Review: Men and Masculinities Author(s): Anthony Synnott Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 103, No.

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Men and Masculinities

ANTHONY SYNNOTTI
ConcordiaUniversity Masculinities: Football, Polo and the Tango in Argentina. Eduardo P. Archetti. New York: Berg, 1999. 212 pp. Football Hooligans: Knowing the Score. Gary Armstrong. New York:Berg, 1998. 361 pp. Manhood and Morality: Sex, Violence and Ritual in Gisu Society. Suzette Heald. New York: Routledge, 1999. 192 pp. What It Means to Be a Man: Reflections on Puerto Rican Masculinity. Rafael L. Ramfrez; translatedby Rosa E. Casper. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1999. 139 pp. What does it mean to be a man? Whatis masculinity? andrelatedquestionsof all fourbooks These arethe central underreview, which cover four differentcontinents(Africa,SouthandNorthAmerica,andEurope),fourdifferent PuertoRico, andEngland), countries(Uganda,Argentina, andmanydifferent violence,football topics(circumcision, the and [soccer], polo, tango, gay straightsexuality,and also use different from They hooliganism). methodologies, interviews,and archivalresearch participant-observation, to "contemplation"; and they use different theoretical frameworks. The answers,however,are surprisingly similar.Indeed, while manyarguethatthereare many types of masculinities, whichis trueenough,thereis also a fairdegreeof consensus cross-culturally, as we shall see. Men are not "all the same,"butneither arethey all totallydifferent. The authors of these fourbooks, all anthropologists, offer their ideas on this apparently and vexing perplexing topic from theirresearchon these rathersmall vectorsof of threebillion. this globalpopulation a Puerto Rican offers his "reRamirez, anthropologist, flections"on the "constructions of masculinityin Puerto Rico" (p. 4). The book is a "contemplation," he insists, "not the resultof field research,a survey,or an empirical he reflectson the conceptof study"(p. 6). In five chapters, andan inacmachismo,whichhe criticizesas stereotypical curateportrait, and providesan overview of masculinity studiesgenerally,and an analysisof masculinity in Puerto Rico basedlargelyon linguisticanalysisof slangtermsre4 he dislatingto power,sex, andcompetition.In chapter cusses homosexuality,a highly stigmatizedorientation in PuertoRico, and he discusses how the gay environment mirrors power relations in the straight environment. Ramfrezconcludeswith a chapteron the "new masculinity." He states the problembluntly,opening his chapteron machismowith:"Wemen, especiallythose who are Latin American... are categorizedas beings who are aggressive, oppressive, narcissistic, insecure, loud-mouthed, womanizers,massive drinkers,persons who have an uncontrollable sexualprowess"and more,just as bad (p. 7). In two words,sexist pigs. Yet he says thatin his own socialization"the emphasishad been on the obligationsof masculinity,on the responsibilitiesinvolved in being a on being the providerandbreadwinman,andparticularly nerfor others" therefore be(p. 2). A contradiction appears tweenthe categorization andthe realityas Ramfrez himself knew it, andhe notesthat"womanizers, drunks, gamblers, men were criticized"(p. 2). Reviewing and irresponsible the originsof the termin the 1950s and 1960s, he suggests thatit is a vast oversimplification. He hints thatit may be more true of working-classAmericanand PuertoRican on the ideologicaland men, and he avoids contemplating functions of a such political portrait. literaturein chapter2, Reviewing the anthropological and citing David Gilmore (1990) extensively, Ramfrez notes that while genderinequalityand masculinedominancearethe norm,the demandson men are stringent, and men fail. is an achievement and many Masculinity dangerous, and the ideal emphasizeshardwork, success/power, and a contribution to the community.This is far removed from the machismoportrait. He suggests, echoing MarMead that "men are not born, they are (I think), garet made"(p. 39). Power is one dimensionof masculinityand sexualityis another. In his thirdchapter,"Wethe Boricuas," Ramirez asserts:"Themaleis an essentiallysexualbeing,or at least he shouldlook andact like one. He shouldenjoy his sexuality, declareit, boastaboutit, feel proudof it, and, above all, show it"(p. 44). Gloriousstuff!No one says thisin academic circlesany more:it's a valuejudgement! Ramfrez is retiredand can say whathe likes, so he discussesthe macho and his ideology, phallic symbolism, "the 'fuckers' and 'fuckees'" (p. 50), the linguisticassociationsof sex andviolence-"they fuckedme"(p. 51), the realmanwho has cojones as opposed to the insults "(pendejo [jerk], cabrdn [asshole or son of a bitch], maricrn [fag], mamabichoand huelebicho [cocksucker])" (p. 53), and also the mongo (limp) and the cornudo(horned)(p. 64). The termsmay also be used in jest as partof the "language of power" betweenmen(p. 55). Givenpowerdifferentials a pointthatthose concerned with only genderdifferentials

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have often overlooked-there are winners and losers. "Masculinityis very demanding"(p. 59). Violence is a componentelement of masculinity:86% of all suicides, 77% of all accidentaldeaths, and 91% of all deaths by homicidearemale(p. 77). Men arevulnerable despite"our maskof invulnerability" be (p. 78). To this couldprobably addedthe victims of imprisonment, alcohol,drugs,crime, war, homelessness,divorce, and early deaths (cf. Farrell 1993). describedas homoeroticism, is "aninteHomosexuality, in the of construction masculinity" (p. 80). It may gralpart be sanctioned,as it is and has been in many societies, or as it is in PuertoRico. Ramfrez stigmatized quicklytracks of the homosexualas sinner, the changingconstructions then as criminal,epitomizedby the trialof OscarWilde in 1895, then as "sick,"by ecclesiastical,civil, and finally In PuertoRico, homosexuality medicalauthorities. may be seen in anyof theseways, or simplyas a sexualorientation, but generallyit is stigmatizedand penalized(p. 92). This introduces yet anothertypology of men: straight-heterosexuals who know nothing about el ambiente, the gay the straightworld;ententido-the hetworld,overlapping erosexualmale who may or may not havehadhomosexual relationsbut who considershimself andis considered heterosexual; ponca-a self-claiming heterosexual whose claimsarenotacceptedby gays;bugarrdn-he also claims to be heterosexual, andthis is recognizeddespiteambiente andplaysa activities,not leastbecausehe is the penetrator, male "game"; loca-a manwho claimsto be, andis recognized as, a homosexual;and then there are the locas de closet, locas vestidas(dragqueens),andlocaspartidas(effeminatemen).Todaythe termgay is now replacing thatof the morepejorative Spanishterms;andGayPridehasbeen asserted.A change of ideology has requireda change of language. Ramfrezconcludeswith "Toward a New Masculinity." and male have been Masculinity power challengedandrein the Foucauldian both women's moveterms, sisted, by mentandby the gay movement.Thishas causedsome men to reflect on the parameters of masculinity-to consider that "the masculine ideology also oppresses them" (p. 109). Ramfrezfinds hope for a "New Masculinity"in RobertBly (1990) forhis emphasison the immenseimportance of the "father"-son bond, and also for his "exploration of the positive aspects of his masculinity" (p. 109). One wonderswhatis/was so wrongwith the old masculinity. Thisis not so clear. SuzetteHeald's book is intriguingly subtitledSex, Violence and Ritualin GisuSociety.This is a collectionof six previouslypublishedarticlesand two new ones. The first seven are based on fieldworkconductedfrom 1965-69 in Uganda. Three chaptersare on circumcision,and others are on deviance (witches and thieves), divination, joking sexuand avoidance,a critiqueof the Caldwells'"African

ality" thesis, and a final essay on "tribalrites and tribal rights." Inevitablywith such a collection there are problems:a data more thanthirtyyears old, fair amountof repetition, an over-emphasison circumcision,and a lack of unity. Nonethelessthe individualarticles are excellent, particularlyon the topicof manhood. Among the Gisu, manhood is an achieved status, achievedonly by circumcision betweenthe ages of 18 and 25 in a particularly "firsthis foreskinis cut ritual; painful flesh is strippedfrom aroundthe and then subcutaneous glans penis" (p. 11). The primarypurposeof this paininflictionis to trainthe boy to be a warrior; a secondary and also mythological one is to identifysymbolicallythe male andthe female,who also shedsblood bothnaturally andin in neighboring and clitoridectomy regions.The ambiguity "is that it a a man also makes a boy paradox making boy morelike a woman"(p. 66). A striking featureof this ritualis thatit is voluntary. The has to it to choose a and there are other be man, boy options:to leave the landfor the city, Nairobi,or to have the in a hospital.If chosen,however,the operation performed boy may not flinch or cry. About30% fail, Healdreports. This aspectof failing to be a man, mentionedin Ramfrez area of research.Can women also also, is an unexplored fail? Men are testedandtried,and surelyso are womenbutperhaps notin the sameways. The essence of masculinity is lirima,an ambiguous conLirima includes the and stoicism and emocept. bravery tional controlof the warriorand the obligationto be an autonomous, responsible,hard-workingman, which is handedto him symbolizedby the gifts andthe instructions by an elder:a panga (machete)to build a house,but not to hurtothers;a drinkingtube:drinkand brew beer, but do not get drunk;firewood:for cooking, not to bum down house;andotherutensilswith similarcauyourneighbor's tions. The dualityof lirimais evident and is intrinsicto masculinity.Lirima is also "tied to the negative emotions-hatred, angerand vengeance."Lirimais described as "catching" a man,or "bubbling up"in him;andthe best men cancontrolandchannelit, as theymustdo in enduring circumcision (chaps.2, 3, 4). is achievedand,Healdnotes,"Everymanis Masculinity a hero"(the title of chapter4). The ritualis describedas "battleproofing" (p. 41), but she notes "the problemof whatto do withthe warriors when thereis no warto fight" Hobbes and Darwin can speak to that,but Heald (p. 46). herselfnotesthata man'srolein life is just beginningwhen he is circumcised: he has to find a wife, persuade his father to give him landandcattle,support his family,andachieve wealth. Homicidal violence rates were high among the and filicide in conflicts over the Gisu, includingparricide dispositionof land and cattle,but the Gisu are tolerantof homosexualityand transvestism (p. 160). Heald says that

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high standardsare expected of menbutthe price is also high,bothin family violenceandfailure(p. 89). The distinctivefeaturesof Gisu manhood,then,include of statusandthe violenceof the ritual(unthe achievement like PuertoRico), andthe successor failure.One otherfeathe unity of the male experitureis also most interesting: ence, which is assertedin one of the circumcisionsongs: to the "Letthe son resemblehis father" (p. 30)--in contrast other for asserted and models of ideals societies, plurality includingArgentina(Archetti)andPuertoRico (Ramfrez) a culreviewedhere.The degreeof pluralism is, therefore, turalvariable. Heald concludes with a fascinatingchapterdealing in concrete examples with the clash of rights: individual, tribal,men's, women's, andhuman.One issue is the pracin the region,widely condemnedby tice of clitoridectomy as "destructive, cruel,even as an 'atrocmany authorities appliesto ity.' " Yet, she pointsout,no suchcondemnation male circumcision-perhapsbecauseof biblicalprecedent or lesserseverity;yet the issue of humanrightsis pertinent (p. 155). In anothercase, which went to the Supreme a Kikuyuwoman;on his death Court,a Luo man married both tribe and widow claimed his body. The tribe won, of patriar"whichmany saw as a conservativereiteration in micase was the macrocosm This chal culture" (p. 157). crocosm: "The clash of rights createdby kinship versus of ruralversusurban life, of old men versusnew marriage, of oralversuslitversus beliefs of tribal men, Christianity, erate culture, of the division between circumcisingand and of non-circumcising peoples, of Luo versusKikuyu," versus women men (p. 158). schoolin 1991in was a riotin a boarding Most appalling killed 19. Onlytwo boys whichthe boys raped70 girlsand were charged-and for rape not murder(pp. 161-164). Manhoodand morality,sex and violence, rites and rights remainlinked,complex,andcontroversial. is thathereHealdstresses The oddityof this last chapter the oppressionof women in patriarchal society and the (butnot high costs of being female while de-emphasizing of the costs on earlier stress her male, being high ignoring) in terms of pain, failure, and homicide. Heald changed but while two lenses lenses and,it seems, her sympathies; be complemenarebetterthanone, they shouldpreferably
tary ratherthan mutually exclusive. In this chapter, the heroes have now become villains. Armstrong's book on football (soccer) hooligans is an English anthropologist's account of his 14 years of participant-observation of and with the Blades, the Sheffield United supporters' gang. It is too long, too detailed, and

but it is also a mustfor those inmuddled, chronologically

terested in working-class male culture, football, and of course hooliganism. The book is best for Armstrong's thematic discussions and his effort to de-mythologize hooliganism. "To the outsider, violence is the raison d'etre of a Blades gathering.

This is wrong"(p. 233). He quotes one Blade:"Onmatch day I drinka few pints, look tough and occasionallyrun I'm gonnahit someone.That'sfootball around pretending hooliganismfor you" (p. 248). Accordingto his data,violence was indeed minimal, and only five Blades were jailed in 14 years. He describes how much football has andthe stadiumis now a Benthamite Panopticon changed; with increasedpolicing,closed-circuittelevision,fan segregation,screening,compulsoryseating, alcohol restrictions,andso forth.This createswhathe calls "ThePurified Community" (p. 135),whichhe resents.He castigatesgovsoccer assoand over-control; ernmentfor over-reaction ciationsfor raisingpricesandspoilingthe game;the police for ineptness,especiallyat the 1989 Hillsborough tragedy when 96 (not 89, p. 105) Liverpool fans were killed, the press for falsification and suffocated; mostly trampled and andsensationalism; sociologists,especiallytheLeicesandnot goingto matches. terSchool,forpontificating All this is very persuasiveand no doubtis an essential to the prevailingmythology.Nonetheless, counterweight Armstrongshould explain why the violence attachesto soccerrather thanto, say, rugby,cricket,or tennis.Classis surelya factor.And also, why are the levels of violenceso to mostothercounhigh in the UnitedKingdomcompared triesmostof the time?Also, not manylives arelost--only in all those years-and thereare few two, bothaccidental, in terms of policing and property the costs but injuries, In enormous. are 1985, Liverpoolfansriotedatthe damage andLiverpoolat the final between Juventus Cup European in Stadium 39 Brussels; people werekilled,mostly Heysel Italian fans, and about 400 were injured.English club was teamswerebannedfor five years.This "hooliganism" not even mentionedalthough26 young Englishmenwere the arrests of about 900 English charged.Furthermore, in "yobs"(boys reverse)at the recentEuro 2000 tournament indicates a continuing long-term problem with drunken, problem. jingoistic,violentyoung men:a cultural UEFA, the governing body of Europeanfootball, has to ban English clubs again. Armstrongsays: threatened forgathering "Theprimary amongstBladeswas to purpose feel good"(p. 243). I supposethese men will have to learn or how to "feel good"withoutbeing quite so destructive, football. frominternational Englandwill be banned Archetti acknowledges Armstrong with thanks, and does the same for Archetti,and both are pubArmstrong lishedby Berg;butapartfromthatthe two books arevery different.Archetti'sintentis "[t]o write on masculinities throughfootball,the tango and polo in orderto graspArhe writes"is a (p.xii). "Thus,football," identity" gentinian and masculine of national capabilities expression powerful
potentialities ... [and] has constituted a symbolic and

male arenafor nationalpride"(p. 15). The tango, practical as one of his informants emphasized,is not a foreignimour but "our music, gift to the world... [and]has beport come almostuniversal." It provides"anemotionalmap of

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Argentinian identity"(p. 16). Polo, althoughanother English import,is the only sportin which Argentinais "insusuccesshas been rootedin (p. 19), and,moreover, perable" the ancientgaucho tradition. These threeactivitiesmirror the stratification landedsystem:"polowas the aristocratic class sport,footballwas popular, andtangopoeticswere a I hadthreesets of productof the middleclasses. Moreover relevantrelations: men-menin football,men-womenin the tango and men-horsesin polo" (p. 19). Put like that, of course, one is pleasedhe stoppedthere.Will he go on to considerotherrelations: men-dogsin hunting,men-carsin in work?And why not sex? Yet men-machines F1 racing, Archettihas focusedbrilliantly on these domainsin men's lives and the relativityof masculinity: each domainhighlightsdifferentaspectsof masculinity. The findings are presentedalong the twin axes of hyand same-sex/cross-sexrelations within a bridity/purity framework of "auto-anthropology," or anthropologeneral "at concerned more with home," gists listeningthan obThe "at home" serving (pp. xiii-xv, 20). anthropologist Martin and looks more andmore (like Emily Nigel Barley) a like sociologist-indeed of the four authorsreviewed here,threewere "athome." Archettidivides his book into two parts.The first, on tackles the origins, development, and "Hybridization," creolization of footballandpolo, andthe relation of mascuto national linity changingArgentinian identity.Fromthe firstfootballmatchin 1867 to the WorldCup in 1986, and the firstpolo matchin 1875 to OlympicGoldsin 1924 and 1936,the two sportshave not only captivated Argentinians and broughtthe countryonto the world stage in triumph, but they have also exemplifiedhybridization: "fromthe Britishto the new hybrids" (p. 62) in uniquestyles-from teamwork to individualism,from passing to dribbling, fromthe machineto artistry, systemsto creativity,andseriousnessto joy-so his informants andthejournalistsinsist (chaps. 2 and 6). One quote:"Footballwas always a beautiful pretextfor beinghappy" (p. 179). Similarly, polo demonstratesthe "fighting spirit and moral courage"of Argentinian men, as well as excellent and wonderfulhorses:a hybridgame with horsemanship rehybridmen andhybridhorses,and "criollos" gradually placing "anglos," and "anglos" themselves creolized (chap.3). One expertopinedthatin polo "thehorseis 70% and the riderthe rest"(p. 78). I would have liked to have heard more about the various horses he knew and loved-but thatwouldno doubthavebeena digression. The second part is entitled "MasculineMoralities," framed within the debates about the universalityversus of "hegemonic masculinities" plurality (chap.4)--an overworked debate, in my view. Every school has its jocks, brains,hunks,geeks,dopesandcrooks,winnersandlosers. Nonetheless,Archetti'snuanceddiscussionof tangopoetics and lyrics demonstratesthe very different ideals or

modelsof mendancingthe tangoversusplayingfootballor of the bourgeois, polo! The tangomanis the contradiction respectablehard-working family man: he is the seducer, anex-con, violent,andromantic erotic,dangerous, perhaps (chap.5). (Everywomanshouldhaveone!) Archetticoncludeswith a few wordson Maradona, who the of football aesexemplifies gloriousstyle Argentinian roles of baseballin Cubaandof thetics,andthe nationalist footballandthe sambain Brazil(chap.7). This is a most ambitious textrelatingmultiplemodelsof in the threedomainsof football,polo, andthe masculinity nationalism: a fascinating tango to changingArgentinian and successfulexercise. Thereare otherdomainsof masculinity of course, as Archettiacknowledges:sex, work, family-and rugby,and more. I hope we will hear more from his informantswith their anecdotes and reminisas such. cences,butalso moredirectlyaboutmasculinity One of the interesting of consequences reviewingthese four books on masculinityand manhoodis what they do not say. Heald centers masculinityon violence: the violence of circumcision, the high male-malehomiciderates, and effortsto controlangerand violence in the male psyche. There is not much (one chapter) on sexuality or games. Ramirez places sexuality at the core of manof hood-straight or gay-and emphasizesthe multiplicity but little about violence to possibilities says except agree with RobertBly and to propose the necessity of a new model.Armstrong places teamloyalty andgang loyaltyat the centerof male hooligan culture,says the violence is minimal,and sees horizontal age cohortbondingas a tembetween school and marriage.He igporary"time-out" nores sex and soccer. Then Archettisays nothingabout hooliganism-perhaps it does not exist-or violence, or macho values, or gay identity.Each author,wisely, sets limitsto his or herresearch-narrowsit down;butcumulatively, with all these angles, styles, methodologies,and theoreticalframeworks,we do get a much clearer,and muddiertoo, idea aboutwhatit all means to be a man.In such focusing, however, it is clear that masculinityis as mucha construct of eachauthor as it is a topic of research! Two otherpoints struckme. Despite the explicit attention to men and masculinity,much of the recentliterature on masculinityhas been ignored. In Heald's case, of course,muchof it had not been writtenat the time. David Gilmore (1990) was used by Ramirezand Archetti,and RobertBly (1990), Sam Keen (1991), and MatthewGutmann(1996) by the former; but Warren Farrell(1993), R. W. Connell(1995), the Kimmel-Messner (1995) volume, and Gutmann's(1997) excellent review article seem to have been ignored.A contextualization of these specialized themes within the broaderarena might have been helpful. Second,the subjects-men-were oftenconspicuous by theirabsence.Surelyif we wantto know whatmasculinity

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means to men (or women),the directrouteis to ask them. glory and honour"(Psalm 8:5). Sophocles was also enWe can watchalso anddo archivalresearch, collect statisthusiastic: "Wondersof the world are many, and the tics, do linguisticor lyric analysis,and participate too, but greatestof theseis man"(Antigone,332). So was Hamlet: these are oblique and inferentialprocesses. First we ask "The beauty of the world! the paragonof animals"(Act and then listen to theirown voices (not only aboutrituals, 2, Sc. 2). JohnDonneis moreenigmatic:"Theglory,jest (1976) did some excellent polo, etc.). MirraKomarovsky and riddle of the world"(An Essay on Man). Still a ridwork in this line long ago, as did R. W. Connell (1995) dle. more recently-both sociologists incidentally;and Studs norsociologist,is the master Terkel,neitheranthropologist in this domain.It is partlya matterof the road traveled: through circumcision/football-polo-tango/language/hooliReferencesCited ganism to men and masculinities--or vice versa. Both David routes are interestingand lead to fascinatingplaces, but Blankenhorn, 1995 Fatherless America: OurMost UrgentSoare different and the direct one seems to Confronting be the roads, they cial Problem. New York:Harper Perennial. roadless traveled. Bly, Robert Finally,I suspectthatmost men define themselves,their 1990 IronJohn.New York: Addison-Wesley. manhoodandtheirmasculinity, primarily by theirrelationSanford Braver, ships withtheirloved ones, male or female,andtheirfami1998 Divorced Dads: Shatteringthe Myths. New York: lies. In most of these volumes this aspect of men's lives Tarcher/Putnam. was ratherabsent.This does not apply to Armstrong, of Connell,R.W. course, since he was not concernedspecificallywith mas1995 Masculinities. London: PolityPress. we need less aboutfootball,circumculinity;butarguably Daly, Martin,andMargoWilson cision, andlanguageandmoreaboutlove. 1999 Darwinism and the Roots of Machismo. Scientific Thesequestionsaboutthe meaningsof masculinity have American10(2):8-14. and others Faludi,Susan intriguednot only these four anthropologists 1999 Stiffed: TheBetrayal oftheAmerican Man. NewYork: (Gilmore1990),butalso poets, sociologists,feminists,and Morrow. the generalpublic, particularly in the United States. The Warren Farrell, answershave beenmanyandvarious.Men arevillainsand 1993 TheMythof MalePower. New York:SimonandSchusof to women, oppressive according many:violent,macho, ter. and Men are "soft" to rapists, misogynistic. according Bly David Gilmore, work;in "decline," (1990:2), in his pioneering says Lionel 1990 Manhoodin theMaking. Cultural of MasConceptions Tiger(1999); "stiffed" by modemcapitalism,writesSusan New CT: Yale Press. Haven, culinity. University Faludi (1999); from anotherplanet than women, Mars, John Gray, writes John Gray (1994) in his best-selling series; "not 1994 Men Are from Mars,Women Are from Venus. New guilty"(Thomas1993). Men are victims, indeed"thedisYork:HarperCollins. Farrell vic(1993) andothers: posablesex,"arguesWarren Matthew Gutmann, tims of accidents,suicide, homicide, war, work (Simon 1996 TheMeaningsof Macho:Being a Manin Mexico City. 1999; Wong 1999), themselvesandtheirvalues (Daly and of California Press. Berkeley:University Wilson 1999; Nisbett and Cohen 1999; Zorpette1999), 1997 Trafficking in Men:TheAnthropology of Masculinity. AnnualReviewof Anthropology misguidedfeminism(Sommers2000) and much feminist 26:385-409. Keen,Sam jurisprudence(Weiss and Young 1996), absent fathers 1991 Firein the Belly: On Being a Man.New York:Bantam (Blankenhom 1995), divorce and custody legislation Books. (Braver1998),the "boyscode"(Pollack1998),inappropriKimmel,Michael,andMichaelMessner ate educationsystems,theirbiology, and so on. Men have 1995 Men'sLives.3rdedition.Boston:Allyn andBacon. been constructedas heroes (e.g., Heald, above), villains, Mirra Komarovsky, and victims in a generation!There is little consensus 1976 Dilemmas of Masculinity: A Studyof College Youth. amongtheseanalysesandconclusions,not aboutthe distriNew York:Norton. butionof poweror even aboutfundamentals: are we basiNisbett,Richard E., andDov Cohen the same or different? is still less There cally basically 1999 Men, Honor and Murder.Scientific American 10(2): are men "sexistpigs,"as agreementon valuejudgements: 16-19. some say, "orthe best thingsince sliced bread"? And genPollack,William eralizations areunavoidable in thischaoticworld. 1998 RealBoys: RescuingourSons fromthe Mythsof BoyThe puzzlesareancient.Davidspoke well of the generic hood.New York:Random House. (I assume) Man, Homo sapiens: "Thouhast made him a Simon,HarveyB. little lower than the angels, and has crowned him with 1999 CanWorkKill?ScientificAmerican10(2):44-46.

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Hoff Sommers,Christina 2000 The War againstBoys: How MisguidedFeminismis ourYoungMen.New York:SimonandSchuster. Harming Thomas,David 1993 Not Guilty:The Case in Defense of Men. New York: WilliamMorrow. Tiger,Lionel 1999 TheDeclineof Males.New York:GoldenBooks.

Weiss, Michael,andCathyYoung 1996 FeministJurisprudence: EqualRightsorNeo-Paternalism?PolicyAnalysis.No. 256. June19. Wong, Kate ScientificAmerican 1999 TheMostDangerous Occupations. 10(2):47. Glenn Zorpette, 1999 ExtremeSports,SensationSeeking andthe Brain.ScientificAmerican10(2):56-59.