the basis of Second Exodus typology, he has presented a convincing case that 36 Exodus imagery is at least working alongside the legal metaphor.

Scott, Adoption, 181-86. B. Byrne (in his review of Scott's monograph in JTS 44 [1993] 288-94, esp. 292) objects to Scott's thesis by observing that in Galatians 3 Paul is not at all interested in the Egyptian period of slavery, only in the period of slavery that began with the coming of the law. Although his objection has some merit, it is possible that Paul himself is intentionally comparing the post-Sinai period of slavery with the Egyptian slavery. This would make his point against the law-advocating opponents all the more powerful.
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His explanation does have the advantage of clarifying why the two terms and appear in the plural and are linked (this is not explained well by recourse to the ''legal" analogy). T h e weakness of Scott's explanation is that he has remained noncommittal on the identity of the stoicheia. As we have already noted, they should be seen as evil angels and associated with the "guardians and trustees" (indeed, the " t a s k m a s t e r s " ! ) of v. 2 who enslave. This is consonant with the letter to the Colossians which also makes use of Second Exodus typology to refer to the redemption of the people of God through the cross of Jesus Christ from the tyranny of the authority of darkness and his powers of evil (Col. 1:13-14). T h e " g o d of this a g e " and his angels have blinded the minds of the unbelievingJew and Gentileto prevent them from seeing Christ (2 Cor. 4:4). T h e stoicheia are also integrally linked to " t h e world" ( ), that is, this present evil age. In 4:3, stoicheia is qualified by the genitive . Because Paul can separate the term stoicheia from its genitive qualifier (see 4:9), it is likely that is his own description of these angelic beings and that the whole phrase is not a fixed title or expression. By the addition of Paul places the stoicheia into his two-age framework and makes them a part of what he has described earlier as " t h e present evil a g e " ( ; 1:4). 37 This accentuates the demonic character of these angels who will not have a share in the age to come. It also brings these powers into close affiliation with the other forces of this age: especially flesh (; see Gal. 5:13, 16-17, 24; 6:8) and sin (3:22). 3 8 Later in the letter Paul says that the result of being identified with the cross of Christ and thus experiencing his redemption and adoption is, " t h e world has been crucified to me and I to the world" ( ; 6:14). This anticipates what Paul says later to the Colossians, " y o u died with Christ to the elemental spirits {stoicheia)" (Col. 2:20). T h e is not solely the sphere of h u m a n activity, but is simultaneously the sphere of demonic activity which wields a powerful and compelling influence on h u m a n behavior. This is most powerfully illustrated by the term, , used of evil spiritual " p o w e r s " in Eph. 6:12 (cf. also Eph. 2:2).
37 38

See also Scheu, "Weltelemente" See also Hong, Law, 166.

81-83.

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These confluent concepts of slavery, demonic overlords, flesh, and the influence of the present evil age are developed in different terms in Ephesians 2:1-3. Although the term " s l a v e r y " is not used in that context, the author uses the word " d e a d " () to describe the condition of the Jewish and Gentile readers of the letter prior to their redemption by Christ. Their lives were influenced deeply by the present evil age ( ) and the flesh ( ). Furthermore, their condition of being " d e a d " also resulted from being under the control of evil angels ( ... , ). Certainly one needs to proceed with caution in allowing later theological developments to help interpret earlier theological constructions. It is significant, however, that the plight of the unredeemed is described by the same conceptual framework in Galatians and in Ephesians. T h e major difference is the lack of emphasis on the problem of being under the law in Ephesians, but this can be explained by the completely different polemical setting (i.e. there are no Judaizers in view in Ephesians). The negative portrayal of the stoicheia is continued in Galatians 4:9 with their characterization as " w e a k " () and " p o o r " (). H . D . Betz contends that these expressions come from the context of demonology. 3 9 H e points especially to Plutarch where there are many discussions about why the demons are inferior to the gods (see Plut. De Is et Os 373D; 393F). It is possible that Paul is reflecting some of the language of contemporary discussions about the relative power of gods and demons, but Paul certainly has his own reasons for highlighting the weakness and poverty of the stoicheia. This would include an understanding from his Jewish background that the gods of this age are empty and worthless (see Deut. 4:28; Ps. 115:4-8; Isa. 44:9-20; Wis. 15:15-19; Bar. 6:3-72, see, for example, v. 17 [LXX = v. 15]: " F o r just as one's dish is useless [] when it is broken, so are the gods of the heathen, 40 when they have been set up in the t e m p l e s . " ) . We know that Paul can also speak of idols as demons (1 Cor. 10:20). Thus, I would conclude with Bruce that the phrase "weak and beggarly" further

39 40

Betz, Galatians, 216, n 32 See U Borse, Der Brief an die Galater, R N T (Regensburg Pustet, 1984) 146

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"suggests that the are demonic forces which hold in thrall the minds of men and women who follow their dictates." 4 1 Part of the deception of the demonic stoicheia was in persuading the Gentiles to regard them as gods/goddesses and worship them as such. Hence Paul says that before the Galatians came to know the one true God, they "served those who were by nature not gods" ( ; 4:8). This comment clearly makes the best sense when one interprets the stoicheia as demonic beings. These pre-Christian convictions of the Galatians were in no sense rudimentary religious concepts of a preparatory nature in anticipation of their coming to maturity by turning to Christ. T h e Galatian Gentiles made a fundamental change in their allegiances involving a renunciation of their former deities; in short, they experienced ' 'conversion. ' ' Once again we may conclude that the stoicheia were not the good angels who gave the law, nor should the term be regarded as expressing elementary principles of some kind. T h e negative evaluation points much more in the direction of evil spirits working their blinding, corrupting, and deceiving influence on Jew and Gentile alike to enslave them and keep them from a knowledge of God and the truth. The Torah and the Old Aeon In Gal. 3:23-25, Paul employs apocalyptic two-age language to contrast life under Torah with faith in Christ (note especially, " t h e d o m i n g ' of faith" and " t h e faith about to be revealed [ ]"). Torah was given to regulate Jewish life (as a ) in the old aeon. Regardless of how we understand the precise function of the law in the old aeon, we can affirm that Paul clearly presents it as having a temporal function until Israel reaches maturity. T h e "fullness of t i m e " ( ; Gal. 4:4) has arrived, that is, the eschatological age has dawned in the act of God in sending his son. Now, faith in Christ renders life under Torah obsoleteJews no longer have to remain under the paidagogue. With his emphasis on Scripture confining everything ( ) under sin in the present evil age (Gal. 3:22), Paul implies even life
41

Bruce, Galatians, 204.

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under the Torah. T o be " u n d e r l a w " is to be " u n d e r s i n " in Paul's thinking. 4 2 This was one of the realities of the present evil age. The law was severely limited in what it could accomplish. As D u n n suggests, " i t was not so ultimate or important a factor in the divine purpose as grace and Spirit, as promise and inheritance received through faith; nor so ultimate and powerful as s i n . " 4 3 Paul does not go so far as to argue in Gal. 4:3 that the T o r a h was demonic or in some way equivalent to the principle of sin. Although Paul specifically says that the Jews were " u n d e r l a w " ( ; Gal. 3:23; cf. also 3:13) and that the function of redemption was to rescue those who were " u n d e r l a w " ( ; Gal. 4:5), he does not equate being under the law with being under the stoicheia.** It is doubtful Paul would have made the Torah coextensive with demonic powers. This is not, however, to deny a conceptual relationship between " l a w " and stoicheia. It is more appropriate to speak in terms of a close association. T h e nature of the association may partly be explained by appealing to 2 Cor. 4:4 which represents Satan as the god of this present evil age. 4 5 Although Torah does not explicitly figure into that context, the passage demonstrates that Paul's view of the present evil age was consistent with apocalyptic thought in maintaining the reality of demonic hostility. Paul, however, interprets the nature of the demonic hostility more in terms of promoting a spiritual blindness, that is, preventing Jews and Gentiles from seeing God at work in Jesus Christ. Paul clearly envisions demonic hostility until the very end of the present age (1 Cor. 15:24). O n e must be cautious of seeing Paul as engaging in a process of demythologizing his apocalyptic inheritance. Although he is not enamored with speculating about the demonic realm, he does maintain a firm belief in the reality of hostile powers that are integral to the present evil age. Thus, since in Paul's view Torah was given only for the present age ("until faith c o m e s " ; Gal. 3:23), it belonged to an age 46 that was dominated by demonic powers.
42 43

Schreiner, The Law and Its Fulfillment (Grand Rapids Baker, 1993) 77-81 D u n n , Galatians, 195 44 So also H o n g , Law, 164 45 See Scheu, "Weltelemente," 82 46 Similarly, Scheu, "Weltelemente," 99, comments, " I n dieser Hinsicht stand das Gesetz auf der Seite der Sarx, es gehorte diesem Aon an, in dem der Teufel u n d die dmonische Machte ihre Herrschaft ausben "

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T h e images of the paidagogue and the minority of Israel () emphasize the temporality of the Torah. Now that Christ has come, the period of spiritual minority is over. Foremost in Paul's thought is the work of God in sending his son (Gal. 4:4). Through him God has provided redemption, adoption, and his Holy Spirit (Gal. 4:45) to all people who put their faith in Jesus Christ, including the Jews " u n d e r the l a w . " In his later formulations in Romans, Paul characterizers the law as essentially holy, good, and deriving from the Spirit (Rom. 7:12, 14). Yet, at the same time he depicts the law in rather negative terms as he does in the contrast between law and grace: " y o u are not under law ( ) but under grace ( )" ( R o m . 6:14). Although the law was holy and good, it was given by God for a limited time. T h e expression thus becomes another way of characterizing " t h e old e r a . " 4 7 Because the law belongs to the old aeon and because it is not a power for enabling the people of God to live (Gal. 3:21; cf. also R o m . 8:2), it has been manipulated and exploited by the powers of this present evil agesin and the flesh (see esp. R o m . 7:9-13; 8:26). In Galatians 4, Paul expands the scope of the exploitation of the law to include the personal evil forces of the present agethe principalities and powers, viz. the . T h e exploitation, however, does not occur in direct relation to the law, but rather in the hearts and minds of people. Just as sin and the flesh use the law as a base of operations, so do the evil principalities and powers. T h u s , the law itself is not evil even though Paul says that Christ has provided redemption for those " u n d e r T o r a h " ( ); it was a divinely instituted, but temporary, expedient which has now reached its obsolescence (cf. R o m . 10:4). In essence, Gal. 4:1-11 contrasts two lordshipsthe one good and the other not only obsolete, but now dangerous and evil. Believers are no longer slaves ( 1 , 3, 7, 8, 9), but sons (7) and heirs (1, 7); no longer under the cosmic " p o w e r s " (3, 8), but indwelt by the Spirit of God (6); no longer in a state of not knowing God (8), but now they know God and are known by God (9); no longer under those who are not gods (8), but have now entered into a relationship with God (9), who is their Father (6). Within this overarching framework falls the discussion of the law (5) and nomistic
See D. Moo, Romans 1-8 (Chicago: Moody, 1991) 406-07.

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observances (10). T h e " r e n e w e d " return of Gentiles to the cosmic " p o w e r s " (3,9) is compared with a return to the domain of the law, from which Christ had redeemed them (5). 4 8 We cannot underestimate the value and importance Paul placed on being in Christ and recognizing him as Messiah and Son of God. For Paul, the coming of Christ marked the beginning of the eschatological age and the bestowal of the Spirit of God. Gentile Idols, Evil Spirits, and the Present Age In Gal. 4:8-9 Paul says that for the Galatians to accept the tenets of the Judaizers is tantamount to a return to the slavery they faced when they did not know the true God. H e refers to this as reversion to life under the "weak and beggarly stoicheia" (Gal. 4:9), that is, a servitude to "beings which by nature are not gods ( ; Gal. 4 : 8 ) . " In these two verses, Paul not only makes a comment on the dangers of the false teaching, but also on their situation as pagans. In 1 Cor. 10:20 Paul speaks of the sacrifices that pagans make as actually offered to demons ( ). Earlier in the same letter (1 Cor. 8:5) he refers to these beings as "so-called g o d s " ( ). Similar polemic from Judaism against Gentile worship of idols as " n o t really g o d s " is especially prominent in Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the entirety of the Epistle of Jeremiah ( = Baruch 6). 4 9 The attitude toward pagan religion as animated by demonic forces, which we also find here, is dependent on the T o r a h (Deut. 32:16-17: " T h e y made him jealous with their foreign gods and angered him with their detestable idols. They sacrificed to demons, which are not God [ ]") and secondtemple Judaism (see, for example, Jub. 11:4-5; Jud. 23:1; Naph. 3:1). 5 0 Also significant for this context is the fact that Jews

Cf. J . C . Beker, Paul the Apostle (Edinburgh: Clark, 1980) 49. See especially Isa. 37:19; J e r . 2:11; 5:7; 16:20; Bar. 14-16, 1 7 , 2 3 , 2 9 , 4 9 - 5 2 , 64-65, 68 (' ). 50 For additional references to the m a n y texts illustrating this widespread Jewish belief, see J . L . Strack and P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch, 6th ed. (Munich: Beck, 1975) 3.47-60. See also Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.266; 2.177 (n. 58); Bousset-Gressmann, Religion des Judentums, 305-307.
49

48

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often accused the Gentiles of worshipping the elements as gods (Wis. 7:17; 13:2; Philo, Vit. Coni. 3-4). O n e of the crucial questions that still remains to be answered is: why did Paul choose to use the term stoicheia in his polemic with the Galatians? Is it possible that he chose it because he knew that these Gentiles would be familiar with it because of their former involvement in pagan religion, magical practices, and astrology? Or, does the term only reflect Paul's Jewish heritage and his theology and nothing of the religious vocabulary of the readers? O u r suspicion that it may have something to do with the background of the readers is raised immediately because the only time Paul uses the term is in two letters addressed to the interior of Asia Minor, the respective readerships being separated by only a relatively small distance. Furthermore, the only concrete reference to the readers pre-Christian past in the passage is the polemical expression that they formerly served beings that were in reality not gods (Gal. 4:8), i.e. the stoicheia. T h e implication is that they once were involved in pagan religion and turned () away from their idols to serve () the true God (Gal. 4:9; cf. 1 Thess. 1:9). T h e term " e l e m e n t s " was prominent in mystery initiation ritual, 5 1 magical recipes, and astrologyall of which would have been an integral part of the Galatians' pre-Christian past. It is, therefore, quite likely that the Gentile readers would have been familiar with the term and would probably have associated it with deities or divine intermediaries. It makes little difference for our purposes to determine whether they would have associated the stoicheia with the physical elements, the planets, or the stars. 5 2 It is doubtful that the magical/mystery/astrological tradition is what influenced Paul's thought regarding the stoicheia, however, although he was probably familiar with the use of the term in those contexts. In other words, he was not thinking about astral deities or decans but evil angels and demonic spirits. Paul himself would have been influenced more by the Jewish apocalyptic tradition regarding the nature of the stoicheia, viz. the terminological
31 See the use of elementa in Apuleius, Metamorphoses, 11.5 ( = 269); 11.23 ( = 284-85); 11.25 ( = 286-87). For the text, translation, and commentary, see J.G. Griffiths, The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), EPRO 39 (Leiden: Brill, 1975) ad loe. R.E. Witt, Isis in the Greco-Roman World (London: 1971) 263. 52 So also A. Lumpe, "Elemente," RAC 4 (1959) 1091.

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precedence set by 2 Enoch which links stoicheia and angels and the conceptual framework of evil angels deceiving the Gentiles through idolatry exhibited in the apocalyptic tradition and the Q u m r a n documents. 5 3 Such a dual tradition with regard to a key term in Paul's thought is not unusual; for example, he still chose to fill the Greek term with his Jewish content in spite of the fact that it was a term in common use as a description of the initiation rite of certain pagan religions. Therefore, as G. Howard correctly notes, the problem for the Galatian Gentiles before they turned to Christ, " w a s that they were enslaved to evil spirits who darkened their minds and led them into idolatry." 5 4 The Danger Facing the Galatian Christians: Embracing Torah Means Returning to the Domain of the Powers Paul's burden in writing Galatians 4 was to prevent the Galatian believers from returning to the dominion of the stoicheia. For Paul, taking up the Torah was tantamount to being reenslaved by the demonic powers of the present evil agethe same powers that enslaved them when they worshipped idols. T h e precise nature of the Torah observance advocated by the judaizing opposition has been a matter of debate. Although it is far beyond the scope of the present work to enter into a full discussion of all the issues related to this problem, the basic contours of the issue are clear. The opponents were insisting that the Galatian Gentiles abide by the laws of the Torah. This included, above all, a demand that the Galatians submit themselves to the rite of circumcision. It is likely that they also enjoined the Galatians to abide by the food laws of the Torah as well as observe the festivals and sacred days.
53 Thus, it is more likely that Paul is reflecting a traditional Jewish use of the term than creatively coining a fresh use of the word; Pace Longenecker, Galatians, 166 ("Such a use of might well have been coined by Paul himself."); Bruce, Galatians, 204 ("the phrase ... seems to be Paul's own contribution to religious vocabulary"); Delling, "," 685; Vielhauer, "Gesetzesdienst," 550-53; Fung, Galatians, 190-91; Borse, Galater, 142; . Hegermann, Die Vorstellung vom Schpfungsmittler im hellenistischen Judentum und Urchristentum, T U 82 (Berlin: Akademie, 1961) 161. 54 G. Howard, Paul: Crisis in Galatia, S N T S M S 35 (Cambridge: University Press, 1979) 76.

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Paul does call attention to one particular practice the Galatians were performing that for him was evidence of their embracing of the Torah. Paul says, " Y o u are observing days, months, seasons, and y e a r s " ( ; Gal. 4:10). Most interpreters see the series of the four nouns here as referring to festivals and observances prescribed in the T o r a h . 5 5 This would include most assuredly Sabbath observance, but perhaps also the Day of Atonement, the new-moon festival ( N u m . 10:10; 28:11), and the "appointed feasts" (1 Chron. 23:31; 2 Chron. 2:4, et al.). F. Muner, however, emphasizes that one needs to look primarily at the practices of early Judaism, especially in Jewish apocalyptic and Q u m r a n Essenism. 56 He contends that the various times appear to be tied to the astronomical ordering of the world (see e.g. 1 Enoch 82:4, 7-10; 73:1; 74:1; 7 9 : l f f ; > o 2:9; 1 Q S 9:2610:8; 1 Q M 14:12-14). H e therefore argues that a "calendar piety" (Kalendarfrommigkeit) stands in the center of the religious convictions of this judaizing faction. 57 Next to the Torah, he points out, stands the law of the order of creation, and to forsake the latter as well as the former is sin. 58 H e suggests that since such a strong affinity existed between Torah piety and "calendar piety" in Judaism that the opponents must have emphasized fidelity to the law in terms of "calendar piety." Paul's concern, therefore, was that for the Gentile believers in Galatia it was only a short step to worship these calendar-regulating stars as gods (cf. 1 Enoch 80:7: " T h e n they shall err and take them [the stars] to be gods"), something they were already accustomed to doing in their pagan past (especially in the observances of the fertility cults). Thus, for Muner, the Galatians were not far from worshipping the stoicheia (astral spirits) as gods. 59 In response to this conception, I would observe that
55 See Longenecker, Galatians, 182, Dunn, "Theology of Galatians," 246, idem, Galatians, 227-29, Sanders, Paul, the Law, and the Jewish People (Minneapolis Fortress, 1983) 20, 69, 101, Bruce, Galatians, 205-207, Fung, Galatians, 193, E de Witt Burton, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians, ICC (Edinburgh Clark, 1921) 232-34 56 Muner, Galaterbrief, 298-303 Similarly, see Schlier, Galaterbrief, 204-207, Becker, Paul, 269, idem, Galater, N T D 8 (Gottmgen Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1976) 51 Vielhauer, "Gesetzesdienst und Stoicheiadienst," 548-49, denies the relevance of this material 57 Muner, Galaterbrief, 299 58 Muner, Galaterbrief, 299-300 59 Muner, Galaterbrief, 302

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Muner is correct to emphasize the significant role astral phenomena play in the apocalyptic and Q u m r a n traditions and the connection to the festal calendar. O n the other hand, Muner seems to depend too heavily on an interpretation o stoicheia as astral spirits. If, as I have argued above, there is adequate lexical and contextual evidence to interpret stoicheia as "evil angels" or " d e m o n s , " then it is more appropriate to interpret Gal. 4:9 as an indictment of every aspect of the Judaizers' improper attitude toward and response to the law as " d e m o n i c " (especially the demand for circumcision as essential for salvation), rather than to focus only on the "calendar piety." H . D . Betz contends that the observances of v. 10 need to be seen in the argumentative context of the letter as a sarcastic description of the typical behavior of religiously scrupulous and superstitious people. 60 As such, the "days, months, seasons, and years" do not describe activities in which the Galatians were presently engaged, but observances which they would practice once they took up Torah and circumcision. These observances were a part of the overall teaching of the opponents since, according to Betz, they understood their religion as a cultic-ritualistic system of protection against the evil forces of the "elements of the world ( )" 6 1 "demonic entities of cosmic proportions and astral powers which were hostile to m a n . " 6 2 O n e of the major difficulties of Betz's view is that there are few other descriptions of the opponents in Galatians (in addition to the calendar observances) that indicate that we are dealing with a more magical-mystical form of Judaism. In addition, we have already seen that it is possible to understand the Gentiles' acceptance of a Jewish law-centered form of Christianity as a reversion to the influence of demonic powers without positing a more direct form of angelic/demonic veneration. Nevertheless, there is a slight possibility that the Judaizing opponents did have some form of angelic/astral speculation in their system of teaching. Paul was not necessarily confronting a uniform 63 Jewish opinion on these matters. Schlier, Muner, Betz, and others are correct in highlighting the role this kind of belief had in

60 61 62 63

Betz, Galatians, 217-18 Betz, Galatians, 216-17. Betz, Galatians, 205. D u n n , Galatians, 229.

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many streams of Judaism contemporary with Paul even in Palestine There may be an allusion to this in the beginning of the letter when Paul tells the Galatians to refuse any variant gospel "even if an angel from heaven should preach [it]" (Gal 1 8) This might be a clue that the opponents were claiming that they received their unique brand of Christianity by revelation through angelic mediationsomething certainly not out of the ordinary for the Judaism of the time 64 However one interprets these observances in the context of the competing teaching, Paul is deeply concerned that by accepting the teaching of the opponents, the Galatians would once again come under the compelling influence of demonic powers (stoicheia) Paul describes the powers as "weak and beggarly" (4 9) in comparison to a knowledge of the one true God through Jesus Christ who has subjected all these powers to himself (cf Phil 2 11, and so also Col 2 10, 15, Eph 1 21-23) What Paul wants to emphasize more than anything else is the preeminence and sufficiency of the son of God How will the stoicheia reassert their dominion over the Galatians 9 Just as the powers once blinded the Galatians to a true knowledge of God through exerting their deceiving influence in pagan religions, astrology, and magic, they now threaten once again to deter these Galatians from a full knowledge of God at work in Christ through inspiring them to embrace the law and a variety of Jewish sectarian observances that go along with the law in the teaching of the opponents Conclusion In conclusion, the stoicheia in Galatians 4 3 and 9 are best interpreted as evil spirits equivalent to the "principalities and powers" that Paul speaks about elsewhere For Paul, the stoicheia were an integral part of the present evil age and used a variety of means to hold humanity in bondage and blind people to the revelation of Jesus Christ as proclaimed in the gospel For Gentiles, they accomplished their objective through posing as gods and goddesses and soliciting cultic worship For Jews, they were associated with the law in the same way as the power of sin and were agents of slavery under the old covenant Now, in spite of the fact that the Galatian
Betz, Galatians, 53, cautiously reaches this conclusion

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Gentiles know Christ, Paul fears that by acceding to the demands of the Judaizing opponents they would return to the domain of the powers. By embracing Torah, the Galatians were returning to the powers of the old aeon which would bring them under a yoke of slavery once again and cause them to forfeit their freedom in Christ.

^ s
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