Coningham Et Al. - Anuradhapura and The Early Use of The Brahmi Script

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Passage to India? Anuradhapura and the Early Use of the Brahmi Script
R.A.E. Coningham, F.R. Allchin, C.M. Batt and D. Lucy
Cambridge Archaeological Journal / Volume 6 / Issue 01 / April 1996, pp 73 - 97
DOI: 10.1017/S0959774300001608, Published online: 22 December 2008
Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0959774300001608
How to cite this article:
R.A.E. Coningham, F.R. Allchin, C.M. Batt and D. Lucy (1996). Passage to India? Anuradhapura and the Early Use of the Brahmi Script. Cambridge Archaeological
Journal, 6, pp 73-97 doi:10.1017/S0959774300001608
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Cambridge Archaeological Journal 6:1 (1996), pp. 73-97
Passage to India? Anuradhapura and the Early Use of the
Brahmi Script
R.A.E. Coningham, RR. Allchin, CM. Batt & D. Lucy
The island of Sri Lanka, situated off the tip of southern India, is often perceived as the
recipient of material culture diffused from more northerly regions. Tliis article counters this
model by suggesting that Sri Lanka may have played a pivotal role in the development of
Brahmi, South Asia's earliest readable script. Sherds inscribed with this script, recently
found at Anuradhapura, with dates of the beginning of the fourth century BC, now
represent its earliest dated examples anywhere in the subcontinent. By analyzing the
sherds' archaeological and scriptural context it presents a tentative mechanism for Brahmi's
development and spread through South Asia and concludes by discussing the dynamic
relationships between scripts, langtiage, material culture and ethnic division within Sri Lanka.
Brahmi, the ancestor of most of South Asia's mod-
ern vernacular scripts, holds the position of being
that region's earliest known script because genera-
tions of scholars have failed to produce an accept-
able decipherment for the earlier Indus or Harappan
script (Parpola 1995). Ever since Brahmi was first
read in the 1830s by James Prinsep, various theories
have been advanced to explain its development and
spread. These have varied between attempts to dem-
onstrate an indigenous development, for example
the suggested continuity with the Indus script
(Cunningham 1877; Lai 1960), to those arguing that
Brahmi was derived from a mixture of other scripts,
Aramaic, Kharosthi and Greek letters (Halevy 1885).
One of the most strongly supported theories was
that advanced by Buhler in 1896, later reiterated by
Winternitz and others (Buhler 1896; Winternitz 1927;
Diringer 1948; Dani 1963). They argued that the script
had been originally derived from a Semitic script but
had been adapted to suit South Asian languages.
They hypothesized that this development had oc-
curred c. 800 BC in the north and west of the subcon-
tinent and had thereafter spread southwards until it
reached Sri Lanka in the middle of the third century
BC. Recent Sri Lankan-British excavations at the Cita-
del of Anuradhapura have produced fresh evidence
concerning the origins of the use of the script They
allow us to begin reassessing the development and
spread of the script in South Asia (Fig. 1).
The authors must make it clear that it is not the
aim of the present article to discuss in any detail the
now considerable literature dealing with the origin
of the Brahmi script, nor the different views which
have been put forward on that topic. Nor do they
propose to discuss such interesting questions as
whether Brahmi may have been adapted from
Kharosthi, or vice versa. It is, furthermore, not their
intention in this article to make detailed or system-
atic comparisons of the very small number of early
dated inscriptions available at Anuradhapura or else-
where in South Asia. These topics deserve more de-
tailed study and lengthier treatment than the present
context affords, and must await another occasion.
We feel, however, that we are justified in restricting
ourselves to drawing attention to the fact that recent
excavations at Anuradhapura have produced a
number of Brahmi inscriptions from well-stratified
contexts in a structural sequence which itself is dated
by a large number of radiocarbon samples. We shall
also touch upon some of the implications of these
finds for archaeological interpretation, and cannot
but remark on the apparent support which they
73
R.A.E. Coningham et al
Figure 1. Plan of Antiradhapura shoiving the location of excavation trenches.
74
Anuradhapura and the Early Use of the Brahmi Script
offer to the theory of a mercantile involvement in the
rise of the Brahmi script, or at least in its introduc-
tion into Sri Lanka.
Traditional explanations of the development and
spread of the Brahmi script
In 1896 Johann Georg Buhler published Indische
Palaeographie, a work discussing the origin and de-
velopment of the Brahmi script (Buhler 1896). It was
translated into English and re-published seven years
later as Indian Palaeography (Buhler 1904). Although
almost one hundred years have passed since their
first publication, Buhler's theories for the history of
the Brahmi script have remained largely unchal-
lenged. The earliest accepted examples of this script
are still the pillar and rock inscriptions of the
Mauryan emperor, Asoka, dating to the middle of
the third century BC (Ailchin & Norman 1985) (Fig.
2). His empire appears to have stretched from Af-
ghanistan in the west to Bangladesh in the east and
the Penner river in the south (Thapar 1961). From
the capital, Patalipurra, situated on the Ganges, Asoka
ruled over a huge pluralistic society, reflected by the
presence of imperial edicts in Greek, Aramaic and
Kharosthi scripts in the northwestern region and in
Brahmi script elsewhere. A number of scholars have
also argued that as Brahmi was fully developed at
the time of its appearance, it must have been in use
for several centuries prior to Asoka although there
was no evidence of such a stage (Buhler 1904, 7;
Winternitz 1927, 31; Dani 1963, 31). Owing to a simi-
larity between a number of Brahmi letters and ear-
lier Semitic ones, he advanced the theory that the
former could be derived from the latter (Buhler 1904,
15). Furthermore, Buhler held that this development
had occurred c. 800 BC as an aid for sea-faring Indian
merchants and moreover that it had taken place in
the west and northwest of the subcontinent:
it is a priori probable that the Vanias [merchants]
were the first to adopt the Semitic alphabet; for
they, of course, came most into contact with for-
eigners, and they must have felt most strongly the
want of some means for recording their business
transactions. (Buhler 1904,17)
Diringer, who made a major contribution to the dis-
cussion of the origin of the Brahmi script, comes to a
different, yet remarkably similar, conclusion:
All historical and cultural evidence is best co-
ordinated by the theory which considers the early
Aramaic alphabet to be the prototype of the Brahmi
script. The acknowledged resemblance of the
Brahmi signs to the Phoenician letters also applies
Bala Hisar/Shaikhan Dheri
Peshawar
Palaliputra
N
5.10 km
Figure 2. Map showing the location of Asokan inscrip-
tions (marked by dots) and sites mentioned in the text
(marked by squares).
to the early Aramaic letters, whilst in my opinion
there can be no doubt that of all the Semites, the
Aramaean traders were the first to come in direct
communication with the Indo-Aryan merchants.
(Diringer 1968, 261-2)
The origin of certain Brahmi letters from one of
the branches of the Semitic scripts is still accepted
and indeed appears to be more strongly supported
(Dani 1963, 26; Diringer 1948, 336). However, it is
also clear that the script was fundamentally changed
when it underwent adaptation to South Asian lan-
guages. We find no difficulty in accepting Dani's
conclusion that the Brahmi script in its mature form
was the contribution of the Indian grammarians (Dani
1963, 25). Letters had their directions changed and,
perhaps most fundamental of all, the script was writ-
ten left to right not right to left as with the Semitic
scripts (Dani 1963, 28-30). There is a great contrast
between the adaptation of a Semitic script, be it Ara-
maic, Phoenician or even southern Semitic, to create
Kharosthi, resulting in the more or less complete
retention of the underlying concept of the original,
and the situation of Brahmi. In the latter a number of
Semitic letters appear to have been borrowed, but
the resulting script, Brahmi, from the outset presents
75
R.A.E. Coningham et al.
a markedly different concept which has remained as
a salient feature of all its later derivatives. Von
Hinuber (1990) has recently produced a thought-
provoking discussion of the relations of Kharosthi
and Brahmi, and concludes that the invention of
Brahmi took its Semitic elements from the already
adapted Kharosthi, perhaps not earlier than the time
of Asoka. This persuasive argument is challenging,
but as we remarked above it digresses from our
present purpose. We can only reiterate our view that
these matters must remain speculative until concrete
evidence can be obtained in the form of actual, objec-
tively dated, inscriptions.
It has been widely assumed that a written script
reached the south, and Sri Lanka in particular, no
earlier than the middle of the third century BC
(Diringer 1948, 388). It is also widely accepted that
this development occurred through norm Indian or
rattier Mauryan influence. Evidence for this influ-
ence comes in two forms: firstly, the Sri Lankan Pali
chronicle, the Mahavamsa [Great Chronicle] and sec-
ondly, from one of the rock edicts of Asoka. The
Mahavamsa records the early political and religious
history of Sri Lanka from its initial colonization on
the day of the Buddha's mahaparanirvana [Great Pass-
ing Away] until the fourth century AD. Although it
was probably compiled no earlier than the fifth cen-
tury AD, it is thought to have been based on a series
of earlier sources and, as such, represents a strong
and reliable historical tradition (Bechert 1978). It
records that during the Third Buddhist Council, held
in Pataliputra, the them [Buddhist elder] Moggaliputta
directed that Mahinda, the son of the Emperor Asoka,
should be sent to Sri Lanka to convert the king,
Devanampiya Tissa, and his people to Buddhism
(Mahavamsa XII, 7). This tradition can be substanti-
ated by Asoka's thirteenth major rock edict stating
that he had sent envoys carrying Dhamtna [righteous
law] to the southern lands of the Colas, Pandyas and
as far as Tamraparni [Sri Lanka] (Thapar 1961, 256).
Furthermore, this appears to correlate with the fact
that hitherto the earliest evidence of writing in Sri
Lanka has been the Brahmi inscriptions recording
the donations of caves to the Sangha [Buddhist or-
der] (Fig. 3). Agreement has been shared by archae-
ologists as well as by palaeographers and historians:
it is possible to draw an inference that the Brahmi
script of the oldest inscriptions of Ceylon was in-
troduced by Buddhist missionaries who came to the
Island in the time of Asoka. (Paranavitana 1970, xxiii).
The next phase at Anuradhapura, although pos-
sessing several elements in common with its pred-
ecessor, was of Mauryan derivation. During the
reign of Asoka ca. 250 BC, Buddhism was intro-
duced to Ceylon in association with other attributes
such as the art of writing in Brahmi script.
(Deraniyagala 1972, 50)
Recent excavations at the Sri Lankan site of
Anuradhapura, the capital of Devanampiya Tissa,
have provided evidence of Brahmi dating to the
beginning of the fourth century BC. The discovery of
Figure 3. Early Brahmi
inscription at the monas-
tic site of Vessagiriya,
Anuradhapura.
this script, the earliest example of its kind in South
Asia, has enabled a reassessment of the traditionally
accepted theories and allows us to suggest fresh hy-
potheses for its development and spread in South
Asia.
The new evidence from Anuradhapura: the
archaeological context
The first indications that the above theories might
require re-assessment came in 1990 when Dr Siran
Deraniyagala, Director-General of the Archaeologi-
cal Survey of Sri Lanka, published a paper entitled
'Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in Sri
Lanka: 600-500 BC' (Deraniyagala 1990). The con-
tents of his paper centred on the find of five sherds
of pottery in 1988 which bore partial inscriptions in
Brahmi script. Whilst the discovery of such sherds
was not uncommon at Anuradhapura, the published
chronometric date of the layer from which the sherds
came, 600-500 BC, was between 250 and 350 years
earlier than the earliest known evidence for the script
(Deraniyagala 1990, 159). As the five sherds came
from a 10-m-deep test-pit, Anuradhapura Mahapali
(AMP), which measured only 3 m by 3 m, the Direc-
tor himself suggested that there was a possibility
that certain of the levels might have been disturbed
(Deraniyagala 1990,156).
One may notice that many of the hypotheses
concerning Brahmi in Deraniyagala's 1990 paper were
quite prophetic. In 1989 a Sri Lankan-British team,
invited by the Director-General of Archaeology and
supported by the Society for South Asian Studies
(British Academy), had begun excavating at a local-
ity within the ancient city some 300 m to the north-
west of AMP with the aim of producing a dated
structural and artefactual sequence from the site.
The new trench, Anuradhapura Salgaha Watta 2
(ASW2), measured 10 m by 10 m and was designed
with two main objectives in mind (Fig. 4). The first
was to be large enough to be able to identify struc-
tures and the second was to be able to identify possi-
ble mixing of deposits as a result of robber pits,
wells and other intrusive features. The trench was
open for three seasons during which it became clear
that both initial aims and objectives had been met,
using 1887 contexts to identify 118 stratigraphic
phases, 11 structural periods and a sequence of 30
structures. As the question of the early presence of
Brahmi script had already been raised by Deraniyagala
in 1989, all sherds from excavated contexts were
duly washed and examined at the pottery yard. This
methodology led to the identification of some 272
marked sherds. Since the sherds were covered in
thick clay it was impossible to identify marked sherds
in the trench, and for this reason provenience was
limited to the context in which they were excavated.
Whilst this did not present a problem for smaller
contexts, we also decided to record from which of
the four quadrants (NE, SE, SW & NW) of larger
contexts sherds had been recovered. It is clear from
Figure 5 that the earliest evidence of Brahmi script at
ASW2 (in Phase J4) can be dated to the early part of
the fourth century BC.
As the radiocarbon dating of ASW2 is crucial to
this debate, further discussion is necessary as to the
calibration used and the origin and nature of the
samples measured. A total of 29 radiocarbon deter-
minations were available from 18 of the structural
phases excavated at ASW2 (Appendix 1). The radio-
carbon measurements were all carried out on char-
coal by radiocarbon laboratories at the British
Museum and Beta Analytic. In addition to the radio-
carbon determinations, there were extensive strati-
graphic records from which the relationships between
the structural phases and periods and their assorted
Figure 4. ^4SW2 during excavations.
77
SEQ Anuradhapura
2000BC 1500BC 1000BC 500BC
Calibrated date
AD 500AD
Figure 5. Phased and calibrated dates from ASW2.
78
radiocarbon samples could be determined. It is nec-
essary to calibrate radiocarbon dates before using
them in the interpretation of the site in order to take
account of changes in the concentration of radiocar-
bon in the atmosphere (Bowman 1994). Initial cali-
bration of the radiocarbon determinations for
Anuradhapura was carried out using OxCal V2.18
(Bronk Ramsey 1994), based on the internationally
agreed calibration curve of Stuiver & Reimer (1986).
The radiocarbon ages are shown in Appendix 1. No
Southern Hemisphere correction was used as the
validity of such a correction in the latitude of Sri
Lanka has yet to be established. When looking at the
initial probability distributions of the calibrated dates
from Anuradhapura, a number of effects were evi-
dent. The dates were earlier than the radiocarbon
determinations; in some cases the radiocarbon cali-
bration resulted in multiple ranges at the two and,
more commonly, the one standard deviation confi-
dence levels; and the age range was increased. The
latter effect was particularly noticeable between 400 BC
and 800 BC, where the calibration curve is effectively
flat. Consequently calibrated dates for phases within
this range had much larger calendar date ranges
making detailed interpretation of the dating ex-
tremely difficult.
Simple calibration of individual radiocarbon
dates, however, does not make any use of the
stratigraphic and other archaeological information
that is available. In order to utilize radiocarbon
determinations to their full extent, such other sources
of information must be incorporated. Much theoreti-
cal work has been carried out using stratigraphic
information in conjunction with radiocarbon cali-
bration to reduce the age ranges on dated events
(Buck el al. 1991). These issues are addressed in the
calibration and analysis program OxCal (Bronk
Ramsey 1994). The radiocarbon determinations for
ASW2 were reinterpreted using OxCal, taking into
account the stratigraphic information available;
namely that the structural phases were in simple
stratigraphic order from G5 (most recent) to Kl (old-
est) and that material used in the radiocarbon
determinations was securely from within the phases
to which the dates are attributed, but could be from
any date or sequence within that phase. The archaeo-
logical evidence supported this interpretation. The
probability distributions which are generated when
taking into account the chronological model are
shown in Figure 5. It can be seen that the stratigraphic
information serves to constrain the calibrated dates
to much narrower ranges. The percentages are an
index of how well the chronological model agrees
with the dating evidence; in some cases the agree-
ment is better than expected and is greater than 100
per cent, in other cases it is poorer. On a much more
positive note, the charcoal was predominately,
where identifiable, of roundwood that is twiggy
growth thus removing the likelihood that sam-
ples had been reused through a number of structural
phases. In conclusion, it may be stated that although
the interpretation of the dates of the sequence after
calibration of the radiocarbon determinations is ham-
pered by the nature of the calibration curve between
400 BC and 800 BC, it has been possible to achieve a
detailed interpretation of the dating by combining
the radiocarbon determinations with stratigraphic
information through the use of Bayesian methods.
Throughout this article AD and BC are used to refer to
calibrated dates and results are quoted to one stand-
ard deviation.
As the OxCal interpretation of the radiocarbon
measurements from J4 reiterates the early presence
of Brahmi in Sri Lanka, the following section will
describe the first five periods at ASW2 which cover
the period from ninth century BC until the mid-sec-
ond century AD. Figure 6, a simplified schematic sec-
tion of the earlier periods at ASW2, illustrates the
relative stratigraphic relationship between the
provenience of carbon samples and selected inscribed
sherds. Although there is evidence that the low
mound on the left bank of the Malwattu Oya was
occupied by microlithic tool-using hunter-gatherers
as early as c. 4000 BC (Deraniyagala 1992, 434), set-
tled occupation at the locality of the trench may
have begun only as early as the eighth century BC. At
ASW2 this first period, labelled K, consisted of three
phases of lightly constructed, perhaps temporary,
structures located in the vicinity of a low outcrop of
gneiss boulders. Measurement of the three charcoal
samples (Beta-48,920, 48,917 & 48,916), bulk recov-
ered from the surface of levelling/occupation floors
in each of the three phases (Contexts 1616, 1714 &
1811), suggests an occupation between 840-460 BC.
Whilst it is difficult to identify the form of the first
two phases of structures, the third phase, K3, is clearly
a circle of post-holes 2.5 m in diameter associated
with a line of post-holes leading away from it, pre-
sumably delineating the line of a fence or boundary.
During our 1994 field season it was possible to esti-
mate the extent of the Period K settlement some
18 hectares. This figure was calculated from two
macro-stratigraphic profiles of the site constructed
from a series of 10 m deep cores taken every 150 m
on a central north-south and east-west axis through
the mound using a hand-auger. Artefacts associated
79
Context
364
390
470
493
615
663
744/670
729/767/788
834
837
880
961
977
1101
1125
1174
1175
1293
1407
1496
1616
1714
1811
Structural period
F
G5
G4
G3
G2
Gl
H
18
17
16
15
14
13
12
11
J5
J4
J3
J2
Jl
K3
K2
Kl
R.A.E. Coningham el al.
Carbon samples
BM-2781
Beta-48,939
Beta-48,938
BM-2878, Beta-48,937,48,936 & 48,935
Beta-48,934& 48,933
Beta-48,932
Beta-48,931
BM-2876 & Beta-48,930
Beta-48,928
Beta-48,927 & 48,926
BM-2877&Beta-48,925
Beta-57,702,48,919 & 48,916
Beta-57,701
Beta-48,923& 28,924
Beta-48,922
Beta-48,921
Beta-48,920
Beta-48,917
Beta-48,916
Inscribed sherds
SF 25,133
SF 10,249
SF 16,454 & 16,472
SF 17,025
SF 17,040
SF 17,330
SF 17,425
SF 17,308
SF 17,332
Figure 6. Simplified schematic section of the earlier periods al ASVJ2.
with this period included black and red burnished
ceramics, iron slag and iron objects. The faunal record
was dominated by cattle, although some wild spe-
cies were present. It was noted that a small number
of sherds from this period were marked with what is
normally referred to as 'megalithic symbols' or more
correctly termed non-scriptural graffiti (Fig. 7). It
was evident from the associated culture complex
that this period belongs firmly within the Iron Age
of peninsular India.
The second period, J, has been dated to be-
tween 510-340 BC and consists of five phases of round
structures (Fig. 8). It is clear from the size and depth
of the post-holes that the structures in J represent
80
Figure 7. Sherd with non-scriptural graffiti (SF 17,420).
more permanent occupation, a point reinforced by
the accompanying increase of post-holes and struc-
ture diameters. The radiocarbon measurement for Jl
was derived from a bulked sample (Beta-48,921) in
levelling/occupation floor 1496 which was sealed
by levelling/occupation floor 1407. Sample Beta-
48,922 from Phase J2 came from a post (1417) in a 15
cm diameter post-hole cut into 1407. 1407 was in
turn sealed by levelling/occupation floor 1293. In
the succeeding structural phase, J3, cut into 1293, we
recovered sample Beta-48,924 from the basal fill of a
small furnace or oven
(1342) and Beta-48,923
from the basal fill of a
pit (1382). These fea-
tures were then sealed
by levelling/occupa-
tion floor 1175 which
contained charcoal sam-
ple Beta-57,701 and in-
scribed sherd Special
Find (SF) 17,322. Phase
J4's other charcoal sam-
ples (Beta-48,918,48,919
& 57,702) came from the
basal fills of a small fur-
nace or oven (1291 &
1236) cut into 1175,
whilst inscribed sherd
SF 17,308 was recovered
from the basal fill of a
pit (1216), also cut into
1175. These features
were then sealed by lev-
elling/occupation floor Figure 8. Structures of Period }
1174 into which were cut the features of structural
phase J5. One of these features, a pit, contained in-
scribed sherd SF 17,425 in fill 1208. 1174 was then
sealed by levelling/occupation floor 1125. Inscribed
sherd 17,330 was recovered from the lower levels of
1125 in the southeast of the trench. The artefactual
record continued relatively unchanged from Period
K. Black and red burnished ware continued to domi-
nate the ceramics but with the addition of a small
number of medium-fine grey ware sherds. Paste
beads, slag, iron, copper, shell, amethyst and quartz
objects and waste were also present. It is notable that
the first examples of horse bones were found in the
faunal record during this phase. The Iron Age affini-
ties of the period appeared to be reiterated by the
identification of a circular pit from J2 (1472). The pit,
with a diameter of 1.25 m, was filled with ash and
sealed with river gravel and contained an iron ar-
rowhead, a small copper alloy object, a polished rub-
bing or sharpening stone, three black and red ware
burnished cups with holes drilled in their bases and
three other vessels with non-scriptural graffiti. Al-
though no bones were found in the pit, it appears to
be very similar in form and content to the peninsular
Iron Age pit burials. The artefactual collection from J
is augmented by the presence of four sherds bearing
portions of Brahmi inscriptions. The macro-
stratigraphic profiles of the site, derived from the 1994
hand-auger cores, suggest that during Period J the
81
settlement expanded modestly to cover an area of
some 26 hectares.
The succeeding period, I, is dated to between
360-190 BC. At the beginning a major change oc-
curred in the structural content of the locality; round
buildings were replaced by cardinally oriented square
or oblong ones (Fig. 9). During the first phase, II, a
single-roomed rectangular structure covering an area
of some 6 square metres was constructed on the
surface of levelling /occupation floor 1125. Two sam-
ples of charcoal, Beta-48,925 & BM-2877, were recov-
ered from the basal fills of a small furnace or oven
(1173) cut into 1125. 1125 was then sealed by level-
ling/occupation floor 1101, from which inscribed
sherd SF 17,040 was recovered. Samples Beta-48,927
& 48,926 were recovered from the basal fills of a
small furnace or oven (1112 & 1113) cut into 1101's
surface. 1101 was sealed by levelling/occupation
floor 977 into which had been cut furnace or oven
1096, the fill of which (1097) had provided sample
Beta-48,928. Inscribed sherd SF 17,025 was recov-
ered from the southwest quadrant of 977. 977 was
then sealed by levelling/occupation floor 961 on top
of which the fourth phase, 14, was constructed. I4's
plan still included the II room at its core but a fur-
ther room was constructed to its north and a corri-
dor or veranda added to the west of both rooms. The
walls were constructed of posts and covered in wat-
tle and daub and, although the first phases were
Figure 9. Structures of Period I
probably roofed with grass or palm, the later roofs
were covered in kiln-fired tiles. The structure was
destroyed by fire and two charcoal samples (Beta-
48,930 & BM-2876) were obtained from burnt tim-
bers sealed under the collapse of a tiled roof (905 &
914). The debris was then sealed under levelling/
occupation floor 880, and sample Beta-48,931 recov-
ered from a burnt post in a 12 cm diameter post-hole
(901) cut into 880. The features of 15 were sealed by
levelling/occupation floor 837 and then by 834. Sam-
ple Beta-38,932 was recovered from the latter. 834
was then sealed by 752 and levelling/occupation
floor 729/767/788. Inscribed sherds SFs 16,472 &
16,454 were recovered from Contexts 729 & 788 re-
spectively. Samples Beta-48,934 & 48,933 were re-
covered from the basal fills of post slots (Contexts 728
& 812) cut into 729/767 during structural phase 18.
The 1994 macro-stratigraphic profiles suggest
that during Period I the settlement increased in size
by 60 per cent to reach a extent of over 60 hectares,
and it also appears that during this period a roughly
cardinally orientated rampart and ditch were con-
structed around the settlement, enclosing an area of
some 100 hectares (Coningham 1993). The presence
of a fine grey ware within the ceramic assemblage,
probably imported, is noteworthy. The fabric and
shapes suggest that it may be ancestral to Rouletted
Ware. The faunal record shows a high proportion
of finds of sea shells. In addition to paste beads,
shell and semi-precious
stone objects and waste,
more exotic materials
such as carnelian from
western India and lapis
lazuli from Afghanistan
and even coins were
present for the first time
at the end of the se-
quence. Five sherds with
portions of Brahmi in-
scriptions were also re-
covered from this
period, four of which
are illustrated in this
article.
Period I takes the
sequence from 360-190
BC and Periods H and
G take it from 200 BC-
AD 130, straddling the
period during which
the Emperor Asoka
ruled in Pataliputra and
82
his son, Mahinda, allegedly converted the island.
Period H is only a short phase and represents a struc-
tural anomaly. Levelling/occupation floor 729/767
was sealed by 744/670 and a series of shallow troughs
cut into the subsoil filled with wood, burned, and
then refilled. All of H's charcoal samples (Beta-48,937,
48,936 & 48,935; BM-2827) were recovered from the
basal fills of these features (692, 718, 721 & 735).
Considering their short exposure and high concen-
tration of special finds, including Brahmi sealing SF
10,249 from Fill 692, we were at first tempted to
identify them as cremation sites. It is more likely,
however, that they represent a specialized industrial
structure. Occupation resumes with five superim-
posed phases of structures during Period G, utiliz-
ing limestone slabs and brick for the first time in the
sequence. 744/670 was sealed by 663 and then by
levelling/occupation floor 615. Sample Beta-48,938
from G2 was recovered from the latter context. The
structures of G2 were then sealed by 493, which was
in turn was sealed by levelling/occupation floor 470.
Sample Beta-48,939 was recovered from a G4 foun-
dation (632) constructed on 470. 470 was sealed by
levelling/occupation floor 390, on which were con-
structed the structures of G5. This well-preserved
structure consisted of a paved courtyard, covering
16 square metres with three large ceramic vessels
sunk into it, surrounded on the south and east by a
range of tiled white-washed and plastered wattle
and daub structures. A brick-paved lane, running
north-south, was identified, defining the complex's
western edge, and perhaps indicating that the city
was divided into cardinally oriented grids. This struc-
ture was destroyed by fire and the G5 charcoal sam-
ple (BM-2781) was recovered from a post in a 15 cm
diameter post-hole (340) in the building sealed by
the collapse of the walls and roof. SF 25,133 was
recovered from Context 399, part of the debris of the
G5 destruction.
The results of the 1994 hand-auger survey sug-
gested that the city reached its maximum extent of
some 70 hectares during this period. Finds of
Rouletted Ware, black slipped wares with Hellenis-
tic affinities, Arikamedu type 10, coins and a carved
ivory mirror stand suggest strong affinities and con-
nections with the rest of the subcontinent. Although
sherds bearing Brahmi inscriptions were found in
these early levels, they were absent from the later
ones, although SF 166 was recovered from Context
600, part of the fill of a much later robber pit. Struc-
tural periods K, J, I, H & G were then sealed by the
construction of a monumental pillared hall (364) dur-
ing structural period F.
The new evidence from Anuradhapura: the
Brahmi inscriptions
Deraniyagala's earlier discovery of the existence of
pre-Asokan Brahmi at Anuradhapura appears, there-
fore, to have been supported by the results of the
excavation at ASW2. The earliest presence of Brahmi
at ASW2 is indicated by the presence of single letters
on three sherds and three sherds with more than one
letter from J4. The earliest examples take the form of
characters inscribed with a sharp instrument on pot-
sherds after firing. The vast majority of the inscribed
sherds are from coarse and medium black and red
ware vessels made of locally available clays. With-
out exception the inscriptions appear to have been
written in the Brahmi script. This state of affairs is
somewhat different to the rather later collection of
inscriptions on sherds from Arikamedu (Wheeler
1946). The latter, dated by the presence of Arretine
ware to the early centuries AD, consisted of an early
form of Tamil, written in the specially adapted Tamil
Brahmi script. All the readable inscriptions from
Anuradhapura appear to be in Prakrit, that is, an
early Middle Indo-Aryan language. The script in all
cases appears to have been written in the same di-
rection as the majority of the Asokan edicts from
left to right. Even though the inscriptions are frag-
mentary, they appear to have been short originally.
Indeed, they seem to have consisted of a single name
or clause in the genitive and dative case. When ar-
ranged in chronological sequence there appears to
be an obvious development from rather large crude
letters towards smaller, more refined ones (Fig. 10).
It is also clear from the chronological series that they
show a sharp decline in Period G when we also find
the first evidence of the use of other, more perish-
able, media for writing. The most obvious is the
presence of pierced book-ends of bone and ivory,
clearly similar in size and shape to more recent ex-
amples.
The inscriptions from ASW2 fall into a number
of groups, viewed in terms of the development of
the script. The first group comes from Period J and
these show considerable variations from one another.
The letter forms are often crude and ungainly and
lack any sense of fluency or orthographic compe-
tence. SF 17,425 may be taken to read vmtaiia. The
form of the final letter, which we read as ;./, is pecu-
liar and appears to be written sideways, something
which does very occasionally occur in other Sri
Lankan early inscriptions. SF 17,330 is also very prob-
lematic and two of the three letters cannot be read
with any certainty. SF 17,332 is clearer but also
83
17,040
17,025
17,425
17,332
17,330
17,308
Figure 10. Early Brahmi inscriptions from ASW2.
84
crudely written, and reads devasa, presumably a
proper name in the genitive case, 'of Deva'; SF 17,308
is also difficult to read. It is evident that the very
small number of inscriptions found in this early
group, and the small number of complete letters
(aksara) they provide, makes it unwise to say very
much regarding the script at this time. Nor, in the
absence of any properly dated specimens from the
Indian mainland, can much be said regarding com-
parisons elsewhere during this period. It will be par-
ticularly interesting, when published material
becomes available, to compare the script of the early
Brahmi inscriptions reported from a number of sites
in Tamil Nadu, particularly from Uraiyur (Raman
1988). Most of the Uraiyur inscriptions are in the
Tamil Brahmi script and share elements seen in the
specimens from Arikamedu (Wheeler 1946), and may
be expected in both cases to belong to the final cen-
turies BC-AD; but others share the irregularity of let-
ter forms with our first group, and may well be
earlier. Similar Brahmi inscriptions on sherds have
been reported at a number of other sites in the Kaveri
Delta region.
The second group comprises inscriptions from
Period I. Here unfortunately several of the sherds
yield only pairs of letters, but their orthography is
more fluent, even if still somewhat irregular by com-
parison with later inscriptions. SF 17,040 reads
piyagata, Prakrit piya (Sanskrit priya) 'beloved', and
gata, typical Prakrit 'gone'. SF 17,025 reads either as
purClya or surfiya, presumably in the dative case. While
the meaning is not clear this word is evidently Prakrit.
SF 16,472 reads timnla{?), also of unclear meaning
but with a distinctive angularity of the form of two
of the letters; and SF 16,454 reads as damtine or per-
haps amffne, similarly of unclear meaning. Once again
the number of inscribed sherds and the total number
of aksaras included in the inscriptions of this group is
really too small to make any systematic compari-
sons, but they certainly show greater regularity and
greater confidence in writing than those of the ear-
lier group. Two sherds show curious angular forms
of ma and la which are difficult to date, but which
may imply that they are out of their true context.
The third group comes from Periods H and G,
the former important because it provides an excep-
tionally well dated horizon, the latter because of two
interesting inscriptions. Relatively few of the longer
pottery inscriptions come from these levels, but the
inscriptions themselves show a direct continuation
of the tendencies of the preceding period, with greater
competence in use of the script and greater regular-
ity of size and form. One might say that in this
respect these inscriptions reflect the regularity of
much Asokan Brahmi. Of exceptional interest, how-
ever is the circular clay sealing SF 10,249. This has a
Brahmi inscription which reads tis'a puta magaha
purumaka, 'Maga the chieftain (Parwnaka), son ofTisa'.
Another important inscription is SF 25,133 which
reads tis'a (a)biya, either 'the princess Tisa' or perhaps
'the princess (daughter) of Tisa'. One final example is
provided by a pair of inscriptions on either side of a
small stone goldsmith's mould (SF 166). They both
stand within a circular ground surrounded by a reg-
ister of dots, one bearing, in reverse, the inscription
vacadatasa and the other vacadataha, also in reverse,
'of (or belonging to) Vatsa Datta'. The final syllable in
both instances represents the genitive case, but with
a slight dialectic difference. This find comes from a
disturbed layer and is not therefore datable strati-
graphically. However, bearing in mind the major
developments of the Brahmi script which took place
in Sri Lanka from the first century BC onwards this
example may be safely assigned to the second to first
centuries BC.
The third group of inscriptions is notable for
the fact that for the first time two of them are on
different materials, rather than as hitherto on pot-
sherds. The clay sealing evidently displays a mes-
sage that had been carved in negative form on either
a stone or ivory seal, and the stone goldsmith's mould
provides a parallel example of such a context. The
letters of SF 25,133 are regular and neat and show no
trace of the major changes of letter form which begin
to appear in Sri Lanka from the first century AD
onwards and probably reflect the changes which oc-
cur in Mathura and northern India about the same
time. The Maga sealing shows a majority of early
forms combined with one or two slightly more de-
veloped forms. The forms of sa, pa, ma, ga, rn and ka
are typical of those of the last two centuries BC, while
ta and ha appear to anticipate those of the first cen-
tury AD. These comparisons are based upon Lithic
and Other Inscriptions of Ceylon (Karunaratne 1984).
The distinctive thickening of the ends of strokes,
resembling serifs, which is so regular a feature of
inscriptions of the later period is, however, totally
absent. The goldsmith's mould inscription shows
only the earlier forms of letters without any of the
newer influences. As the inscriptions of the third
group form practically the latest examples of inscrip-
tions (other than on the gold medieval Polonnaruwa
coin SF 6327) from stratified deposits, it is interest-
ing to note that the typical letter forms of the first or
second centuries AD are absent, with the exceptions
mentioned above. The changes appear to have been
85
found in Sri Lanka more or less contemporary with
their appearance in Mathura and the north, and in
Amaravati and the Deccan. These differences pave
the way for the gradual emergence of different re-
gional styles of script. This suggests that the inscrib-
ing of pottery comes to an end at Anuradhapura
shortly after the opening of the Christian era.
To sum up the evidence of the early use of
Brahmi at Anuradhapura, the inscriptions provide a
convincing series starting from ttieir earliest occur-
rence in the early part of the fourth century BC. The
series shows three stages during which familiarity
with and use of writing steadily develop. The latest
examples of the series belong to the opening of the
Christian era and no inscriptions or inscribed sherds
are found showing the known developments of the
script which took place in Sri Lanka in the course of
the next two or three centuries. The series of inscrip-
tions we have been reviewing is important for an-
other reason: not only do they indicate the introduction
and growth of the use of writing, but they also pro-
vide us with textual contact with the world outside
the city of Anuradhapura. For example, the name
and title of Maga the Parumaka occurs at ASW2 in a
sealed deposit datable to the late third century BC. A
person with the same name and title donated a
cave to the Buddhist Sangha at the nearby monastic
complex of Mihintale (Paranavitana 1970, 2). Tlie
Mahavamsa tells us that the construction of the mon-
astery and of these caves at Mihintale went on
Figure 11. Electronic photomicrograph of sherd inscribed before breakage.
throughout the second half of the third century and
into the second century BC (Coningham 1995a). To
find the donation of a cave by a titled chieftain whose
seal was found in the nearby city seems entirely
plausible. A slightly later example of another possi-
ble cross-dating is the sherd inscription of the lady
Tisa (SF 25,133). In Mihintale the cave bearing in-
scription no. 34 was donated by a lady of this name,
the daughter of the great king Gamani Uti, who
succeeded Etevanampiya Tissa in c. 207 BC (Paranavitana
1970,3). A further example of this type is suggested
by the discovery by Deraniyagala of an inscribed
potsherd bearing the inscription (A)bi AnurHdh(i) from
his adjacent ASW1 sondage (Deraniyagala 1992,746).
A princess of this name, described as the daughter of
king Naga and wife of king Uttiya (Uti), is referred
to as donating four caves to the Sangha at Periya
Puliyankulama in Vavuniya District (Paranavitana
1970, 27). The script of this inscription is altogether
consonant with the second-century BC date it sug-
gests. The presence of these significant inscriptions
in the centre of the Citadel of Anuradhapura might
be taken to' indicate that ASW2 could be located
close to an elite area or administrative centre, but
also highlights the possible connections between the
city and its hinterland.
The presence of Brahmi inscriptions at such an
early date in Sri Lanka posed a number of interpre-
tative problems concerning their relationship with
the sherds on which they were written. One of these
problems was whether
the inscriptions had
been made before or af-
ter the sherds had been
broken, that is whether
the inscriptions ap-
peared to have been
originally written on
sherds (as with an
ostrakon) or on larger
and presumably whole
vessels. In order to ex-
amine this problem we
devised a suitable
methodology that rested
upon the assumption
that the plan and sec-
tion of a line which had
been inscribed in a cera-
mic medium and subse-
quently broken would
present a very different
plan and section to a
86
line which had been inscribed across an already bro- had been inscribed up to and across an already bro-
ken edge. To examine this property, unmarked sherds
from Anuradhapura were obtained and a pointed
iron scribe was used to produce lines which ran
across the surface of the sherd. The sherd was then
broken across the inscribed lines to produce a sec-
tion through the lines. A second similar sherd was
then broken and lines inscribed with the same im-
plement across it and over its edge or section. The
former sherd was assumed to have characteristics of
an inscription inscribed prior to breakage and the
latter to have those of an inscription inscribed after
breakage that is on a broken sherd. Both sherds
were then gold sputter coated and examined with a
Cambridge 150 scanning electron microscope, mi-
crographs being taken. As the scanning electron mi-
croscope could only be used to examine specimens
smaller than 2.5 cm square we could not examine the
sherds from ASW2 without cutting them into smaller
fragments. As such a level of destruction was clearly
unacceptable, the Anuradhapura inscriptions were
examined under a Leica Wild M32 stereo-microscope
using Intravox 5000-1 illumination, micrographs be-
ing taken using Nikon HFX-DX microscope camera
system.
Figure 11 shows an electron photomicrograph
of the sherd which was inscribed before being bro-
ken. It is clear that the profile and depth of the in-
scribed line remains constant to the very edge of the
material. These results are contrast to Figure 12 which
shows an electron photo-
micrograph of the sec-
tion and plan of the
sherd which was in-
scribed after breakage.
There is a noticeable
deepening of the in-
scribed channel as it
reaches the edge of the
sherd. There is also a dis-
tinctive delta shape as
the channel reaches the
edge of the sherd. These
two different patterns
support our original as-
sumption that the plan
and section of a line
which had been inscribed
in a ceramic medium
and was subsequently
broken would present a
very different plan and
section to a line which
ken edge.
The temporary export of a representative sam-
ple of the inscribed sherds from ASW2 was requested
from the Director-General of Archaeology in Sri
Lanka and subsequently kindly granted. We then
examined every sherd which had inscribed charac-
ters or symbols running off the edge. Inspection re-
vealed that all the inscribed sherds, bar one, had
edge patterns consistent with our test sherd which
had been inscribed prior to breakage. This single
anomalous sherd, SF 16,929 from Phase 13, was in-
scribed with a non-scriptural graffito. Using the Leica
Wild M32 stereo-microscope using Intravox 5000-1
illumination in combination with a Nikon HFX-DX
microscope camera system, we took micrographs of
the plan and profile of the sherd. The resultant pat-
terns of both deepening channel and delta-shaped
edge are clearly consistent with those expected from
an inscribed line made after initial sherd breakage
(Fig. 13). It is also useful to compare this pattern
with that from a sherd inscribed with Brahmi char-
acters from Phase 12, SF 17,040. The inscribed chan-
nel has a constant depth even at the edge of the
sherd and its plan view is that of a constant narrow
channel (Fig. 14).
It is clear, therefore, that only one of the repre-
sentative sample of inscribed sherds from ASW2, SF
16,929, has a pattern consistent with a post-breakage
graffito. As it is an example of non-scriptural graffiti
^ .
Figure 12. Electronic photomicrograph of sherd inscribed after breakage.
87
Figure 13. Photomicrograph ofSF 16,929.
Figure 14. Photomicrograph qfSF 17,040.
we may attempt to explain its presence in the ar-
chaeological record as a doodle or sketch made on a
broken sherd in antiquity. These findings also help
us to conclude that the Brahmi inscriptions from
ASW2 were originally inscribed on much larger frag-
ments. As there are nu-
merous examples of
complete vessels with
inscriptions from Early
Historic sites in Sri
Lanka and India, we are
tempted to suggest that
they are from complete
ceramic vessels. We
may also immediately
state that the above
methodology would
have allowed us to
identify any Brahmi in-
scriptions which had
been made at a later pe-
riod on broken sherds.
The dangers of accept-
ing such an early col-
lection as genuine
without following such
a vigorous methodol-
ogy are clearly illus-
trated by the example
of Islam Akhun (Stein
1903). On a slightly
lighter note we are now
investigating the possi-
bilities of widening our
methodology so that we
may start tracing which
materials were used to
inscribe the vessels.
Towards a model for
the early use of
writing in Sri Lanka
The discovery of a
body of inscribed ob-
jects at Anuradhapura
prompts us to give
some thought to their
implications for the
^ wider use of writing in
the periods they cover.
The success of any
study of inscriptions on
ceramic vessels relies upon their recovery during
excavation. Unfortunately, although the rate of iden-
tification in excavations in South Asia is high for com-
plete vessels, it is much lower for inscriptions on
broken sherds. Indeed, we are aware of only four
88
published collections of inscribed sherds large
enough to be noteworthy. These are from Arikamedu
(Wheeler 1946), Salihundam (Subrahmanyam 1964),
Shaikhan Dheri (Dani 1966) and Peshawar (Chhabra
1985). Where sherds are large enough for the in-
scriptions to be read it appears that the majority of
Early Historic examples are connected with owner-
ship that is, they consist mainly of personal names
in dative or genitive case. For example, a Brahmi
inscription from Arikamedu read 'the zvide-moiithed
pot of Mutikuluran' (Wheeler 1946, 109-13), a
Kharosthi inscription from Shaikhan Dheri reads 'of
KJiaras'ri' (Dani 1966,110), a Brahmi inscription from
Salihundam reads 'the pati (platter) of Bodhika'
(Subrahmanyam 1964, 84) and a Brahmi inscription
from Anuradhapura reads 'of Deva' (Deraniyagala
1972,129). As the majority of such inscriptions had
been incised on sherds after firing, they are gener-
ally interpreted as the name of the vessel's owner
rather than that of the potter (Deraniyagala 1972,
129). Traditionally, the presence of such inscribed
vessels in habitation sites has been interpreted as the
result of individuals marking their names on their
own drinking and eating vessels to prevent ritual
contamination. Such an hypothesis is backed by the
fact that many of the inscribed vessels fall into cat-
egories of eating and drinking vessel, and it is clear
from the contemporary literature that there were
dire consequences for eating or drinking out of a
ritually contaminated vessel (Buhler 1886,190). Two
factors, however, allow us to challenge this interpre-
tation: firstly, if it was customary to break vessels
after each meal (Auboyer 1965,132) there was little
point writing a name on the vessel; and secondly, it
appears that a number of the inscriptions from
Anuradhapura were written on lids rather than on
vessels. We are therefore led to suggest a more parsi-
monious explanation for their presence, although
one which is still linked to the concept of ownership.
A key to our understanding of the function of
vessels inscribed with Brahmi may be found in their
relationship to the function of vessels inscribed with
'megalithic' symbols or, rather, non-scriptural graffiti.
As already noted, we recovered 170 sherds with
Table 1. The distribution of sherds bearing scriptural and non-scriptural graffiti at ASW2.
Phase Inscriptions Single letters Letters/graffiti? Dominant sign
E
F
G5
G4
G3
G2
Gl
H
18
17
16
15
14
13
12
11
J5
J4
J3
Jl
1
3
2
1
1
2
2
1
2
1
3
1
5
10
2
2
1
1
1
13
3
3
8
12
7
5
3
3
Totals 19
42 41
2
17
2
24
7
8
4
1
3
5
2
1
1
2
4
73
Other signs
1
2
18
1
11
4
2
4
1
2
8
4
16
5
10
5
Tot;
1
0
1
0
5
49
3
50
22
15
9
5
10
16
11
35
10
18
9
0
97 272
89
non-scriptural graffiti in addition to the 102 sherds
with scriptural graffiti from ASW2 (Table 1). We
subdivided the former group into a) 73 graffiti which
appeared to conform to a common or dominant sym-
bol, a sign similar to a Brahmi ma enclosed by arms
or a vessel; and b) various other symbols, for exam-
ple svastikas, serpents, stupas, staffs surrounded by
enclosures, inscribed on 97 sherds. The presence of
non-scriptural graffiti is not a new phenomenon.
Indeed, there has been much debate as to their possi-
ble purpose. The first serious analysis was carried
out by Ernest Hunt in the 1920s (Hunt 1924). He
argued that these marks could not have been made
by the potter as the majority of them had been in-
cised after firing. However, he also countered the
argument that they represented owners' marks by
illustrating the graffiti from a burial at Raigir. This
burial was associated with some 46 vessels, of which
13 were inscribed, but since they were inscribed with
what he called the 'handwriting' of many individu-
als he concluded that Tribal "owners' marks" they
may be, but not the 'owners' marks' of individuals.'
(Hunt 1924, 150). Hunt could find no correlation
between vessel shape or size and post-firing marks,
and so he concluded that they did not refer to vessel
type or contents. Further discussions were reopened
in 1960 with an attempt to demonstrate a continuity
in script from the Harappan to Brahmi. Apart from
proving that the graffiti was found in habitation sites
as well as burials, however, little new was suggested
as to their function (Lai 1960,23).
The theory that the graffiti might represent a
form of script was advanced as early as 1917. Yazdani
suggested that they might have 'been used some-
times as ideographs to express ideas, and sometimes
phonetically to represent symbols or letters' (Yazdani
1917, 70). As he had attempted to identify the script
as Egyptian, however, his theories were rather natu-
rally dismissed (Wheeler 1948, 244). Such explana-
tions were reiterated by Paranavitana in 1970 whilst
trying to interpret the presence of such marks or
symbols at the beginning or end of early Brahmi
inscriptions in Sri Lanka. He stated that a correlation
between the name Tisa and the presence of a svastika
had led him 'to the conclusion that the svastika stood
for the name Tisa, as an ideogram or a phonogram'
(Paranavitana 1970, xxv). As noted above, we identi-
fied 73 graffiti from ASW2 which fell into our cat-
egory of dominant symbol, representing 27 per cent
of all inscribed sherds. Table 1 clearly demonstrates
that they are distributed throughout the phases which
have evidence of inscribed sherds, from J3 to G3. It
also appears that ASW2 has a higher percentage
representation of this particular symbol than the other
excavation pits. Combined with the structural conti-
nuity and replication of building after building at
ASW2 this may suggest that the symbol could be
loosely correlated with this particular locality within
the settlement (Coningham 1994, 66-9). Such a sug-
gestion might be supported by Seneviratne's state-
ment that 'In our view, these [graffiti] represent clan
and family symbols of the Early Iron Age communi-
ties' (Seneviratne 1992,109). We may conclude, there-
fore, that such non-scriptural graffiti are commonly
held to indicate ownership, whether of a personal or
more corporate nature, and that as such represent a
continuity in function with the later vessels inscribed
in Brahmi or Kharosthi. This continuity is further
strengthened by the fact that scriptural and non-
scriptural graffiti are found on vessels of the same
forms (Fig. 15). Such unity of function tempts one to
see this development as a sign of an incipient growth
in the need for a script, perhaps in a very similar
way to the non-scriptural graffiti at the Early
Harappan site of Rehman Dheri prior to the advent
of the Harappan script itself (Coningham 1995b, 63).
Having argued for a continuity of function be-
tween vessels with scriptural and non-scriptural graf-
fiti, we still have to suggest what that function may
have been. Inscriptions on ceramic vessels are also
found in another, if somewhat later, context reli-
gious sites. 'A large number of potsherds bearing
inscriptions have been discovered. Some such pots
were meant for being dedicated in favour of reli-
gious institutions.' (Sircar 1965,73) Examples of such
inscriptions are found in a number of Kharosthi in-
scriptions from Peshawar which record a series of
gifts to a Buddhist institution (Chhabra 1985, 125)
and also in a number of donations at the Jetavana
monastery at Anuradhapura itself. During excava-
tions at the northern and southern ayakas [cardinal
altars] of the latter's central stupa, 17 vessels were
found containing hundreds of fragments of semi-
precious stone, objects of copper and iron, conch
shells, coins, ivory fragments, rings and over 2000
beads (Ratnayake 1984,36-44). It is tempting to seek
a continuity between such practices and the placing
of vessels containing human remains and artefacts
into the burial monuments of the South Indian and
Sri Lankan Iron Age tradition. For example, Wheeler
recovered 48 beads from a shallow dish in Megalith
VIII at Brahmagiri (Wheeler 1948, 264), making it
clear that such vessels were used to contain and
transport donations of perishables and imperishables
as well as for eating and drinking. Indeed, in Sri
Lanka ceramic vessels were used until recently for
90
many such activities.
The pili-haliya stored
clothes, the bulat-haliya
betel leaves, the karola-
haliya dry fish, and even
ola [palm] leaf books
were stored in such ves-
sels (Gunasekera el ah
1971, 170). It is also re-
corded that ceramic
vessels were used for
transporting oil within
the island (Gunasekera
et al. 1971, 171). Al-
though one might be
tempted to suggest that
ceramic vessels are not
ideal containers for long
distance transport, simi-
lar dish forms are still
used in Sri Lanka to
transport curd over
many miles.
Buhler, Diringer
and Winternitz hypoth-
esized that merchants
were a factor in the de-
velopment of writing in
South Asia (Buhler 1904,
16; Diringer 1968, 261-
2; Winternitz 1927, 32).
They also suggested a
mechanism for this de-
velopment. We believe
that the archaeological
evidence from Anur-
adhapura supports such
a hypothesis. We have
argued above that the
function of non-scrip-
tural graffiti was to in-
F i g u r e 1 5 Vesse
if
onns most
dicate ownership of the
ceramic vessel and, more importantly, of its con-
tents. Such a hypothesis fits the mechanism sug-
gested by Winternitz and Buhler for the development
and spread of the Brahmi script. Marks or graffiti
indicating ownership are developed and used when
the size of the social groups associated with those
objects is increased to include groups which may be
at a distance so great that few members are able to
travel that distance. It also suggests an increasing
form of social differentiation where ownership
becomes exclusive to certain groups. Furthermore,
commonly inscribed with scriptural and non-scriptural graffiti.
small-scale traders tend to share cargoes since the
risk of loss of a cargo would be too great for an
individual to bear. Thus items on shared mercantile
enterprises would need to be differentiated. As stated
above, the earliest evidence of graffiti of any type at
Anuradhapura is found in Phase J2 and consists of
four sherds with non-scriptural graffiti. This number
increases to nine examples in J3, four falling into
our dominant symbol category, and rises to 12 in J4,
at which point the first six sherds with Brahmi
characters are found. As noted above, the Period J
91
R.A.E. Coningham et at.
settlement at Anuradhapura appears to have sup-
ported manufacture of objects of shell/ metal, quartz
and amethyst. As such, it represents an increase in
access to resources in comparison with the preced-
ing Period K. None of the raw resources necessary
for the manufacture of the above objects are avail-
able locally. The nearest resources of shell are from
the coast some 50 miles to the west, iron ore some 60
miles to the east and semi-precious stone over 60
miles to the south (Seneviratne 1984,174). Finds of
horse remains (not native to Sri Lanka), and of shark
and mother-of-pearl also suggest a connection between
Anuradhapura, an inland settlement, and deep-sea
fishing and trading communities.
We believe that the presence of graffiti on sherds
offers archaeological support for Winternitz, Diringer
and Buhler's theory, representing as it surely does,
an increase in the size and extent of trade networks,
mirrored by the demand for a mechanism to record
ownership. Soon they are accompanied by a script,
Brahmi, which enables individuals to record their
ownership on vessels, a natural development from
this earlier stage. Again, we believe that the owner-
ship refers not to the actual vessel but to its contents.
In the next period, I, the number of inscriptions in-
creases from 10 to 51 and the number of non-scrip-
tural graffiti from 31 to 72. The increase correlates
with structural and artefactual evidence of the
strength of the trade networks connected with
Anuradhapura. For the first time carnelian from
Gujarat is found. The site also alters out of all recog-
nition in terms of structural development. The large
Iron Age settlement, consisting of round houses, is
replaced by a much larger settlement of tiled and
cardinally orientated houses enclosed within a car-
dinally orientated rampart and moat (Coningham
1993). This coincided with a great rise in the pres-
ence of waste connected with the manufacture of
finished products of shell, bone, semi-precious stone
and metal (Coningham 1994,184-93). It is also from
Figure 16. Sherd inscribed with single-masted vessel (SF
10,548).
this period that we have the first find of a fine grey
ware whose shapes seem to anticipate Rouletted
ware. If this ceramic is ancestral to Rouletted ware
we may have identified the origins of a ceramic which
was to be traded as far as Vietnam in the Early
Historic period (Ian Glover 1995, pers. comm.). The
connection was further strengthened by the graffito
of a single-masted ocean-going ship on a bowl of this
ware (SF 10,548: Fig. 16). Evidently, Anuradhapura's
position as a manufacturing and trading centre was
established, and it had become a political centre as
well. It is also clear from the distribution of scrip-
tural and non-scriptural graffiti within the sequence
that although they reach a peak in Period I they fall
off by Period G and subsequently are only found on
one or two sherds, clearly mixed into later deposits.
This decline appears to coincide with evidence for
recording systems on other media. The earliest ex-
amples include the clay sealing of 'Maga the chieftain'
(SF 10,249) and the stone mould of 'Vatsa Datta' (SF
166). We also recovered a number of thin fragments
of bone and ivory which appeared to belong to ob-
long objects with a hole drilled at one end (Fig. 17).
They are almost identical in shape to modern ola leaf
covers, normally made out of wood. If such an iden-
tification is correct, these finds may represent the
earliest example of writing on perishable materials
in Sri Lanka.
Conclusion
In the above discussion we have attempted to dem-
onstrate that the archaeological evidence offers sup-
port for the hypothesis of mercantile involvement in
the rise of the Brahmi script. We believe that there is
a very real correlation between the growth of trade
networks in Sri Lanka and the first use of recording,
first as non-scriptural and then as scriptural graffiti.
Furthermore, we believe that the purpose of inscrip-
tions on the ceramic vessels was to indicate owner-
ship of those vessels and more importantly of their
contents.
The presence of these sherds at Anuradhapura
does present a further problem connected with the
origins of the Sinhalese themselves. As mentioned
above, the language in which the inscriptions are
written is a Prakrit that is a Middle Indo-Aryan
language, rather than a Dravidian language. Indeed,
not a single inscription can be read as Tamil, a
Dravidian language, a situation very different to the
later finds at Arikamedu on the Indian mainland
(Wheeler 1946, 109). The Mahavamsa explains the
presence of the Sinhalese language in the island by
92
recording that it was only occupied by yakkhas [demi-
gods] and nagas [serpents] until it was colonized by
Prince Vijaya and his 700 companions from northern
India in the fifth century BC (Coningham & Allchin
1995,157-8). It must be admitted that in terms of our
dating, all the inscriptions are later than the tradi-
tional Vijayan arrival date, though approximately as
old as a 'new dating' (Bechert 1982) a century later.
This should be pointed out, as it offers one possible
explanation of the presence of Prakrit. Such an inter-
pretation has not been seriously adhered to since the
results of Deraniyagala's first excavations at the
Gedige site of Anuradhapura where he identified a
megalithic tradition below the Early Historic settle-
ment (Deraniyagala 1972). The majority of scholars
hold that this tradition is strongly linked to that of
Peninsular India, if not actually deriving from it
(Begley 1981, 94; Deraniyagala 1972, 159-60; Lukacs
& Kennedy 1981,107; Seneviratne 1984, 283). Indeed
some scholars have suggested that the cultural links
between the Sinhalese and Tamils are even stronger:
Archaeological facts are contrary to the traditional
view about an Aryan migration, presented in the
Buddhist chronicles of Sri Lanka, which were com-
piled nearly one thousand years later than the
protohistoric events mentioned in them. Though
one cannot rule out the role of north Indian influ-
ences in the form of cultural inspirations, there are
so far no archaeological evidences in support of
the so-called mass Aryan migration to Sri Lanka.
Hence, the current understanding is that the Mega-
lithic culture of Sri Lanka was not merely an over-
flow of south Indian culture as conceived previously
by Sri Lankan scholars. But, it was a full-fledged
and integral part of the cultural heritage of Sri
Lanka, common to both Sinhalese and Tamils.
(Ragupathy 1987,180)
What is unclear is how ^
such an approach can . _
help, since it goes no far-
ther to explain the pres-
ence of Prakrit in the
south at such an early
date. Sinhalese is an
Indo-European language
and not a Dravidian one
as spoken by its neigh-
bours, although some
scholars have identified
a strong Dravidian ele-
ment within it (Goda-
kumbura 1946,827). This
makes clear that a Figure 17. Bone ola leaf cover (SF 6988).
change in the island's language must have occurred
in the past. Renfrew (1987,124-^14) has proposed six
models for language change:
a) demographic - subsistence
b) elite dominance
c) systems collapse
d) constrained population displacement
e) sedentary - mobile boundary shift
f) donor - recipient population system
We may immediately rule out systems collapse, sed-
entary-mobile boundary shift and constrained popu-
lation displacement as they are clearly not applicable.
The elite dominance model would fit the records of
the Buddhist chronicles, as the latter record that a
newly arrived north Indian group were victorious
over local groups referred to yakkhas [demi-gods]
and nagas [serpents], interpreted by many as the
populations already settled in the island (Allchin
1989, 13). It is equally possible, however, that the
demographic-subsistence model could also explain
this shift. Seneviratne has proposed that the Iron
Age communities of Sri Lanka relied upon swidden
and plough agriculture as opposed to the Indo-Aryan
ones which practised irrigation agriculture (Seneviratne
1992, 100). It has been demonstrated that the yield
from a single rice crop from an acre of irrigated land
in North Central Province can support 15 individu-
als for a year; whereas the yield from a single wheat
crop from an acre of unirrigated land will support
only five (Coningham 1995b, 67). The high returns
from irrigated land would perhaps be reflected in
greater population growth for the hydraulic-based
communities.
Similarly, we may find support of the constrained
93
population displacement and donor-recipient
population models. The Mahavamsa, chronicling
events between the fifth century BC and the fourth
century AD, records not one but many arrivals to the
island, from both Peninsular India and further north
(Mahavamsa VI, 47; VII, 52-8; VIII, 10,23; IX, 6; XXI,
10,13; XXV, 77; XXXIII, 39; XXXVII, 2). It also records,
however, that there was movement in the reverse
direction (Mahavamsa XXXIII, 54, 55; XXXV, 26;
XXXVI, 45; XXXVI, 112,123). Clearly, therefore, there
is no overwhelming evidence that Renfrew's models
for linguistic change should be selected as discrete
alternatives. All may have performed a function in
the process of language replacement.
Renfrew's models omit the possibility of lin-
guistic replacement through prolonged trade contact.
Sherratt has argued that trade networks involving
directional exchange could have
created new demands for inter-regional communi-
cation, especially between elites. These would have
provided circumstances for the formation of pidgins
and Creoles, which because of their association with
prestige activities could have slowly gained much
wider currency in pre-literate communities.
(Sherratt 1988,461-2)
Although such a model may appear to fit our cur-
rent hypothesis and help explain the presence of
northern traits without involving the movement of
large numbers of people, there is no reason why the
Sri Lankan linguistic replacement need have been
monocausal rather than polycausal. Indeed, there is
no reason to suppose that the processes at work in
one part of the island were the same as in other
parts. Certainly there are no obvious or reliable laws
or patterns for linguistic change (Coleman 1988,452).
On an inter-regional basis it is interesting to com-
pare Anuradhapura with Amaravati in Andhra
Pradesh, where there must have been, then as now, a
Telugu-speaking population, but all the earliest in-
scriptions are in Prakrit. Even if Prakrit was the lan-
guage of an isolated ruling elite or of the Buddhist
communities (Allchin 1990, 167), it did not replace
the surrounding Dravidian language of Amaravati
to the extent it appears to have done in the Sri Lankan
example. Barth has illustrated how a language con-
sidered to be inferior in terms of speakers and pres-
tige can actually make inroads into one of a 'superior'
nature because of the differing structures of social
organization of the speakers (Barth 1972). Although
the Pathans of Pakistan are thought to be more pros-
perous, fertile and militarily aggressive than the
neighbouring Baluch, Barth has argued that the
Baluchi language is making inroads into traditional
Pushtu areas owing to differing processes of incor-
poration. He maintained that it was easier for a failed
or disgraced Pathan or Baluch to be assimilated into
a neighbouring Baluch area than into a Pathan area
owing to the inegalitarian client nature of Baluch
tribal organization (Barth 1972,461-2). This has lead
to a far greater growth rate by incorporation into
Baluch tribes than that of Pathan tribes, and thus has
led to an increase in Baluchi speakers, although some
of the assimilated groups may only use it on ceremo-
nial occasions.
It is also noteworthy that when the English
sailor, Robert Knox, escaped from captivity in the
Kandyan kingdom in 1679 AD and passed through
Anuradhapura on his way to freedom he noted that
'Nor could they understand the Chingulay [Sinhalese]
language in which we spake [sic] to them.' (Knox
1981,159). Anuradhapura has always been seen as a
stronghold of Sinhalese Buddhism, even during the
years of south Indian ascendancy, as indeed it is
today, thus Knox's report shows therefore how the
dynamics of language replacement are not necessar-
ily constant or one way.
A further factor which may affect linguistic re-
placement is that language change can be used to
differentiate and separate groups of a similar nature.
It is perhaps possible to identify a progressive
sinhilization of Sri Lanka in the Buddhist chronicles
as the kings of Anuradhapura and the later capitals
of the island resisted the attempts by the South In-
dian states to assimilate the island. In such circum-
stances the Indo-European Buddhist nature of the
island may have been stressed by kings and Bud-
dhist communities in order to preserve sovereignty.
This emphasis could have resulted in the gradual
spread of a monolingual tradition in place of a bilin-
gual one. Certainly, geneticists have suggested that
the Sinhalese are more closely related to South In-
dian populations than to northern groups (Kirk 1976;
Roychoudhury 1984).
We have made clear in the above discussions
that it is still unclear which process, or combination
of processes, were the cause of Sri Lankan language
replacement. It is possible that very different proc-
esses were at work in different areas of the island,
and that we cannot isolate or identify a prime mover
from the overall result. Deraniyagala has suggested
that the early dates might corroborate the Vijayan
colonization (Deraniyagala 1992, 747). The presence
of a number of inscriptions written in Prakrit, how-
ever, do not necessarily indicate a large number of
writers, or presumably speakers, of that language.
The highest rate of illiteracy amongst contemporary
94
South Asian urban dwellers is 83.5 per cent (Robinson
1989,381). Using an estimated figure of 200 persons
per hectare as proposed by Dhavalikar & Possehl
(1974,40), we may suggest that the 26 hectare Period
J settlement at Anuradhapura might have had a
population of some 5200. If we apply the very worst
figures available for urban literacy today, we may
calculate a figure of some 800 literate individuals at
Anuradhapura. Such a figure might be further re-
duced in conditions of bilingualism.
It is hoped that this article will help advance
the study of the development and spread of Brahmi
script and act as a catalyst to the collection of in-
scribed sherds from other regions of South Asia. We
fully expect that other sites with equally early, if not
earlier, Brahmi inscriptions will be found. We also
hope that the fresh excavations at the Pakistani site
of the Bala Hisar of Charsada, by a collaborative
team from Peshawar and Bradford Universities, will
yield further examples of Kharosthi script, so that
we may begin to construct an absolute chronology
for the development of Kharosthi script and investi-
gate its stratigraphic relationship with Brahmi.
R.A.E. Coningham, CM. Batt & D. Lucy
Department of Archaeological Sciences
University of Bradford
Bradford
BD71DP
F.R. Allchin
Ancient India and Iran Trust
Brookstands House
Brooklands Avenue
Cambridge
CB2 2BG
Acknowledgements
First and foremost acknowledgements must go to Dr
Siran Deraniyagala, Director-General of Archaeol-
ogy, Sri Lanka, for his continual assistance and in-
spiration. His pioneering work of over twenty years
at the Citadel of Anuradhapura has vastly improved
our knowledge of archaeology in Sri Lanka, and
indeed its position within the Early Historic urbani-
zation of South Asia. We are most grateful to the
following individuals for their help and interest in
our work: the late Professor Sir Harold Bailey, Pro-
fessor A.H. Dani, Dr Malini Dias, Dr Sudharshan
Seneviratne, Dr Roland Silva and Mr W.H. Wijayapala.
Acknowledgements are also due to the field-teams
which worked at ASW2, and especially to Alfred de
Mel, P.D. Mendis and Rukshan Jayewardene. We
should also like to acknowledge Dr C.J. Knusel and
two anonymous referees for commenting on earlier
versions of the text, and Jon Sygrave for preparing
the vessel illustrations. The project was sponsored
by the Society for South Asian Studies (British Acad-
emy). The financial assistance of the following bod-
ies is also gratefully acknowledged: the Ancient India
and Iran Trust; the Archaeological Survey of Sri
Lanka; the Department of Archaeological Sciences,
Bradford University; the British Academy; the
McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research,
Cambridge; and the Society of Antiquaries.
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