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The Flinders University of South Australia Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences School of Social and Policy Studies Honours Program in Political Studies

The Evolution of Anonymous as a Political Actor

Max Halupka 2011

This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Bachelor of Arts (Honours)

Table of Contents

Abstract _________________________________________________________________ 4 Acknowledgments _________________________________________________________ 5 Abbreviations _____________________________________________________________ 6

Chapter 1: Introduction ____________________________________________________ 7

1.1 Research Problem___________________________________________________________ 8 1.2 Limitations _______________________________________________________________ 10 1.3 Method __________________________________________________________________ 12 1.4 Structure of the Thesis ______________________________________________________ 14

Chapter 2: Literature Review _______________________________________________ 15

2.1 The Virtual Community _____________________________________________________ 16 2.2 Social Movements _________________________________________________________ 20 2.3 Decentralised Network Structures _____________________________________________ 25 2.4 Reflections on the Literature _________________________________________________ 30

Chapter 3: The Evolution of Anonymous______________________________________ 32

3.1 Inception _________________________________________________________________ 32 3.2 Progressive Social Community _______________________________________________ 37 3.3 Social Movement __________________________________________________________ 44 3.4 Decentralised Cell Network __________________________________________________ 49 3.5 Reflections on the Chapter ___________________________________________________ 55

Chapter 4: Analysis _______________________________________________________ 57

4.1 Anonymous as a Social Movement ____________________________________________ 58 4.2 Decentralised Networks and Phantom Cells _____________________________________ 62 4.3 The Relationship between Life-Cycle and Political Participation _____________________ 67 4.4 Answering the Question _____________________________________________________ 73 4.5 Reflections on the Analysis __________________________________________________ 74

Chapter 5: Academic Implications and Conclusions _____________________________ 76

5.1 Insights from the Research ___________________________________________________ 77
Anonymous _______________________________________________________________________ 77 Social Movements __________________________________________________________________ 79 Cyberactivism and Political Participation ________________________________________________ 80

5.2 Future Research Directions __________________________________________________ 81

The Role of Identity ________________________________________________________________ 81 Contemporary Forms of Anarchism ____________________________________________________ 83

5.3 Conclusion _______________________________________________________________ 85

Bibliography ____________________________________________________________ 89

Abstract

The internet has provided individuals alienated from the democratic system with a new means for political participation. Such online engagement takes the form of cyberactivism or e-activism. This thesis contributes to the wider academic understanding of cyberactivism through an analysis of the decentralised virtual community, Anonymous. Anonymous possesses a number of characteristics which serve to differentiate it from similar activist communities: a collective identity, anonymity in interaction, no registration process, no overarching hierarchy or authoritative body, horizontal communications, and a memetic cultural base. The thesis presents the first scholarly conceptualisation of Anonymouss development, a significant element in contextualising the communitys political behaviour. Ultimately the thesis argues that Anonymous engages politically by exhibiting and facilitating multiple political forms. When analysed in combination which the relevant literature, the research points to a distinct relationship between Anonymouss participant base and the corresponding political approach.

Acknowledgments

This thesis would not have been possible without those closest to me. To Jessica, you have made this year possible. I can never repay the unwavering love and devotion you have shown me. I could not have asked for a greater partner in life. To Dr. Cassandra Star, I have learnt more from your tutelage than I ever thought possible. You were an amazing supervisor. For your continued guidance and advice you have my heartfelt thanks. To my family, thank you for you for the opportunities you have given me. I know that you will always be there for me. To the Scoobies, your friendship and loyalty has kept me sane this year. I love you all. Finally, I would like to thank the department of Politics and Public Policy for all that I have learnt and for the valuable perspectives that I have been given.

Abbreviations

A(A)A cDc CoS CMC DDoS DCN EDT IRC ISLC LoL NSM OP PDF PSC TCC ZTG

Anonymous Anarchist Action group Cult of the Dead Cow Church of Scientology Computer Mediated Communications Distributed Denial of Service Decentralised Cell Network Electronic Disturbance Theatre Internet Relay Chat Information Systems Life-Cycle Laugh Out Loud New Social Movement Original Poster Portable Document Format Progressive Social Community The Crackhead Clubhouse Zangaroa Trolling Group

Chapter 1
Introduction

The internet has changed the face of political participation. Through this global system of interconnected computer networks, individuals once restricted by physical boundaries can now voice their opinions and dissatisfactions in an online environment. Helped by the development and proliferation of technology aiding a societal ease of access, the internet has empowered the common human with the capacity to gather like minded individuals around a common interest. Such a process often results in the creation of a virtual community or internet mediated community (Bellini and Vargas 2003). Individuals gravitate towards virtual communities which coincide with their needs, an online community which aims to satisfy a particular need (Iriberri and Leroy 2009). In this way the internet has proven to be a popular platform for the development and organisation of political actors. Indeed, it is the creation of virtual communities with a political focus which has changed the face of political participation. Individuals lacking representation perceive the internet as the perfect tool to utilise to further their objective(s), and thus create or join online communities to support their engagement.

Internet mediated communities which seek to engage politically do so through cyberactivism or e-activism. Sandor Vegh (2003) suggests that there exists three distinct forms of online activism: awareness / advocacy, organisation / mobilisation and action / reaction. The effectiveness of the organisation / mobilisation form has been demonstrated through the utilisation of the internet as a tool for real life coordination by

social movements, with the 1999 World Trade Organisation Protest in Seattle poignantly highlighting this capability (Fotopoulos 2001; Eschle 2004). In a collaborative effort between NGOs, interest groups and concerned individuals, over 50,000 people took to the streets of Seattle to protest the proliferation of globalisation. An internet based appeal was a central attributing factor in the recruitment and organisation of the protests large number of participants (Bennett 2003). Cyberactivist communities can be seen adopting a range of political forms in an attempt to incite change. For example, the website moveon.org is a public policy advocacy group and an excellent example of Veghs (2003) concept of awareness / advocacy. As a activism platform, it allows individuals to engage politically by signing any number of its hosted petitions, from the sites initial petition opposing the impeachment of Bill Clinton in 1998, to ongoing petitions against reactionary violence to the September 11 attacks (Johnson 2001; Earl 2006). Similar to offline petitions, once it has reached a satisfactory number of signatures, it is distributed to political figures, governing bodies and corporate entities.

The study of cyberactivism and the communities from which it springs is significant because it gives us a greater insight into the internets capacity to reaffirm an individuals perception of political power and, consequently, their ability to incite genuine societal change (Postmes and Brunsting 2002). Yet within this growing array of activist communities, one group, despite growing media attention, has thus far escaped a comprehensive academic analysis. I refer to the decentralised virtual community, Anonymous. For this reason, Anonymous is the key focus of this thesis.

1.1 Research Problem As a virtual community, Anonymous exists without traditional form or function, adhering only to a fundamental concept of anonymity in online interactions. Structurally, they are

decentralised in that they converge on no singular website, with community interactions spread across a myriad of digital platforms. Within this seemingly structureless existence however, participants of Anonymous are still able to build a sense of belonging and connectivity, a definitive element of a successful online community (Iriberri and Leroy 2009). This ability is facilitated by the communitys adoption of the Anonymous persona, a faceless, hive mind concept which draws upon the notion of complete anonymity in communication. Individuals seeking to take part within an affiliated community are encouraged to communicate under the pseudonym Anonymous. As a collective, the adoption of this mass persona serves to convey an outwards perception of Anonymous as an omnipresent internet entity. Lacking leadership, individuality, or identifiable markers, Anonymous thrives off the concept that anyone and everyone could exist within their ranks. They have no pre-determined philosophy, political preference or overarching ideology. Yet regardless of this, Anonymous can still be seen as behaving as a political actor. As a collective they have orchestrated a number of political and social operations, from the 2008 global protest of the Church of Scientology, to the 2010 support of Wikileaks founder Julian Assange (Underwood 2009; Coleman 2011). Given Anonymouss unique structural composition, and lack of hierarchy or leadership, it is impressive that they are able to behave as a relatively coherent political actor. Therefore, this thesis asks how does Anonymous engage politically and how has their approach to political action evolved throughout their development?

In determining how Anonymous engages politically, this thesis seeks to verify what political form, if any, the collective embodies. In establishing this, the thesis will allow for commentary on the capacity and form of the communitys political participation. Anonymous, as an online interest group, directly engages opponents through the employment of online activist techniques, also known as cyberactivism. Yet in

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understanding how this contributes to their ability to function as an interest group and incite political change, we must determine what corresponding political form Anonymous employs. In addition to drawing upon relevant literature, this thesis seeks to construct the first academic investigation of the development of the decentralised virtual community, Anonymous. The critical deconstruction of Anonymouss evolution allows for in-depth analysis on the correlation between its form and political functionality. That is, by chronologically assessing Anonymouss political engagement, we better position ourselves to determine what characteristics facilitate or influence its political engagement and how this has changed over time. Therefore, an analysis of Anonymous is significant in that it contributes to a wider scholarly understanding of online activism and the capacity of eactivist techniques to stimulate genuine political change.

1.2 Limitations Within the field of e-activism, there exists the potential for multiple avenues of research. Indeed, each of these possibilities represents a significant factor to our understanding of Anonymous. The ability to address all of these however, is beyond the capacity of this thesis. Thus this thesis must place a number of limitations on both its approach and content. Analysis of Anonymous as a political actor will be confined to three relevant fields: virtual community, social movements, and decentralised network structures. As the political discipline has yet to establish a definitive base for an analysis of anonymity themed activist community, this thesis will draw upon these three forms as they represent the most relevant fields in relation to our general understanding of Anonymous (Underwood 2009; Coleman 2011; Halupka and Star 2011). As highlighted, Anonymous is best understood as a decentralised virtual community. They are a virtual community in that their shared identity facilitates feelings of solidarity. Furthermore, the community as a whole can be seen reacting and changing to the needs of its users (Bair 2008; Brown 2010; Acohido 2011).

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Anonymous is decentralised in that it converges on no single website. Anonymous is comprised of several isolated communities, each with their own rules and governing structure. These communities however, still identity with the Anonymous brand and adopt its communal pseudonym. For this reason, this thesis will draw upon the literature of both virtual communities and decentralised networks. Within this, the study of leaderless resistances broadens our understanding of decentralisation and its use as a political form (Beam 1992). Social movement literature represents the third field of this thesis.

Established literature on e-activism has highlighted social movements as one of the predominant political forms utilised on the internet (Erickson 1997; Earl 2006; Underwood 2009; Peters 2011). Some scholars (Pickerill 2003; Vegh 2003) have observed established real life social movements transferring their activities to a virtual setting and vice versa. Therefore, considering the nature of Anonymous, social movements are a logical starting point.

Secondly, in the formulation of Anonymouss developmental timeline, this thesis sets its outer limits at March, 2011. It is beyond the capacity of this research to continue integrating new operations and developments as they arise beyond this point. Indeed, at the time of analysis, this thesis drew upon the now defunct AnonOps.net as primary reference of activist involvement. Furthermore, this thesiss conceptualisation of Anonymouss evolution has drawn predominantly from primary observation and data collection, completed at the end of March 2011. Any new data which may have arisen after March 2011, unless directly relevant, has not been factored in. Thus, any developments and or operations following the antecedent date will not be included or analysed.

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1.3 Method This thesiss understanding of Anonymous has been constructed through a combination of primary research and direct observation. As highlighted, no substantial academic work on Anonymous has been established within the field of political science. While some authors such Patrick Underwood (2009) and Gabriella Coleman (2011) have made significant contributions to our general understanding of the collective, they are limited in both their scope and approach. By collecting data from primary sources, this thesis sought to construct a fuller understanding of Anonymous, rather than one gleamed from media misinterpretation or community hyperbole. The internet was a central tool in the data collection and primary observations of this thesis. Over a three month period (JanuaryMarch 2011) the interactions of the Anonymous community were observed, recorded and archived. Key among the websites observed daily were: 4chan, 7chan, 711chan WhyWeProstest, AnonOps, Wikipedia, MemeBase, Partyvan, EncyclopaediaDramatica, Oh Internet, LurkMore, Know Your Meme, and AnonNews. In observing these communities screenshots, discussion threads, key posts, and significant events were saved, catalogued, and archived for analysis. Direct observation of the community itself was also instrumental in determining the unique characteristics which comprise Anonymous. The identification of such characteristics was significant it that it allowed this thesis to construct is evolutionary timeline by determining variation in communal constants over time.

A primary research methodology is advantageous in that it allows us to control the size of the analysis itself (Glass 1976). As highlighted within the limitations section, Anonymous is a difficult phenomenon for analysis as it is comprised of no singular body, but rather several loose knit communities adhering to a shared identity. For this reason, Anonymous contains an uncountable number of variations in philosophy, identity, structure and communication. Primary research has allowed the thesis to focus its data collection on specific targets,

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particularly the larger Anonymous communities. In addition to this, the employment of a primary research method allows for control over how the data is collected (Gillen, Vaughan et al. 2004). As Anonymous exists primarily on the internet, direct observation of community interactions constituted the most effective method of data collection.

The construction of Anonymouss evolutionary timeline drew heavily from secondary research, specifically the analysis of online material directly relating to the collective and their operations. No single, comprehensive repository of Anonymouss history exists. Information is spread across multiple websites, each one providing a particular interpretation of the material. Thus, in the construction of Anonymouss developmental periods, this thesis found common elements and depictions of the community within these various historical accounts. This secondary research was constructed from a selection of: internet relay chat (IRC) logs, wiki articles, community publications and communications, media reports, and archived text from various web-based collaborative real-time editors. Access to this data was acquired by the researcher immersing himself in the communities of Anonymous. Advance knowledge of the collective allowed the researcher to effectively interact within the various communities and gain access to these data sources. As with the storage of the thesiss primary research, relevant information was saved and transferred into portable document format (PDF) files. In this way the data was readily accessible for subsequent analysis. This broad approach to the research ensures that this thesiss conceptualisation represents an accurate portrayal of Anonymouss development, one which takes into consideration the perspectives of multiple proponents.

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1.4 Structure of the Thesis Chapter 2 will review three fields of literature significant to our understanding of Anonymous. These are: virtual community, social movements, and decentralised networks. Following this, Chapter 3 will circumscribe Anonymouss developmental stages. As it stands, no significant academic work documenting the collectives progression exists. Thus, a chronological interpretation of their political development must be constructed so that it is able to be drawn upon in both the analysis in this thesis and subsequent examinations of Anonymous.

In Chapter 4 we turn our attention to the analysis of Anonymouss political engagement and how this has developed in correlation with their community evolution. Within this chapter, the thesis will answer its guiding question, drawing upon the established literature and the defined community stages. Finally, Chapter 5 will act as the thesiss conclusion, discussing the ramifications of this thesiss findings. In addition to this the thesis will endeavour to outline several possibilities for further research into Anonymous and the broader field of online activism, investigating how the findings of this thesis are applicable to wider academic debates. Through this process, this thesis will contribute significantly to our understanding of online activism and provide an invaluable scholarly base for future research into Anonymous.

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Chapter 2
Literature Review

Representing the concerns of both the public and business, interest groups seek to express or exert influence in society. Though some authors (Epstein and Rowland 1995) have highlighted group sponsorship of litigation as a significant tool in the repertoire of interest groups, activism is commonly understood as a primary method for political participation (Clark 2000; Pickerill 2001; Couch 2010). Anonymouss ability to engage politically stems from their manipulation of the context which they inhabit. Through existing primarily on the internet, Anonymouss principal method for inciting collative action is the internet itself. Anonymous as an interest group pursues collective goals through the utilisation of internet based tactics, or cyberactivism. This research positions Anonymouss primary means for political engagement as e-activism (Illia 2002; Ayers 2003; Peters 2011; Underwood and Welser 2011).

This chapter will review literature of what it considers three essential fields in understanding Anonymouss method to political engagement. Firstly, the field of virtual communities will contribute to our understanding of the way in which Anonymous approaches political participation. Within this, Iriberri and Leroys (2009) life-cycle framework allows for commentary on the relationship between Anonymouss structure and their member base. Secondly, this thesis will engage the literature on decentralised cell networks. This literature is significant in our comprehension of Anonymouss community structure and the manner in which they coordinate political actions. The decentralisation

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section will also include literature on leaderless resistances and phantom cells in an attempt to connect Anonymouss decentralised form to their ability to engage politically. Lastly, social movement literature will be reviewed as it represents an effective starting point in a deconstruction of Anonymouss political form. A review of social movement literature is essential given the prominence of the political form on the internet (Myers 1994; Wall 2007; Underwood 2009). The literature of these three fields, when analysed in conjunction with Anonymouss developmental stages in Chapter 3, will allow for commentary on the collectives capacity to engage politically and how their ability to do so has evolved since their inception.

2.1 The Virtual Community The ambiguity associated with the sociological and political application of the term community is a constant source of debate within academic circles. A functional definition is required though in order to deconstruct the concept of a virtual community. Erickson (1997), drawing upon Hillery (1955), Cohen (1985), Selzick (1992), Fowler (1995) and Smith (1992), utilises a definition highlighting several recurring characteristics within the literature. Community, according to Erickson (1997), is comprised of: membership, relationships, commitment and generalised reciprocity, shared values and practices, collective goods and duration. This definition is echoed by Bellini and Vargas (2003) who utilise Homans (1993) definition of a human group, understood as people sufficiently few so that each one can directly communicate to every other person in the group (2003, p. 4).

A virtual community then can be understood as the application Ericksons (1997) definition of community to an online environment. A group of individuals who display a combination of the antecedent community characteristics localised on the internet; a community which is online. Such as simplistic approach in defining a virtual community however, directly

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ignores several significant factors. Rheingold in his text The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier (1993) provides one of the most widely cited definitions of a virtual community. It states that virtual communities are social aggregations that emerge from the Net when enough people carry on those public discussions long enough, with sufficient human feeling, to form webs of personal relationships in cyberspace (Rheingold 1993, p. 6). Jones (1997), arguing from a sociological perspective, suggests that Rheingolds (1993) emotive definition of virtual community raises a myriad of problems in that it suggests that virtual communities are in fact new forms of community. Jones (1997) sees this as a problem as Rheingolds (1993) definition is not consistent with the established academic understanding of what constitutes a community. This perspective derives from Weinreichs (1997) argument that community is defined as a collective of kinship networks which share a common geographic territory, a common history, and a shared value system. Weinreich (1997) argues therefore that communities are characterised by face-to-face communication and that online interaction does not meet this understanding of community. Indeed, Rheingolds (1993) definition suggests that virtual communities exist as an extension of its real world counterpart, with characteristics of one being transferable to the other. Both Rheingold (1993) and Weinreichs (1997) attempt to comprehend virtual communities is flawed as they approach the concept from a purely sociological understanding of its real world counterpart. This limits their ability to construct a logical definition in that they fail to incorporate the social elements unique to online interactions. Therefore, in arriving at a succinct understanding of the concept, this thesis turns to literature which extends established definitions and subsequently draws out common characteristics.

Iriberri and Leroy (2009) in their own analysis of virtual community, emphasise significant elements utilised in several studies, specifically, member generated content (Hagel and

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Graham 1997) and feelings of belonging (Blanchard 2004). While recognising Rheingolds (1993) preliminary work, they adopt the definition of Lee et al. (2003) as it represents an integration of nine of the most popular existing definitions of virtual community. It states that online communities are cyberspace[s] supported by computer-based information technology, centred upon communication and interaction of participants to generate member driven content, resulting in a relationship being built (Lee, Vogel et al. 2003, p. 51; Iriberri and Leroy 2009). Dianis (1999) definition of online community, while incorporating aspects of popular conceptualisation, differs in that it mentions a virtual communitys sense of collective identity. While this is implied in Blanchards (2004) notion of feeling of belonging, Dianis (1999) identification of the collective identity is significant in the application of contemporary definitions to Anonymouss ability to function as a coherent political actor. Given its decentralised form, Anonymous relies upon said shared identity to convey a sense of solidarity. Diani (1999), as with several other scholars (Myers 1994; Bellini and Vargas 2003; Rolfe 2005; Perrotta 2006), highlights the significance of computer-mediated communications (CMC) in a virtual communitys ability to establish a sense of belonging, and thus, a collective identity. They argue that CMC strengthens solidarity by increasing the rate of communicative exchange between geographical isolated members (Diani 1999). Thus, an analysis of computer-mediated communications was a key part of the primary research methodology for this thesiss subsequent exploration of Anonymouss developmental stages.

Computer-mediated communication sits firmly within the pre-requisites of online community functionality. Romiszowski and Mason (1996) define CMC as communication between author and audience through the utilisation of text applications. They cite email, bulletin boards and computer conferencing environments as potential examples. However, CMC is not limited to text based communication. Utilisation of image and multimedia in

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CMC is a commonality in communities utilising technology within the definitions of OReillys (2005) Web 2.0. Web 2.0 is the development of internet applications resulting in increased ease of access, usability and user co-development of content1. Bellini and Vargas (2003, p. 4) suggest that CMC does not imply norms or social patterns as it is a prerequisite for internet mediate communities and thus catalyses their existence. In this way, CMC should be considered a tool utilised by virtual communities, rather than one which produces them. Diani (1999) echoes this concept, highlighting the significance of CMC in the ability of social movement organisations (SMO) to coordinate operations and demonstrations online. He suggests that CMC strengthens bonds between geographically isolated members, allowing for polyadic, rather than dyadic, communication dynamics. Though an understanding of CMC is significant, it is meaningless without a broader scope to contextualise its capacity to facilitate collective action. Iriberri and Leroys (2009) lifecycle framework is effective in this regard in that maps the developmental process of a virtual community. In understanding how a virtual community develops, we better position ourselves to understand what comprises an online community. In this thesiss analysis of Anonymous, this contributes to the comprehension of the relationship between community structure and political engagement. Thus, we now turn to the lifecycle of a virtual community.

Iriberri and Leroys compiled framework (2009) provides a useful approach in mapping the developmental stages of online communities. Their text synthesis several established academic frameworks represents a consensus in current virtual community debates. Iriberri and Leroy (2009) suggest that a communitys evolution is synonymous with the needs of its members. As these needs change, so too does the structure of the community. This observation contributes extensively to this thesiss subsequent analysis of Anonymouss
1

For example: blogging, podcasting, and social networking.

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political form in Chapter 4 in that it highlights a correlation between structure and participant base. Iriberri and Leroy present a life-cycle framework comprised of 5 stages: Inception, Creation, Growth, Maturity and Death. These stages match those of the information systems life-cycle (ISLC), a concept utilised in information systems development. Ahituv and Neumann (1989) emphasise that ISLC must follow a strict transition between stages, with no stages being skipped in the process. As such, this logical progression forms the basis for Iriberri and Leroys (2010) concept of synonymous community evolution.

Each life-cycle stage contains several defining characteristics which serve as developmental markers. Meeting all of these markers is essential for community evolution. Various success factors, such as focus on user needs or reliable interface, also contribute to the continued development of the community (Iriberri and Leroy 2009, pp. 19-23). Meeting these factors ensures the continued sustainability of the community as a whole and subsequent progression into the next stage. In this thesiss analysis of Anonymouss political behaviour, Iriberri and Leroys (2009) life-cycle framework as it provides a unique insight into the collectives own developmental process. Indeed, when placed parallel to Anonymouss own developmental process, we better position ourselves to understand the relationship between the needs of the community and its changing structure.

2.2 Social Movements A detailed understanding of virtual community theory helps contextualise the characteristics which facilitate Anonymouss ability to engage politically through cyberactivism. As this thesis will argue in Chapter 4, Anonymouss capacity to motivate collective action is closely linked to their community structure. Yet Anonymous as a collective actor mirrors several attributes associated with social movements. Indeed, some scholars (Underwood

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2009) have likened their form and functionality to contemporary examples of social movements. Thus, this thesis will now outline the academic literature pertaining to social movement theory and, in doing so, provide a scholarly basis for the analysis of political action undertaken by the Anonymous community.

McAdam et al., (1997) highlight the different empirical roots observed in American and Western European scholars during the early part of the 1960s in relation to the study of social movements. American scholars centred their analysis on several versions of the political opportunity structure, a concept which considers the success or failure of a movement a determinant of political opportunities (Kitschelt 1986). A select few (Tilly, Tilly et al. 1975; Tarrow 1989) observed the tendency of collective action to gravitate towards, and or around, a political struggle (McAdam, Tarrow et al. 1997). Western European scholars, in contrast, developed post-Marxism structuralism. Theories deriving from post-Marxism though tended to categorise social movements as an aspect of the working class, marginalising protests which did not adhere to this concept; a significant factor in the development of post-materialist issues such as feminism and pacifism (Waters 1998). However, as observed with Tilly et al. (1975) and Tarrow (1989), some scholars offer differentiated perspectives. Tournanies (1971) post-Marxist work inferred a new class basis for social movements while others (Habermas 1981; Offe 1985) tried to reframe structuralism around the study of objective life-chance coalitions (McAdam, Tarrow et al. 1997, p. 3). This varied post-Marxist movement ideology gave birth to the New Social Movement (NSM) paradigm, a variety of macro structuralism minus the obsessive fixation with class which impaired traditional Marxist approaches (McAdam, Tarrow et al. 1997).

Pichardo (1997, p. 412) observes two central claims of NSMs, that ...NSMs are a product of the shift to a post-industrial economy... and ...NSMs are unique and, as such, different

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from social movements of the industrial age. Industrial era movements, specifically those which were working class orientated, focused on economic redistribution. NSMs however, strove to highlight the materialistic goals of a wealth obsessed society by placing ...emphasise [on] quality of life, and life style concerns (Pichardo 1997, p. 414). Sarah Waters (1998) argues that the term NSM has been utilised too eagerly within sociology and that many contemporary movements do not embrace the post-materialist issues that comprise NSMs. Contemporary movements, Waters (1998, p. 171) writes, do not act as tools in furthering new issues in the political system, nor do they explicitly seek political access as a means of furthering their aims. Rather, contemporary movements campaign against public policy which seeks to undermine the rights of their movement and in this way they favour a position of autonomy in relation to institutionalised politics (Waters 1998, p. 183).

Social movements often escape a definitive understanding. Crossley (2002) struggles with this in his analysis of leading social movement literature, highlighting the pitfalls in the application of leading definitions (Blumer 1969; Eyerman and Jamison 1991; Tarrow 1998; Porta and Diani 1999). Crossley (2002) suggests that social movements share family resemblance rather than fixed characteristics. Mario Diani (1992) echoes this sentiment, suggesting that the language utilised in academic research often results in terminological ambiguity. Diani (1992) argues that the term social movement could be replaced with terms such as collective action and social conflict (Diani 1992). To this end, Diani (1992) draws upon definitions from leading figures in the field to compile a systematic comparison of characteristics. This ultimately leads him to identify three basic components of social movements: networks of relations between a plurality of actors, collective identity, and involvement in conflict. To provide context for Dianis (1992) characteristics we must outline the literature which comprised their conceptualisation.

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Turner and Killians (1987) definition of a social movement places an emphasis on collective behaviour and its role in defying or promoting change within society. As a collectivity, social movements embody a fluid membership whose leadership is determined more by informal response of adherents than by formal procedures for legitimising authority thus making them different from top-down hierarchical structures (Turner and Killian 1987, p. 223). Blumers (1969, p. 99) definition utilises similar terminology, suggesting that social movements can be viewed as collective enterprises seeking to establish a new order of life. Blumers (1969) collective enterprise mirrors that of Turner and Killians (1987) collective behaviour, each entailing individuals working together to achieve a like minded goal. Eyerman and Jamison (1991, p. 4) argue that social movements are best understood as temporary public spaces, as moments of collective creation that provide societies with ideas, identities, and even ideals. Similarly, Giugni (1999, p. xv) suggests that societal change is a fundamental goal of social movements and that in this regard, they function as a major vector in the articulation of underrepresented political interests. Crossley (2002, p. 4) argues that Eyerman and Jamison (1991) use of the term temporary is too ambiguous in its application as it raise an unanswerable question of how long we mean by temporary. Further still, Crossley (2002) points to new social movements such as environmentalism as movements which, having lasted for several decades, no longer seem temporary. In this way, Crossey (2002) turns to Tarrows (1998) definition which places emphasis on the relative durability of movements. Tarrow (1998, p. 6) suggests that social movements are the result of ordinary people, often in league with more influential citizens [joining] forces in confrontation with elites, authorities and opponents. Elaborating upon this, Tarrow (1998, pp. 8-9) identifies sustained interaction with opponents as a key characteristic so as to differentiate between social movements and singular protests events. However, Tarrows (1998) definition does not escape Dianis

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(1992) problem of terminological ambiguity. Indeed, the identification of elites, authorities and opponents ignores more abstract targets for political activism such as patriarchy or globalisation (1998, p. 6). While Tarrows (1998) identification of opponents seemingly incorporates such targets, concepts such as globalisation lack an identifiable face, a definite body or opponent to direct social disapproval. Thus, Tarrows (1998) definition can be seen as too ambiguous for an analysis of Anonymous, a collectivity whose targets are often as abstract as the community itself.

Tillys (1984, p. 306) definition alleviates some of these ambiguities, suggesting that social movements are a sustained series of interactions between power holders and persons successfully claiming to speak on behalf of a constituency lacking formal representation.... Adding to Turner and Killians (1987) outline of collective behaviour and Giugnis (1999) concept of societal change, Tilly (1984, p. 306) concludes that social movements make publicly visible demands for changes in the distribution or exercise of power, and back those demands with public demonstrations. This thesis considers Dianis (1992) synthesis of social movement dynamics as an effective means of understanding social movements in that it highlights approachable family resemblances. These are identified as: networks of informal interaction, shared beliefs and solidarity, and collective action around conflictual issues. Contextually, Dianis (1992) definition provides a useful identification for general characteristics of social movements as it not only synthesise leading literature, but also identifies the ambiguities which have restricted its predecessors. Therefore, this thesis will draw upon Dianis (1992) identified characteristics in its analysis of Anonymous as a social movement. In doing so, the thesis provides greater scope in relation to the development of the academic understanding of social movements and, in turn, this thesiss identification of Anonymouss political form.

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2.3 Decentralised Network Structures Chris Dishmans (2005) deconstruction of terrorist and criminal convergence through decentralised networks is significant to this thesiss analysis of Anonymouss structural composition as a political actor. Dishman (2005) suggests that a decentralised configuration often derives from a sense of authoritative disengagement. Members restricted by traditional hierarchical structures, those not in a position of power, seek alternative forms of governance in order to reaffirm their contribution to the interest groups goal. This desire for such structural autonomy can result in a leaderless nexus (Dishman 2005). In conceptualising the leaderless nexus, Dishman (2005) contrasts three different organisational forms and the role of the leader in each. These structures are highlighted as: hierarchical, decentralised cell structure and leaderless resistance. Anonymous, as a political actor, eschews the creation of hierarchical networks (Vichot 2009; Coleman 2011). Thus this thesis concerns itself primarily with decentralised cell structure and leaderless resistances as they both coincide with Anonymouss anti-authoritarian views.

Dishman (2005), in his conceptualisation of the decentralised cell structure draws upon a broader classification of networks. This is primarily underpinned by Arquilla and Ronfeldts (2001) identification of three basic types of networks. These are: chain network, star or hub network, and an all-channel network. Each of these networks is defined through the structural composition of its nodes. A node, in this instance, refers to a participating individual or cell which shares similar interests and ideals. Arquilla and Ronfeldt (2001, p. 8) elaborate upon this, suggesting that a node may be large or small, tightly or loosely coupled, and inclusive or exclusive in membership. They may be segmentary or specialized - that is, they may look alike and engage in similar activities, or they may undertake a division of labor [sic] based on specialization. Such an understanding of nodes is significant in the application of network theory to Anonymouss wider community because

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in identifying the characteristics of a node, and their relative position in networks, this thesis allows for analysis of Anonymouss structural composition in relation to its ability to engage politically.

The structural composition of a decentralised cell sees several isolated nodes working in conjunction to achieve a broader agenda. Each cell is functionally independent from the others, working towards a separate goal which ultimately contributes to the organisations broader objective. Unlike a leaderless resistance, which rebels against any form of connectivity, the efficiency of a decentralised cell structure relies on the different nodes remaining in constant communication. This ensures that each node is effectively working towards the groups common goal. Such a structure can be seen as effective means of combating rogue cells that may either misinterpret or manipulate the organisations mandate. Dishman (2005) argues that though communication is paramount to efficiency, it is often kept at a minimum to ensure that each cell remains functionally independent. Kevin Leahy (2005) suggests that this structural independence serves as one of the decentralised cells primary strengths as it facilitates solidarity. This independence creates an intimate environment, making insurgency and infiltration difficult. David Tucker (2001, p. 2) also argues that this gives networks their flexibility, adaptiveness and resilience.

Tucker (2001) comments, much like Dishman (2005), on the role of the leader in such an environment. The decentralised cell structure is differentiated from a hierarchical structure in that it can function with multiple leaders. Dishman (2005) identifies this form as a panarchy. In this he draws upon Arquilla and Ronfeldts (2001) definition of an all-channel network. That is, ...a collaborative network... where everybody is connected to everybody else (Arquilla and Ronfeldt 2001, p. 8). Dishman (2005, p. 242) suggests that this form of network ...may look acephalous (headless) at times, and polycephalous (Hydra-

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headed) at other times. Drawing up this, Dishman (2005) suggests that there is a direct correlation between the position and role of the leader and the organisation / group / movements corresponding form. In this way he differentiates between hierarchical (topdown), decentralised (one leader per cell) and leaderless (no leader).

Within a decentralised cell structure, the leader is usually the person with the most experience in the cell (Dishman 2005, p. 242). Other members naturally defer to an identifiable veteran, an individual who demonstrates a high level of understanding in relation to the cells governing purpose, enacting an unwavering commitment to its fulfilment. Dishmans (2005) suggestion of a polycephalous leadership structure, however, derives from the networks characteristic of multiple cells. Each node contains its own leader, ensuring that their cell stringently adheres to the organisations overarching ideology. As a decentralised cell structure is comprised of multiple nodes, the organisation itself can be seen as having multiple leaders simultaneously. Moreover, communication between cells is typically initiated by the veteran participant (read: leader) so that the groups ideals, philosophy and fundamental purpose is not diluted and manipulated by less committed individuals. David Tucker (2001) argues that polycephalous organisations benefit from multiple points of leadership in that the organisation does not come to rely on any one governing group or individual. He suggests that through adopting a network structure, the organisation becomes more resilient because if one or even several of its constituent entities are destroyed, the others carry on (Tucker 2001, p. 1). Arquilla and Ronfeldts (2001) all-channel network, as the inspiration for Dishmans (2005) decentralised cell, shares many structural similarities in this regard. They argue that the organisational design of the all-channel network is flat as opposed to pyramidal design of the traditional hierarchical structure. The flat structure ensures that no precise heart or head that can be targeted (Arquilla and Ronfeldt 2001, p. 19). As such, while a hierarchy

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may exists within the individual cells, as denoted by the presence of a veteran leader, the organisation as a whole, in subscribing to the all-channel structure, is devoid of a chain of command. This, in turn, benefits the organisation by ensuring that its member base is resilient to infiltration, and that its structural composition does not rely solely on a singular governing body or individual.

While the decentralised cell structure often employs a polycephalous leadership design, the leaderless resistance personifies its name in functioning free from any semblance of a hierarchical command.2 The concept of a leaderless resistance was popularised by the rightwing extremist Louis Beam. Beam (1992) argued that a leaderless resistance, or phantom cell, be understood as a system of organisation completely free from a central command or direction. Structurally, this system is comprised of isolated cells, individuals or small groups separate from a formal body. Beam (1992) suggested that within a leaderless resistance, all individuals and groups work towards a common goal or ideology, yet do so without communicating with one another. Nodes within a leaderless resistance are completely isolated, devoid of both inter-cell communication and veteran leadership, hallmarks of the decentralised structure. Operations orchestrated by these cells are completely localised, free from any dictation by a governing body. Dishman (2005) argues that there is very little, if any communication between operatives and their cells. This, he suggests, is due to the fact that there is no leaders within these cells, only perpetrators of a common goal (Dishman 2005). To this effect Dishman writes each operative is self sufficient; they will choose the sire [sic] of an attack and plan the attack on their own (2005, p. 243).

Within a leaderless resistance structure, the term cell can denote the presence of either a single individual or a small, focused group.

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While a decentralised cell may employ a hierarchical structure within the node itself, the leaderless resistance differs in this regard as it is absent of all forms of leadership. Similarly, targets initiated through a decentralised cell structure may coincide with targets chosen by other cells, a by-product of the structures reliance on inter-cell communication. Nodes comprising a leaderless resistance however, choose their targets and initiate their attacks as governed by personal preference. Jeffrey Kaplans (1997) characterisation of leaderless resistances perpetrators as lone wolves is effective in this regard, as it paints a mental picture of cells structural composition. Most nodes within a leaderless resistance adhere to this lone wolf persona, a single operative handling all aspects of an operation. Yet cells comprising multiple members, though comprised of the same node, often seek to work independently from each other. Communication in these instances is only initiated when it is necessary, rather than on a regular basis as demonstrated in the decentralised cell.

The decentralised cell structure draws heavily from both its isolated structure and its ability to maintain a common ideology through continuous communication. Leaderless resistances however, differ in this regard as they are completely self contained. Individual ideology may initially derive from the pertaining organisations proposed mandate. In the absence of reaffirming communication however, there exists the possibility for deviation and misinterpretation. That is, cells which communicate regularly are able to maintain a collective concept pertaining to the organisations broader plan. Cells forsaking communication lack this reiterating process. As such, cells within an organisation adopting a leaderless resistance structure, while seemingly working towards a common goal, may widely differ in both methodology and philosophy.

Paul Joosse (2007) argues, much like Kevin Leahy (2005), that this adoption of an isolated approach serves as one of the structures most significant attributes. He suggests that as a

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leaderless resistance is completely absent of the top-down authority structure, cells are free from both structural and ideological restraint which may have otherwise hampered their ability to carry out their philosophical interpretation. In this manner, the decentralised cell and leaderless resistances structures share similarities in strengths. However, the structural strengths of the decentralised cells intimate environment are more prominent within leaderless resistances. This derives from the lack of communication between operatives and individualistic nature of the structure itself. Indeed, there exists very little room for organisation infiltration when the participating node is comprised of a single individual. Such an understanding is significant in this thesiss analysis of Anonymous as it allows for commentary on the communitys decentralised structure and the manner in which it facilitates their political engagement.

2.4 Reflections on the Literature Chapter 2 began with an overview of literature pertaining to virtual communities. In approaching the contested notion of community, this thesis highlighted Ericksons (1997) compiled characteristics as an effective base. Drawing upon a number of different authors, this chapter outlined the current consensus on virtual communities. Within this, computer mediated communication or CMC, was a definitive aspect of all online communities. This section then turned its attention to an analysis of Iriberri and Leroys (2009) life cycle framework as it presented this thesis with an opportunity to comment on Anonymouss developmental process. The second section sought to circumscribe social movement literature. As with the virtual community section, the thesis began with an overview of leading social movement definitions. This identified Dianis (1992) suggested family characteristics as the primary source for Chapter 4s analysis of Anonymous as a social movement. Chapter 2s final section addressed the concept of decentralised network structures. Rather than beginning with a broad overview of the topic, this thesis identified

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both Dishmans (2005) conceptualisation of the leaderless nexus and Arquilla and Ronfeldts (2001) all-channel network as the central components of its research as they mirrored Anonymouss own structure. The concepts of both a decentralised cell network and leaderless resistance were analysed and highlighted as significant elements in our understanding of Anonymouss ability to engage politically.

In laying the groundwork for Chapter 4s analysis of Anonymouss political engagement, this chapter has reviewed the significant literature of three relating areas: virtual community, social movements, and decentralised networks. If we are to apply these understandings effectively to Anonymouss political behaviour, such information is meaningless without the broader context of their developmental process. In order to analyse how Anonymous functions as a political actor, we must first understand how it progressed into a fully fledged community. Thus, this thesis now turns its attention the evolution of Anonymous and its four distinct developmental stages.

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Chapter 3
The Evolution of Anonymous

Prior to this thesis, academic literature on Anonymous has focused primarily on their involvement in the 2008 Scientology protests.3 While some scholars have begun to tease out the rudimentary boundaries of Anonymous's political involvement (Coleman 2011), no substantial research pertaining to their developmental process currently exists. Therefore, the following chapter will focus on conceptualising an effective evolutionary timeline in a bid to articulate Anonymouss political formation and actions in light of the literature highlighted in the previous chapter.

As this thesis will demonstrate, Anonymous's developmental process can be divided into four distinct stages: Inception (2003-2005), Progressive Social Community (2006-2008), Social Movement (2008-2009) and Decentralised Cell Network (2010-2011). The formulation of these stages draws upon the identification of unique period characteristics. These include attributes relating to: structure, tactics, activities, operations, and governing philosophies. In circumscribing Anonymous's evolution, this thesis provides the necessary foundation for a detailed analysis of Anonymous as a political actor in Chapter 4.

3.1 Inception As outlined in the previous chapter, Iriberri and Leroys (2009) life-cycle framework is effectual in highlighting the stages of a virtual community. These are understood as:
3

Colloquially referred to as Project Chanology.

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Inception, Creation, Growth, Maturity, and Death. The first stage of Anonymouss development, Inception, derives its name from this framework. Anonymous was simultaneously created during late 2003 with the birth of the image board 4chan. 4chan exists as an online space for the purpose of facilitating CMC (Computer-Mediated Communication). In adhering to Lee et al.s (2003) definition outlined in the previous chapter, this qualifies 4chan as a virtual community. 4chan is a cyberspace supported by computer based information technology, centred upon communication and interaction of participants to generate member driven content, resulting in a relationship being built (Lee, Vogel et al. 2003, p. 51). Anonymous during this period was confined to the 4chan website, developed as a by-product of the communitys interactions. In this way, the concept of Anonymous was inseparable from 4chan, not yet existing outside of this virtual community.

Anonymous, as a virtual entity, first came to fruition following the creation of the Englishlanguage image board website 4chan4. The website contains a number of different boards, each accommodating a different interest (e.g. Anime & Manga, Food, and, Comics & Cartoons). The site itself requires no registration for participation, relying rather on a free posting philosophy. Individuals looking to participate are presented with the opportunity to create a unique pseudonym by filling out the provided nickname box. In failing to fill this out, the site automatically assigns the individual the default name Anonymous. The theory behind this feature was that through anonymity, posts were to be judged on the merit of their content rather than on the prominence of their author (Landers 2008). As the website grew, members generally abdicated the option to adopt an individual persona, relying rather on the collective default Anonymous. By abdicating their ability to adopt an individual, identifiable pseudonym, members of 4chan effectively produced a shared

4chan was inspired by the Japanese image hosting website Futaba 2chan.

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persona. Communicating under this mass pseudonym had the added incentive of allowing community participants to escape potential social ridicule. Wesch (2011, p. 5) notes the significance of this in relation to 4chans /b/ board, suggesting that ...while a poster on /b/ may feel a sting of shame when their post is ridiculed, they can quickly move on since it does not affect their long term standing in the community.5 Members identified 4chan as an environment which promoted uncensored communication, less stringent in its rules and moderation than other virtual communities. Helped by this, the community slowly developed a unique lexicon through the creation and propagation of various memes.6 Adding to and deriving from the communitys distinct language, these memes comprised the Anonymouss unique culture, a memetic cultural base. The identification of this memetic cultural base is significant in understanding how Anonymous determines insider status in subsequent developmental periods.

During the Inception stage, members of Anonymous were not seen as a working coherent team, but rather as individuals who participated and contributed to an anonymous themed, image hosting website. This is not to suggest, however, that Anonymous developed within a vacuum, or that 4chan was their only home. As Anonymous progressed, its influence seeped into like-minded communities, the most significant example being eBaum's World (Underwood 2009).7 This transition, however, was not surprising, as communities that embraced the Anonymous ethos already propagated 4chans brand of humour. That is, the concept of Anonymous became popular in websites which supported an environment of
/B/, also known as the random board, has in the past served as the unofficial home of Anonymous (Underwood 2009).While anonymity in posting is a site wide feature on 4chan, the non-specific nature of the /b/ boards content allows for an uncensored flow of ideas and images, an R-rated pop-culture crucible. 6 The term meme derives from Richard Dawkin's text The Selfish Gene (1976). It is used to describe an idea or cultural phenomenon that spreads (Wesch, 2011, pp. 17- 18). 7 While elements pertaining to Anonymous regularly surfaced within eBaums world, participants subscribing to 4chan often used the site as a scape goat. In orchestrating attacks (colloquially know as raids) on specific websites, members would leave a message outlining that they were Anonymous members from eBaums world. This served two purposes. Primarily, it was seen as a form of entertainment, manipulating the websites retribution towards an unaffiliated community. However, it also served to shift focus from the communities which the participants actually frequented.
5

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relatively uncensored communication resulting in explicit imagery and black humour. Anonymous, in this sense, can best be understood as a region specific joke, a marker to likeminded individuals that you shared similar tastes in internet sites. During the Inception period, Anonymous predominantly influenced only those involved within the culture they created. While many recurring internet memes derived from this stage, such as TCC-tan and LOLcats, their initial effect on the broader internet community during this period was minimal, only becoming synonymous with internet culture in subsequent periods.8

While no official raids or operations derived from the Inception period, numerous internet memes were developed, many of them within /b/ itself. A significant number of these memes can be seen as precursors to subsequent Purist activity, a fundamentalist branch that deviated from the central body of Anonymous during 2008.9 Many of the memes originating during this period were not as successful as those propagated during the Progressive Social Community stage (discussion of this begins on p. 37). Their significance to the development of Anonymous however, should not be underestimated. Indeed, they can be seen as comprising the foundation of the collectives ambiguous membership. It is from this basis that Underwood (2009) constructs his identification of cultural capital. Underwood (2009) suggests that Anonymous communities come to rely on their memetic base as it serves as a functional indication of insider status. Through possessing higher levels of cultural capital, members are able to effectively communicate with the wider Anonymous community. An individual who has not yet grasped the full extent of the

TCC-tan (The Crackhead Clubhouse) originally came from the website Something Awful, however the meme soon made its way to 4chan where it rose to popularity. LOLcats (laugh-out-loud cats) was a meme which saw participants post funny or cute pictures of cats with accompanying witty or humorous text. 9 Comprising the majority during the Progressive Social Meme period, the Purist movement regarded trolling as the fundamental purpose of Anonymous, rebelling against operations which were moralistic in nature. Trolling or griefing, in this context, is the act of purposefully causing anguish to members of an online community with the intended outcome the entertainment of the propagator.

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groups cultural influence is easily recognisable through their ignorance of the communities communicative practices (Halupka and Star 2011).

Memes, during this period, can be seen as attributing factors to the development of a common Anonymous language. This is not to say, however, that Anonymous terminology is a derivative of the memes themselves, but rather that they can be seen as working in conjunction. That is, both meme and language build upon each other, one contributing to the other and vice versa. Yet despite this close relationship, each component develops independently from the other. For example, consider the phrase Lurk Moar, utilised considerably within 4chan-esque websites to infer a continued observation of community interactions. The deviation in the spelling of more derives from the variant language base utilised in lolspeak or chanspeak, understood as the application of incorrect spelling to words which subsequently sound the same as their intended form (Dzurick 2009). Lolspeak, in itself, can be attributed to heavily influencing LOLcat and Caturday memes. The latter, developed on 4chan in 2005, suggests that Saturday was Caturday, and as such, pictures of Cats should be posted. The LOLcat meme derived from this background, with individuals posting pictures of cats with accompanying humorous captions, utilising said variant spelling.10 As the meme developed, the use of Lolspeak became synonymous with the meme itself. Though both began as separate components, their simultaneous employment resulted in perception that they were inseparable. This relationship between meme and language is significant in contextualising Anonymouss cultural base. In subsequent periods, Anonymous drew heavily from its ethos in determining insider status. Given the communitys anonymous nature, knowledge of both the memes and language allowed individuals to effectively interact with the wider collective. In this way

10

http://icanhascheezburger.com/ - One of the largest internet databases of the LOLcat meme.

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Anonymouss cultural base contributed to a communal sense of solidarity despite its anonymity centred characteristics.

Detailed knowledge of this early meme centred culture and accompanying terminology is vital in penetrating the communities that Anonymous inhabits. Entry level communication within Anonymous is possible, however the level of understanding in relation to conversations is directly relevant to the individuals familiarity with the cultural capital. In this sense, the Inception period constitutes a basis in subsequent periods that participants could identify insider status. Modern Purist cells derive a majority of their content (both in and out of operations) from this cumulative knowledge base, utilising it in combating infiltration and undesirable participation. In this sense, a comprehension of Anonymouss Inception period is significant in that contributes to our understanding of the communitys subsequent political engagement.

3.2 Progressive Social Community This thesis will refer the Anonymouss second developmental stage as the Progressive Social Community (PSC) period. The term progressive is applied to highlight Anonymouss fluctuating participant base which encourages a continuous state of change directly proportionate to the majority interest (Halupka and Star 2011). In this sense, the term progressive denotes a state of alteration and development, yet also serves to encapsulate their broad-minded approach to the concept of virtual community. Building upon the persona developed during the Inception period, Anonymous adopted a collective hive-mind identity, likeminded individuals participating in cohesion to accomplish a common goal. In this sense, the term social denotes the communal relations which permitted Anonymous to operate in cohesion towards said common goal. Furthermore, social, in conjunction with term community serves to contextualise Anonymous in the

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broader categorisation of virtual communities. That is, Anonymous during this period should be understood as a virtual community whose primary focus was social interactions.

Anonymous during the Inception period was confined to websites which shared a similar brand of humour. The PSC period however, gave rise to Anonymouss ability to influence communities outside of its primary network of affiliated websites. This derived from two predominant sources: the proliferation of Anonymouss cultural memes into popular internet culture and the orchestration of attacks on vulnerable websites. As with the Inception stage, the PSC period gave rise to a number of popular memes. Deriving from unrestricted virtual environments such as /b/, many of these memes grew in popularity and soon featured in virtual communities far removed from their place of origin, propagated by individuals unaware of their history. The most prolific example of this is the hyperlink centred prank, categorised as a bait and switch. In application, a hyperlink would be posted within a community accompanied with details suggesting that its content related to information of interest, such as a new video game trailer or screenshot. In reality, the link would contain an image or video unrelated to the original posting. While any image or video can be used, the Duckroll (a duck on wheels) and the Rickroll (Rick Astleys music video Never Gonna Give You Up) were by far the most infamous (Dubs 2007). This inoffensive brand of humour was well received within communities which did not subscribe to the explicit content of 4chan and similar websites. As with the Inception period, this proliferation of community inspired memes was a central factor to the development of the Anonymous communitys cultural base. In developing memes, language, and jokes unique to the community, participants of Anonymous effectively established communal markers for solidarity. Though the ethos developed in the Inception was significant to Anonymouss development, the communitys cultural base is comprised predominantly of memes derived

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from this PSC stage. Indeed, the PSC period was one of the most prolific in the development of culturally significant memes.11

Through the creation and spread of cultural memes, Anonymous and its affiliated communities were able to indirectly influence a wider portion of the internet. Yet during this period Anonymous was also able to directly influence specific virtual communities. Indeed, the instigation of coordinated attacks, colloquially referred to as raids, demonstrated the collectives capacity to impede an individuals ability to function within their virtual environment. This approach would come to serve as a key tactical tool in the ensuing periods. These attacks marked a significant developmental milestone for Anonymous as a community, highlighting the functionality of Anonymouss collective identity in relation to orchestrating cohesive participation. As an anonymous mass, the community found that its adoption of a shared identity allowed it to interact free from repercussion. In this way Anonymous took on two differentiated meanings: a philosophical concept and a communal marker.

Throughout the Inception period the term Anonymous had effectively functioned as a communal marker. To affiliate oneself with Anonymous was to announce your association with an esoteric brand of humour, a badge of pride and superiority for many. However, as Anonymous began to function as a coordinated collective via directly influencing unaffiliated communities, philosophical elements began to surface. Conceptually, it promoted an anti-individualistic ideology, one which argued that everyone and no one was a part of Anonymous as one cannot belong to a concept (Landers 2008). A concept, the community would argue, is without form or function, existing purely in the minds of those
Though the PSC period was particularly noteworthy in its contribution to Anonymouss memetic cultural base, the development and propagation of memes can be witnessed throughout all four evolutionary periods.
11

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who understand the significance of its realisation. In positioning Anonymous as a concept, participants philosophised that Anonymous could never be defeated, destroyed or made obsolete as it would continue to live on as an idea. Thus, no one and everyone was a part of Anonymous. In this sense, the collective existed as a decentralised hive-mind, with participants discarding individualistic markers in order to function as a leaderless mass pushing towards a common goal. As the community progressed, this philosophical concept merged with the notion of Anonymous as communal marker for like minded individuals. In this way the philosophical conceptualisation of Anonymous became synonymous with the collective as a whole. The shared identity of Anonymous merged with its equalitarian ideology forming an inseparable relationship. Therefore, this thesis highlights two prominent understandings of Anonymous: Anonymous as a community and Anonymous as an ideal.

During the PSC period, raids would originate as a concept posted within a websites communal space, the most prominent example being /b/ (Halupka and Star 2011). Typically it would suggest that the community (read: Anonymous as a collective identity) should attack a particular website as it would result in reprisal. Upon adequate support, the attack would be carried out, often adhering to a pre-determined date and time. This concept of target based retaliation is paramount in understanding the fundamentalist ideals of Anonymous as a community. Anonymous did not begin as a political actor but rather as a community which sought to engage opponents that would seek retribution. Helped by their anonymity centred culture and lack of an authoritative body, Anonymouss participants were entertained by the notion that any retaliation would be ineffective. In this way, the fundamental ideals of Anonymous are intrinsically linked to its capacity to incite grief.

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Anonymouss attacks during this phase were a direct by-product of the cultural environment that created them. They had no political, ethical, philosophical or moral agenda. Their actions derived from a desire to have fun, to prey upon individuals who they claimed took the internet too seriously (Underwood 2009). While some of these attacks were in direct retaliation to provocation, many stemmed from what can be perceived as a superiority complex. Anonymous viewed the internet as their playground, rulers of a virtual world as it were (Vichot 2009). Communities and or individuals which did not share their culture were seen as inferior, and thus, viable targets for aggravation. This view bled into their collective mindset, spurring on attacks which they deemed lulz worthy, a variant spelling on the abbreviation lol or to laugh out loud (Coleman 2011). Consider the raids initiated against the website Zelda Universe during 2006. The website first came to Anonymouss attention after a screen capture (screen cap) of communication pertaining to the website was posted on /b/. The image highlighted an Administrator from Zelda Universe urging members of the community to help counter Anonymouss invasion of Habbo Hotel, a separate attack unrelated to the Zelda Universes community (Lurkmore Wiki 2008). While it was eventually discovered that the screen cap was a fake, Anonymous decided to attack the website regardless. Participants considered retaliation on an individualised basis as unfeasible, as a faceless mob, the target (Zelda Universe, Habbo Hotel, etc.) could only strike back at the collective identity of Anonymous rather than those whom comprised it. As the group had no preconceived underlying agenda, save for the entertainment of the collective, attacks could be carried out with complete disregard for moral implications. The entertainment of the group being paramount, the Anonymous community often chose targets that they knew would wreak vengeance, deriving entertainment from the futility of their retaliation (Coleman 2010; Underwood, 2009; Vichot, 2009).

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Anonymous utilised several different tactics during the Progressive Social Community phase. The most significant is that of the DDoS (Distributed Denial of Service) attack or DoS (Denial of Service) attack. A DDoS attack seeks to flood a target website or online application with external requests. This forcibly takes up all of the targets bandwidth, resulting in the hosting environments inability to respond to genuine traffic. As a result, the target is either slowed beyond usability or forced to shut down (Walfish, Vutukuru et al. 2010). In this regard, the DDoS represents one of Anonymouss most frequently utilised tactics, though less so during the PSC period than subsequent stages (Underwood 2009). The PSC period also saw the internet collective utilise disruptive avatar based tactics.12 This style of attack was employed in the series of attacks on the social networking website Habbo (previously known as Habbo Hotel) during 2006, 2007 and 2008.13 Participants in the attack would join the site, dress their avatar in identical clothing, and then amass on a designated area to disrupt the online physical flow of the community and the movements of genuine community users.

The Habbo raids highlight the fundamental satirical nature of Anonymous and indeed, the governing ideology of the 2008 Purist movement. During the PSC period, the Purist ideology was arguable at its pinnacle. In this context the term Purist is employed to describe Anonymous members who participate in attacks for purely entertainment purposes. Purists, as a separate group with a differentiated agenda, were not created before the development of the Moralist movement of 2008. Before the Moralist community, all Anonymous members worked towards the entertainment goal, and, as such, cannot be classified as a separate group. While attacks with a moralistic agenda did exist within the PSC period, many
12

The term avatar denotes a graphical representation of a user, their alter ego or created character. In this sense, an avatar may be represented in three-dimensional form (Massive Multiplayer Online Games), twodimensional form (an image within a website) or as a text construct (MUDs). 13 Though the attacks have been ongoing, their ferocity has declined significantly.

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participants still viewed them as a source of entertainment, a collective sport with an additional moralistic outcome. One example is the apprehension of internet predator Chris Forcand. Anonymous, under the guise of a thirteen year old girl named Jessica, recorded Forcands sexually explicit suggestions (Jacobsen 2008). Anonymous tracked his movements and subsequently reported him to the police, representing the first time an internet predator was arrested as a result of internet vigilantism.

One of the most significant ramifications to arise from the PSC period was that of /b/-day. While relatively unrecorded, it marks the first time in which Anonymous fought back at the community which developed it. As a direct result of the Habbo raids, 4chan administrator m00t forbid the use of the website for the organisation of attacks, banning numerous users who questioned this or failed to comply (Lurkmore Wiki 2009). In an act of defiance, Anonymous hit back at its own website, crashing it with repeated DDoS attacks. From the ashes of a reconstituted /b/ rose 7chan, a sister site constructed to house the now disenfranchised community, one free from the newly introduced rules which Anonymous perceived as offensive. 7chan, in itself, served as a base of operations in orchestrating DDoS attacks on 4chan. The significance of this event however, derives from 4chans banning of any individual organising raids on the site, a rule that is still in place today. This act drove Anonymouss primary operations away from 4chan and into smaller, more specific communities such as 7chan and EncyclopaediaDramatica.14 By fundamentally removing their ability to join forces on a specific location, 4chan set in motion the development of Anonymouss decentralised structure, a defining aspect of subsequent stages.

A wiki which parodies Wikipedia by encouraging individuals to contribute bias and offensive content (West 2010)

14

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3.3 Social Movement This thesis recognises Patrick Underwoods (2009) text New Directions in Networked Activism and Online Social Movement Mobilization: The Case of Anonymous and Project Chanology as the most comprehensive deconstruction of Anonymous during the 2008 to 2009 period. Underwood argues that during Project Chanology, Anonymous can be classified as a social movement, citing leading literature in his argument. From this basis, the term Social Movement is applied to Anonymouss third developmental period. Implications of this definition will be elaborated upon within the Chapter 4s analysis of Anonymous as a political actor.

The Social Movement period of Anonymous drastically altered the nature of the collective. In addition to shifting the public perception of Anonymous as a virtual entity, this period saw a variation in the strategies utilised in their attacks. These changes were predominantly brought about through Operation Chanology. Chanology began as a suggested attack on the Church of Scientology (CoS), initiated in a similar manner as raids highlighted in the PSC period. Following reports that the Church harassed ex-members and those who openly opposed its operations, Anonymous saw an opportunity for entertainment. Participants, presented with an adversary which would violently react if provoked, began planning their offence (Underwood 2009). The first step was to construct a false public image, one that would serve as a decoy, hiding the true intention of the attacks. This would help frame the collective as an online activist group with a moralistic agenda rather than one orchestrating hate crimes, an angle which the Church of Scientology could use to its advantage in retaliating. Underwood (2009, p. 156) argues that Anonymous portrayed itself as ...an altruistic group fighting for human rights and freedom of speech... rather than an ...online group that revelled in a dark sense of humour.... Hoping that the attacks would draw the

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attention of the international media, Anonymous saw its constructed public image as an elaborate joke, one which only the insiders would ultimately get (Underwood 2009).

The Churchs push for the removal of the leaked Tom Cruise video in 2008 served as the perfect masthead for the operation. According to the Church the video was not meant for public distribution and that it had a right to recall what it consider a religious document. Anonymous framed the Churchs push to take down the video as a violation of their pursuit for the freedom of information. Anonymouss participants created a press release, stating that the Churchs enforcement of censorship went against the collectives moralist principles and that information should be freely accessible. This effectively cemented both its philosophical agenda and positive public persona (Underwood 2009).

On January 14th 2008, Anonymous initiated Project Chanology with a series of DDoS attacks against the Church of Scientology. While these attacks were successful in their intended purpose, they received negative criticism from existing anti-Scientology groups, suggesting that the aggressive nature of the tactics hurt their cause more than helped (Underwood 2009). Following a plea from anti-Scientologist Mark Bunker, Anonymous ceased their DDoS attacks and began to work on orchestrating live protests (Bunker 2009). January 21st saw Anonymous upload the YouTube video Message to Scientology along with a press release entitled War on Scientology. It stated that the enforcement of copyright and trademark laws in the pursuit of Scientologys own agenda subverted the freedom speech and created an inability to speak out against the organisation (Underwood 2009). Following this, Anonymous declared that they would destroy the Church of Scientology and its ability to function online. A video entitled Call to Action was posted on January 28th, outlining dates and procedures in what would be Anonymouss first attempt to orchestrate mass participation outside of its virtual context. Prior to the set date, test runs on the 26th

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of January and 2nd of February saw 150 Anonymous participants protest outside the Church of Scientology centre in Orlando, with similar, yet smaller demonstrations held in Santa Barbara and Manchester (Underwood 2009).15 On Febuary 10th, 7000 people protested outside of Scientology centres in more than 93 cities worldwide (Underwood 2009). Behaviour during these early protests was heavily focused on the cultural ethos which had helped define Anonymous throughout the PSC period. Members would dance to Rick Astley and hold up signs of long running community memes such as Longcat, Mudkip and Pools Closed. A subsequent demonstration was held on the 15th of March, with the number estimated to be between 7000-8000, similar in size to the first wave (Landers 2008). While still embracing their unique cultural niche, this second wave of protests saw a greater emphasis on informing the general public of the moralistic cause behind Project Chanology (Moncada 2008).

During early protests, specifically the initial demonstrations on the 26th of January and 2nd of February, participants wore scarfs and gas masks to ensure that their identity remained anonymous. Demonstrators feared individualised retribution from the Church of Scientology, a known advocate for litigation in the face of opposition (Kent 1998). During the latter protests, various Anonymous communities adopted the Guy Fawkes mask as an unofficial symbol of the collective, inspired by the film (and the graphic novel to a lesser degree) V for Vendetta (Elliott 2009). Proliferated through subsequent protests, the symbol is now synonymous with Anonymous as a community. Some members however, resent Anonymouss association with the symbol. They argue that it is an embodiment of the

Underwood (2009) describes these initial protests as flash mobs. Flash mobs are understood as groups of people who converge on a designated area for a brief time, engage in an unusual act (e.g. pillow fight), and then quickly disperse. The purpose is often entertainment and or satire.

15

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Moralist ideology, and as such, a direct contrast to communitys founding ideals propagated in the PSC period (Underwood 2009).

As anticipated, the progression of Project Chanology resulted in media attention on an international scale. Latching onto the created persona, the media framed Anonymous as a loose knit community of cyber hackers who fought for freedom of information and anticensorship ideals. Following the February 10th demonstrations, the constructed public image was firmly ingrained within the global perception, regardless of the Church of Scientologys continued accusation of Anonymous as propagators of hate crimes (Elliott 2009). Ironically, the manufactured identity worked too well and Anonymous inspired message boards were soon inundated with new members, all looking to contribute to the fight against Scientology (Underwood 2009). This influx of new users created instability within Anonymouss established cultural code. Up until now, a certain level of cultural capital was required to effectively participate and communicate within the community. However, bringing with them a preconceived perception pertaining to the constructed persona of Anonymous, new users often knew nothing of the origin of the Operation, believing it to be a purely moralistic cause. While old members initially tried to educate these new users, they soon fell behind the surge of interest. In an act of preservation, old members began sending all new participants to dedicated moralist websites such as Enturbulation.org. Underwood (2009, p. 47) suggests that this tactics primary purpose was to ...keep sites like the chans hidden from new Chanologists, to maintain a fundamental Anonymous ethos.

It is in this period that a schism developed within Anonymous, one based on the perceived philosophical agenda of the collective. The Moralists, comprised of uninformed new members and converted old participants, fought for what they perceived as an attack on the freedom of speech and human rights. They propagated the concept that Anonymouss

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function was to act as a moralistic crusader for the weak and disenfranchised, to maintain the internet ...as a radically open forum for information exchange (Underwood 2009, p. 177). The Purists, on the other hand, viewed Anonymous as an instrument for entertainment, a continuation of the PSC period in both ideology and application. Project Chanology, from a Purist view, was solely for the provocation of retaliation with no moralistic implications or commitments (Underwood 2009). While both factions held different philosophical beliefs regarding the purpose of the protests, they managed to find some semblance of middle ground in the provocation of Scientology. Moralists sought to protest the Churchs past legal discrepancies and cripple their ability to function, while the Purists contributed to the protests in a manner which paid homage to their founding memetic culture.

While Project Chanology was one of the groups most significant accomplishments, it was not the only attack to take place during this period. Following Chanology, both sides developed operations coinciding with their newly defined philosophical outlook. Purists continued trolling for entertainment, launching attacks on the No Cussing Club, YouTube and several Hip-Hop related websites. While some of these attacks were in retaliation to slander or provocation, their primary purpose remained the same: entertainment through aggravation. The Moralists, empowered by the influx of new users following Chanology, set their sights on causes relating to the censorship of information. This included Operation Didgerdie and a collaborative effort with the torrent housing website The Pirate Bay in support of the Iranian Election protests. The former saw Anonymous initiate attacks against Australian Government websites in response to proposed internet censorship legislation, while the latter saw the community join forces with outside actors in the development of an Iranian Green Party support site. As seen with Project Chanology, the Moralists worked side-by-side with the Purists in their attack on

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YouTube. This particular attack was in direct retaliation to the websites continuous removal of music videos that breached censorship regulations. While the Moralists saw the attack as an opportunity to fight for the freedom of information, the Purists saw it as a chance to trick people into watching pornography on YouTube, the central tactic utilised during the operation. Though this crossover can observed, the philosophical differences which served to define the Moralists and Purists movements ultimately led them to develop separate, more focused communities. It was this division which saw the development of Anonymouss decentralised community structure.

3.4 Decentralised Cell Network Though Anonymous had arguably existed as a decentralised virtual community for some time before the Decentralised Cell Network period, the philosophical division of the Social Movement period set in motion the development of multiple differentiated communities. Drawing upon Dishmans (2005) conceptualisation of a decentralised cell and Arquilla and Ronfeldts (2001) all-channel network, this period is defined by multiple, isolated communities tied together through the employment of a shared identity. In this way, Anonymouss structure during this period is best understood as a decentralised cell network.

After the Purist / Moralist division of Project Chanology, Anonymous communities further separated, divided by both cause and methodology. While still adhering to the collective persona of Anonymous, these communities worked towards differentiated goals. This marks a significant change from the Social Movement period wherein different communities, while adopting opposing philosophies, worked in conjunction towards a common objective. It is possible to simplify these communities into the fundamental ideologies which govern them, be it Purist or Moralist. Yet doing so would ignore those communities which display characteristics of both or neither. For example, anonops.net represents a popular central hub

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for the Moralist approach, while /i/nsurgency16 represents the Purist counterpart. However, in between these two websites are an uncountable number of individual communities which serve their own agenda. Anonnews.org is an excellent example of this. A relatively new website, Anonnews works solely towards providing publications, articles and blog entries that are relevant to the collective as a whole. While the website has been slightly prejudiced towards Moralists news, it can be argued that this is due to the decline in large scale Purist operations, and thus a decline in media attention.

The Decentralised Cell Network (DCN) period of Anonymous marks a dramatic change in the collectives perceived identity. While the PSC period saw the Purists at the height of their relative power, the DCN phase gave way to the ascendancy of the Moralist ideology. This dominance derived primarily from the influx of new members following Project Chanology. As Anonymous has no definable leadership structure or overarching group manifesto, the nature of the collective is determined by the majority. As the majority of the Anonymous participants enacted Moralist actions, Anonymous, generally, took on a moralistic nature. While the Purists still existed in some organised fashion during this period, their power and influence had significantly diminished through a lack of members. This can be seen as a result of the significant cultural understanding required to participate in Purist movements. Furthermore, as the media propagated the Moralist ideology of the period, Anonymous, as a collective, became synonymous with the Moralist philosophy. Potential new members needed only do a basic online search to find relevant Moralist information and websites. Accessing Purist websites however, requires prior knowledge of

Recently, the classification /i/ has been utilised across a range of websites to denote the inclusion of Purist activities within a community. A list of some of these different sites can be found at the provided link: http://partyvan.info/wiki/Le_/i/nsurgency

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4chan, 7chan and several other websites linked to Anonymouss PSC stage, and in this, an ability to accept the often confronting components of their cultural capital history.

Though Anonymous remained active during 2009, no significant development in structure or identity arose until Operation Payback in September, 2010. Operation Payback saw Anonymous retaliate against Aiplex Softwares DDoS attacks on various torrent housing sites at the request of several Bollywood companies (Leyden 2010). While the collective had originally intended to attack Aiplex directly, an individual acting independently initiated a separate attack, taking the site down prematurely. This resulted in Anonymous changing targets last minute, focusing its collective might on the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) and International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (Enigmax 2010). In the following days, Anonymouss attacks escalated into further DDoS attacks against several anti-piracy and pro-copyright institutions (BBC 2010). From September to early November, Operation Payback systematically targeted pro-copyright organisations within the record industry. Attacks on more general pro-copyright organisations such as Australian Federation against Copyright Theft (AFACT) were also instigated (BBC 2010). With the operation lacking a definitive target, participants saw its purpose as the deregulation of digital copyright legislation. Any organisation claiming procopyright ideology was deemed a viable target. While not representing the entirety of Anonymous, individuals not affiliated with the collective soon began to associate it and its communities as general crusaders for the underlying philosophies of Payback. Thus, Operation Payback functioned as Project Chanology did during the Social Movement period, establishing a generalised, publicly perceived agenda.

By December, the operations focus had shifted. Following accusations that the United States was putting pressure on the whistleblower website Wikileaks to stop publishing top

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secret documents, Anonymous changed the name of Operation Payback to Operation Avenge Assange. During this subsequent period, the collective successfully initiated DDoS attacks on Amazon, PayPal, MasterCard, Visa and the Swiss bank PostFinance for what they perceived as anti-Wikileaks behaviour. Anonymouss involvement in the Wikileaks scandal resulted in additional media coverage, helping to reinforce the established norms associated with the Moralist mindset. As the primary focus of these attacks was the freedom of information, the media reports suggested that this was Anonymouss general underlying philosophy, reiterating the general publics perception of the group as internet activists rather than an ad hoc collection of like minded individuals. This moral attitude also saw the name Anonymous become associated with that of Wikileaks, regardless of the fact that they shared no official connection. Rather than recognising that a separate arm of the Anonymous community was fighting for an ideal which coincided with that of Julian Assange, media reports simply built upon their Chanology inspired understanding (Bradley 2011). In promoting Anonymous as a purely moral based internet community, the media contributed to a general misunderstanding of both Anonymouss form and function. In this way Operation Payback, and the subsequent Operation Avenge Assange, served to strengthen the perceived ties between Anonymous and moralistic crusades.

The DCN period however, also saw Anonymous facilitate the development of phantom cells. The most obvious example of this the attacks on HBGary Federal. The hacking of HBGary Federal should be considered Anonymouss most significant operation since Project Chanology.17 On the fifth of February 2011, Aaron Barr, CEO of HBGary Federal,

Interestingly, Project Chanology can be considered both a success and failure. On one hand, it succeeded in its original goal of provoking retaliation from the Church of Scientology. Furthermore, the subsequent adoption of a moralistic agenda provided the collective with a surplus of new participants. However, Anonymous arguably failed in its attempt to destroy the Church, as per the communitys original video message. While the live demonstrations and media coverage ultimately helped the anti-Scientology cause, the religion is still functioning throughout the world.

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announced that his firm had infiltrated Anonymous and planned on releasing the participants names at a later date. Anonymous saw this as a direct threat and retaliated by hacking HBGary Federals website. Anonymous procured the companys email database and proceeded to dump 68,000 internal emails, including communications which detailed possible counter measures to take in combating Wikileaks (Bradley 2011). Anonymous also attacked Aaron Barr directly, gaining access to his twitter account, home phone, address and social security number. After the initial attacks, Anonymous continued to clog up HBGarys operations by flooding their fax machines and telephones with blank requests. As a direct result of the attacks Aaron Barr resigned as the CEO of HBGary Federal. The significance of this event is twofold. Firstly, it altered the publics perception of the collective. Before the HBGary hack, Anonymous, within some IT (information technology) circles and media publications, was still considered a joke, a group of bored individuals who annoyed websites with DDoS attacks. However following this display of genuine technical proficiency, many of the individuals once critical of the group admitted to a change of opinion (Bradley 2011). In a sense, Anonymous had shown the world that it was a movement that should be taken seriously, one which could back its claims with devastating efficiency.

These attacks also highlighted a noteworthy change in Anonymouss structure. While the collective community that made up the bulk of Anonymouss supporters was still present, the HBGary attack was carried out by a separate, smaller phantom cell (Menn 2011). Interestingly, connections between these cells and the Zangaroa Trolling Group of the PSC stage can be drawn. The Zangaroa Trolling Group (ZTG), much like the phantom cell responsible for the HBGary attacks, were a collection of Anonymous users working independently from the collective mass. While the ZTG worked towards the same goal as Anonymous, the group differentiated itself through some semblance of a structured

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hierarchy, with many of its members opting for user names over the shared identity of Anonymous. Herein lays the most significant difference between the early incarnation of the phantom cell and the modern re-emergence. The dedicated cell that carried out the HBGary attack remained within the collective identity, working independently from the masses, yet still under the persona of Anonymous. These independent cells existed within the Anonymous collective, yet operate outside of its general activist culture. In the past, the collectives primary power derived from its ability to organise like minded individuals towards a collective action. Though their tactics have changed, this mob mentality has always been Anonymouss greatest asset.

During the DCN period, larger Anonymous communities continued to display a tendency to rely on aggressive DDoS attacks. Though within this, select operations began utilising the tactic in a functionally unique manner, wielding DDoS as a method for drawing media attention. The resulting attention of said attacks was not dictated by a self serving agenda, but rather focused on highlighting underrepresented conflicts throughout the world. Operation Tunisia serves as a prominent example of this. Following reports of extensive internet censorship within Tunisia, Anonymous initiated attacks on several government and government affiliated websites. These attacks were not orchestrated with the intention of crippling the current regime, but rather attempted to highlight the plight of the Tunisian people to previously unaware / uninterested media entities. While still seemingly aggressive in purpose, this variant on the DDoS was implemented as a method for helping rather than hindering. This development in the function of one of Anonymouss primary cyberactivist tools serves to highlight the collectives changing approach to activist endeavours. As the community has matured, so too has their capacity to engage politically. No longer lashing out haphazardly in a demonstration of brute strength, Anonymouss clever use of DDoS suggests that community is slowly reassessing their role. Certainly the development of

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Anonymouss decentralised cell structure has aided the communitys capacity to facilitate large volumes of activist endeavours. This political multiplicity has brought with it new and differentiated perspectives in relation to the collectives ability incite political change.

3.5 Reflections on the Chapter This chapter has circumscribed both Anonymouss evolutionary timeline and political engagement. In doing so it has proposed that Anonymouss development is comprised of four periods: Inception, Progressive Social Community, Social Movement, and Decentralised Cell Network. The Inception period saw Anonymous develop synonymously with its originating home, 4chan. The period was significant in that it cultivated the development of Anonymouss unique language and cultural base. The Progressive Social Community period was characterised by Anonymouss detachment from 4chan, and subsequent development of new, self contained communities. In addition to further developing Anonymouss cultural base, the PSC period saw Anonymous attack a number of unaffiliated communities, such as Habbo Hotel, purely for entertainment. This was identified as the ideological basis for the Purist movement in the subsequent stages. The Social Movement period saw the community initiate Project Chanology, protesting the Church of Scientology. The events surrounding this operation resulted in the fragmentation of the collectives philosophy into Moralists and Purists. The former perceived Anonymous as a means for political participation while the latter clung to established fundamental ideals. This division ultimately led to the development of the fourth period, the Decentralised Network Structure. This period saw Anonymouss structure divide into multiple, isolated communities. Each community, though independent in purpose, associated itself with the shared identity of Anonymous. In this way the community maintain a sense of solidarity despite its decentralisation.

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An understanding of Anonymouss development is important in determining their ability to, and approach to, engaging politically. It provides much needed contextualisation in this thesiss analysis of Anonymous as a political actor. By highlighting the significant events in Anonymouss past, this thesis has provided an effective base for not only its own analysis, but for subsequent research on the collective. Having contextualised Anonymouss political operations this thesis will now analysis the communitys approach to political participation in the following chapter. This analysis will draw upon the significant literature highlighted in Chapter 2 in an attempt to understand Anonymouss political behaviour. In addition to this, the thesis will answer its guiding question by determining how Anonymous engages politically and how their approach to political participation has changed through their development.

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Chapter 4
Analysis

In Chapter 1 this thesis posed the question: how does Anonymous engage politically and how has their approach to political action evolved throughout their development? In answering this question Chapter 2 investigated the literature of three relevant areas of research: virtual community, social movements, and decentralised networks. Starting with a dissection of the concept of community, the thesiss review of virtual community literature sought to define what was implied by an online community label. The social movement section began similarly, outlining the academic understanding of the topic itself. Finally, Chapter 2 reviewed the literature of decentralised networks.

Chapter 3 marks the first academic conceptualisation of Anonymouss evolutionary timeline. Providing context to Chapter 2s literature review, the identification of four distinct developmental stages provides a significant understanding of Anonymous as a political entity. Drawing upon distinguishable characteristics, these stages were outlined as: Inception, Progressive Social Community, Social Movement, and Decentralised Cell Network. In addition to illuminating the defining attributes of these stages, the thesis provided insight into a number of Anonymouss collective operations.

In answering its guiding question, this chapter will now determine to what extent Anonymous can be considered an example of both a social movement and a decentralised cell network. As this thesis will argue, Anonymous acts both as an example of, and a

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facilitator for, the development of these forms. Anonymous is not definitive in its political form, but rather develops synonymously with the majority needs of its participant base. As the needs and opinions of its community changes, Anonymouss political form develops to accommodate them. This argument will be demonstrated through an analysis of Anonymouss life-cycle framework. It determining how Anonymous has progressed as a virtual community, this thesis can establish what community changes facilitate the adoption and creation of these political forms. Through this, the analysis can comment on how Anonymouss approach to political participation has evolved throughout its development.

4.1 Anonymous as a Social Movement Patrick Underwood (2009) has argued that during Project Chanology in 2008, Anonymous functioned as a social movement. Yet interestingly, Underwood (2009) also categorised Chanology itself as an example of a social movement. If we are to follow this train of thought, Anonymous, much like the anti-globalisation protests, can be seen both as an example of, and a facilitator for, the social movement form (Fotopoulos 2001; Eschle 2004). As highlighted in Chapter 3, Project Chanology did not continue (at least not at the same level of ferocity) into Anonymouss DCN stage. In this way, Underwoods (2009) identification of Anonymous as a social movement leaves us to question whether Anonymous is still an example of the political form. It is from this basis that this analysis seeks to determine whether Anonymous, as a group, functions as a social movement. In answering this, the thesis positions itself to comment on Anonymouss ability to engage politically as a social movement.

Dianis (1992) identification of the general characteristics of a social movement is effective in analysing Anonymouss approach to political participation. Diani (1992) argues that a social movement is comprised of three dynamics: networks of informal relationships, a

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collective identity, and interaction around a conflictual issue. A social movement... Diani (1992, p. 8) writes, ...is a network of informal interactions between a plurality of individuals, groups and / or organisations. This observation constitutes the authors first social movement dynamic. As highlighted, Anonymous enforces no registration process, nor recognises any formal structure, governing body or leadership positions. An individuals commitment to the community is self regulated as their involvement is not dictated by a formal procedure or hierarchical system. Participation is determined by the individual themself rather than as a by-product of a designated role / position or authoritative body. Operation Payback serves as an excellent example of this. Though an individual may have subscribed to Paybacks anti-censorship ideology, they were free to determine their own level of community interaction and commitment to the movements political actions. This characteristic denotes the presence of a network which allows an individual to choose where and how they wish to participate: and therefore we observed networks of informal relationships. This resonates with Turner and Killians (1987) suggestion that a social movements participant base is fluid and tends to exhibit a lack of formal procedures legitimatising leadership. As there is no formal structure or procedure to Anonymouss political engagement, the relationships should thus be classified as informal in nature.

Anonymous connects clearly to Dianis (1992) second characteristic. That is, the boundaries of a social movement network are defined by the specific collective identity shared by the actors involved in the interaction (Diani 1992, p. 9). Embracing a mass persona, Anonymous satisfies Dianis (1992) requirement for a collective identity. An individuals adoption of the Anonymous identity denotes a willingness to define oneself as a part of the broader movement. This shared identity facilitates feelings of belonging as it is synonymous with communal solidarity. In this sense, an affiliation with the Anonymous

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persona functions as an effective boundary of the movement itself. However, the presence of a collective identity is skewed somewhat when we consider the development of the Moralist and Purest sub-movements circa 2008. Prior to this, Anonymous as a concept was bound by a mutual understanding of the collectives purpose. Participants saw Anonymous as a repercussion free means to engage in entertainment. Yet the introduction of the moralistic element altered this overarching understanding by creating a split in community understanding. Inciting collective action for entertainment became but one half of Anonymous, the other occupied by a desire for political participation. This philosophical division brought with it a separate understanding of Anonymouss identity. Polar positions arose to which contributors could align, gathering under a shared perception of what they believed the collectives purpose entailed. Thus, the presence of purist fundamentalism and moralism act as a marker for a split identity within the persona of Anonymous itself. Yet this does not impact their collective identity as both sub-movements still identify as Anonymous.

The third and final defining characteristic of a social movement refers to a capacity to engage relevant issues. To this Diani (1992, p. 11) writes social movement actors are engaged in political and / or cultural conflicts, meant to promote or oppose social change either at the systematic or non-systematic level. Anonymouss ability to engage opponents is well documented within Chapter 3s conceptualisation of their development. Yet the key element in Dianis (1992) characteristic is not whether they can engage, but rather if they do so to seek or prevent social change. A number of Anonymouss operations have been focused on such socio-political change. As a definitive social movement, Project Chanology immediately comes to mind (Underwood 2009). With the introduction of moralistic elements, Project Chanology aimed to inform the public of Scientologys questionable practices. The movement saw its ultimate goal as the restriction of the Churchs ability to

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effectively function both online and off. In doing this, Anonymous sought to change the societal perception of the religion, limiting its capability to convert new members.

Considering its adherence to Dianis (1992) identified dynamics, this thesis argues that Anonymous can be seen functioning as a social movement much in the same way as the anti-globalisation movement. The anti-globalisation movement can be characterised by its propagation of anti-capitalist ideology. Its collective identity stands as the opposition to the unregulated political power of multinational corporation and in this, the maximization of profits at the expense of the proletariat (Beckett 2002; Bennett 2003). Lloyd (2001) suggests that within this collective opposition to globalisation, several grassroots sub-movements developed, each with their own agenda. These movements included: the Homeless Workers Movement, Grassroots Global Justice Alliance, and the Western Cape AntiEviction Campaign (Redden 2001; Sullivan 2004; Couch 2010; Hunt-Hendrix and Soriano 2011). Proponents of these grassroots campaigns, though independent in their specific agenda, identified with the broader anti-globalisation movement. In this way the antiglobalisation movement, while acting as a social movement, facilitated the development of separate sub- movements.

Anonymous can be seen functioning in a similar manner. The most obvious example of this is the development of Project Chanologys Purist and Moralist sub-movements. Though both identified with the broader Chanology movement, each contributed in a separate way, developing a distinct identity and agenda. The Moralists protested peacefully outside of the religions various centres, seeking to inform the public of the sub-movements cause. Conversely, Purist demonstrations largely drew upon the propagation of their memetic cultural base, mocking and taunting the religion for entertainment. Anonymous can also be seen as facilitating the development of grassroots movements unrelated to the Chanology

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cause. For example, the DCN period saw the development of the Anonymous Anarchist Action (A(A)A) movement (Harrison 2011). The A(A)A do not consider themselves separate from Anonymous, but rather as a movement which operates within its decentralised structure (Coleman 2011; Kelley 2011). As a grassroots movement they seek to engage anti-capitalist targets, and within this, propagate an anarchist ideology within the anonymous mass. Thus, Anonymous can be seen engaging politically as a social movement, while at the same time, facilitating political participation through the development of separate grassroots movements.

4.2 Decentralised Networks and Phantom Cells As a social movement, Anonymous engages politically through the creation of separate grassroots movements. Anonymouss ability to facilitate the political engagement of multiple groups simultaneously however, leads this thesis to question the significance of its virtual structure in relation to its political behaviour. To what extent does its decentralised composition influence its approach to political engagement? Thus, this thesis questions whether Anonymous can also be considered an example of a decentralised cell network and to what extent it represents an example of this political form.

Anonymous can be effectively categorised as an example of Arquilla and Ronfeldts (2001) all-channel network. Characterised as structurally flat the all-channel network possesses no overarching chain of command or authoritative body. The network as a whole is comprised of several autonomous nodes adhering to little or no hierarchy, yet still capable of communicating to all affiliated participants. Similarities to Anonymouss own structural composition are immediately evident. As a collectively it is comprised of several independent communities, each identifying with the Anonymous brand. Each node is functionally isolated from the others in that they possess their own combination of

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community parameters. The DCN period demonstrates this network form through the creation of multiple communities enacting varying functions. During this period, though Anonymous existed as a single community, it was comprised of a multitude of different operations and objectives, all being carried out simultaneously. For example, in addition to providing assistance to the Arab Spring conflict in early 2011, the Anonymous community also initiated its attacks on HBGary Federal. Though these were the most successful and publicised political actions, AnonOps, at the same time contained dozens of smaller developing operations, each with its own dedicated participant base.

Arquilla and Ronfeldt (2001) suggest that the capacity of an all-channel network to perform effectively is dependent on the presence of an overarching doctrine or ideology which spans all comprised nodes and is deeply subscribed to by all participants. The collective identity of Anonymous itself fulfils this role adequately as it represents an understanding of the communitys implicit norms. Though the Moralist / Purist split divided the collectives philosophical understanding of the collective itself, communal norms still arose through the outward projection that the Anonymous brand entailed and the internal embracement of its characteristics. Thus, individuals who utilise the Anonymous pseudonym do so in recognition of its symbolism as a collective hive mind which encourages freedom of thought and action through the removal of identifiable markers.

Dishman (2005) suggests that within such a network, everybody should be connected to everybody else, though constant communication between nodes is not a necessary requirement. With that said, should mass communication be required ... the networks members must be able to disseminate information promptly and as broadly as desired within the network and to outside audiences (Arquilla and Ronfeldt 2001, p. 197). Anonymouss use of multimedia during the orchestration of Project Chanology highlighted their

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competency in broadcasting a communal message. Through video statements outlining their agenda and group philosophy, Anonymous successfully orchestrated a series of mass global protests against the Church of Scientology. Considering this, Anonymous functions effectively as an all-channel network. As such, this thesis suggests that Anonymouss structural composition be understood as an all-channel network, a decentralised virtual community. Much in the same way that Anonymouss social movement form enables grassroots participation, the collectives decentralised network facilitates the capacity of its user base to engage politically through the development of separate, specialised communities and groups.

As a form for political participation, Anonymous can be seen functioning as an example of Dishmans (2005) decentralised cell network. This is not to be confused with the identification of Anonymouss virtual community structure, though it is tempting to do so given the high level of conceptual crossover. Such a political form sees several isolated nodes working in conjunction to achieve a broader agenda. Each cell is functionally independent from the others, working towards a separate goal which ultimately contributes to the organisations broader objective(s). Given the identification of the Moralist / Purist split, the notion of a broader objective is seemingly incompatible with Anonymous. However, this thesis argues that the presence of Anonymous as a philosophical concept, the promotion of an anti-individualistic ideology, (discussed on p. 39) constitutes a broader objective in that the community actively works towards its propagation.

Comparing Anonymouss utilisation of this form to modern terrorist cells is effective in understanding how they enact political action. Modern terrorist cells rely heavily on their ability to instigate action from multiple points simultaneously (Tucker 2001). Though such cells may identify with a broader collective or organisation, they do so without answering to

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an authoritative body. Indeed, as Dishman (2005) suggests, such a form facilitates the presence of multiple leaders as each cell within the network contains their own governance structure. Thus, while it is possible to dissolve a comprising node, doing so will not result in the disbandment of the corresponding organisation. Engaging in this way allows Anonymous several strategic advantages. Primary among these is absence of a definable authoritative body, creating an antagonist resistant to reprisal. As Anonymous does not promote a governing body it is difficult for their adversaries to instigate retribution. This is further strengthened by the adoption of the collective persona. In addition to their lack of a hierarchical structure, community participants often forsake the creation of a unique identity, allowing for consequence free activism.

The effectiveness of this form was demonstrated in the attacks on Habbo hotel during the PSC period, colloquially referred to as the Great Habbo Raid. Though the site was aware of Anonymouss involvement, they were unable to respond in any meaningful way as they were powerless to determine who within the community was responsible and thus lacked a leader to target. Moving away from such conflicts, the DCN period saw the decentralised form utilised as effective means for engaging moralistic endeavours. One must only look to AnonOps to realise the large number of operations in development at any one time. In this way, the thesis argues that Anonymouss use of decentralisation facilitates the enactment of a large volume of operations and political operations. To this end, operations are specifically tailored to the needs and concerns of a corresponding user base. Therefore, Anonymouss decentralised cell structure facilities political participation through the creation of specialised groups which come to represent the concerns of those who comprise it.

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Anonymouss decentralised cell network also facilitates political participation through the creation of phantom cells, often categorised as leaderless resistances (Beam 1992). As outlined in Chapter 2, a leaderless resistance is a system of isolated nodes which function separately from a governing body. Such a form is dissimilar to Dishmans (2005) decentralised cell structure in that inter-node communication is not a prominent feature. A system of decentralised cells may maintain minimal contact to ensure that the network adheres to the collective doctrine, yet a leaderless resistance will be completely isolated in a similar approach (Kaplan 1997; Joosse 2007). To this effect, a phantom cell is completely self sufficient; a proverbial lone wolf. Though a phantom cell may be affiliated with an organisation or collective, it maintains an independent interpretation of the collectives broader mandate (Kaplan 1997; Dishman 2005). That is, regardless of the affiliated organisations stated directive, a phantom cell will approach the furtherance of its goal in a manner completely governed by personal preference. The isolated nature of a phantom cell makes it difficult to assess its prominence within Anonymous. Indeed, this difficultly is intensified through the collectives anonymity centred ideology. In spite of this, the presence of phantom cells within Anonymous can be gleaned at certain intervals. One such example can be seen within the DCN periods Operation Payback. As outlined in Chapter 3, Operation Payback was initiated in retaliation to Aiplex Softwares DDoS attacks on various torrent housing sites at the request of several Bollywood companies (BBC 2010; Coleman 2011). Before Anonymous had a chance to attack Aiplex software directly, a phantom cell commenced a separate attack (Leyden 2010). As the decentralised political form permits such a high level of activist involvement, coupled with Anonymouss anonymity centred doctrine, the presence of leaderless resistances within the community itself is clear, but their extent and influence is difficult to determine.

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This thesis argues that Anonymous resembles a decentralised cell network. As it lacks definable community parameters, and is not confined to a singular website, Anonymouss participants are empowered with the capability to create their own community, operation, social movement, or group under the collective banner of Anonymous. However, Anonymous also displays characteristics of a social movement. Similar to its role as a decentralised cell network, it allows for the development of separate sub-movements within the broader social movement itself. As this thesis will demonstrate, both forms have surfaced during different periods of Anonymouss evolution. This leads us to the next section of the analysis, the relationship between Anonymouss development and their political behaviour.

4.3 The Relationship between Life-Cycle and Political Participation As this thesis has demonstrated, Anonymous can be considered both a decentralised cell network and a social movement. As a decentralised cell network, Anonymous facilitates political participation through the creation of specialised groups. The political purpose of each node (community, operation or group) is determined by the needs of its user base. Each node within Anonymouss decentralised network is custom tailored to represent the concerns of those who comprise it. In this way, cells are not connected by a common political objective or activist approach. As a social movement, Anonymous, much like the anti-globalisation movement, assists the creation of grassroots sub-movements. Unlike its engagement through its decentralised cell network, Anonymouss creation of multiple submovements entails a collective adoption of a similar purpose. Though the social movement form facilitates the development of separate sub-movements, each one derives an aspect of its cause from an overarching ideology. Therefore, this thesis will now determine to what degree structural change within Anonymous alters it approach to political engagement and action.

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Iriberri and Leroys (2009) Inception stage draws upon the desire to satisfy a specific insufficiency. This, coupled with the vision to instigate the solution, gave rise to the online community. As highlighted, Anonymouss own Inception stage receives its name from this basis. This stage is significant in that 4chans cultural ethos was a precursor to the cultural base from which Anonymouss decentralised form drew its communal sense of solidarity. To this, Underwood (2009) argues that memes comprise Anonymouss capacity to determine insider status. 4chans uncensored flow of user generated content during this period effectively created a common cultural base for the subsequent detached Anonymous community. Detailed knowledge of these memes acts as a secret handshake, providing common ground for inter-community communication. Regardless of this, Anonymous did not engage politically during this period, and as such, no corresponding political form can be observed.

The onset of Anonymouss Creation phase coincides with Chapter 3s identification of the PSC period. This thesis argues that the events leading up to /b/-day were momentous in that they resulted in the separation of the Anonymous community from their site of origin. Indeed, these events seemingly signalled Anonymouss transition from localised community, to an independent and decentralised virtual entity. 4chan, in restricting Anonymouss ability to orchestrate raids and attacks, no longer met the requirements of the collective. Anonymouss community desired a virtual environment relatively free from restrictions, moderations and censorship from which collective action could be orchestrated. Prior to this ruling, the community had successfully initiated several attacks on unaffiliated websites such as Zelda Universe and Habbo Hotel (Lurkmore Wiki 2008). Yet this ban on organised attacks suppressed Anonymouss capability to mobilise collective action from what it considered its home. Consequently, Anonymous created infrastructure separate

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from 4chan in which to house the collective. In a bid for social independence from its parent site, Anonymouss creation of separate communities can be seen as a requirement of their political action. This represents this thesiss first example of where the needs of Anonymouss participant base shaped its approach to political participation. As suggested earlier, Anonymouss approach to political engagement is directly linked with the requirements of its users. As 4chan no longer represented a viable base of operations, the community altered the established structure of Anonymous to accommodate accordingly. Within Anonymous there exists a relationship between the perceived purpose of the collective itself and structure of the community. 4chans suppression of Anonymouss purpose resulted in the separation of Anonymous from the site itself. In this way, the creation of separate virtual infrastructure was a direct response to the needs of the Anonymous community, the need to continue orchestrating attacks for entertainment.

Drawing upon the virtual independence of the PSC period, the early stages of Project Chanology marked the beginning of Anonymouss Growth period (Iriberri and Leroy 2009; Underwood 2009). The Growth stage sees a community develop its own identity through an influx of new members. As the community transcends Creation to Growth, boundaries are established to circumscribe a user base unfamiliar with its unwritten rules of conduct. As its title implies, Anonymouss Social Movement period marks the realisation of the same named political form through the enactment of Project Chanology. Thus, during this Growth / Social Movement stage, Anonymous both exhibited and facilitated: networks of informal relationships, a collective identity, and interaction around a conflictual issue (Diani 1992). This realisation of a social movement form and new approach to political engagement was directly linked to the Growth stages characteristic of a developing identity via an onset of new members. This thesis argues that the Growth stage saw the development of Anonymouss political identity, the realisation of Anonymous as a social movement.

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Prior to this stage, Anonymouss mobilisation of collective action had been focused towards opponents who would seek retaliation. This cultural engagement was driven by the collectives desire for entertainment. As outlined in Chapter 3, Project Chanology began much in the same way. The Church of Scientology was seen as a target which would violently react if provoked. Yet the creation of a moralistic persona by which to hide behind resulted in the emergence of the Moralist movement. This represents the thesiss second example of the structural relationship between the needs of the users and their political participation. The influx of new members which created the Moralist movement shifted Anonymouss approach to political engagement, effectively positioning it as a collection of sub-movements through the realisation of multiple groups (Moralists and Purists) under a single banner. Each new member approached Project Chanology with a preconceived understanding of what and who Anonymous was. Helped by a lack of definitive parameters and governing body, this surging member base shifted the majority perception of Anonymouss purpose. New members positioned Project Chanology as a social movement, one which fought against a corrupt religious entity. Anonymous had previously existed as an entertainment based community because the needs of its participant base had positioned it as such. Yet as the majority perception of Anonymouss purpose changed, so too did its corresponding political form. The majority perception of its collective purpose represented the empirical reality of its political behaviour. In this way, the Growth / Social Movement period saw the development of Anonymouss political identity through an influx of new members who utilised the community as a group for political participation through the creation of moralistic grassroots movements. Therefore this thesis argues that during this stage, Anonymouss approach to political engagement changed in accordance with the needs and opinions of its community, a trait shared with the previous period. This link

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between form and participatory perception is continued on into Anonymouss Maturity stage.

An online communitys Maturity stage marks the pinnacle of its developmental process, exhibiting characteristics including: regulations, subgroups, trust, and relationships (Iriberri and Leroy 2009). This thesis positions Anonymouss DCN period as the realisation of its Maturity stage in that it displays both subgroups and regulations. Realising only half the required attributes, Anonymous as a virtual community deviates from Iriberri and Leroys (2009) suggested defining characteristics. This departure from the framework is a byproduct of the unique characteristics which comprise Anonymouss existence. Indeed, trust and relationships are difficult to establish within a decentralised, anonymity centred environment. Similar to the Social Movements phase, the DCN period draws its title from the prominence of the political form within the period itself. Anonymouss realisation of a decentralised cell form rose out of the collectives separation following the conclusion of the Social Movement period, provided participants polar communities (Moralist / Purist) with which to align themselves. As these philosophies were fleshed out and further developed, the Maturity / DCN stage saw the creation of multiple corresponding communities. Participants no longer positioned themselves as either fundamentalists or moralists, but rather gravitated towards the subgroup which coincided with their perception of the collective. Each of these communities developed a separate identity from shared persona of Anonymous itself, one connected to needs of its comprised members. Those who gravitated to communities such as AnonOps did so to directly engage politically via online activism, while those who migrated to environments such as WhyWeProtest sought a less anonymity centred community which still shared the collectives cultural base.

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Once again, we can observe the relationship between Anonymouss political form and its member base. As the majority perception of the collectives purpose changes, so too does its form. Anonymous functioned as a social movement during the Growth stage as the majority of its participants (read: new members) saw it as such, creating an entity with a singular target and a relatively focused structure. During the Maturity stage, the collective diversified into multiple identities, each representing an independent approach to the Anonymous concept. Unlike the united front of the Social Movement period, the Decentralised Cell Network stage facilitates a multitude of different operations simultaneously, creating a community which resembles an all-channel network (Arquilla and Ronfeldt 2001). Therefore, this thesis argues that Anonymous inhabits no one political form across its periods of development, but rather facilitates political participation through the adoption of varying political forms, each one coinciding with the needs of the community.

The final stage in Iriberri and Leroys (2009) life-cycle framework is Death. It is unique in that it is not confined to precede any one specific stage, manifesting itself as its attributes are realised. These characteristics represent a deficit in the defining features that helped develop the community throughout its life-cycle. Iriberri and Leroy (2009) attribute the Death stage to an overall lack of: contribution, participation and quality content. As of writing, Anonymous is still an active virtual entity. As a decentralised community, a number of websites comprise this network and identify with the Anonymous persona. Yet regardless of this, Anonymous displays several factors which signal the on-set of the Death stage. Interestingly though, rather than harming the wider community, Anonymous has seemingly incorporated these characteristics into its collective norms, turning negative into positive. Consider the Death stages factor members with weak ties (Iriberri and Leroy 2009, pp. 24-25). When applied to a centralised community, this factor would contribute to

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a progression into the Death stage as members would lack a communal sense of solidarity. Yet this concept is at the very heart of Anonymouss governing structural philosophy, the belief that Anonymous has no members. Similarly building upon this is the factor transient membership. As highlighted through the development of Anonymouss political forms, the communitys participant base is in a continuous state of flux. While such a blas approach to a member base would seemingly unravel a traditional online community, the presence of this factor allows Anonymous to shift its political approach in correspondence with the majority opinion (Halupka and Star 2011). This unique approach to Iriberri and Leroys (2009) life-cycle framework suggests that Anonymouss development as a virtual community is not directly comparative to more conventional communities. Similar to the thesiss suggestion that Anonymous displays no single political form but rather acts as a facilitator for their development, the collective acts as a virtual community while simultaneously facilitating the creation subgroups within its boundaries. Considering that the recurring variation in both virtual structure and political form is the participants, it stands to reason that the concept of Anonymous develops along its evolutionary timeline in correspondence to changing needs and perceptions of its user base. With that said, this thesis will now answer its guiding question.

4.4 Answering the Question This thesis has posed the question: how does Anonymous engage politically and how has their approach to political action evolved throughout their development? Anonymous engages politically by exhibiting and facilitating multiple political forms. As highlighted, Anonymouss unique structure and characteristics have allowed it to engage both as a social movement and a decentralised cell network. Though Anonymous as a virtual community exhibits characteristics associated with both these forms, this is but a by-product of its ability to mirror the predominant perceptions of its user base. Helped by its lack of a

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governing authoritative body or overarching philosophy, Anonymouss form and function are linked to the needs of its participants. Its capacity to engage politically has developed through its evolutionary timeline in synchronisation with its fluctuating member base. As Anonymous has progressed through its life-cycle framework, it has facilitated the development of multiple political forms by reacting to the needs of those who comprise it. From this basis, the thesis argues: Anonymous engages politically by exhibiting and facilitating the development of multiple political forms which coincide with the needs and political participation aspirations of its participatory base.

4.5 Reflections on the Analysis This chapter has answered the thesiss guiding question by drawing upon both the significant literature presented in Chapter 2 and the conceptualisation of Anonymouss evolution in Chapter 3. The chapters analysis began by determining to what extent Anonymous could be considered an example of a social movement. In approaching this, the thesis drew upon Mario Dianis (1992) understanding of social movement characteristics. In this way, the chapter suggested that Anonymous adheres to all three identified dynamics: networks of informal relationships, a collective identity, and interaction around a conflictual issue. The analysis then compared Anonymouss employment of the form with the antiglobalisation movement. It argued that it acted as a social movement while simultaneously assisting the development of separate grassroots sub-movements.

Chapter 4 then turned its attention to Anonymouss decentralised structure. This thesis argued that Anonymous facilitates political participation through the creation of specialised groups. In this way, the political purpose of each node (community, operation or group) was determined by the needs of its user base. The chapter then addressed the relationship between Anonymouss life-cycle and their political action. This was accomplished by

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positioning Anonymouss own development parallel with Iriberri and Leroys (2001) lifecycle framework. The analysis determined that there existed a direct relationship between Anonymouss political action and the needs and political participation aspirations of its user base. Armed with this insight, the thesis argues that Anonymous engages politically by exhibiting and facilitating the development of multiple political forms which coincide with the needs and perceptions of its participatory base. The thesis will now suggested what academic ramifications arise from this research.

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Chapter 5
Academic Implications and Conclusions

The research presented in this thesis contributes to a number of academic sub-fields. The most significant of these is its contribution to our understanding of the decentralised virtual community Anonymous. This thesis has created the first scholarly conceptualisation of Anonymouss development. Such knowledge is invaluable for future research into Anonymous itself and its capacity to mobilise collective action. Secondly, this thesis contributes to our understanding of social movements. Anonymouss facilitation of the Project Chanology movement demonstrated the power of the internet to mobilise global protests in short period of time. Thirdly, Anonymouss employment of cyberactivism throughout its development contributes to our understanding of political participation and new forms of activism. Anonymouss decentralised form and anonymity centred environment allows it to engage politically through the employment of multiple cyberactivist techniques. This knowledge allows for commentary on the way in which online groups facilitate and engage in political participation.

This thesis also paves the way for several avenues of future academic research. The first of these is the role identity plays in e-activism. Existing academic literature on e-activism has thus far focused on constructing an effective scholarly base through, though not limited to: classifying forms, deconstructing specific instances and commenting on cyberactivisms ability to engage politically (Pickerill 2003; Vegh 2003; Gillan, Pickerill et al. 2008; Underwood 2009; Morton 2011). Yet there has been very little research into the role

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identity plays within these movements and the extent to which it allows groups to pursue their agenda. Research into Anonymouss use of anonymity contributes to our understanding of the role user visibility plays in cyberactivism. Secondly, Anonymous provides scholars with a new avenue in which to further deconstruct the theory of anarchism. Anonymouss unique approach to political participation and community structure seemingly mirrors anarchism. Regardless of whether Anonymous proves to be a definitive example of the anarchic form, it provides scholars with an effective contemporary example of political participation free from a top-down hierarchical structure. Therefore this thesis, having answered its guiding question in the previous chapter, will now discuss the significance of the research.

5.1 Insights from the Research: Anonymous As an unstudied phenomenon, Anonymous has been a difficult subject for scholars to approach. Researchers who have previously attempted to analyse Anonymous have sidestepped the difficult task of conceptualising the collective as a whole. Indeed, the nature of Anonymouss interactions makes it a difficult virtual community to penetrate. In addition to its decentralised structure, Anonymouss participants draw heavily from their cultural base in the construction of a communal language. While their anonymity centred environment allows outsiders to freely observe, any meaningful interaction is made difficult by the presence of this barrier to participation. Work produced on Anonymous often derives its understanding of the community from misguided media depictions, false or flippant classifications and bias representations. Due to this, a substantial portion of the material that is produced on Anonymous is incomplete and flawed in its analysis. In addition to facilitating a general societal ignorance, this lack of a definitive understanding has restricted the potential for academic analysis. Without a comprehensive base to draw upon, the

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academic community has been limited in its ability to approach the subject. Thus the research presented in this thesis contributes to rectifying this problem.

This thesis, through its combination of field observations, primary research gathering and archival analysis, has produced the first academic conceptualisation of Anonymouss development. As outlined, Anonymous's developmental process can be divided into four distinct stages: Inception (2003-2005), Progressive Social Community (2006-2008), Social Movement (2008-2009) and Decentralised Cell Network (2010-2011). The formulation of these stages drew upon the identification of characteristics unique to each period identified through primary research. This research provides scholars unfamiliar with the topic with a comprehensive understanding of Anonymous, from a strong academic base. This conceptualisation facilitates the capacity scholars to utilise this data and analysis to further their own research.

In analysing the relationship between the collectives political behaviour and its participant base, this thesis positioned Anonymous as an example of both a social movement and a decentralised cell network. This identification is significant to current research being undertaken on Anonymous in that it provides an effective starting point for further analysis. This thesis presents a compelling argument for the suggested political forms. As such, this research will contribute greatly to any current analysis of Anonymous. As Anonymouss community and political engagement grows in prominence, academia will undoubtable seek to understand and explain its actions. Therefore, the research presented in this thesis will be critical for further analysis of Anonymous and its activist operations.

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Social Movements One of the ways in which Anonymous has engaged politically is through a social movement form. Such an observation is interesting in that demonstrates the capability of the internet to function as a tool in the coordination and mobilisation of real life protests. Anonymouss creation of Project Chanology highlighted the way in which the internet could be used to rally global support around a conflictual issue. Though the utilisation of the internet as a tool for coordination of social protests is not a new occurrence, it has typically been employed over a prolonged period of time, gathering support for ongoing protests and building a staple participant base (Lloyd 2001; Wall 2007; Hunt-Hendrix and Soriano 2011). Project Chanology however, was organised over a short period of time. While the movement began on January 21st 2008 with the release of the video Message to Scientology, the protests were officially initiated on January 28th 2008 with the video Call to Action. The first wave of protests, not including the smaller test run on the 2nd of February 2008, was held on February 10th 2008. More than 7000 people protested outside of Scientology centres in more than 93 cities worldwide (Underwood 2009). A subsequent demonstration was held on the 15th of March, with the number estimated to be between 7000-8000, similar in size to the first wave (Landers 2008). The number of participants involved in these protests was relatively small compared to larger social movements such as the opposition to the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. Regardless of this, it is impressive that Anonymous was able to mobilise over 7000 people in under a month. Add to this that the protest were realised in close to 100 cities globally and we can begin to understand the significance of Anonymouss capacity to coordinate collective action.

This knowledge is applicable to the wider academic community in that it contributes to our understanding of contemporary social movements and their political tactics. The internets global connectedness presents traditional interest groups with a new means to coordinate

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their political engagement. In presenting an outline of how Anonymous has functioned as a social movement, this thesis allows for the collective to be drawn upon as an example of an effective decentralised social movement. Thus, Anonymous can be used as a case study alongside established examples, such as the anti-globalisation movement. The research provides detailed insight into the effectiveness of the internet as a tool for political participation. Anonymouss use of the internet to coordinate global protests demonstrated the relative ease in which an effective movement could be coordinated. In this way, the thesiss analysis of Anonymous as a social movement contributes to an academic understanding of new interest group politics.

Cyberactivism and Political Participation Some scholars (OToole, Jones et al. 2006; Li and Marsh 2008) have questioned mainstream assumptions about the decline in political participation, particularly of young people. They contend that if young people become disenchanted with politics they will either become disengaged or seek new ways in which to engage. In contrast, the mainstream political participation literature equates disengagement with formal political structures and processes as evidence of growing apathy. In this vein, Henn et al. (2002) suggests that a combination of the anti-climax involved in voting for the first time and a critical perception of those in power contributes to this general decline in political participation. In contrast, Li and Marsh (2008, p. 248), following Bang (1999) among others, argue that young people are not apathetic, but rather alienated from a ... political system which does not allow them a real, that is effective, voice.

The introduction of the internet and proliferation of technologies aiding greater connectivity has provided young people especially with a new means by which to engage politically. Given the global connectedness of the internet, online activist communities can be used as

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rallying points for those individuals seeking to reconnect with their political system, addressing or inciting socio-political change (Illia 2002). Online interest groups ease feelings of alienation by enabling individuals to engage politically through cyberactivism. Helped by the development of applications aiding accessibility, young people can utilise online activism as a means by which to try to bring about political change.

This thesis contributes to our understanding of political participation in that it outlines several examples of cyberactivism. Anonymouss employment of various e-activist techniques demonstrates the effectiveness of cyberactivism in engaging opponents. As a new means for political engagement, e-activism is particularly significant given the accessibility of the internet. This allows for political participation across boundaries and into other countries. Consider Anonymouss involvement in the Middle Eastern protests. Though restricted in the physical sense, Anonymous was still able to participate through the utilisation of the internet and employment of e-activism. Therefore, the thesis comments on the capacity of global e-activist networks to engage opponents or contribute to movements outside of its user bases societal system of governance. In this way, the knowledge gained from this research is applicable to the wider academic community as it highlights the viability of the internet and cyberactivism as an effective means for political participation.

5.2 Future Research Directions: The Role of Identity Research into Anonymous presents us with a number of future research directions. The first of these is the role identity plays in e-activism. Within online activism, identity can be manipulated on two main levels: individual / participant and collective / community. At the first tier, identity is predominantly shaped by the communitys level of visibility. Participants may use pseudonyms and anonymity to limit their outward appearance.

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Similarly, an individual may choose not to adopt a constructed persona and instead carry over their real life identity online. At the second tier, identity is manipulated at a collective level. A community will actively seek to construct a collective identity which their members can both identify and adopt, an identity by which outsiders can recognise them (Wall 2007). For example, the Electronic Disturbance Theatre (EDT) perceive themselves as artists, while the Cult of the Dead Cow (cDc) portray themselves as hackers (Ruffin 2000; Peters 2011). An analysis of how identity shapes the way online interest groups facilitate political participation will provide greater insight into their capacity to incite genuine social reform. In understanding this, we better position ourselves to comment on the role cyberactivism plays in bridging the gap between the politically alienated youth and their democratic system.

Within this thesiss analysis of the relationship between Anonymouss user base and its adopted political form, it has detailed several characteristics unique to it as a virtual community. Among these is its concept of complete anonymity in communication through the embracing of the collective identity Anonymous. On an individual level, anonymity allows Anonymouss participant base a certain level of freedom. While anonymity in posting is not unique to the group, its employment across all levels of involvement results in a general lack of leadership. Helped by its decentralised structure, this anonymity at the individual level allows participants to engage both politically and culturally free from relative repercussion. Backed by this comforting impression, individuals are more likely to commit to, and act within, proposed collective action. Such a concept is a powerful tool when rallying forces towards political participation. It seemingly draws upon the highlighted concept of repercussion free engagement. Namely, if my virtual involvement will have no negative consequence on my life, there is very little to deter me participating. On a collective level, said community anonymity is central in constructing an outward

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perception of Anonymous as a powerful faceless mass. In addition to adding to the individuals notion of power, the collective identity of Anonymous serves to aggrandise its capacity to engage politically as opponents are unable to determine the communitys true size or strength. While Anonymouss empirical effectiveness as an activist platform has yet to be determined, its shared identity allows it to manipulate the way in which the wider society identifies it. Indeed, Anonymouss greatest weapon is the fear that derives from invoking its name. Therefore, analysis of Anonymous is significant in that it allows for commentary on the way in which identity is manipulated by e-activist platforms. In addition to this, it provides greater insight into the role anonymity plays in a virtual communitys political participation.

Contemporary Forms of Anarchism It is tempting to classify Anonymous as a contemporary form of anarchism. Certainly the delineation in Chapter 3 coincides with the colloquial understanding of the political form: an unstructured agent of chaos lashing out haphazardly at government and civilian alike (Reichert 1969). Such a perception of anarchism favours an anything goes approach, and in some ways, Anonymous can be seen mirroring this. Anonymous facilitates a free thinking environment through the adoption of a collective persona, building upon the uncensored nature of their Inception period (Halupka and Star 2011). The often groundless attacks on unaffiliated communities during the PSC period also highlight the chaotic disposition of this anarchic caricature. Yet there also seemingly exists similarities between Anonymouss structural composition and a more grounded approach to the anarchic theory. Gurins (1970) identification of anarchism as a strain of socialist thought is effective in a broad understanding of the anarchic discourse. To this end, he suggests that anarchists seek the dissolution of the exploitation of the individual by its guardians. Chomsky (1973) echoes this sentiment, highlighting the realisation of freedom as an empirical goal of all

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anarchists. Societys influence by ecclesiastical or political guardianship, he writes, curbs this realisation of freedom, restricting it to a far off abstract philosophical concept rather than a concrete reality. It is from this basis that anarchism seeks to dissolve the top-down hierarchical structures of state, government and corporation and enact a decentralised horizontal network in their place (Graeber 2004). This realisation of a leaderless decentralised structure meshes exceeding well with Anonymouss own community structure.

As a collective, Anonymous subscribes to a leaderless ethos, backed by a community structure which does not congregate on any single platform. From this perspective, it is easy to see why Anonymous might be considered a realisation of anarchic principles. Feverishly abdicating a hierarchical structure, Anonymouss community, in this broad sense, resists any attempt by the individual to fill the leaderless void. Such a comparison is strengthened by their adoption of a mass pseudonym as it effectively obscures the guardianship of state, and subsequent creation of a system of elites through its propagation of anonymous interactions and anti-individualistic ideology (Mills 1956). Drawing upon these characteristics, Kelley (2011) firmly positions Anonymous as a contemporary example of an anarchist actor. Coleman (2011) however, is unconvinced of this comparison. While she does observe similar elements, she argues that Anonymous subscribes to no singular political discourse. As this thesis has demonstrated, while Anonymous may display anarchistic tendencies, they also demonstrate attributes originating from several other political forms. Adding to this notion, Coleman (2011) argues that while anarchists may exist within the community, they do not comprise the majority. Furthermore, the Anonymouss communitys sense of superiority over the inferior mass also seemingly contradicts the anarchism comparison.

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The research presented in this thesis should act as an effective academic base for an analysis of Anonymouss potential anarchic form. The study of Anonymous as a political actor more generally is noteworthy in that it provides an example of an actor with a myriad of different, working political models. As this thesis has shown, Anonymous holds the potential to engage politically as both a social movement and a decentralised cell network. In this regard, analysis of Anonymous is invaluable in that it presents scholars with not only a contemporary perspective on anarchism, but also a political actor who is capable of effectively drawing upon a multitude of political forms.

5.3 Conclusion Chapter 1 saw this thesis ask the question how does Anonymous engage politically and how has their approach to political action evolved throughout their development? Several theoretical frameworks were first introduced in an attempt to provide the analysis with an effective scholarly base. Chapter 2 outlined the literature of three relevant areas of research: virtual community, social movements, and decentralised networks. Within this, several concepts were highlighted as significant contributing aspects to the thesiss eventual analysis. These were: Iriberri and Leroys (2009) life cycle framework, Dianis (1992) synthesis of social movement dynamics, Arquilla and Ronfeldts (2001) all-channel network, Dishmans (2005) decentralised cell structure, and Beams (1992) leaderless resistance. In establishing an understanding of these key fields, the thesis positioned itself to comment on Anonymouss political behaviour.

Chapter 3 outlined the first academic conceptualisation of Anonymouss development. Drawing upon distinguishable characteristics, these stages were outlined as: Inception, Progressive Social Community, Social Movement, and Decentralised Cell Network. In addition to highlighting the defining attributes of these stages, the chapter detailed a number

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of Anonymouss noteworthy operations and instances of collective action. Key among these were: the great Habbo raid, the attack on Zelda Universe, /b/-day, Project Chanology, Operation Payback / Avenge Assange, and the hacking of HBGary federal. The thesis argued that an understanding of Anonymouss development was important in determining their ability and approach to engaging politically. By highlighting the significant events in Anonymouss past, this thesis provided an effective basis for Chapter 4s analysis.

Chapter 4s analysis began by questioning to what extent Anonymous could be considered an example of a social movement. The thesis determined that Anonymous adhered to all three of Dianis (1992) social movement dynamics: networks of informal relationships, a collective identity, and interaction around a conflictual issue. Having established this, the analysis compared Anonymouss employment of the form with the anti-globalisation movement, as they share a number of characteristics. These include: a decentralised structure, multiple grassroots movements, and no definitive hierarchal structure. To this end, this thesis argues that Anonymous acts as a social movement while simultaneously assisting the development of sub-movements.

In a study of Anonymouss virtual structure, the thesis argued that the community be understood as an as an example of Arquilla and Ronfeldts (2001) all-channel network. It is a network of isolated nodes (community, operation or interest group) in which communication is predominantly horizontal. In this way, the research suggested that Anonymous be understood as an example of Dishmans (2005) decentralised cell network. Anonymous facilitated the political participation of its user base through the creation of specialised cyberactivist communities, each corresponding with the needs of those who comprised it. Having effectively classified Anonymous in approachable terms, the chapter sought to analyse the relationship between the collective and their approach to political

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engagement. Positioning Anonymouss own development parallel with Iriberri and Leroys (2001) life-cycle framework, the thesis determined that there existed a direct relationship between Anonymouss political action and the needs and political participation aspirations of its user base. As the communitys majority opinion of Anonymouss purpose changed, so too did its approach to political behaviour. The thesis highlighted three significant movements within Anonymouss development wherein the majority opinion of participant base altered its approach to political engagement. These were outlined as: the separation from 4chan, the ideological division of the Moralists and Purists, and the creation of multiple political communities during the DCN period.

Having analysed these significant aspects, the thesis set about answering its guiding question. It argued that Anonymouss unique structure and characteristics have allowed it to engage both as a social movement and a decentralised cell network. As the collectives approach to political engagement developed through its evolution in synchronisation with its changing member base, the thesis argued that Anonymouss form and function were linked to majority needs and aspirations of its users. From this basis, the thesis concluded: Anonymous engages politically by exhibiting and facilitating the development of multiple political forms which coincide with the needs and political participation aspirations of its participatory base.

A number of interesting academic implications were observed from this research. The first of these was its contribution to the wider academic understanding of Anonymous itself. Secondly was its contribution to an understanding of online social movements. Finally, Anonymouss employment of cyberactivism contributed to the wider academic understanding of new methods for political participation. Within this, the research allows for commentary on capacity of global e-activist networks to engage opponents or contribute

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to movements across borders. This thesis also observed two avenues for future academic research. First of these there is research into the role identity plays online activist communities. The second avenue for additional research was to what degree Anonymous could be considered a contemporary example of anarchism.

Changing their approach to political participation in synchronisation with its fluctuating participant base, Anonymous seemingly resembles an internet chameleon. From its humble beginnings as an internet joke, Anonymous has developed into an expansive and unrelenting virtual community. Its often obscure humour and unique language has made it a subject of global interest and fascination, while its capacity to mobilise instances of mass participation make it a political actor to be feared. Cloaked in their Guy Fawkes masks, even Anonymouss real life protests personify their faceless hive-mind persona. This thesis has endeavoured to understand Anonymouss political behaviour. In striving to uncover the collectives approach to political engagement, this thesis has provided insight into this fascinating virtual community. Yet depicting Anonymous on paper does not do the community justice. If one is to truly comprehend Anonymous, there is seemingly no substitute for participation. Indeed, to understand Anonymous is to shed your identity, embrace anonymity, and join the collective.

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