Proto-Aztecan Vowels: Part III Author(s): Lyle Campbell and Ronald W.

Langacker Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Oct., 1978), pp. 262-279 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1264281 Accessed: 24/02/2010 19:52
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PROTO-AZTECAN VOWELS: PART III

LYLE CAMPBELL
STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK, ALBANY AND

RONALD W. LANGACKER
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO

5. Aztecan cognate sets 6. Uto-Aztecan cognate sets 5. The cognate sets below, numbered (1)-(198), yield for the most part fairly straightforward PA reconstructions. The list contains most of the Pochutec forms for which GA cognates are available. Highly problematic sets are omitted, as are a handful of very obvious late loans; further research will no doubt turn up further cognates shared by Po and GA, but not terribly many. Naturally, a substantial number of PA reconstructions can be made on the basis of GA alone, in conjunction with UA data from outside Aztecan, but we have not attempted to do that here. Vowel length is difficult, as noted earlier, and sources (even a single source) sometimes differ. In such cases, we have selected that form, from the alternatives cited, which agrees most closely with length as attested in other daughters (see n. 24 above). The symbol V is used when we cannot decide between *i and *i, because the Po vowel drops or gives no clear evidence. Also, it should be borne in mind that differences such as that between oa and owa, or ia and iya, are more transcriptional than real. We omit basic absolutive suffixes from noun reconstructions. (1) all, everything *moci: Po noco, CN moci, T nocI, Z noci, Pi muci. The source of the m/n variation is unclear. (2) ant *?iika-: Po ?iket, CN ?iikatl, T ?ikatl, Pi ?iikat.
(IJAL, vol. 44, no. 4, October 1978, pp. 262-79] ? 1978 by The University of Chicago. 0020-7071/78/4404-0002 $01.37

(3) arrive, find *ahsi: Po asi, CN a?si, T asI, Z ahsi, Pi ahsi. (4) ashamed *pinaawa: Po pinawa, CN piinaawa, T pinowa, Z pinaawa, Pi -pinaawa. (5) ashes *nos-: Po nost, CN nestli, T-nestlI, Z -nes, Pi nesti. (6) ask *tlahtlani: Po tatenli, CN tla?tlani, T tla?tlanIa, Z tahtaniya, Pi tahtani. (7) atole *atool-: Po etul, CN atoolli, T atulI, Z aatool, Pi atuul. (8) avocado *aawaka-: Po aweket, CN awakatl, T owakatl, Z aawakat, Pi aawakat. (9) back, shoulder *topo?-: Po -d?po? (-d'potz), CN tepoCtli,Pi tepu?-. (10) bat *?inaakan: Po ?inaka, CN ?inaakan, T ?onokatl, Z ?iinaaka, Pi ?inaakan. This may be related to PUA to suck, vampire bats being abundant;60 that might explain why Aztecan has *? and not the expected *c before *i. Otherwise, the first vowel has irregular correspondences. The Po form may be a loan from GA. (11) be night, be dark *tlayowa: Po tayue-, CN tlayoa, T tlayowa, Z tayowa, Pi tayuwa. (12) bed, frame *tlapoc-: Po tepost, CN tlapectli, T tlapectlI, Z tapec mat, Pi tapec. (13) begin *peewa: Po pew-, CN peewa, T piewa, Z peewa, Pi peewa. (14) big *weey(i): Po wyom (?) (huhi6m), CN wee(y)i, T bieyl, Z weeyi, Pi weey(i). (15) bird *tootoo-: Po tutut meat, CN tootootl, T tututl, Z tootoot, Pi tuutut.
60 Cf. Miller's **?un (n. 13 above), p. 58.

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(16) blood *as-: Po est, CN estli, T yestlI, Z esti, Pi esti. (17) blow *piiCa: Po piCe, CN piiCa, T pica, Z -piiCa,Pi piiCa. (18) boil *moloonV: Po molun-, CN moloni, T molunI, Z molooni, Pi muluuni. (19) bone *oomV-: Po ot, CN omitl, T -mI-, Z oomit, Pi uumit. (20) burn *tlatia: Po tati, CN tlatia, T tlatIa, Z taatiya, Pi tatiya. (21) burn, be hot *tlatla: Po tate-, CN tlatla, T tlatla, Z -tata, Pi tata. (22) buy *kowa: Po ku(e) (cua; cue imperative), CN kowa, T koa, Z kowa, Pi kuwa. (23) buzzard *?opiiloo-: Po ?upilut, CN ?opilootl, T ?opilutl, Z ?ohpiiloot. (24) call (speak) *nooCa: Po nuCa, CN nooCa, mo-noonooCa speak, discuss, T nuCa,Z nooCa, Pi nuuCaspeak. (25) carry *maama: Po mama, CN maama, T mama, Z maamaa. (26) child, baby *konee-: Po konet, CN koneetl, T konietl, Z koneet, Pi kuneet. (27) chile *ciil-: Po cil, CN ciilli, T cilI, Z ciil, Pi ciil. (28) clean *powa: Po pue (pue imperative; puc past), CN popoa, T pohpoa, Z pohpoowa, Pi puupuuwa. GA shows reduplication. (29) close *?akwa: Po ?ekwe, CN ?akwa, T ?akwa,Z ?akwa,Pi ?akwa. (30) comb *?ikawaas-: Po ?okwast, CN ?ikawaastli, T -wastlI, Z ?ikawaas, Pi ?ikuwas. (31) come *waallaah-: Po wala-, CN waallaa-, T walo-, Z waalaa-, Pi waalaah-. Forms vary with tense and aspect, suppletive in many dialects; perhaps from waal- directional + -yah go. (1 + y > 11 generally in GA.) (32) come *wii?: Po wi?, CN wii?, T -bi?, Z wiiCa,Pi wii?. (33) corn *tlayool-(?): Po teyul, CN tlayolli, T taull, Z tagool, Pi tawiyal.

This is probably from tla- unspecified object + ooya/wiya to shell corn + 1 passive nominal, i.e., something shelled. This may account for the variation in the forms and for the displacement of the y. (34) corn dough *tis- (perhaps *tos-): Po tost, CN testli, T testlI, Z tisti, Pi tisti. The e/i variation is unexplained; if *tosis correct, then the i in Z and Pi can be attributed to vowel harmonization or palatal assimilation. (Cf. also 75.) (35) corn husk *tootomoc-: Po totomost ear of corn, CN totomoctli, T tutomoctlI, Z tootomocti, Pi tuutumuc. (36) cornfield *miil-: Po mil, CN miilli, T mill, Z miil, Pi miil. (37) cotton *icka-: Po osket, CN ickatl, T ickatl, Z ickat sheep, Pi ickat. The original meaning was apparently down, as in CN tla-cka-yo-tl down; it was extended to mean sheep in many dialects after the Conquest and the introduction of sheep by the Spanish. (38) count *po(wa): Po po, CN poowa, T poa, Z powa, Pi puwa. (39) coyote *koyoo-: Po koyud, CN koyootl, T koyutl, Z koyoot white man, Pi kuyuut. (40) cry *cooka: Po cuka, CN cooka, T cuka, Z cooka, Pi cuuka. (41) dance *-htootia: Po -otudi-, CN -iPtootia, T -IhtutIa, Z -ihtootiya, Pi -ihtuutiya. (42) deer *masaa-: Po mesat, CN masaatl, T masotl, Z masaat, Pi masaat. (43) defecate, have diarrhea*aapii?a: Po apiCe-, CN api?a, Z aapii?akti rivulet, Pi aapiiCa. Perhaps etymologically *aawater + -piiCablow. Po -d?mu (44) descend *tomo(wa): (d'mu), CN temo(a), T temo, Z temowa, Pi temu. (45) die *miki: Po mok, CN miki, T mIkI, Z miki, Pi miki. (46) do, make *ciiwa: Po cue (or Ewe)

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(chua present, chue imperative, chuc past), CN ciiwa, T ciwa, Z ciiwa, Pi ciwa. (47) drunk *VwVnti: Po unti, CN iwintia, T ibIntI, Z wiinti-. For Po either *iwVnti > *iwnti > unti or *iwVnti > *ownti > unti is possible. (48) dry *waaki: Po -wak, CN waaki, T -wokI, Z waaki, Pi waaki. (49) ear *nakas-: Po nekest, CN nakastli, T -nakas, Z nakasti, Pi nakas. (50) ear of corn, dried corn *son-: Po son, -sn-, CN sentli, T sentlI, Z senti. (51) eat *kwa: Po kwa, CN kwa, T kwa, Z kwa, Pi kWa. The nonpresent allomorph is *kwah,from PUA **kwa?aby the second vowel-loss; Po a is then regular, since it is followed by saltillo. The present form is *kwah-a, *-a of transitive present, where *h is regularly lost medially. (52) end, run out *tlami: Po temi, CN tlami, T tlamI, Z tami, Pi tami-. (53) excrement *kWitla-: Po kutet (or kwtet) (cutet), CN kwitlatl, T kwItlatl, Z kwitat, Pi kwitat. (54) extinguish *seewi: Po sewe/?ewe, CN seewi, T -siebI, Z seewi, Pi seewi. (55) face *iis-: Po ist, CN iistli, T is-, Z iis-, Pi iis. (56) fade, tire, be afraid *soota: Po sute, CN sotlawa, Pi sutawa. (57) fall *woi: Po o?o- (ozc past, otz6z future), CN we?i, T befI, Z we?i, Pi we?i. (58) far *wohka: Po weke, CN we?ka, T behka, Z wehka, Pi wehka. (59) fingernail *isto-: Po ost, CN istetl, T -Iste, Z istit, Pi istit. Z and Pi evidence vowel harmonization. (60) fire *tai(h)-: Po tet, CN tletl, T tle-, Z tit, Pi tit. External comparison assures the *ai reconstruction, though assimilation of these vowels perhaps began before PA (PSUA *tahi, 307). Just how the modern forms developed is not certain. Perhaps CN and T

monophthongized the vowels, *ai > e, while in Z and Pi *ai > *ey > i. Alternatively, perhaps *a was raised to *o and final *i dropped, in which case Po e would be the correct reflex before saltillo (**tahi > *toh > Po te), and CN and T would follow (*o > GA e). This speculation might account for the CN postpositional form tle-ko in the fire, where -k rather than -ko is expected after vowels (i.e., *tleh-ko, with the choice of -ko over -k as a vestige of the saltillo). The i of Z and Pi would perhaps be through *tohi > *toi > ti-. (61) fish *micim: Po micom, CN micin, T mIcI, Z mici, Pi mi?in. (62) five *maakWil-: Po makwil, CN maakwilli, T mokwillI, Z maakwil, Pi maakWil. (63) flower *sooci-: Po sucot, CN soocitl, T sucItl, Z soocit, Pi suucit. (64) fly *pataanV: Po patan-, CN patlaani, T patlonI, Z pataani, Pi pataani. (65) fly, mosquito *mooyoo-: Po moyut, CN mooyootl, T muyutl, Z mooyoot, Pi muuyuut. (66) foam *posoonal: Po pusonel, CN posoonalli, T -posunal-, Z posoni to foam, Pi pusuni to foam. The first two vowels seem to have been interchanged in Po. The Po, CN, and T forms are based on posooni to foam. (67) foot *iksi- (or perhaps *ikso-): CN iksitl, T -IksI, Z iksit, Pi iksit. It is not certain whether Po -so- is cognate; if so, perhaps *iksi- is the better reconstruction. Relevant, but puzzling, are CN sopilli toe, T iksopIl his toe, and Pi iksipil toe. (68) four *naawi: Po nayom, CN naawi, T nobI, Z naawi, Pi naawi. The Po form may incorporate a plural suffix; the y is by analogy to eyom three. (69) get well, loosen, soften *kasaani: Po kasani, CN kasaani, T kasonI, Z kasaan-, Pi kasaani.

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(70) give *maka: Po meke (meque imperative, meca present), CN maka, T maka, Z maka, Pi maka. (71) gourdvessel *siika(1)- (?): Po oskast, CN sikalli, T sikallI cup, Z siikal, Pi giikal. This is a very speculative set; it is doubtful that the Po form is a true cognate, since the correspondences are quite irregular. (72) grass *saka-: Po seket, CN sakatl, T sakatl, Z sakat, Pi sakat. (73) green *sowi: Po sui (xui), CN sosowia appear green, T sosubI unripe, Z sosowi get green, Pi susuwik. The GA forms are reduplicated. (74) griddle *komaal-: Po komal, CN komalli, T komol, Z komaal, Pi kumaal. (75) grind *tisi (perhaps *tosi): Po toso, CN tesi, T tesI, Z tisi, Pi tisi. If *tosi is correct, perhaps Z and Pi i can be accounted for by vowel harmonization. (76) grinding stone *motla-: Po -mot, CN metlatl, T metlatl, Z metat, Pi metat. (77) hair *Con-: Po Con, CN ?ontli, T ?ontlI,Z ?onti, Pi ?un. (78) hand *maa(y)(V)-: Po may, CN maa(y)itl, T -mo, Z maayit, Pi mey. In Pi *aay > (*ay) > ey. (*maah- occurs in compounds.) (79) hard, strong *cika(awa)k: Po cikek, CN cikaawak, T cIkowak, Z cikaawak. Another apparently related set is CN Z takWaawak, Pi takWaawak, tlakWaawak, also meaning hard (cf. 276). (For the optional *awa, see section 2.2 above.) (80) harvest corn *piska: Po poske-, CN piska, T pIska, Z piiska shell, husk, Pi piska. (81) have, keep *piya: Po bia, CN piya, T pla, Z piya, Pi piya. (82) head *kwaa(y)(V)-: Po k"ay (quait, moqua), CN kWaay(i)tl, T -kwo, Z Pi kwa(h)-forehead. (*kWaahin kWaay, compounds.)

(83) hear *kaki: Po keki, CN kaki, T kakI, Z kaki, Pi kaki. (84) heavy *atiik (possibly *eetiik): Po eti, CN etiik, yetiik, T yetik, Z etiik, Pi etik. Since there is great variation dialectally between e- and ee- in GA, it is difficult to be certain of the length of initial e. Given the compensatory lengthening at the loss of initial *h-, we might expect a long first vowel in this form (cf. 244). (85) house *caan-: Po -can, CN caantli, T contlI, Z -caan, Pi -can. (86) how *keem: Po kem, CN keen(in), T kiemI, Z kenin, Pi keen. (87) how much, how many *keeski: Po kiskom, CN keeski, T kieskI a little, Pi keski. The Po form may have a plural suffix incorporated. (88) huipil, quechquemitl*kockeemV- (?): Po keskemt, CN keckeemitl, T keckiemItl shawl, Z keckeemit. This is perhaps a speculative reconstruction, since it is not certain that the Po form is not a loan from GA. (89) I *noh: Po nen, CN ne?, T naha, Z neh, Pi naha. The Po form may show repetition of the initial consonant (cf. 180). (90) iguana *kwo?-: Po kWisom (cuix6m), CN kweCpal-glutton, T kweCpalI, Pi kuuke?pal. Po and GA incorporate different endings; Po -om may be an absolutive suffix (cf. 61). In Pi, the first syllable may be from reduplication: > *kWeke?*kwekwe?(by dissimilation) > kuuke?- (by vocalization of the labial component of kw). (91) immature *soli- (?): Po s?li (z'li), CN selik, Z seelik, Pi selik. (92) in, inside *-ihti-k: Po -tok, CN -iPtik, T -IhtIk, Z -ihtik, Pi ihtik. Since locative words in languages throughout Mesoamerica (including Aztecan) are frequently derived from body parts, this probably derives from stomach,

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with the locative suffix k: CN itetl, -iti, T -ihte, Pi ihtit. (93) itch *koskia: Po koski, CN kekeskia, T kekeskIa, Pi kekes-. GA shows reduplication. (94) kill *miktia: Po mokti, CN miktia, T mIktIa,Z miktiya, Pi miktiya. (Cf. 45 die.) (95) know *mati: Po meti, CN mati, T matI, Z mati, Pi mati. (96) land, earth *tlaal-: Po tal, CN tlaalli, T tlollI, Z taal, Pi taal. (97) leaf *sVwV-: Po sut, CN siwitl grass, T sIbItl, Z siwit. For Po, we may suppose *sVwVt > *sVwt > sut. (98) leave *kiisa: Po kise, CN kiisa, T kisa, Z kiisa, Pi kiisa. (99) lick *palowa: Po pelu, CN papaloa, T pahpaloa, Z pahpalowa. The GA forms show reduplication. (100) lie down*teeka: Po teke, CN teeka, T tietieka, Z teeka, Pi teeka. T shows reduplication. (101) look for *teemowa: Po -temu-, CN teemoa, T tiemoa, Z teemowa, Pi teemuwa. (102) lose *polowa: Po polu-, CN poloa, T poloa, Z polowa, Pi puluwa. (103) louse *atomV-: Po atomt, CN atemitl, T atImItl, Pi atimet. T shows vowel harmonization, and Pi vowel interchange. (104) male *okic-: Po okost, CN okictli, T okIctlI, Z okicti, Pi ukic. (105) man *tlaaka-: Po teket, CN tlaakatl, T tbkatl, Z taakat, Pi taakat. Po shows vowel harmonization. (106) marry *naamiktia: Po namokti, CN naamiktia, T nomIktIa, Z naamiktiya, Pi naamiktiya. (107) master, father *teek-: Po -teku (tecu), CN teekwtli, T -tieko, Z teeko, Pi teeku. (108) meat *naka-: Po neket, CN nakatl, T nakatl, Z nakat, Pi nakat. (109) moon *mee,-: Po mest, CN mee?tli, T mie?tlI, Z mee?ti, Pi meeCti.

(110) mother*naan-: Po -nan-, CN naantli, T nontlI, Z -naan-, Pi naan. (111) mouth *teen-: Po ten, CN teentli, T tien-, Z -teen, Pi -teen. (112) much *moyak: Po myek (or miek) (miec), CN miak, T meyak, Z miak, Pi miyak. In CN, Z, and Pi *oy > *ey > i(y). (113) navel *siik-: Po sikt, CN siiktli, T -sik, Z -siik, Pi siik. (114) near *-naa(wa)k: Po -nak, CN -naawak, Z -naawak, Pi naawak. (115) neck *koc-: Po kost, CN kectli, T kec-, Z kecti, Pi kec-. (116) night *yowa(1)-: Po owel, CN yowalli, T yowalI, Z yowal, Pi tayuwa. This is derived from yowa- to become night. (117) nose *yaka-: Po yeket, CN yakatl, T yeka-, Z yeka-, Pi yakat. In T and Z *a has assimilated to the preceding y. (118) old*weewoh-: Poewe-,CNweewe?, T bieben-, Z weewet. Perhaps a reconstruction with -t rather than -h would ultimately be more accurate, as seen in the plural, weewetket. (119) on *-pan: Po -pen, CN -pan, T -pa(n), Z -pan, Pi -pan. (120) on top of *-(i)kpa-k: Po -kpak, CN -(i)kpak, T ikpak, Pi -ihpak, -hpak. (121) one *see: Po se, CN see, T sie, Z see, Pi se. Variants in compounds point to older *seem, e.g., CN sem-itta to look at one another, Z seen-tii-liya to to eat together. unite, Pi seen-ta-kWa (122) open *tapowa: Po tepu, CN tlapoa, T tlapoa, Z tapowa, Pi tapuwa. (123) owl *tokoloo-: Po tekolot, CN tekolootl, T tekolutl, Z tekoloot, Pi tekuluut. Po may be a loan; if not, it shows vowel harmonization. (124) paper (amate, a species of fig tree) *aama-: Po amet, CN aamatl, T omatl, Z aamat, Pi aamat. (125) pass *panowa: Po penu, CN panoa, T panoa, Z panowa, Pi panu.

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(126) pine, kindling *oko-: Po okot, CN okotl, T oko-, Z oko-, Pi ukut. (127) pitcher, pot, jug *koomV-: Po kumt, CN koomitl, T kumIt, Z koomit, Pi kuumit. (128) plant, bury *tooka: Po tuke-, CN tooka, T tuka, Z tooka, Pi tuuka. (129) pregnant *oo?-: Po usti, CN oCtli, T uCtlI,Z oo?-, Pi u?-. Po tali, CN (130) put, place *tlaalia: T Z Pi tlaalia, tlolIa, taaliya, taaliya. (131) raise, ascend *tohko Po teku, CN tle?ko, T tlehko, Z tehko, Pi tehku. (132) raise, stand, chat *koCa: Po kos/kCe, CN keCa, T keCa, Z keCa, Pi keCa. (133) reed *aaka-: Po aket, CN aakatl, T okatl, Z aakat bamboo, Pi aakat. (134) road, trail *oh-: Po ot?kan, CN o?tli, T ohtlI, Z ohti, Pi uhti. (135) roasting ear *eeloo-: Po elut, CN eelootl, T yelutl, Z eeloot, Pi eelut. (136) run *-tlalowa: Po -telu-, CN -tlaloa, T -tlaloa, Z -talowa, Pi -taluwa. (137) saliva *cihcV-: Po coc, CN ci?citl, T cIhcalI, Z -cihci, Pi -cihcal. (138) salt *ista-: Po ostet, CN istatl, T istatl, Z istat, Pi istat. (139) scorpion *kooloo-: Po kulut, CN koolootl, T kulutl, Z koloo?in sp. insect, Pi kuulut. (140) see *ihta: Po -ote, CN itta, T Ihta, Z ita, Pi ita. (141) seed *aa?-: Po -ac-, CN actli, T -octlI, Z -aac. (142) sew *Coma: Po Come, CN Coma, T Coma, Z -Coma, Pi ?uma. (143) shake *?alowa: Po ?ulu, CN ?eCeloa, T ?eCeloa,Z ?eCelowa,Pi ?ehCeluwa. GA shows reduplication; Po seems to show vowel harmonization. (144) shout, bark *tlah?i: Po ta?o-, CN ?a??i, T ?ah?I, Z ?ah?i, Pi ?ah?i. GA shows consonant assimilation. (145) sick *koko(wa) (?): Po kokoa, CN kokoa, T koko-, Z kokowa hurt, Pi

kuku. The Po form may be borrowed from GA. (146) silk-cotton tree (ceiba) *pocoo-: Po pocut, CN pocotl, Pi puucut. The length variation is unexplained. (147) sing *kwiika: Po kwike (cuique), CN kwiika,T kwika, Pi takwiika. (148) six *cikwaseem: Po cukose/cigon (chucoce, chigon), CN cikWasee,cikwasem- in compounds before a vowel, T cIkWasie,Z cikWaseen,cikWasin,Pi cikWasin. The Po development obviously involves some irregularity. Here is one possibility: *cikwaseem > *ikWase > *ciwkwase> cukose. Although Pochutec cigon is listed with six, it was probably really seven; compare CN cikoome? (Eikoom-, cikoon- in compounds). Generally, numbers greater than five are rapidly lost in Middle American languages when they are about to be replaced by Spanish, and only Spanish terms are used for higher numbers. This is true of Pipil as well, where individuals may have heard names of numbers between six and ten, but do not actually know the value of the names. (149) skin, leather *kwotas-: Po kWetest (cuetext), CN kWetlastli,T kwItlastll, Z Pi kWetasti. kWetas, (150) skirt *kWeey(V)-: Po -kWey, CN Z kWeeyit, Pi kWeeyit. kweeyitl,T kWieyItl, (151) sleep *koci: Po koco- (coxc past, coch6z future), CN koci, T kocI, Z koci, Pi kuci. If the final vowel of the Po future form is attributed to analogical influence, *koci can be reconstructed instead (cf. 274). (152) slow *yooliik: Po -yulik, CN yoolik, T yulik, Z yooliik, Pi yuulik. (153) snake *koowa-: Po kuet, CN kooaatl, T kowatl, Z koowaat, Pi kuwat, kuuwat. (154) son, boy, child *pil?iin-: Po -b?l?in, CN pil?iintli, T pIl?intl, Z piili, Pi pil?in.

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(155) soot *tiil-: Po til, CN tliilli, T tlill, Z tiil, Pi tiil. (156) sound, ring *?iliinV: Po ?ilin-, CN ?ilini, T ?IlinI, Z ?iliini, Pi ?iliini. (157) spin thread *?aawa: Po ?awe-, CN ?aawa, T ?owa, Z ?aawaal spiderweb, Pi ?aawa weave. (158) spindle *malaka-: Po -meleg/malage-, CN malakatl, T malakactIk circular, Z malakat, Pi malakat. (159) squash*ayoh-: Poeyut,CNayo?tli, T ayohtlI, Z ayohti, Pi ayuh. (160) stay, remain, leave *kaawa: Po kawa-, CN kaawa, T kowa, Z kaawa, Pi kahkaawa leave, mukaawa stop crying, remain silent. (161) stinking *ihyaak: Po iyek, CN iPyaak, T Ihyok, Z ihyaak, Pi ihyak. The a expected in Po for the second vowel was palatalized to e by the adjacent y. (162) stone *to-: Po tot, CN tetl, T -tetl, Z tet, Pi tet. (163) sun *toonal-: Po tunel, CN toonalli, T tunalI, Z toonal, Pi tuunal. (164) sweep *(tla-)ocpaana: Po tacpane, CN ocpaana, tlacpaana, T tlacpona, Z ocpana, tacpana, Pi ucpaana, tacpaana. The *tla- is a nonhuman unspecified object prefix. The vowel of the stem drops in composition. (165) teach *mactia: Po mesti, CN mactia, T mactIa, Z mactiya, Pi mactiya. (Cf. 95, to which this form is related.) (166) thin,skinny *pVCa(awa)k: Po peek, CN piCaawak,T pI?wak, Z piCaawak, Pi piCaawak. (For the optional *awa, see section 2.2 above.) (167) thorn *wi?-: Po wisti, CN wiCtli, T blItlI, Z wi?ti, Pi wiCti. (168) thread*ikpa-: Po opket, CN ikpatl, T ikpatl, Pi ikpat. Po shows consonant metathesis. (169) three *eeyi: Po eyom, CN yeey(i), T yeyl, Z eeyi, Pi yey. The Po form seems to incorporate a plural suffix.

Po mote, CN (170) throw *mootla: mootla throw stones, T mutla, Z -mota, Pi -muuta. (171) throw, break *pos: Po bos, CN pos-teki, T pos-tekI, Z pos-teki, Pi pus-teki to bend. (Cf. 193, 218.) (172) throw, stir, move *ooliinia: Po uluni, CN oliinia, T ulinla, Z ooliiniya, Pi uuliini. Po shows vowel harmonization. (173) tie *ilpi-: Po olpi-, CN ilpia, T IlpIa, Z ilpiya, Pi ilpiya. (174) tire *sVyawi: Po syewi (cyeui), CN siawi, T slyabI, Z siowi. *aw > ow in Z. (175) tomato *toma-: Po tomet, CN tomatl, T tomatl, Z tomat, Pi tumat. (176) tortilla, baked thing *saamV-: Po samt tortilla, CN samitl adobe, T somItl adobe, (Pi saamaaniya toast tortillas). This is ultimately borrowed from Proto-Mixe-Zoquean *sam to heat something, from which many other Mesoamerican languages have borrowed similar forms. Compare Mixean *ami. This explains why PA has s in an environment other than before front vowels. (177) tree, wood *kwawi-: Po kwagut (quaguit), CN kWawitl, T kWabltl, Z Pi kWawit. For Po, one suspects kWawit, *kwawit > *kwagwit > *kwagwt > kwagut. (178) turkey *tootol-: Po totol, CN tootolin chicken, T tutol- chicken, Z tootol bird. Po shows vowel harmonization. (179) turtle *aayoo-: Po ayut, CN aayootl, T oyutl, Z aayotoociin armadillo (literally turtle rabbit), Pi aayuu-?in. (180) two *oomo: Po omem, CN oome, T ume, Z oome, Pi uume. The Po form shows either duplication of the consonant (cf. 89) or incorporation of a plural suffix. (181) untie *toma: Po tome, CN toma, T tohtoma, Z tohtoma, Pi tuhtuma. The T, Z, and Pi forms are reduplicated.

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(182) urinate *siisa: Po sise-, CN -sisa, T -sisa, Pi siisa. Compare also urine *siis-(?): CN siistli, Pi siisti. (183) wait *cia: Po ce, CN cia, T CIa, Z ciya, Pi ciya. (184) want *noki: Po nki, CN neki, T nekI, Z neki, Pi neki. (185) wash *paaka: Po peke, CN paaka, T poka, Z paaka, Pi paaka. Po shows vowel harmonization. (186) water *aa-: Po at, CN aatl, T o-, Z aat, Pi aat. (187) weave *ihkVti: Po ig?ti, CN ikiti, Z ihkiti, Pi ihkiti. (188) what *tla-: Po te, CN tle(in), T tli(n), Z teen, Pi tay. For GA, *tla(in) can be reconstructed, with *ai evolving to ei, i, or ee. (189) where *kaa(n): Po ka, CN kaan, T konI, Z kaan, Pi kaan. (190) white, clean, clear *cipa(awa)k: Po cupek, CN cipaawak, T cIpowak, Z cipaawak, Pi cipaawak. (For the optional *awa, see section 2.2 above.) (191) who *aak: Po ak, CN aak(in), T okI(nu), Z aakoni, (Pi ahakah someone, kaah who). (192) wide *patla(awa)k: Po patek, CN patlaawak, T patlowak, Z pataawak, Pi pataawak. (For the optional *awa, see section 2.2 above.) (193) work *takiti: Po tokdo- (tocd6z future), CN tekiti, T tekItI, Z tekiti, Pi tekiti. Compare the related Po noun tokot work (GA tekit(1)). (194) woven mat *potla-: Po -pot/b?tet, CN petlatl, T petlatl, Z petat, Pi petat. (195) wrap, hang up *(pi)pilowa: Po pib?lu, CN (pi)pilowa, T plloa, Z pilowa, Pi piluwa. Some of these forms show reduplication. (196) write, paint *(tla-)ihkwVlowa: Po tag?lua, CN i?kWiloa, T IhkWIloa, Z ihkWilowa, Pi ihkWiluwa. *tla- is the nonhuman unspecified object prefix; compare CN tla?k"ilo? scribe, painter,

T tla-hkWIloa,Z ta-hkWilohkehescribiente, Pi ta-hkwiluwa. (197) yesterday *yaalwa: Po alwa, CN yaalwa, T iyolwa, Z yaalwa, Pi yaaluwa. Pi u is a transition vowel. (198) zapote *?apo-: Po ?epot, CN ?apotl, T ?apotl, Z ?apot, Pi Caput. 6. The UA cognate sets below are divided into two groups. Those numbered (201)-(289) can be posited for PUA. Those numbered (301)-(317) can be posited only for Proto-Southern-Uto-Aztecan (PSUA) on the basis of current evidence. Quite possibly, northern attestation of these latter sets will be forthcoming, but to the extent that it is not, they may provide the point of departure for more systematic work leading to possible evidence for the Southern Uto-Aztecan (SUA) subfamily. For the most part these cognate sets are limited to those for which a PA reconstruction was offered in section 5, and these in turn were limited to those for which there is a known Pochutec cognate. The discussion is at times quite tentative, and a few sets are speculative; these are so labeled. The PUA and PSUA reconstructions do not always follow those of WH (1962) or Miller (1967) ;61 in particular, we have tried to ascertain vowel length for our protoforms, though the evidence is not always clear. When VVH or Miller offers a reconstruction for a set we consider, we give their reconstruction together with their number for the set (identified by the respective codes VVH and M). Except in the case of Corachol and Aztecan, for the most part we simply cite forms listed in VVH and M; we have not checked these forms in the original sources, nor have we tried systematically to supplement them, though we have supplied additional forms (from various
61See VVH (n. 5 above) and Miller (n. 13

above).

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sources, including elicitation) on numerous occasions. We have verified most of the Cora (Cr) and Huichol (Hu) forms,62 and the tentative PC reconstructions are our own. We have not reproduced all the forms cited by VVH and M to support their reconstructions; we have limited ourselves to representative examples when these suffice. Generally speaking, we give the Tarahumara (Ta) and Yaqui (Y) forms from Taracahitic; the Papago (P) form to represent Pimic; the Luisefio (L) form for Takic; the forms for Hopi (H) and Tiubatulabal (Tu); and the Southern Paiute (SP) form to represent Numic. Examples from other languages are cited as necessary. These languages include Mayo (Ma), closely related to Yaqui; Varohio (V), also known as Guarijio, which probably belongs in the Taracahitic subfamily; Western Tarahumara (WTa), which sometimes differs substantially from other dialects; Northern Tepehuan (NT), Southern Tepehuan (ST), and Tepecano (To) from Pimic; Cahuilla (Ca) and Serrano (Sr) from Takic; and Kawaiisu (K), Shoshoni (Sh), Comanche (Cm), Panamint (Pn), Mono (Mo), and Northern Paiute (NP) from Numic. (201) ashes **nasi: PA *nos- (5), Cr nasi, Hu nasi, PC *nasi, Ca nisxi(M10). For Ca, we posit **nasi > *nos(i)-xi > nisxi-; **a > *o in Cupan is not uncommon, and vowel harmonization of precisely this type is attested elsewhere in Ca. WTa napiso and Y naposa corroborate the first syllable;
62 Primarily in A. McMahon and M. A. de McMahon, Cora y Espanol (Mexico City: Instituto Lingiiistico de Verano, 1959), and J. B. McIntosh and J. E. Grimes, Niuqui ?iquisicayari: Vocabulario Huichol-Castellano Castellano-Huichol (Mexico City: Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1954).

conceivably the second syllable is reflected in NP -tusi-. (202) awl, needle **wi-: PA *wi?- thorn (167), Cr ?ikare?e, Hu iwipame, Ta wica, Y wica thorn, SP wii-, Mo wihti (**wi M14). It is not clear how the Cr and Hu forms relate to one another or to the reconstruction. (203) big **wii: PA *weey(i) (14), Cr be?e, Hu weriiya grow, PC *we?e, Ta we very, P gi?i, Ca -wet, H wiiko, SP wii- be long ago (**wi- VVH100; **we M39a). In PA, H, and SP, loss of **? leaves a long vowel. (204) bird **?uutu: PA *tootoo- (15), Cr ?uuraaka?i woodpecker, Ta curugi, H cooro bluebird,Tu culus- woodpecker (**?utu M41). (205) blood**i-: PA *os- (16), Cr suure?e Hu suuriiya, PC *suur-, WTa ela, Y ohbo, V heera, P iPid, L oow-, Sr ic-, H iIWa (**et/ew M47). For ProtoAztecan-Corachol (PAC) we posit *osyo-; see section 4.2. Compare, however, Aztec so to bleed. (206) blow **puCa: PA *pii?a (17), Cr -hiici, Hu hii?iya, PC *hii?i, Ta puca, Y puh-, P wuso, Sr puih, H poyakna, Tu pusk, Mo puuhi, NP -buhi (**pu? M49a). (207) boil **molo-: PA *moloonV (18), Ca pismulul-, Sr munan, Tu mon?moono- (M51). WTa rono may belong. **'1 > n is expected in Ca. (208) bone **oho: PA *oomV- (19), Hu uume, PC *uume, WTa o?oci, Y ota, P oo?o, Sr o-, H 66qa, Tu oobaa- muscle, Mo oho (**oho VVH61; **o(ho) M52). For PAC we posit *oomo, which in turn derives from **ohomi, with incorporated plural suffix. PA *oomV-, presumablyactually *oomi- (GA oomi-), is accounted for either by raising (*-a > *-i) or by assimilation of **i to **u due to the preceding labial (**u > *i later by the regular sound change).

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(209) boy **pi-: PA *pil?iin- son, boy, child (154), P wiappoi-, Cm pihi?aboys, Cm nahbi?a boys who are relatives (**pi M56). The initial wi of the P form is the expected reflex of **pi. The nah in the second Cm form is a reciprocal prefix; the construction is regular. (210) break wind **hu?a: PA *ihyaak stinking (161), Hu -?ia, WTa hustinking, Y huhaa, V hu?uraskunk, P ui gas from bowels, Ca hu?u-, Sr huu?, SP uu- (**hu smell, odor M391a). For PAC, we posit **hu?a > *hPa > *hia; loss of medial laryngeals is common (cf. section 4.2), and **u > *i is regular. In PA, *hia developed a transition glide: *hiya. This becomes *hiya by assimilation, and *ihya results from metathesis (cf. section 4.3). (211) call, name, speak **ni?oka: PA *nooCa call, speak (24), Cr niuukari word, Hu -niukii talk, PC *niuka, Ta ne?oga voice, Y -nooka speak, P nii?oki speech, P iiioka talk, Cm niha- name, be called, Mo niya name, call (**niok/neok talk M432a). For PA, we posit either **ni?oka > *nioka > *nyoka > *nyoCa > *nooCa, or **ni?oka > *nhoka > *nooCa (through compensatory lengthening) (cf. section 4.2). One possibility for Numic is **ni?oka > *ni?aka > *ni?a > niha/ni(y)a. (212) cave **tiiso: PA *ostoo- (section 4.3), Cr tasta?a, Hu teeri, PC *tee, WTa reso, Y teeso, P ciho, H tihs6 (**tiso VVH118; **teso M81). Vowel harmonization, CV-metathesis, and CCmetathesis are involved in the derivation of the PA form. (213) charcoal **tuhu: PA *tiil- soot (155), Cr ti?iskWa, Hu tii-, PC *tii-, Y maatu, P cuhug night, L tuu-, H toovi, Tu tuu-, SP tuu-, Mo tuhu (**tu(hu) black M45a). The common long vowel results from loss of laryngeal. (214) clean, sweep **?opa-: PA *-ocpa-

ana (164). This highly speculative reconstruction is based on the PA form, PUA **pak- wash (285), and **?o, an instrumental prefix possibly meaning with (object in) hand; for the latter, note Proto-Numic *ca- with hand, forcefully and P so?i- with object in hand. Possible support is found in PA *cipa(awa)k white, clean, clear (190), from Po (upek and GA *cipaawak. *?opa(-awa)-k would be a workable alternative reconstruction for 190 (section 2.2), with analogical influence from *cika(awa)k hard, strong (79) or other adjectival forms. (215) comb **wiis: PA *?ikawaas- (30), Cr mWa?iki,Hu ?ikuweeta, PC *?iki, P igasvikud, H wiisi, SP wisia- feather, NP wiiona (**wes M95). In P, gas (< *was) is the corresponding element. P and PA indicate **a, but Hu, H, SP, and NP indicate **i. For the PC form and the first syllable of the PA form, note WTa tecika and Y hicikia. This set is obviously problematic. (216) cooked, ripe **kwasi: PA *ikwsik (section 4.3), Cr kWasi,Hu ikWasi,PC *kwasi, Ta wasi fruit, Y bWasi,P bahi, Ca qwasi-, H kwasi, Tu wis-, SP kWasiVVH50; **kWase/kWasa/ (**kWa,si/kWasi kWasi M152c). (217) coyote **kWa: PA *koyoo- (39), Cr waabe?e, Hu kausai fox, Ta basaci, Y woii, P ban, Sr wahei, H kWewwolf (**kWaMl10a; **wa MllOb). For PA we posit **kWa > *ko-. Miller's two reconstructions can be collapsed since kw and w are related as the fortis and lenis reflexes of **kw in UA.63 Initial kau- of the Hu form conceivably is metathesized from *kWa. (218) cut **tik-: PA *tokiti work, cut (193), Hu -teke break, PC *tek, P
See Langacker, Non-Distinct Arguments in Uto-Aztecan (n. 44 above).
63

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-cik, H tiki, Tu tidiha, SP tikani(**tiski/tiska VVH113; **tek M117). (219) die **muuki: PA *miki (45), Cr miici dead, Hu miiki dead, PC *miiki dead, Ta muku, Y muuke, P muuki, Sr muukit the dead, H mooki, Tu muugin hurt, SP mukua soul, spirit (**muuki/ muuku VVH86; **muk(i) M128a). (220) dry **waaki: PA *waaki (48), Cr wahci, Hu waki-, PC *waaki, Ta waki-, Y waake, P gaki, Sr waak, H laaki, Tu waagi- (**waki VVH99; **waki M143). (221) duck, (down?) **?ika: PA *ickacotton, down (37), H cikimana mud-head duck, SP cika (**?ek M145). This set is speculative. Down, the possible transitional sense between duck and cotton, is attested in CN; note that the Aztecan form has frequently been extended to sheep. (222) ear **naka: PA *nakas- (49), Cr nasaih, Hu naka, PC *nakasa, Ta naka, Y naka, P naak, L -naq, H naqvi, Tu nanha-, SP najqa- (**na,ka VVH47; **naka M148a). The source of s in PA, Cr, and (the uncertain) PC forms is unknown (cf. 205). non(*kWah (223) eat **kWa?a: PA *kWa present) (51), Cr kwa(a), Hu -kWa?a, PC *kwa?a, Ta a?wa swallow, Ta ko?wa eat, WTa go;a, Y bwa?a-, P ba?a/ko?i-, L kWa?,H kwii (**kwa(a) eat, swallow VVH48; **kwa M152a). **kWa-> ko- in Ta and P. How Ta a?wa swallow is related is unclear. (224) excrement **kWita: PA *kWitla(53), Cr cwita, Hu kWita,PC *kwita,Ta wita, Y bwita,P biit, H kwita,Mo kwita(**kwiuta VVH54; **kwit(a)M126). (225) extinguish **tuuka: PA *tooka plant, bury (128), Cr ti, Hu tiya, PC *ti, Y tuuca, Y tuuku go out, P 6uus, H tooka, SP tukWaq,NP tuga (**tusVVH121). The relation of the PA form is speculative. Possibly, **tuuca (Y

tuuca, P cuus, perhaps Hu tiya) was originally causative (with **-ca, a causative suffix), while **tuuka was the intransitive go out. (226) eye **pusi: PA *iis- face (55), Cr hi?isi, Hu hiisi, PC *hiisi, Ta busi, Y puusi, P wuhi, L -puus, H poosi, Tu punZi-, Mo puhsi (**pu,si VVH5; **pusi/pu?i M160a). For PA, we posit *hiisi > *hiisi (by vowel harmonization) > iis-. The varying length of the first vowel in the daughters may be compensatory for loss of prenasalization of the following consonant (as in Tu); the whole matter of prenasalization needs more careful study (cf. 222). (227) fall **wi?i: PA *wo?i (57), Cr -be, Hu -weCe,PC *-weCe,Ta wici, Y wece, P giis, Tu wii?wii?i, SP wi?i (**wi.?i VVH101; **we M163). PA *wo?o is expected, but this has apparently undergone the a-raising rule (cf. section 4.3). (228) fingernail **suti: PA *isto- (59), Cr site-, Hu site, PC *site, Ta sutu, Y suttu, P huuc, L sula-, Tu sulun-, SP sicu-, Mo -situ (**suutu/siutu VVH26; **sut M298a). The PA form has undergone vowel-loss and i-epenthesis. (229) fish **mi: PA *micim (61), Pn parwi, Mo pahkwi, NP parwi (M173). This set is very speculative. i-r and -w are both spirantized or lenis reflexes of **m,64and fortis -hkwiin Mo could be a secondary development from -w, since w is also the lenis allophone of **k. Thus *-mi, with spirantized **m, is possible for Proto-Numic (pa is water). However, other forms for fish, such as H paakiw, suggest alternate analyses. (230) flow, run **wa-: PA *waallaahcome (31), L waniica river, H wari run, Tu wa?a- run away, SP wayaa- hang, flow out (**wa M176). Speculative. If the lenition of **m to w is taken into
64 Ibid.

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Tu miy-, Mo miya (**mi(ya) M197). account, many other forms might be The relation of the PA form is speculaWTa ma run. considered, e.g., PA *soocitive, but Z wiiCa makes it more likely. (63), (231) flower **siyotu: Recall that w is a spirantized reflex of Cr suusu?u, Hu suuturi, PC *suutu-, Ta siwa bloom, WTa sewa, Y seewa, P **m; perhaps *? should be considered a H NT L fortis rendition of *y (cf. 253). Ca si-, yosigai, -soo, hiosig/hiosig, shows the development **miya > SP si?i- (**se/si/so M178). **siyotu can iriy> as bloom be *rWiy- ijiy-, where **m > rw > j is probably analyzed **siyo another active **-ti. the path of lenition attested for plus participial ending **m. Also relevant is *simi go, which The development **siyo > *siyi > *sii-, can be reconstructed for PSUA on the followed by regular sound changes, will basis of P himi-, Ta simi, and Y siime account for the vowels of L, Y, Ta (**simi/sime M198). Ultimately, **miya (except for length), and SP (except for can be derived from **mi-ya by assimi?, which may be a remnant of the *y). For H, **siy- > *siy- > *si is likely. The lation; cf. **mel (= **mil) flow, run P and NT forms suggest *hiyosi- for (M177). Proto- Pimic, with simplificationto either (236) go out (fire) **?u-: PA *seewi hiosi- or yosi. The reconstruction of extinguish (54), Ta co?wi put out fire, Y cupuk finish, P cu(i) put out fire, Tu *syotu- (> *sootu) for PAC is discussed in section 4.2 (n. 37 above). cupa burn out, Mo cuhpa sink out of sight, disappear (**?upa M171). Rela(232) fly **muu-: PA *mooyoo- (65), tion of the PA form is speculative, but ST muwaly, L mukWa?is flea, SP it is enhanced by the Po variant ?ewe. muuval, Mo mui- (**mu M180). P form indicates **tu- (cf. M78, The (233) four **naawo: PA *naawi (68), Hu nauka, PC *nawka, Ta Cr mWaakwa, M172). nawo, V na(w)o/na?ago, H naaloyom. (237) grass **paso: PA *saka- (72), Hu The PUA form consists of the reciprocal seepai, WTa sowe, Y baso, P sa?i, H pash6, H soho planted grass, alfalfa, prefix **naa- and **woo- two (282). H naal6- develops regularly from the wheat, Tu pal)Wared clover (**(pa)sa/ PUA reconstruction. In V, the regular (pa)?a M204). This set is problematic, and the relation of the PA form is specu**w > gw is probably responsible for lative. It is suggested that **paso > the g of the second variant. The PC form incorporates an old accusative *pasa by vowel harmonization, resulting in the initial *sa of PA *saka- and possuffix *-ka;65 the numbers have been sibly the initial syllable of the Hu and reshaped in Cr, and the relation of P forms. Also pertinent is PSUA *sama to *nawka is uncertain, but mWaakwa > mWa*nawka > *mawka > *maakWa leaf (310). is not out of the question. akWa (238) grind **tusu: PA *tisi (or *tosi) (75), Cr tPisih, Hu tiisi, PC *tisi, Ta (234) give **maka: PA *maka (70), Y rusu, Y tuuse, P cuhiwi, H tos-, Tu maka, P maak, NT makai, Sr maq, H ?utus-, SP tusu- (**tuusu/tuusiVVH75; maqa, Tu maha-, SP maka- (**maska **tus- M206a). An alternative reconVVH83; **maka M196a). struction would be **tisu, which would (235) go **miya: PA *wii? come (32), Hu Ca Sr Hu -mie, yield PA *tosi, regularly; forms apparwiiyafly, iriy-, mia-, 65 See Langacker, "Accusative ently reflecting **tusu would then Suffixes in involve vowel harmonization, and the Proto Uto-Aztecan" (n. 49 above).

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Y form would requirevowel interchange. The Hu and P forms may be derived from passives (cf. the Cr passive tiisi and H toosi sweet cornmeal). (239) grindingstone **mata: PA *motla(76), Cr mWaata,Hu mata, PC *mata, Ta mata, Y mata, P maccud, Ca mala-, H mata, Tu manaa-, SP mata (**mata M283). (240) hair **kuupa: PA *ikpa- thread (168), Cr kipWa,Hu kiipa, PC *kiipa, Ta kupa, P kuup, H koopa top of head (**kuupa VVH137; **kupa M209). The PA form derives through vowelloss and i-epenthesis. (241) hair, head **?oni: PA *Con- (77), Y cooni, P sof- head of chopping instrument,H c6kya brains, Tu comool, SP co- head (**?o(ni) VVH38; **?oni M219c). (242) hand **maa: PA *maa(y)(V)- (78), Hu -maamaa, PC *maa, Cr mWahka?a, Ta ma-, Y mamma, P ma-, L -maa, H ma, Tu maa-, SP ma-, NP mai (**ma VVH128; **ma M215). (243) hear **kahi: PA *kaki (83), Y kahi, P kai-, Sr qava-, Tu ha?i (**kahi/ kaha WH126; **ka M221). The consonants assimilate in PA. (244) heavy **piti: PA *otiik (or *eetiik) (84), Cr hete, Hu hete-, PC *hete, Ta bite, Y bette, P wiic, Sr pic.P, H piti, Tu pili (**piuti VVH3; **pete M223). If the first vowel of PA is long, it is from compensatory lengthening at the loss of *h- (< **p-). (245) hold **?aki: PA *?akw(a) close (29), P saaku, L cakWicatch, SP ca?icatch (**?a(k) M234). (246) husband **kuuma: PA *iknoowidow, orphan (section 4.3), Cr -kiln, Hu kina, PC *kiina, Ta kuna, Y kuuna, P kun, L -kuuir, H kooira, Tu kuuia-, SP kuma (**kui)a VVH97; **kuna M504a). The medial consonant reflects the lenition pattern **m > rw > r > n,

which is carried to different degrees in different daughters.66The PA form is probably cognate; semantically husband > widow > orphan is conceivable. Phonologically, we suppose **kuuma > *kuurjWa > *kuur3o > *kuuno > *kino > *iknoo, the last stage involving vowel-loss and epenthesis. (247) I **ni?: PA *noh (89), Cr inee, Hu ne, PC *ne, Ta nehe, Y nehpo, Ca ne?(e), H ni?, SP ni(?). (248) keep, leave **piya: PA *piya have, keep (81), Cr piya?uhisin lose it, Hu piiya remove, PC *piya, P wia, SP piyai leave, SP piya?jwi left over (**pia M256). (249) know **maati: PA *mati (95), Cr -mWa?ate recognize, Hu maati-, PC Ta maci, Y -mahta teach, P *maati, be known as, H H maaciwa maac, maamaci recognize,H maat- appear,well demeaned, Tu maag-, SP mai- find, discover (**mati VVH25; **ma(i)/mati/ ma?i M249). (250) leg, thigh **kasi: PA *iksi- (possibly *iksi-) foot (67), Cr iika, Hu iika, PC *iika, Ta kasi, P kahio, L -qaasi, H qaasi (**kasi VVH41; **kasi M435). The PA form has undergone vowel-loss and i-epenthesis. Also relevant are similar forms for foot: Cr -cepWa,Hu keeta, PC *ke-, H kiki, Tu irigi-, Mo kihki (**ke M189). (251) louse **ati(-mi): PA*atomV- (103), Cr ate, Hu ate, PC *ate, WTa ahte, Y etem, P aa?ac, Sr acim-, H ati (**ati VVH24; **ate M269). The **-mi is an incorporated plural suffix. The Y form shows vowel harmonization, and the P form reduplication. (252) man **taaka: PA *tlaaka- (105), Cr taata?ah, Y takaa, L ataax, H taaqa, Tu tahambis old man (**taka VVH145; **taka M272).
66 Langacker,

Non-Distinct

Arguments

in

Uto-Aztecan.

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(253) moon **miiCa: PA *mee?- (109), Cr maskiraqi, Hu meCa/meeCe, PC *meeCa,WTa meca, Y meeca, P masad, L mooy-, H miiya, Tu miiya, SP mia-, NP miha (**miya VVH158; **me(y)a/ meca M286). For Cr **meeCa > *meCa > *maCa > mas- is likely; P shows the same vowel harmonization. Notice the alternation between *? in the southern languages and *y in the northern languages (cf. 235). (254) mother **yi?i: PA *yoh (section 1.5, n. 19 above), Ta iye, Y ae, Ma aiye, P ji?i, L-yo?, H yi- (**yi?i VVH106; **ye M486a). (255) mouth **tini: PA *teen- (111), Cr teni, Hu teni, PC *teni, Ta rini, Y teeni, P cifi, SP tin-, NP tiipa (**ti,ni VVH19; **teni M293). **tini > *tini > tii- is not unlikely for NP. (256) much **mi(?)i: PA *moyak (112), Cr mui?i, Hu miire, PC *mii-, Ta we(ka), V weika, P mu?i, L muyuk, H wiiyak lots (**mu(?)i many M276). Miller's **mu(Q)i is a phonetic variant of **mi()i formed by assimilation of **i to **m. Recall that w is the lenis reflex of **m. k(a) represents an old accusative suffix. Note that **i often becomes y when **" drops to leave **ii. (257) navel **siku: PA *siik- (113), Cr -sipu, Hu sitemusi, Ta siku, Y siiku, P hik, SP siku- (**sisku VVH68; M301). Possibly *si- can be reconstructed for PC, but the details are problematic. (258) neck **kuta: PA *koc- (115), Cr kihpi, Hu -kiipii, PC *ki-, Ta kuta, Y kutanaa, P kus(v)o, NT kusna-, Ca -qilY, Tu kulaa-, SP kuta- (**kusta VVH154; **ku(ta) M303). Ca -qilYcan regularlyreflect *kot. The PA and Pimic forms point to **? rather than **t. (259) new **pii: PA *peewa begin (13), Cr hehkwa, Hu heekWa-,PC *heekwa, P wicij, H piihi, Mo pitihtihpi new one, young one, NP pidi (**pe M305).

See section 4.2. The P, Mo, and NP forms suggest **piti, with the long vowel in other daughters possibly resulting from loss of medial **t. This in turn suggests some relation to **piti arrive (**piutiVVH143; **pite M8). (260) nose **yaka: PA *yaka- (117), Ta aka, Y yekka, P daak, H yaqa, Tu yahaa-, SP yaka- (**yaska VVH110; **yaka M308). (261) on **-pa(-n(a)): PA *-pan (119), Hu -pa in, PC *-pa, Ta moba, Cr -hapWa, Y beppa above, H -pa, Tu -p/-ba- to, in, on, Sh -pan. Also relevant is PC *-na at, place of (Cr -na, Hu -na). The element ha in the Cr form and be in the Y form both reflect **pi-, a third-personsingular postpositional object pronoun. (262) on **-ku-pa: PA *-(i)kpa-k on top of (120), Sh -ku'pan inside, NP -kupa. Cf. 261. This set is speculative. (263) one **simayu: PA *see, *seem(121), Cr sei, Hu se(w)i, PC *se(w)i, Y senu, P himako, To himad, H siika, SP -silji/suu-, Sh si'mi, NP simi/ siwayu (**si- VVH65; **se(me) M507). kV in P and H represents an accusative suffix. himad is the expected Pimic reflex of **simay-. With an understanding of w as the lenis reflex of **m (through the intermediate stage irw), the other forms can be derived in a reasonable manner. For the first SP form, **simayu > *simay > *simi > -si0wi; for the second, **sima > *sirjwa > *siwa > *siw > suu-. The Sh development is **sima > si'mi by vowel harmonization. In NP, **simay(u) becomes either simi- or, with lenition, siwayu. We must suppose **sima > *sema > *semu > senu for Y, or possibly **simayu > *semyu > *senyu > senu. **simayu > *siway > *so(w)i (> PC *se(w)i) would give us the PAC form (section 4.2), which simplifies through loss of *w in Cr and Hu, and after vowel assimilation

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the *w is lost in PA as well: *so(w)i > *so(w)o > *sao > *see. An alternative form in Aztecan, GA se(e)m-, se(e)n, may continue the fortis variant of *m rather than the lenis variant: **sima > *so(o)m > *so(o)n > se(e)n (*m > n is regular for GA in word-final position). (264) owl **tikul- (or **tukul-): PA *takoloo- (?)(123), Cr tukuruu, Hu miikiri, WTa utugulu, P cukud, H tokori, Tu tukluluh (**tukur(i)VVH105; **tuku M313). NP kuhu may be connected. The daughters show vowel harmonization and other modifications that are not fully understood. Similar forms are widespread in American Indian languages and may involve onomatopoeia. (265) pine **woko: PA *oko- (126), Cr huku, Hu huku, PC *huku, Ta oko, Y woko, Ca wexe-, H 16q6, Tu woho-, SP oko-, Mo wohqo (**wosko VVH142; **woko/hoko M320). (266) put down **tiika: PA *teeka lie down (100), Cr te, Hu teya, PC *tea, Ta rika, Y teeka, P ciik, SP tikameasure, NP tiki put, place (**tiska VVH18). For Hu, **tiika > *teeka > *teka > *teya > PC *tea > teya is likely. From PC *tea, Cr te derives by monophthongization, a multiply attested phenomenon in the evolution of Cr. (267) reed **paka: PA *aaka- (133), Cr haka, Hu haka, PC *haka, Ta baka, P waapk, Sr paqa-, H paaqa, Tu pahaa-, SP paka- (**paska VVH8; **paka M344). The P form is reduplicated regularly from *pak. (268) road **po()i: PA *oh- (134), Cr huye, Hu huye, PC *huye, WTa bowe, Y boo&o,P woog, NT woi, ST woi, L pe-, Sr pdq-/po?, H pi-, Tu poh-, SP poo-, Cm pu?e, Pn po?i, Mo poyo (**po VVH4; **po M350). For PC, *ue > *uye. A similar development

may be posited for Mo prior to vowel harmonization. (269) rock, stone **ti-: PA *to- (162), Cr tete, Hu teete, PC *tete, Ta rite, Y teta, P &ipa mortar, L too- (**te M354b). The second syllable in PC, Ta, and Y probably reflects the absolutive suffix. (270) saliva, spit **Cu?a-: PA *cihcV(137), Cr -?i?aara, Ta su?-, Y cici, Ca -cu?an-, H t6ha, Tu tuhu?a, Mo tuhi, NP hiici (**?i- VVH114; **?i?/?it M406; **tu M405; M408). (Also note Cr hihke and WTa a?kia.) This and related sets are complex and need more careful examination. If both **?i- and **tu- can be reconstructed, as Miller suggests, perhaps as related cognate sets in different grammatical roles, then **?u might be a blend or analogical formation. (271) see, find **tiwa: PA *ihta (140), Ta riwa, Y tea, P ciig, L toow-, H tiwa, Tu tiw- (**tiwa VVH21; **te(w) M365). The PA form has undergone vowel-loss, epenthesis, and CC-metathesis. (272) shine (sun) **toma: PA *toonalsun (163), P toonal-, H to6- (**torja-la shine, sun VVH155; **ton hot M238a). This set illustrates the lenition sequence **m > Iw > ir > n. This sequence may account for vowel length in PA and P: **toma > *tojWa > *towrja > *toorIa > *toona-. NP -dua- may be related through **toma > *towa > *towa > *tuwa > -dua-. (273) sick, die **ko?o(ko): PA *koko(wa) sick (145), Cr ku?ukuri chile, Hu kuukuri chile, PC *ku?ukuri chile, Ta ko hot (chile), Ta oko hurt, Y ko?oko hurt, hot (chile), Y koko die, P ko?o/sko?ok, L qe?e kill (pl.), SP qu?u- (**kou?i/ko,?o kill, die (pl.) VVH45b; **ko(ko) hurt, die, sleep (pl.) M129c). PC, Taracahitic, and possibly P indicate PSUA *ko?oko, which could also yield PA *koko by reduction.

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(274) sleep **ko?i: PA *koci (151), Cr -ku?i, Hu -ku?i, PC *-ku?i, Ta koci, Y koce, P koos, SP axquu- (**kos?i/ kos?o VVH34; **ko?i M129b). P koos and the alternate forms kuCu and -kuuCu in Cr and Hu respectively support **ko?o, as noted by VVH. This set is obviously valid, but the vocalic reconstruction and evolution are problematic. *koci is a possible alternate reconstruction for PA. (275) snake **kowa: PA *koowa- (153), Cr ku?uku?u, Hu kuu, PC *ku?u, Y baakot, P ko?ovi rattlesnake, SP tokoarattlesnake (**ko(wa) M395). PA, PC, and P point to *ko?o(wa) for PSUA; loss of the laryngeal yields *oo in PA. (276) stiff, straight, hard **takWa-: PA *cika(awa)k hard, strong, PA *tlakwaawak (?) hard (79), L takaat straight, honest, SP tahkWaia stiffen (**takWa hard M216). The relation of the first PA form is somewhat speculative (cf. 79, 214). (277) swell **poCa: PA *oo?- pregnant (129), Cr -husai fill, gorge, Hu husa fill, PC *husa fill, Ta bosa, Sr p6c-, H p6s-, NP poosi (**poCa/posa M429). (278) three **pahayu: PA *eeyi (169), Cr waihka, Hu haika, PC *haika, WTa baikia, Y bahi, P waik, L paahay, H paayom, Tu paay, SP pai-, Mo pahi (**pahi VVH1; **pahi M510). Various daughters show merger of **ay to i, loss of medial **h, and other developments. In WTa, for instance, we may suppose **pahayu > *pahay > *bahi (cf. Y) > bai-. (279) tie **puuli: PA *ilpi- (173), Hu hii, Ta bure, P wuul-, L pooni, Tu puun- (**puli/pula VVH97b; **pul M437). Vowel-loss, epenthesis, and CCmetathesis applied to the PA form. (280) tree, wood **ku(?)a: PA *kwawi(177), Cr kiye, Hu kiye, PC *kiye, Ta ku, P ku7agi, L kulaawut, H ki-, Tu

ku- SP ku-, SP kuhkwa- gather wood (**ku firewood VVH137; **kui tree M170f). **kua > *kwa-in PA, probably also in H. In PC, **kua > *kia > *kiya > *kiye (cf. 268). (281) turtle **ay-: PA *aayoo- (179), Hu aye, PC *ay-, Ca ayi-, Sr ay- rattle, H aaya rattle, SP ayas (**ay M445). (282) two **woo-: PA *oomo (180), Cr wa?apWa,Hu huuta, PC *huu-, Ta nawo four, WTa oka, Y wooi, P gook, L weh, H 166y6m, Tu woo, Mo woohsimi eight (**wo- VVH103; **wo M509a). The numbers have been reshaped in Cr, and the relationship of the Cr form is uncertain. PA and H incorporate the plural suffix **-mi. The P and WTa forms incorporate the accusative suffix *-k(a). H 166- is the regular reflex of **woo-. (283) urinate **si?-: PA *siisa (182), Cr -si?i-, Hu siiya, PC *si?i, Ta isi, Y siPi-, P hi?a, L sila, H sisi-, Tu si?i, SP sii- (**siu,(i)/siu(a) VVH67; **si? M447). The long vowel in PA and Hu results from loss of *>. (284) want **naki: PA *noki (184), Hu naaki?eri love, Ta naki, K -minee try, Mo -manahqa try, NP naki chase (**naki M452). L naki close may belong here. The suffixes cited from K and Mo can be related to this reconstruction only speculatively. We suggest for Proto-Numic either *-ma-naki or *-minaki try, with vowel harmonization to -manahqa in Mo and loss of *k together with *ai > ee for K. In addition, a number of verb suffixes, generally future in meaning but also embracing allied semantic notions, can probably all be related to **-naki: PC *-ni, Y -ne, Ma -nake, L -n, Ca -ne(m), H -ni, Sh -nuhi, Mo -hna?i emphatic imperative, NP -na incomplete action. (285) wash **pak-: PA *paaka (185), Y hipaksia, P wakona-, L pa6xam (M454).

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(286) water **paa: PA *aa- (186), Cr hah, Hu haa, PC *haa, Ta ba?wi, Y baaVa,P wa-, L paa-, H paa-, Tu paa-, SP paa- (**pa VVH123; **pa M455a). (287) what **hita: PA *tla-(188), Cr tita, Hu tiita, PC *tita, WTa taciri, Y hita, L hica, H hiita. PC shows consonant assimilation. (288) white **tosa: PA *ista- salt, white (138), Hu tusa, PC *tusa, Ta rosa-, Y tosa-, P toha, SP tosa- (**tousa VVH31; **tosa M458). Vowel-loss, epenthesis, and CC-metathesis derive the PA form. (289) who **haka: PA *aak (191), Cr ha(?)-, Hu keehate who pl., PC *ha, Y habe, To ha-, L hax, H hak, Tu agi, SP aka, NP haka (**ha(ki) WH138). (301) ant *sika-: PA *?iika- (2), Ta sikuwi, V sekwi (M5). The Ta and V forms suggest Proto-Taracahitic *sikawi (Y eesuki could come from this with vowel interchange). Cr ?arii and haikisi may be related somehow. This set is speculative to a certain degree. (302) arrive *asi: PA *ahsi (3), Hu aasi, WTa seba, P ahi (**asi/asi VVH59). (303) ask *tani: PA *tlahtlani (6), Cr taiwau, Ta ta, P taaii, ST tania (**tani VVH92; **ta M13). (304) cry *?oaka: PA *cooka (40), Hu -?ua(ka), P soosa(ka)/soak, NT suaki, ST suwak- (**?oak Ml14). The PA form may have developed through **oa (interpreted as *owa) > *oo, since *wa > o on occasion (cf. 217, 246). Alternatively, *owa > *ow (through reduction and loss) > *oo. (305) deer *maso: PA *masaa- (42), Cr mwasa, Hu masa, PC *masa, Y maaso, V mahoi (**mas M125). PA and PC show vowel harmonization. The second syllable, *so, may be related to the Cupan form for deer, e.g., L suuka-. The first syllable may be reflected in WTa comali.

(306) far *mi(h)ka: PA *wohka (58), Cr imi, WTa mehka, Y mekka, V mehka, P milk NT mika (**meka M165). PA *w represents lenited **m. (307) fire *tahi: PA *tlai(h)- (60), Cr taih, Hu tai, PC *taih, Ta rahi-, Y tahi, P tai (**tahi VVH150; **ta(h)i M423d). (308) forehead *kowa: PA *kwaay-head (82), Cr kWaa?i,Ta kowara, Y koba head, P kua, NT kova- (**kowa M190). Notice Z iis-kWaay,Pi kWa(h)-,and Y koba-mehe?i, all forehead. (309) hot *tata: PA *tlatla burn, be hot (21), Ta rata, Y tata (**tata M423e). (310) leaf *sama: PA *iswa- (section 4.3), Cr samwa, Hu sama/sawa, PC *sama, Ta sawa, Y sawa, P haahag (**sawa VVH64; **sawa M255). Lenis *m is reflected as w. The P form is reduplicated from *hag, which is the expected reflex of *sawa. PA *sVwV(97) is no doubt related in some way, but it is not clear just how (cf. n. 47 above). This set also probably bears some relation to 237 **paso grass, in which **so sometimes harmonizes to *sa. Certain Cupan forms for grass fit better with this set than with 237: L saamut, Ca samat, Sr hamt (M255); a PUA reconstruction is therefore likely, but better data are needed to clarify the PUA situation. (311) leave, remain *kawa: PA *kaawa stay, remain, leave (160), Ta ka?wa lay eggs, Y kaba lay eggs (**kawa M156). Speculative. (312) mother *nana: PA *naan- (110), Cr naana, Hu naana godmother, PC *naana, WTa nana, Y nana little girl, senorita, ST -nan (**nan M487). (313) seed (corn) *pa?i: PA *aac- (141), Cr ha?i, Hu ha?i, PC *ha?i, Ta paci ear of corn, Y baci (**pa?i corn M103). (Cf. 226 eye, **pusi, which also takes on the sense of seed.) Similar forms for corn, seed are widely borrowed in

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Mesoamerican languages; they seem Similar forms for turkey (with semantic shifts including chicken after the introultimately to be borrowed from Protoduction of chickens following the ConMixe-Zoquean *pa?i (*pi?i) leached corn. quest) are widely borrowed in languages sew PA P (314) throughout Mesoamerica; the original *Coma: *Coma (142), soom (**Coma VVH37). The first sylsource is unknown. lable of WTa wasi and the medial (317) wovenmat *pata: PA *ptla- (194), Cr peeta, WTa pela, Y hipetam (**peta syllable of NP a?o?na may be related. Possibly also relevant is **?um close M277). This is ultimately a loan word from Proto-Mixe-Zoquean *pata. *pata eyes (M92): Ca cumi- finish, Sr cuum?ak, SP -cu?maa-, Cm cahcu?mayields the correct PA form by a-reducthe hands. tion, but the other forms point to finish up something involving *kwiika: PA *kwiika *pota, which would have been retained (315) sing (147), Cr cwiikarisong, Hu kWika, as such in PA. The Cr, WTa, and Y PC *kwiika, Ta wikara, Y bwiika (**kwikaM379). forms are perhaps later borrowings PA *totoli: *tootolfrom Aztecan, in any case the precise (316) turkey (178), Hu turiivame wild duck, Ta tori chicken, stage and form of the borrowing are not Y totoi chicken, Ma totori chicken, P known and are thus open to question. cuculi hen (**totoli chicken M85).