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Resistance and Compliance: CRM and the Archaeology of the African Diaspora Author(s): J. W.

Joseph Reviewed work(s): Source: Historical Archaeology, Vol. 38, No. 1, Transcending Boundaries, Transforming the Discipline: African Diaspora Archaeologies in the New Millenium (2004), pp. 18-31 Published by: Society for Historical Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25617129 . Accessed: 15/03/2013 09:29
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18 J.W. Joseph has become


site evaluations.

the standard of CRM

archaeological

CRM and the Archaeology


of theAfrican Diaspora
ABSTRACT
Archaeological investigations carried out in compliance the dictates of the National Historic Preservation Act with have

Resistance

and Compliance:

played an integral role in developing our understanding of and These approach to the archaeology of the African diaspora.

sectors of the discipline, CRM of the African archaeology is presently suffering from a period of stagnation diaspora and lack of focus. This paper considers CRM's contribution

cultural resource management studies include several (CRM) landmark projects that helped shape the national approach to African American as with other However, archaeology.

of sites than had traditionallybeen studied, which forced archaeologists to develop historical con texts and criteria for assessing the significance of previously unevaluated resources. In concert with trends in social history, historical anthro

CRM has taken archaeologists, many trained as prehistorians but a growing number educated in historical archaeology, into settings that had not previously been the focus of historical or archaeological research. Highway projects, urban redevelopments, Corps of Engineers reservoirs and drainage works, and Department of Defense installation inventories all exposed a wider array

to the archaeology of African America, past and present, and in the study of attempts to project the future place of CRM the African American past.

Introduction
like ceramics, may be an effort to imitate the master class, or it among may represent a significant African tradition" (Trinkley "Personal decoration, the freedmen 1986:279).

more

African American archaeology and the archae ology of cultural resource management (CRM) have enjoyed a symbiotic relationship since the in the late 1960s (by CRM I advent of CRM and historical studies refer to archaeological undertaken in compliance with sections 106 and 110 of the National Historic Preservation Act). Established by the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 (and subsequent amendments), CRM (Ascher and Fairbanks 1971; Fairbanks 1974); seeks to identify and evaluate archaeological and Robert Schuyler's (1974, 1980) excavations at the African American oystering village of Sandy historical resources that would be affected by or mandated Ground, New York; John Otto's (1975, 1980, federally funded, permitted, proj as as on well those sites federal located ects, 1984) doctoral analyses on the archaeology of are to Cannons evaluated with reference their Point plantation; Leland Ferguson's lands. Sites on the National Register of (1978, 1980) study of African American colono eligibility for listing Of the four evaluative criteria Historic Places. for listing, Criterion D, which states that an archaeological site may be eligible for the scien tific information it has provided or can provide, ware; Jim Deetz's (1977) study of Parting Ways; Sarah Bridges's and Bert Salwen's (1980) excava tions atWeeksville; Joan Geismar's (1980, 1982) Sam Smith's (1976, study of Skunk Hollow;

toward the study of lost Colonial towns, forts, and the house yards of the well-to-do. Prominently featured in this new focus was CRM's discovery of African America. The history of African American archaeology can be traced to a number of landmark studies: Adelaide and P. Ripley Bullen's excavation and Vernon Baker's analysis of Black Lucy's Garden, a freedman site in Massachusetts (Bullen and Bullen 1945; Baker 1980); Robert Ascher and Charles Fairbanks's work with enslaved African American cabin sites at Ryefield and Kingsley Plantations in the late 1960s and early 1970s

pology, and cultural geography, which recognized the significance of people on the periphery of traditional history, CRM archaeologists began to research and recognize the archaeological value in the study of small farmsteads, urban working class house lots, tenant sites, ethnic groups, the 19th century in general, and other archaeological remains that had previously received little atten tion by a discipline directed, before the 1960s,

Historical Permission

Archaeology, 2004, 38(1): to reprint required.

18-31.

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J.W. JOSEPH?CRM

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the Archaeology

of the African Diaspora

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record; Schuyler's application of the ethnohis toric approach to African American archaeology; Combes's study of African and African American burial practices; and Deetz's, Bridges and Salw ens's, Geismar's, and Schuyler's recognition of the significance of African community with settle ment structure. While all of these studies were

1977) excavations at the Hermitage Plantation in Tennessee; and John Combes's (1972) ethno historical and archaeological study of a late-19th to 20th-centuryAfrican American cemetery at the Charles Towne Landing Site, South Carolina. These studies explored themes and perspectives that would influence the development of the most notably Ascher and Fairbanks's discipline, search for African cultural retentions; Otto's analysis of status variation within the plantation community as revealed in the archaeological

cultural traits by the early-19th century and the eventual Americanization of enslaved Africans. This transformation from African to African American has formed the paradigm of CRM Afri can American archaeology over the past decade and a half. As illustrated by the opening quote from Michael Trinkley's investigation of the African American freedman village of Mitchell ville, CRM archaeologists have routinely debated whether the objects of African American archae ology are legacies of African cultural behaviors

influential,CRM's approach toAfrican American archaeology would largely be structured by the developments within CRM itself. Three studies from the South Carolina low CRM's of African country signal recognition America and are founding elements in the disci pline of African American archaeology: Lesley Drucker and Ronald Anthony's investigation of the Spiers Landing enslaved African American house (Drucker and Anthony 1979; Drucker William Lees's 1981), investigation of Limerick Plantation (1980), and Thomas Wheaton, Amy Friedlander, and Patrick Garrow's (1983) exca

or evidence of African American efforts to emu late Euramerican culture, in particular concepts and markers of social status. The majority of CRM studies have concluded that so-called Afri canisms ceased to exist by the 19th century. In the absence of readily recognizable African cul tural attributes, CRM archaeologists have treated African American sites, artifacts, and behaviors as analogs to their Euramerican counterparts. Sites and assemblages have thus been analyzed using concepts and indices developed for Euramerican sites that are well suited to the cursory-level analysis and interpretation of many CRM stud ies?George Miller's (1980, 1991) socioeconomic index scaling and Stanley A. South's (1977) artifact patterning in particular. The outcome of these studies have been two-fold: emphasizing African Americans' impoverished socioeconomic status within Euramerican economy and society, and measuring African American assimilation as seen in part by the assumed acceptance by Afri can Americans of the Euramerican socioeconomic
structure and cultural ideals. What these stud

vations of Yaughan and Curiboo Plantations. The work at Yaughan and Curiboo (Wheaton et al. 1983) was particularly significant in its influence on the discipline of African Ameri can archaeology because it found the remains of earth-walled, African-style dwellings as well as conclusive evidence for the production of a
low-fired earthenware ceramic?known as colo

ies have routinely failed to seek or identify are evidences of continued African behaviors and the
resistance to Euramerican cultural norms, as well

behaviors and African adaptation to the New World. However, Wheaton and colleagues (1983)

enslaved African Americans within noware?by the villages (for furtherdiscussion of colonoware, see Ferguson 1978, 1980, 1989, 1992; Lees and 1979; Wheaton and Garrow 1985; Kimery-Lees Garrow and Wheaton 1989). These discoveries showed a clear linkage between African cultural

also witnessed the gradual replacement of these African artifacts with European and American ceramics and house styles. As a result, they pre sented a model of acculturation that posited the loss of most archaeologically identifiable African

the results of CRM African American archaeology within the broad functional contexts of plantations, freedmen cemeter urban and studies, villages, tenancy, ies. The overviews provided for each of these categories are meant to provide an introduction to the general drift of African American CRM and should not be considered as comprehensive

American CRM. This paper summarizes

as indications of the formation of a creolized, African American culture with its own distinct values and behaviors. Several recent studies illustrate CRM archaeology's ability to contrib ute to the study of African American creolization and provide signposts for the future of African

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20 assessments of all of the CRM archaeology con ducted within a given context. This summary also reflects my geographic bias and is thus weighted toward the archaeology of Georgia and These overviews are followed South Carolina. a of CRM's summary by impact on African American archaeology and recommendations for the future direction of CRM studies. Plantation Studies far, the majority of African American archaeological studies conducted within a CRM context have been completed on plantation sites, a statistic that applies to academic archaeology as By

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 38(1)

well.

Coastal
cotton,

been conducted throughout the southeast, from the seaboard states of the original 13 colonies to the interior states such as Kentucky and Tennes see. However, coastal plantations have received significantly greater attention than plantations of the piedmont and interior. In part, this reflects differences in the agrarian economy of the coast versus the interior and the effects of varying crop economies on site formation and preservation. crops included rice, indigo, Sea
and cane. Of

This archaeological bias in favor of planta tion sites is also found in historical studies and also reflects the social condition of the majority of African Americans within the United States Plantation studies have prior to the Civil War.

of development in coastal areas, particularly in Federal permitting increases the South Carolina. likelihood that a coastal development will require CRM study, either through Corps of Engineers permits (where projects are situated on major waterways or will affect wetlands) or through various coastal regulatory agencies that receive federal support. Between Drucker and Anthony's excavations at Spiers Landing in 1979 and 1998, there have been more than 30 enslaved African

and Joseph 1988:422^24). Coastal plantations have also received a sig nificantly greater degree of study than upland plantations because of the nature of development and federal permitting on the coast. The past two decades have witnessed a significant amount

short-lived settlements is negligible. As a result, it is extremely difficult to identify outlying vil lage locations on upland plantations (Anderson

American

American villages are more readily identifiable. In contrast, short staple cotton, the primary crop of the interior, quickly exhausted soil nutrients. Hence cotton-field locations were rotated every three to five years. Outlying upland planta tion settlements were relocated with the fields to minimize transportation of enslaved African from the plantation center to the Americans fields. Cabins were routinely constructed of legacy of these log, and the archaeological

Poplin and Brooker 1994; Trinkley 1995, 1996; sugar Wayne et al. 1996a, 1996b). This figure does cultivation in particular and sugar and indigo to not include sites identified during CRM surveys that were not recommended for excavation or lesser degrees were associated with stable plan thats were preserved in place. tation settlements because of the high labor These excavations have revealed several impor investment needed to create rice, indigo, and tant aspects of African American life on the sugar-cane fields. These fields were enriched lowcountry plantations of the old South. Work through tidal flooding, and the profits of these at Yaughan and Curiboo, as well as subsequent crop economies financed the creation of substan Plantation (Gardner and excavations at Wapoo tial plantation homes and complexes. Village architecture was more likely to be permanent Poplin 1992) and elsewhere, have revealed the on these plantations than on upcountry planta presence of wall trench/mud-walled domestic architecture that is likely African in style and tions, and thus the locations of enslaved African Island
rice tobacco, these,

site excavations within coastal South alone (Drucker and Anthony Carolina 1979; Carillo 1980; Lees 1980; Wheaton et al. 1983; Zierden et al.1986; Abbott and Brockington 1989; 1989; Trinkley 1989, Poplin and Brockington 1990, 1991, 1993a, 1993b; Wayne and Dickin son 1990; Brooker 1991; Gardner and Poplin 1992; Adams 1993, 1994a, 1994b, 1995a, 1995b; Trinkley et al. 1993, 1995; Adams and Trinkley 1994; Eubanks et al. 1994; Kennedy et al. 1994;

construction (Carl Steen [1999] suggests these structures could also reflect French architectural traditions). These excavations, coupled with the recovery of enslaved African American-made colonowares at a number of lowcountry planta tion sites, suggest a measure of social autonomy in coastal which enslaved African Americans South Carolina experienced during the 18th cen tury. In combination with historical documenta tion, it appears thatAfrican Americans at work

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J.W. JOSEPH?CRM

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of the African Diaspora

21

on lowcountry rice and indigo plantations prior to and shortly beyond the Industrial Revolution lived in villages consisting of African-style hous ing and ate from handmade earthenwares similar to those used in Africa, relying on traditional African cultural practices to adapt to the New World. Indeed, Africans represented a majority

I have suggested elsewhere (Joseph 1989, 1993a, 1993b, 1997a) that the ideology of the Industrial Revolution, which focused on labor management and units of production, came to dominate the mindsets of lowcountry planters and left in its wake plantation factories. Within this European-American ideology, material cul tural came to reflect class and social status, not cultural identity. As a result, images of Africa Ben Sullivan
he wanted

of coastal swamps. This situation changed in the last decades of the 18th century and the first decades of the 19th century as the planta tion economy matured. Plantation settlement and architecture became more structured and formal, and African American villages were moved from peripheral locations to a core area comprised of the main house and its domestic and agricul tural supporting facilities. Artifacts changed as industrial ceramics well, with European-made replacing African American colonoware as the dominant ceramic within the plantation villages. While themajority of CRM studies have treated this change within the African American world as a product of acculturation, it is important to recognize that this change affected plantations as a whole and not simply the material culture of slavery. Tidal rice agriculture, employing dikes and locks and the tidal surge to flood and drain rice fields, became prominent, and with it arose more stable and profitable plantation complexes. Previously planters had resided in Charleston and allowed their plantations to be run by overseers. The profits of tidal rice agriculture as well as

of the South Carolina population by 1740, and the appearance of the colony was such that by 1737 Swiss visitor Samuel Dyseli would remark, "Carolina looks more like a negro country than like a country settled by white people" (qtd. in Wood 1974:132-133). Interpretationsbased on CRM archaeology have shown that during the 18th century, enslaved African Americans in coastal South Carolina functioned under minimal supervision, lived in isolated villages, and grew rice on the margin

had no place.

recalled that

Old man Okra

so he built himself a hut.

a place like he had in Africa I remember it well. It was

on

about twelve by fourteen feet and it had a dirt floor and he built the sides like basket weave with clay plaster it. It had a flat roof that he made from bush and

But palmetto and it had one door and no windows. Master made him pull it down. He say he ain't want no African hut on his place (qtd. in Works Project Administration 1940:179-180).

As

the nature of the lowcountry plantation economy shifted from an informal system in which enslaved African Americans had a degree of social and cultural autonomy to a highly struc tured and profitable industry in which planters

displayed economic and social standing through architecture and its organization, the appearance of Africa was forcibly erased from the plantation

landscape (Joseph 1993a). Culture change, however, is not acculturation. treatment of enslaved African Americans CRM's within the Euramerican cultural system has by and large ignored the importance of African American resistance to change and the processes of creolization, applying formulas such as arti fact patterning and the socioeconomic status index to show that enslaved African Americans
were "acculturated" and of a lower socioeco

nomic status than Euramerican planters. Work outside CRM, most notably Kenneth Brown's at the Levi Jordan Plantation excavations in Texas and more recently at Frogmore Planta tion in Beaufort, South Carolina, has recovered evidence of African ritual practices and beliefs

plantations, establish large plantation homes, and create more stable plantation structures. Racial tension was clearly a factor in these changes. Planters moved outlying villages into the big house sphere and organized these villages along streets where enslaved Africans could be more easily supervised.

its geography, which emphasized proximity to the coastal rivers thatwere the region's highways of the era, induced planters to move onto their

through artifact caches (containing Euramerican manufactured artifacts) found in the floors of African American dwellings. Brown suggests that archaeologists working on the plantation must be more cautious in recording and recog nizing the contexts of artifacts as well as being more cognizant of African belief systems and their potential material reflections (Brown and Cooper 1990; Brown 2001).

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22 Freedmen Villages

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 38(1)

Southern enslaved African Americans began leaving their plantations to seek Union encamp ments following Union General Benjamin Butler's decision to treat enslaved African Americans who had fled to the protection of the Union forces at Fort Monroe, Virginia, as contraband of war. As

The archaeological South. legacy of African American tenancy is represented by a number of CRM studies (Anderson and Muse 1982, 1983; Orser et al. 1982; Trinkley 1983; Brockington et al.

the numbers of enslaved African Americans reaching Union lines increased, a plan to house them was needed. The result was the establish ment of freedmen villages, camps established to support the freedmen until the war's end. These villages were established primarily in coastal areas where the Union army had formed occupa tions supported by their superior naval resources. Most villages were of short duration, only the wartime years, although some persisted after the

from the 1870s and 1880s. Both Trinkley's and Wheaton's analyses focus on the use of artifact and socioeconomic indexing to judge patterning
status. Wheaton notes that socioeconomic status

conclusion of the Civil War. in Two of these village sites, Mitchellville South Carolina and James City in North Caro lina, have been the focus of extensive archaeo logical investigations (Trinkley 1986; Wheaton et al. 1990). Union forces both planned these freedmen villages and dictated their architec ture. In these respects, life within the villages was not significantly different from life on the Both towns were occupied after plantations. war the ended, and the artifacts from both are predominantly excavations archaeological

following abandonment, damaging the limited archaeological integrity these sites might earlier have possessed (Joseph and Reed 1997). Charles Orser and Annette Nekola (1985) recognize the

of their limited material remains and imperma nent architecture and because tenant site locations were frequently employed as agricultural fields

ister eligibility (this debate is sometimes known as the Anderson-Muse/Trinkley debate). CRM archaeologists have recognized that tenant sites are difficult to identify archaeologically because

1985; Orser and Nekola 1985; Joseph et These studies have contributed to al. 1991). the archaeological debate on the visibility of tenancy and the role of artifact density in tenant site evaluation and assessments of National Reg

importance of continued community relationships within the tenant community as witnessed by the Plantation's village perseverance of Millwood residences into the tenant era, and the effects of kinship on tenant settlement have been recog nized elsewhere (Crass and Brooks 1997). Urban Studies After the war, many African Americans flocked to cities, which offered the greatest potential for employment as well as community. CRM archaeological studies of urban African American houses and neighborhoods have been conducted in Mobile (Wheaton et al. 1993; Joseph et al. Gums 1996; 1998), Atlanta (The History Group 1990, 1996), Pitts 1982), Lexington (O'Malley et al. 1991), several towns on burgh (Carlisle the Delmarva and Custer

among the James City sites was slightly higher for enslaved African American than measured while sites, Trinkley notes that some high-status artifacts (considered to be products of the plan

note evidence of communal behavior 247-248) within James City, as witnessed by the use of central wells within urban blocks as well as other aspects of the archaeological and histori cal record. They view this communal chord as the most African element of James City.

tation big houses) had found their way into the record of the freedmen camps. archaeological and colleagues Wheaton (1990: Interestingly,

Peninsula (Catts et al. 1989; Catts 1991; Catts 1990; Catts and McCall Cheek DC and 1982; (Garrow 1992), Washington, et al. 1983; Cheek and Friedlander 1990), among other cities. The majority of these studies have addressed late-19th-century occupations, with the analysis of socioeconomic social stratification as

Tenancy For many southernAfrican Americans, agricul tural tenancy was the keynote of the postbellum

the primary theoretical approach. Analysis of the remains of the antebellum freeAfrican American community of Springfield in Augusta, Georgia, provides an important glimpse of African Ameri can culture outside the plantation and during the firsthalf of the 19th century (Joseph and Reed 1991; Joseph 1992, 1993c, 1997b).

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moderate

at Springfield revealed a post in-ground house with associated pit features dating to the period from 1820 to 1855. The structure measured approximately 10 X 20 ft., the common dimension for Yoruba houses inWest Africa, which John Vlach (1975, 1978) views as ancestral to the shotgun house, commonly found in many southern African American neighborhoods. This house thus reflects African and Afro-Caribbean traditions and building design. The house yard was pocketed by small pit features, many of which contained light to Excavations quantities of refuse that appears to represent yard sweepings. The purpose of these yard pit features is unknown, although they were possibly dug to obtain dirt for house wall or floor construction. Yard pit features have been documented both ethnographically and archaeologically by Emmanuel Kofi Agorsah as a common feature of (1983:106-107) Nchumuru settlements of West Africa and were common at Yaughan and Curriboo plantations and on other plantation workers villages. Ceramic vessels recovered from Springfield indicate a preference supporting at Cannon's sharedWest

and described by Henry Austin (1849) inNineveh and Its Remains. The design of the pipe may in fact be taken from the illustrations appearing in Layard's book (Figure 3). The archaeological discovery of Nineveh was seen as proving the validity of the Bible. Nineveh may have been a particularly relevant Layard place to African Americans of the old South, as the Old Testament prophecy of Nahum depicts God's destruction of Nineveh and the freeing of the Ninevien slaves.
These Now are the words I will of the LORD:

was

excavated

break his yoke from your necks and snap the cords that bind you. Image and idol will I hew down in the house God.

of your

This

is what the LORD has ordained for you: never again will your offspring be scattered; and I will grant your burial, fickle though you have been.

the braided beard, would obviously be considered of high socioeconomic value and status (Figure its interpretive meaning is far 1). However, more complex. Various Southern laws placed prohibitions on African American's public use to of clay pipes, designed prevent African Americans from co-opting artifacts that conveyed social status (Haughton 1972:16; Cashin 1980: However, pipes were integral facets of 63). African life, where they were also used to denote rank and status.

for hollowwares, cups and bowls, an observation made by Otto (1975) Point that theAfrican American diet Africa attributes in its preference for liquid-based soups and stews. A single artifact, an anthropomorphic clay pipe, provides a unique insight into free African American lives as well as the complexities of material culture. This figural pipe, interpreting representing a biblical figure as indicated by the gilt cross earrings, headdress, and gold beads in

Finally, this particular pipe possesses ideological and symbolic meaning in the personage it displays. The pipe was identified in the maker's catalog as representing a Ninevien or a citizen of the Middle Eastern town of Nineveh (Figure 2). Nineveh was one of the birthplaces of Biblical archaeology and

FIGURE site.

1.

Ninivien

cal excavations

recovered from archaeologi pipe at the Free African American Springfield

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24
Has

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 38(1)

the punishment been so great? Yes, but it has passed away and is gone. I have afflicted you, but I will not afflict you again.

Cemeteries CRM has made significant contributions to the studies of African American physical anthropol ogy, health and disease, diet, and ritual behavior through the study of African American cemeter ies. Two cemetery projects in particular, the First

African Baptist Cemetery (FABC) of Philadelphia and New York City's African Burial Ground, rep resent comprehensive, large-scale excavations that have yielded significant information concerning African American life (Parrington and Roberts 1984, 1990; Blakey 1986; Angel et al. 1987; Parrington 1987; Parrington et al. 1989; Crist et

al. 1991, 1995, 1997; Harrington 1993; Crist and Roberts 1996; LaRoche 1996; Rankin-Hill 1997; Mack and Blakey, this volume). The FABC project provided evidence of Afri can ritual behaviors within the burial customs of

19th-century African Americans. Philadelphia's Several of the burials were placed with coins FIGURE 2. Illustration fromthe catalog of French pipe near the head. Usually this was a single penny. des Pipes Gambier, manufacturer Gambier Michael (Nomenclature Parrington and Daniel Roberts (1990: n.d.:46) showing the Ninivien design. 150) speculate that the inclusion of a single coin in the FABC graves may reflect the West African the that death tradition represents NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS beginning of a

journey into the spirit world, and that the coins may represent the fee for traveling to the spirit world (among the Fanti ofWest Africa, money is interredwith the corpse to help its spirit "cross the river" into the spirit world). Similarly, six burials containing a single shoe also appear to reflect the West African perception of death as a are also believed to have power Shoes journey. and can be used to keep the devil away. Two burials contained an overturned plate covering the stomach area of the deceased, which may represent a West African practice designed to of the deceased within contain the "essence" the plate from which the last meal was eaten

and prevent this spirit from haunting the living. Among theAfrican Burial Ground graves, Cheryl LaRoche (1996) notes the recovery of beads from a number of burials that are indicative of both West African dress as well as potentially ritual ofgigantic Head Discovery behavior. Beads were also recovered from buri FIGURE 3. Illustration Austen HenryLayard's (1849) from als at the Sam Goode Cemetery in southern of statu Nineveh and Its Remains showing the discovery Virginia (Crist et al. 2000). Alex Caton noted ary head which may have been the influence forGambier's to provide ritual the use of beads in Ghana Ninivien pipe design.

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J.W. JOSEPH?CRM

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intoAfrican American households. But material protection of the wearer, particularly infants and children. The recovery of bead necklaces from culture's meaning lies not in what an object is, or what it is worth, but in how it is used and in the children's burials at the Sam Goode Cemetery would appear to indicate this same practice and meanings and values imposed on them (Brown behavior. A pierced 1854 dime recovered from and Cooper 1990; Wilkie 1995). An ornate clay as a worn child's where it was another grave pipe does not indicate simply that an individual is a smoker with some financial resources. In the necklace also appears to indicate African and case of Springfield, the pipe indicates a continua African American cultural beliefs. Pierced dimes and other silver coins were reportedly worn to tion of African traditions, a belief in Christianity guard against sorcery, with the belief that if and its promise of a just world, and the defiance the coin turned black, then it was an indication of Euramerican laws that sought to regulate social that someone was conjuring against the wearer behavior. The most promising futureCRM study (Works Project Administration Crist et al. 2000). Conclusions CRM excavations of African American cem eteries demonstrate the persistence and continua tion of African beliefs and customs into the 19th century. Similarly, the archaeology of the free African American village of Springfield shows that when left to their own resources, antebel lum 19th-centuryAfrican Americans drew upon theirAfrican heritage to adapt to their setting in the New World. By and large, however, CRM sites have investigations of African American been one-dimensional, emphasizing the Ameri can and neglecting the African. CRM analyses that focus on African American socioeconomic status as measured by Euramerican indices or that view cultural change using simplistic and outdated models of acculturation (for a review of acculturation studies, see Howson 1990) are at at best and worst, demeaning. meaningless CRM archaeology must study African Ameri can sites within a cultural perspective and must take into each project a knowledge of African cultural behavior as a fundamental context for understanding. While recognizing that the cul tural legacy of Africa is both rich and diverse, and itself engaged in culture change from the 16th century onward (Thomas 1995), historical archaeologists working on African diaspora sites must bring an understanding of African peoples, histories, and cultures to their analysis and place less reliance on analytical techniques developed
for Euramerican cultures.

1940:124-125;

of African American archaeology will likewise consider sites and objects as African artifacts engaged in negotiating the passage from African to African American.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am and Larry volume. comments appreciative McKee I am received of the efforts of Maria and Franklin in organizing also appreciative from other this focusing of the review

particularly Ann Stahl, as well reviewers. by two anonymous especially engaging Espenshade, in compiling Credit benefited editorial and African comments. Tom Wheaton American

symposium participants, as the comments offered This article and author and thorough

from Franklin's Natalie

Chris Adams, all provided assistance CRM source materials. in this that appear

for any errors or omissions text rests solely with me.

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