More Modoque

Die Wurzeln der europischen Kultur

und deren Rezeption im Orient
und Okzident
Festschrift fr
Mikls Marth
zum siebzigsten Geburtstag
More Modoque
Die Wurzeln der europischen Kultur
und deren Rezeption im Orient und Okzident
Festschrift fr
MiKls MaRth
zum siebzigsten Geburtstag
Forschungszentrum fr humanwissenschaften
der Ungarischen akademie der Wissenschaften
Budapest 2013
herausgegeben von
Pl Fodor, Gyula Mayer, Martina Monostori,
Kornl szovk und lszl takcs
Erschienen mit Untersttzung des Nationalen Kulturfonds
(Nemzeti Kulturlis Alap, NKA)
Die Redaktion des Bandes erfolgte in Zusammenarbeit mit der Forschungsgruppe
fr Altertumswissenschaft der UAW
Autoren, 2013
ISBN 978-615-5133-06-0
Umschlaggestaltung von Jnos Lengyel mit Bentzung des Titelblattes
von Operum Aristotelis Tomus II, Genf 1597
Verantwortlicher Herausgeber: Pl Fodor, Generaldirektor des Forschungszentrums
fr Humanwissenschaften der UAW
Druckvorbereitung:
Team des Forschungszentrums fr Humanwissenschaften der UAW
Leiterin: va Kovcs
Layout: Imre Horvth
Druck: Kdex Kft.
Verantwortlicher Leiter: Attila Marosi
Pter Kovcs
Constantine, the Sarmatians,
the Goths and Pannonia
The young Constantine had to participate in one of Galerius campaigns
against the Sarmatians where he fought gallantly as the Origo Constantini
reports: II 3: nam et in Sarmatas iuvenis equestris militans ferocem Barbarum
capillis tentis raptum, ante pedes [sub] Galerii imperatoris adduxerat.
Deinde Galerio mittente per paludem equo ingressus suo, viam ceteris fecit ad
Sarmatas, ex quibus plurimis stratis Galerio victoriam reportavit.
1
The same
story appears later in Zonaras account: XII 33:
,
.
.
.
.
2

Constantines stay as hostage in Galerius court and his attempts to kill
him occur several times in the works of the pro- Constantine authors (e. g.
Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum 24, 24; Prax. FGrH 219; Aurelius
Victor 40, 2; Epitome de Caesaribus 41, 2; Eusebius, Vita Constantini I 19).
3

The historical value of the story seems to be dubious as, Origo Constantini
dates it between Diocletians abdication (May 305) and Constantines travel
to his father in Britain (summer of 305): 2, 4: Tunc eum Galerius patri
remisit (cf. Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum 24, 28; Aurelius Victor
40, 24, Epitome de Caesaribus 41, 23; Eusebius, Vita Constantini I 20
21, Zosimos II 8, 29, 1). This date seems to be refuted by the fact that
Galerius IV
th
and V
th
Sarmaticus title must be dated between 306 and 308,
4

1
Anonymus Valesianus: Origo Constantini I. Ed. I. Knig. Trier 1987, 7071.
2
The history of Zonaras from Alexander Severus to the death of Theodosius the Great. Transl.
Th. M. Banchich E. N. Lane. Ed. Th. M. Banchich. New York 2009, 146 n. 154.
3
Ensslin, W.: Galerius Maximianus. In PWRE XIV. Stuttgart 1930, col. 2525.
4
Corcoran, S.: Galerius Maximinus and the titulature of the third tetrarchy. BICS 49
(2006) 23140; Barnes, T. D.: Constantine. Dynasty, religion and power in the Later
Roman Empire. MaldenOxford 2011, 5253, 17980 Appendix B, contrast: Kovcs, P.:
Fontes Pannoniae Antiquae in aetate tetrarcharum I. Budapest 2011, 18586.
194 PTER KOVCS
when Constantine was surely in Britain.
5
Lactantius also mentioned Galerius
attempts, among even the campaigns, but he also added the adverb saepe,
i. e. he supposed a longer interval than MaySummer 305: 24, 4: Nam et
[in] insidiis saepe iuvenem adpetiverat, quia palam nihil audebat, ne contra
se arma civilia et, quod maxime verebatur, odia militum concitaret, <et>
sub obtentu exercitii ac lusus feris illum obiecerat. Based on these, the event
mentioned in the Origo and Zonaras work must be dated earlier. During the
rst tetrarchy Constantines participation in the war against the Persians is
attested. The campaign can likely be identied with the Sarmatian war in 302
when Galerius took the imperial title Sarmaticus for the third time.
6
Constantine already assumed (among others) the victory titles Sarmaticus
max. and Gothicus max. before 316.
7
It seems to be highly likely that he used
Galerius, Maximinus Daias (before 313) and Licinius (between 313318)
victory titles as he had no chance to gain a victory over the Sarmatians yet
(and as Addendum 2 clearly shows). It must be supposed that Constantine
used Licinius title Sarmaticus because Licinius gained a victory over the
Sarmatians around 310 (cf. CIL III 5565 = ILS 664 altar from Noricum
which is dedicated to Victoria ob victoria facta V K(alendas) Iulias). Around
315 Constantine assumed the title Gothicus max. and it seems to be obvious
that Licinius was the one he had to ght against the Goths. No other source
mentions this campaign but the ablative absolute edomitis ubique barbarum
gentium populis of the building inscription of Tropaeum can refer to this
event too (ILS 8938).
8
The problem is that Licinius supposed title Gothicus
5
Barnes, T. D.: The new empire of Diocletian and Constantine. Cambridge, MA
London 1982, 69; Kienast, D.: Rmische Kaisertabelle. Grundzge einer rmischen
Kaiserchronologie. Darmstadt 1996
2
, 298; Barnes (n. 4) 5256, 6162. If the data
Sarmaticus III of the military diploma RMD 78 dated to January 306 is erroneous it
cannot be excluded that there was a campaign against the Sarmatians in 305 under
Constantines command. This possibility would conrm the account of Anonymus
Valesianus.
6
Barnes (n. 4) 53. On the campaign see Kovcs (n. 4) 185.
7
Barnes, T. D.: The victories of Constantine. ZPE 20 (1976) 14955; Arnaldi, A.:
La succesione de i cognomina devictarum gentium e le loro iterazioni nella titolatura
di Constantino il Grande. In Contributi di storia antica in onore di Albino Garzetti.
Genova 1976, 175202; Grnewald, Th.: Constantinus Maximus Augustus.
Herrschaftspropaganda in der Zeitgenssischen berlieferung. Historia Einzelschriften 64.
Stuttgart 1990; Kienast (n. 5) 4244, 302; Corcoran (n. 4).
8
Romanae securitatis libertatisq(ue) vindicibus / dd(ominis) nn(ostris) Fl(avio) Val(erio)
Constantino [[et Liciniano]] / [[Licinio]] Piis Felicibus aeternis Augg(ustis) / quorum
virtute et providentia edomitis / ubique barbar{ar}um gentium populis / ad conrmandam
limitis tutelam etiam / Trop(a)eensium civitas auspicato a fundamentis / feliciter opere
constructa est / Petr(onius) Annianus v(ir) c(larissimus) et Iul(ius) Iulianus v(ir)
em(inentissimus) praef(ecti) praet(orio) numini eorum semper dicatissimi.
CONSTANTINE, THE SARMATIANS, THE GOTHS AND PANNONIA 195
max. is not attested (in 318 he was still Sarmaticus and Germanicus max., cf.
ILS 679).
9
If the bellum Cibalense must be dated two years later (316 instead
of 314 as the Consularia Constantinopolitana dated it: Chronica Minora I
p. 231) it has to be supposed that Licinius title Gothicus was falsely omitted
in the African insciption.
Constantine as emperor (when he gained control over Pannonia and the
Lower Danube provinces in the civilian war against Licinius in 316317
10
) he
also had to deal with the problems caused by the Sarmatians (and the Goths)
in Pannonia and Moesia along the so-called ripa Sarmatica at least three times.
In my paper I intend to study the sources and the chronology of these events.
All sources can be found in the Addendum in chronological order.
Campaigns of the years 322 and 323
Despite the fact that several sources (see Addendum) mention Constantines
rst Sarmatian campaign and several persons, people and places of the
events are known, the chronology (322 or 323) and the identication of
these persons are heavily disputed.
11
The problem of the dating is caused
9
Andreotti, R.: Licinius (Valerius Licinianus). In Dizionatio depigraco di antichit
romane IV. Ed. E. Ruggiero. Roma 1959, 9791041, 1032; Kienast (n. 5) 195.
10
Seeck, O.: Regesten der Kaiser und Ppste fr die Jahre 311 bis 476 n. Chr. Stuttgart
1919, 163; Benjamin, C.: Constantinus 2. In PWRE IV. Stuttgart 1900, coll. 101819;
Vogt, J.: Die vita Constantini des Eusebius ber den Konikt zwischen Constantin
und Licinius. Historia 2 (1954) 46371; Schlumberger, J.: Epitome de Caesaribus.
Untersuchungen zu heidnischen Geschichtsschreibung des 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. Vestigia
18. Mnchen 1974, 19798; Habicht, Ch.: Zur Geschichte des Kaisers Konstantin.
Hermes 86 (1958) 36078; Alfldi, M. R.: Die Niederemmeler Kaiserbel: zum Datum
des ersten Krieges zwischen Konstantin und Licinius. BJ 176 (1976) 183200; Barnes,
T. D.: Constantine and Eusebius. London 1981, 6667; Barnes (n. 5) 73, 82; Knig
(n. 1) 11826; Kienast, D.: Das bellum Cibalense und die Morde des Licinius. In Roma
renascens. Beitrge zur Sptantike und Rezeptionsgeschichte. Festschrift fr Ilona Opelt. Ed.
M. Wissemann. Frankfurt am Main 1988, 14971; Grnewald (n. 7) 10812; Eutropii
Breviarium ab urbe condita Eutropius, Kurze Geschichte Roms seit der Grndung. Ed.
F. L. Mller. Palingenesia 56. Stuttgart 1995, 296; Eusebius: Life of Constantine. Eds.
A. Cameron S. G. Hall. Oxford 1999, 233; Paschoud, F.: Zosime. Histoire nouvelle I,
livres III. Paris 2000, 20810; Banchich (n. 2) 199200; T. Barnes (n. 4) 103104.
11
Seeck (n. 10) 172, C. Benjamin (n. 10) col. 101326, col. 1020; Patsch, C.: Beitrge
zur Vlkerkunde Sdosteuropas 2. Banater Sarmaten. AAWW 62 (1925) 181216, 1619;
Schmidt, L.: Die Ostgermanen. Mnchen 1934, 81; Alfldi, A.: Epigraphica IV. Art
2 (1941) 5556; Alfldi, A.: Aquincum a ksrmai vilgban. In Budapest trtnete
I. Budapest 1942, 67677; Jrdnyi-Paulovics, I.: Nagyttnyi kutatsok. Rgszeti
Fzetek 3. Budapest 1957, 57, 5154; Andreotti (n. 9) 9791041, 102324; Mcsy,
A.: Pannonia. In PWRE IX. Supplementum. Stuttgart 1962, col. 515776, col. 572; Nagy,
196 PTER KOVCS
by that fact that the Chronica do not mention this campaign and its date
but based on other sources it is sure that the campaign must be dated
before Licinius death in 324. Another problem is that Constantine had two
diferent campaigns (against the Sarmatians and the Goths) in this period
(in 322/323 and 332/334) and these people are almost always mentioned
together in the sources (Eusebii vita Constantini IV 6; Aurelius Victor
41, 13; Sozomenus I 8,9; Socrates I 18, 4; Theoph. Chronographia p. 27,
3128,2; Zonaras XIII 2) or the Sarmatians were ommitted (Eutropius,
X 7; Origo Constantini, V 21). All these passages refer to the events of
332 and 334 and the campaigns were described in these works only after
Licinius death (and/or the foundation of Constantinople). Only the Origo
Constantini V 21 mentions that there was another campaign of the emperor
against the Goths just before the war against Licinius. This is why the
hypothesis has been arisen that there would have been only one campaign
in 323 and Anonymus Valesianus would have mentioned mistakenly the
Goths instead of the Sarmatians.
12
This hypothesis contradicts the data of
other sources. A fragment of Petrus Patricius conrms a Sarmatian campaign
before the civilian war (187A) and it mentions Constantines golden
coinage referring to the victory. It is also added that these coins were not
T.: Buda rgszeti emlkei. In Budapest memlkei II. Budapest 1962, 13116, 59 j. 387;
Thompson, E. A.: The Visigoths in the time of Wulla. Oxford 1966, 10; Stallknecht, B.:
Untersuchungen zur rmischen Aussenpolitik in der Sptantike (306395 n. Chr.). Habelt
Dissertationsdrcke Reihe Alte Geschichte 7. Bonn 1969, 34; Mcsy, A.: A rmaibarbr
szomszdsg utols vszzada haznk terletn Das letzte Jahrhundert der rmisch
barbarischen Nachbarschaft auf dem Gebiet unseres Landes. Cumania 1 (1972) 83101,
8687; Publilii Optatiani Porfyrii carmina II. Commentarium criticum et exegeticum.
Ed. I. Polara. Corpus Scriptorum Latinorum Paravianum. Torino 1973, 4857, 5859,
11011, 27779; Barnes, T. D.: Publilius Optatianus Poprphyrius. AJPh 64 (1975)
4049, 17980, 182; Barnes (n. 7) 15253; Soproni, S.: Der sptrmische Limes zwischen
Esztergom und Szentendre. Das Verteidigiungssystem der Provinz Valeria im 4. Jahrhundert.
Budapest 1978, 11617; Barcel, P.: Roms auswrtige Beziehungen unter der
Constantinischen Dynastie (306363). Regensburg 1981, 5153; Barnes (n. 10) 76, 258;
Barnes (n. 5) 75; Wolfram, H.: Geschichte der Goten. Von den Anfangen bis zur Mitte
des sechsten Jahrhunderts. Entwurf einer historischen Ethnographie. Mnchen 1979, 6263;
Zosimus: Neue Geschichte. Eds. O. Veh S. Rebenich. Stuttgart 1990, 307308 Anm.
45; Grnewald (n. 7) 14749; Nagy, M.: The Hasdingian Vandals in the Carpathian
Basin. A Preliminary Report. Specimina nova 9 (1993) 15784, 15859; Kienast (n. 5)
299; Paschoud (n. 10) 213; Garam, . Patay, P. Soproni, S.: Sarmatischen Wallsystem
im Karpatenbecken. Rgszeti Fzetek II, 23. Budapest 2003
2
, 60, 6970; Kulikowski,
M.: Constantine and the northern Barbarians. In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of
Constantine. Ed. N. Lenski. Cambridge 2006, 35960; Kulikowski, M.: Romes Gothic
wars from the third century to Alaric. Cambridge 2007, 101102; Banchich (n. 2) 199
200; Barnes (n. 4) 106.
12
Barnes (n. 7) 15253; Barnes (n. 5) 75.
CONSTANTINE, THE SARMATIANS, THE GOTHS AND PANNONIA 197
accepted by Licinius.
13
Indeed, several mints of Constantine mention the
victory: aeses minted at London, Lyon, Trier, Arles and Sirmium with the
legend SARMATIA DEVICTA, aurei and medaillons minted at Trier with
the legends PRINCIPIA IVVENTVTIS / SARMATIA and GAVDIVM
ROMANORVM / SARMATIA. All these mean that there had to be an
interval between the victory and the war against Licinius when these aurei
were minted, circulated and they were refused by Licinius. Based on this, the
Sarmatian campaign could not be the casus belli of the war either. According
to Origo Constantini, V 21 the Goths invaded rst Thracia and Moesia and
after these came Constantines action (the same but distorted version of the
event appears in Ioannes Lydus work (De magistratibus, II 10; III 31, 40).
The campaign became the casus belli of the civilian war because during the
campaign Constantine broke the status quo of 317 and entered at Licinius
territory: Sed hoc Licinius contra dem factum questus est, quod partes suae ab
alio fuerint vindicatae. In Constantines coinage there is no reference on this
event. The problem cannot be explained by confusion ( Goths would have
been mentioned instead of Sarmatians) because Constantines Sarmatian
campaign in Pannonia did not reach Licinius territory. According to the
treaty of 317 Moesia II, Scythia minor and Thracia belonged to Licinius
reign: Origo Constantini, V 18 quo facto pax ab ambobus rmata est, ut
Licinius Orientem, Asiam, Thraciam, Moesiam, minorem Scythiam possideret.
In my opinion the situation is clear there were two diferent campaigns against
the Sarmatians in Pannonia and Moesia I and later a campaign against the
Goths on the Lower Danube. Based on the coinage the Sarmatian war had
to happen at least one year earlier. Porfyrius data concerning the Goths were
totally neglected (see below).
Most of the data concerning the Sarmatian campaign can be found
in the poems of the contemporary Christian poet, Optatianus Porfyrius
who mentions several place-names. His longest account can be found in
carmen VI. In this poem (wrote during his exile
14
) he wanted to celebrate
Constantines victory over the Sarmatians and it alludes to several events
of this war. According to Porfyrius account rst there was a Sarmatian
invasion into province Valeria that was successfully repelled. Its place was
also given: Campona victrix, an auxiliary fort at Budapest-Nagyttny
south of Aquincum (lines 1821). The next known place of the campaign
is Margum in Moesia prima (lines 2225). It is generally accepted that the
emperor chased the enemy across the Danube in Sarmatia and he entered
13
Brizzi, G.: La vittoria sarmatica di Constantino e la propaganda liciniana. Alba Regia 17
(1976) 5963.
14
PLRE Optatianus 3; Barnes (n. 11) 17980.
198 PTER KOVCS
again at Roman soil by Margum in Moesia I where there was another
victorious battle in the presence of the emperor (cf. the term caelestia facta
in line 23) (another possibility cannot be ruled either: see below). The
witness of these events (and the captives) was Bononia (testis) where the
booty was distributed (lines 2628). A problem (that also shows Porfyrius
was not an eyewitness of the events but he call himself factorum gnarus
vates (line 17) or testis (line 33) is that he mentioned testis Bononia vicina
with Margum. Margum can be identied with Oraje in Moesia I. Bononia
can be identied with Vidin in Dacia ripensis east of Margum or with
Banotor in Pannonia II west of Margum, both lies about at the same
distance from Margum (c. 200 km). The former Bononia can be found
on the ripa Gothica, the latter one on the ripa Sarmatica. Bononia with
its counter-fortication Castellum Onagrinum was the most important
stratetegic point near Sirmium.
15
Neither of them can be ruled out but
the identication with the Pannonian Bononia seems to be more likely.
16

Based on these three place-names the date of the campaign could be
established too as O. Seeck pointed out. In the year 322 several edicts
issued by Constantine at Sirmium and at Bononia (that also supports the
identication with the Pannonian Bononia):
17

Date Place Cod. Theod.
23. May Sirmium II.4.2, 18.2
12. June Sirmium IV.8.4
6. July Bononia XI.27.2
20. July Sirmim IV.8.5
26. July Savaria I.1.1
Unfortunately, this date cannot surely be conrmed by the date of
the games in the circus at Rome ob Vict(orias) Sarmaticas on the 27
th
of
July, because it goes back probably to the victories of Marcus Aurelius over
the Sarmatians (and Marcomanni on the 30
th
) (Inscriptiones Italicae XIII,
15
Eadie, J. W. Petrovi, P.: The destruction and reoccupation of Bononia. In Sirmium IV.
Beograd 1982, 118.
16
Patsch, C.: Beitrge zur Vlkerkunde Sdosteuropas 3. Die Vlkerbewegung an der
unteren Donau in der Zeit von Diokletian bis Heraklius 1. Bis zur Abwanderung der Goten
und Taifalen au Transdanuvien. AAWW 208/2 (1928) 17.
17
Seeck, O.: Die Zeitfolge der Gesetze Constantins. ZRG 10 (1889) 18889; Seeck (n.10)
172.
CONSTANTINE, THE SARMATIANS, THE GOTHS AND PANNONIA 199
2, 42 Fasti Chronographi a. CCCLIIII)
18
and it has nothing to do with
Constantine.
19
Another problem has been caused by the fact that Porfyrius other
poems have been left out of consideration in the point of view of the military
history (with the exception of Polara, 1973). In poem VII wrote at the same
time as carmen VI
20
he mentions again the victories over the Barbarians,
esp. the Sarmatians: lines 3132: Tantorum merita statues captiva tropaea,
victor Sarmatiae totiens. More interesting is that in lines 2021 he mentions
indomiti reges who were defeated or killed in battle (in bello sternens) or treaty
(foedus) was signed. Rausimodus must be among the kings, and the foedus
highly likely means the peace treaty between the Romans and Sarmatians.
21

In poem XVIII (wrote around 324 [and not later]
22
) Porfyrius refers again
to Constantines victories over the Sarmatians and Goths several times.
Moreover, in lines 1112 he mentions again the Sarmatian king: Vincere
orenti Latiales Sarmata ductu rex tibi posse Getas uiso dat limite, ultor. The
Goths are mentioned again in line 8 (Sic et victa refert exortos Dacia Francos)
where the abandoned province Dacia concerns to its new inhabitants, the
Goths. More interesting is line 5 where the followings are mentioned: the
famous (campo clarus) and wild (torva) commander of the Goths (obviously
a king), Getas (in the Nominative) died (lumina perdit).
23
The person can
also be identied with Rausimodus (see below).
A similar account to Porfyrius poem VI can be found in Zosimus work
(II 21) where he also described the Sarmatian invasion and Constantines
campaign. According to Zosimus, rst the Sarmatian king, Rausimodus from
the Maeotis sailed across the Danube and attacked a strongly garrisoned
town and they tried to burn the wooden part of the wall. As Constantine
arrived he fell on them from the rear taking many prisoners and killing others.
The rest ed back across the river with the intention of later ravaging Roman
territory again. Constantine followed and killed many of them including the
18
Salzman, M. R.: On Roman Time: the codex-calendar of 354 and the rhythms of urban life
in late antiquity. Berkeley 1990, 13738; Curran, J.: Pagan city and Christian capital.
Rome in the fourth century. Oxford 2000, 22130; Herz, P.: Neue Forschungen zum
Festkalendar der rmischen Kaiserzeit. In Praxis der Herrscherverehrung in Rom und seinen
Provinzen. Eds. H. Cancik K. Hitzl. Tbingen 2003, 5558.
19
Contrast: Lippold, A.: Konstantin und die Barbaren (Konfrontation? Integration?
Koexistenz?). SIFC 85 (1992) 377; Kulikowski (n. 11 [2006]) 359.
20
Polara (n. 11) 35.
21
Polara (n. 11) 5859; Barnes (n. 11 [1975]) 180.
22
Polara (n. 11) 107109; Barnes (n. 11 [1975]) 182.
23
Polara (n. 11) 10910. The latest event in the poem is Constantines eastern conquest in
324 (lines 67, 1315).
200 PTER KOVCS
Sarmatian king but spared the life of the rest who sought mercy. After the
campaign he returned to his headquarters with the captives.
It is heavily disputed especially by German scholars
24
that Zosimus
account would concern Constantines campaign of 322 in Pannonia against
the Sarmatians. On the other hand, the Hungarian and international research
accepts generally the identication of Porfyrius and Zosimus story.
25
The
problems are the following:
1. Rausimodus name obviously seems to be German.
2. In Zosimus account the Sarmatians came from the Maeotis (region
of the Azovian sea).
3. The work of Zosimus is not continuous. There is ve-year-long lack
between 317322 (cf. II 2021). Based on this, the historical work would
continue with the campaign against the Goths in 323 just before the civil war.
4. Chapter 22 continues the story with the captives and the following
war against Licinius.
5. Zosimus story does not follow the story of Porfyrius exactly (the
events around Margum and Bononia are missing).
6. There is no mention in this poem of Porfyrius (carm. VI) on the
death of king Rausimodus.
7. Zosimus cannot be identied with the auxiliary fort of
Campona. He describes a civilian town that had a strong garrison.
A generally accepted hypothesis is given by S. Paschoud and it says
Zosimus mixed the war against the Sarmatians in 322 and the war against
the Goths in 323. At the beginnning of the chapter he described the events
of the war in 322 (par. 12) but he nished it with the events of the war in
323 (par. 3) but this possibility must be ruled out. In chapter 22 Constantine
distributed the captives and later he came the Thessalonica where he built a
harbour. The building has been nished and the war against Licinius broke
out. Zosimus apparently omitted to mention the campaign against the Goths.
Zosimus war cannot be the casus belli because of the interval between the
campaign and the civil war when the harbour was built.
24
Patsch (n. 16) 18; Schmidt (n. 11) 81 Anm. 2; Vetters, H.: Dacia Ripensis.
Schriften der Balkankommission. Antiquarische Abteilung XI. Wien 1950, 22 Anm. 21;
Stallknecht (n. 11) 34 Anm. 20; Paschoud (n. 10) 213 n. 31; Wolfram (n. 11) 6263
Anm. 17.
25
Stein, E.: Histoire du Bas-Empire I. Paris 1959
2
, 104; Seeck (n. 10) 172; Thompson,
E. A.: Constantine, Constantius II., and the Lower Danube frontier. Hermes 84 (1956)
378; Alfldi (n. 11 [1942]) 676 n. 48; Nagy, T. (n. 11) 59, n. 397; Mcsy, A.:
Pannonia and Upper Moesia. LondonBoston 1974, 27778; Pannonia rgszeti
kziknyve. Eds. Mcsy A. Fitz J. Budapest 1990, 47.
CONSTANTINE, THE SARMATIANS, THE GOTHS AND PANNONIA 201
In my opinion, the problems can be interpreted in a diferent way:
1. There is no problem with Rausimoduss name. It can be German
but this fact does not exclude the possibility that he was the king of the
Sarmatians
26
(cp. the name of the Sarmatian subreguli under Constantius
II: Rumo and Fragiledus
27
). We have data on the very strong relationship
between the Sarmatians and the German tribes north of the Lower Danube
provinces (cp. the Sarmatians ed to the Victovali and the Vandals: Ammianus
Marcellinus XVII 12, 19) or the mixed tribe Transiugitani ( Ammianus
Marcellinus XVII, 12, 12). Another (as we shall see less likely) possibility is
that Rausimodus was a German (Vandal) king who attacked the Romans in
Eastern Pannonia along the ripa Sarmatica.
28

2. The mention of the Sarmatians from the Maeotis is obviously topos
generally used by the historians.
29
3. Zosimus could continue his account also with events of 322 A. D.
4. The distribution of the booty, esp. of the captives after the battle at
Bononia was mentioned by Porfyrius (Carmina VI 2628) and by Zosimus
(II 22, 1) too.
5. Zosimus story really does not follow exactly Porfyrius. The diferences
can come from the fact that Porfyrius was an eyewitness of the events and
Zosimus lived centuries later (around 500). On the other hand, the two
stories agree in several details: a. the attack of a settlement. b. Constantines
personal presence. c. chase of the Barbarians across the Danube. d. campaign
in Sarmatia. e. the Barbarians king was planning to cross again () the
river by Zosimus = events around Margum and Bononia by Porfyrius. f. the
distribution of the booty. g. mention of the Sarmatian king (cf. Porfyrius,
Carmina XVIII 1112). No similar details are known in the case of the
campaign agains the Goths.
6. Porfyrius mentioned Rausimodus elsewhere as rex Sarmata (cf.
XVIII 1112) and he must be among the indomiti reges who were partly
killed in battle (in bello sternens) mentioned by Porfyrius (VII 2021). On
the other hand, the death of Getas in line 5 of poem XVIII can refer also to
Rausimodus therefore the other hypothesis cannot be ruled out either.
7. Zosimus obviously did not know the name of Campona that is why
he mentioned the fort as . According to him, this town had a strong
garrison. Another important detail is that the fort had wooden superstucture
26
Already Alfldi (n. 11 [1941]) 55 Anm. 130; Nagy, T. (n. 11) 105 j. 397.
27
Harmatta, J.: Danubius Sarmatas ac Romana disterminet. Antik Tanulmnyok 46 (2002)
14344.
28
McsyFitz (n. 25) 49 n. 10; Nagy, M. (n. 11) 15859.
29
Jrdnyi-Paulovics (n. 11) 6; Nagy, T. (n. 11) 59 n. 397.
202 PTER KOVCS
and the Sarmatians could have set re to this part of walls. It is very little
known about the superstucture of the Roman stone fortications.
30
The
wooden superstucture in the case of the auxiliary forts seems to be dubious
but stone superstucture could have had timber elements as well like gates,
shutters and rampart walk.
31
During a siege these elements could catch re.
Another possibility is that here we nd the well-known process that in the
4th c. the auxiliary vici were abandoned and the civilians moved into the
fort. Later these forts could also be called as polis.
32
There is another possibility to interpret the sources. There were two
diferent attacks led by two diferent commanders against the Romans. The
former one was the attack of Campona that was followed by Constantines
expedition in the Barbaricum. During this campaign there was another
attack (introitus) executed by another Sarmatian tribe from the Bnt against
Margum. In this case Rausimodus is the commander of the latter attack and
he has got nothing to do with the siege of Campona. Porfyrius described the
whole campaign but Zosimus mentioned only its 2
nd
part. In this case the
polis could be identied with Margum. We cannot rule out this possibility
because it seems to be unlikely that the Sarmatians with Rausimodus after
their defeat at Campona would have attacked again another Roman province
several hundred kms further meanwhile Constantines troops destroyed
their home. One cannot forget that the inner problems of the Sarmatians
(Sarmatae liberi et servi, Limigantes-Argaragantes) had to exist already in
this period (see below).
Summarily, we can come to the conclusion that the Sarmatians invaded
in 322 the provinces Valeria ( Campona) and Moesia I ( Margum) but their
attacks were successfully repelled by Constantine (most probably their king
was Rausimodus was killed in battle). Constantine signed a peace treaty with
them ( Porfyrius, Carmina VII 10) similarly the Goths who appeared in
Licinius and Constantines army as well (Origo Constantini V 27; Jordanes,
Getica XXI 111112). Goths had to be among the Barbarian mercenaries
of Licinius who according to Socrates account wanted to revolt just before
his death (Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica I 4). Porfyrius poem VI and
Zosimus work give a detailed account. Constantine received the victory title
Sarmaticus for the rst time (cf. CIL VI 40776) and the emperor used his
victory for propaganda (in his coinage). No similar details are known in the
30
Bidwell, P. Miket, R. Ford, B.: Portae cum turribus. Studies of Roman fort gates.
British Archaeological Reports 206. Oxford 1988, 180211.
31
BidwellMiketFord (n. 30) 207209, 21114.
32
Kovcs, P.: Vicus s castellum kapcsolata az als-pannoniai limes mentn. Piliscsaba 1999,
12331.
CONSTANTINE, THE SARMATIANS, THE GOTHS AND PANNONIA 203
case of the campaign against the Goths but the two diferent events cannot
be identied on the basis of Porfyrius data in poem VII and XVIII.
Campaigns in 332 and 334
Constantine after his victory over Licinius continued his building activity
along the Lower Danube and a result of this a stone bridge was built across
the Danube between Sucidava and Oescus (dated to 328 by the Chronicon
Paschale), the fort Constantiana Dafne (Spantov) was also built and a small
part of the former province Dacia reconquested in Oltenia from the Taifali
(RIC 7 298 (bronze medaillon, 328330, Rome), 3637 (gold, silver, 328
329, Constantinople), Ap 1939, 19, Jul. Caes. 329C, Chronica Minora I
p. 233; Eusebius, Vita Constantini I 8, 2; Aurelius Victor 41, 18; Epitome
de Caesaribus 41, 13; Proclus, De aedibus 4, 6, 34; Theoph. p. 28, 1921;
Cedrenus p. 517, 2324; Michael Syrius, Chronica 7. 3 p. 259/133b. 54fb;
Anonymus, Vita Constantini 25, 33 (BHG 364) and cp. his victory title
Dacicus maximus: CIL VI 40776).
33
Probably the Taifali defeated this time
Constantine (a short episode magnied by the anti- Constantine propaganda)
(Zos. II 31, 3) and a part of them probably resettled in Phrygia (vita Sancti
Nicolai 17, PG 116, 33734). All these activities have nothing to with the
Sarmatians who appear in the written sources again in 332 A. D.
34
33
Alfldi, A.: Die Donaubrcke Konstantins des Groen und verwandte historische
Darstellungen auf sptrmischen Mnzen. ZN 26 (1926) 16174; Patsch (n. 16) 1928;
Thompson (n. 25); Demougeot, .: Constantin et la Dacie. In Crise et redressement
dans les provinces europennes de lEmpire (milieu du III
e
milieu de IV
e
sicle ap. J. C.
Ed. E. Frzouls. Strasbourg 1983, 91112; Bleckmann, B.: Constantin und die
Donaubarbaren. JbAC 38 (1995) 3866, 3953.
34
Benjamin (n. 10) col. 1022; Seeck, O.: Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt IV.
Berlin 1921
4
, 45, 382; Seeck (n. 10) 181; Alfldi, A.: Il tesoro di Nagyttny. RIN
34 (1921) 11390; Alfldi, A.: A nagyttnyi pnzlelet. Orszgos Rgszeti Trsulat
vknyve 1 (1923) 6572; Patsch (n. 11); Patsch (n. 16) 2833, Schmidt (n. 11)
226228; Alfldi (n. 11 [1941]) 5658; Schmidt, L.: Geschichte der Wandalen.
Mnchen 1942, 1516; Alfldi (n. 11 [1942]) 67879; Thompson (n. 25); Barkczi,
L.: Transplantation of Sarmatians and Roxolans in the Danube Basin. AAntHung 7 (1959)
44353; Mcsy (n. 11 [1962]) col. 573; Nagy, T. (n. 11) 5960; Thompson (n. 11)
1117; Stallknecht (n. 11) 3436, 4042; Harmatta, J.: Studies in the history and the
language of the Sarmatians. AAASzeged 13 (1970) 4950; Mcsy (n. 11 [1972]) 8789;
Mcsy (n. 25) 27980; Barnes (n. 7) 151; de Jonge, P.: Philological and historical
commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XVII. Groningen 1977, 31516; Soproni (n. 11
[1978]) 11617; Barcel (n. 11) 5457; Barnes (n. 10) 250; de Jonge, P.: Philological
and historical commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XIX. Groningen 1982, 202;
Barnes (n. 5) 79, 258; Brockmeier, B.: Der Groe Friede 332 n. Chr. Zur Auenpolitik
204 PTER KOVCS
Much more sources mention the events of 332 and 334 but very
few exact details are known. It seems to be sure that in 332 (based on
the Chronicle tradition) the Goths invaded the Sarmatians successfully
and based on the foedus of 322 the Sarmatians asked the Romans for
help (Origo Constantini VI 31). The Roman troops commanded by the
young Constantine Caesar (Origo Constantini VI 31, Iul. Or. I, 9D)
defeated the Goths on the 20
th
of April in the land of the Sarmatians (the
place is given by the chronicles), the Romans invaded Gothia and after
great losses (100.000 victims) the Goths asked for peace and a new, in
the following decades stabile foedus was signed by them (Eusebius, vita
Constantini IV 5, Jul. Or. I 9D, Caes. 329A, Lib. LIX 29, Eutropius X 7,
Sozomenos I 8, 9, Origo Constantini VI 31, Socrates I 18, 4, Philost. II.
Frag. 5, Jordanes, Getica XXXIV 178 (cp. Ammianus Marcellinus XXVII
5, 1).
35
A vague data of Jordanes (the entire chapter is coming from Priscus
Frag. 8 (FGH 4, 83) with the exception of this remark) can probably be
connected to his year where he reports on the death of king Vidigoia by
the dolus of the Sarmatians in the Tisza region (Getica XXXIV 178).
36

The victory appear also in Constantines coinage (medaillons with legends
DEBELLATORI GENTIVM BARBARARVM / GOTHIA (RIC 7, 531,
534 ( Trier) and aeses VICTORIA GOTHICA (RIC 7, 306 Rome). Most
probably the famous triumphal monument, the Column of the Goths was
built in Constantinople after this victory with the inscription on the pedestal
Fortunae / reduci ob / devictos Gothos (CIL III 733 = ILS 820 = AE 1999,
1506 (cf. Ioannes Lydus, De mensibus IV 132)
37
and the possibility cannot
be ruled out either that the Gothic games in 49 February are connected
Konstantins des Groen. BJ 187 (1987) 79100; Knig (n. 1) 17377; Wolfram (n. 11)
6467; Grnewald (n. 7) 14950; Heather, P.: Goth and Romans. Oxford 1991, 107
15, 332489; Nagy, M. (n. 11); Kienast (n. 5) 300; CameronHall (n. 10) 31112;
Soproni (n. 11 [2003]) 60, 6970; Kulikowski (n. 11 [2006]) 363; Kulikowski (n. 11
[2007]) 8386; Barnes (n. 4) 165.
35
Barcel (n. 11) 5456, 11314, Brockmeier (n. 34). On the dispute of the
Reichsangehrigkeit of the Goths after 332 see Stallknecht (n. 11) 531, 343, 4042;
contrast: Chrysos, E.: Gothia Romana. Zur Rechtslage des Fderatenlandes der Westgoten
im 4. Jh. Dacoromania 1 (1973) 5264 (without any convincing evidence).
36
Wolfram (n. 11) 64.
37
Peschlow, U.: Betrachtungen zur Gotensule in Istanbul. In Tesserae. Festschrift fr Josef
Engemann. Jahrbuch fr Antike und Christentum Ergnzungsband 18. Mnster 1991,
21528; Stichel, R. H. W.: Fortuna Redux, Pompeius und die Goten. MDAI(I) 49
(1999) 46792; Mango, C.: The triumphal way of Constantinople and the Golden Gate.
DOP 54 (2000) 17778; Dark, K. R. Harris, A. L.: The Last Roman Forum: the Forum
of Leo in Fifth-century Constantinople. GRBS 48 (2008) 6569; Croke, B.: Poetry and
propaganda: Anastasius I as Pompey. GRBS 48 (2008) 46263.
CONSTANTINE, THE SARMATIANS, THE GOTHS AND PANNONIA 205
to this victory (Inscr. It. XIII 2, 42 Fasti Chronographi a. CCCLIIII). This
possibility can be conrmed by a data of the Origo Constantini VI 31 that
100,000 Goths died during the campaign because of fames and frigor, i. e.
they died in the winter. Constantine recieved the victory title Gothicus
maximus (and probably Sarmaticus maximus too) for the second time in
this year (CIL VI 40776). With the exception of Marcus Aurelius victories
over the Sarmatians and Marcomanni only the victories of the Constantine
dynasty can be seen in the Fasti.
Two years later, in 334 the Sarmatians appear again in the written
sources, this time because of their inner social (ethnic) conicts (Eusebius,
vita Constantini, IV 6, Sozomenos, I 8, 9, Hieronymus, Chronicon, 233f,
Ammianus Marcellinus, XVII 12, 18; XIX 11, 1; Origo Constantini VI 32,
Chronica Minor I p. 234, Jordanes, Getica XXII 114115; XXXI 161). First
of all, Constantine had to ght again against the Sarmatian, qui dubiae dei
proba<ba>ntur (Origo Constantini VI 32), i. e. they broke the peace treaty of
322, probably invaded Pannonia again. It is interesting fact that the invasion
reached Campona again (as in 322) based on the huge (10585 pieces)
bronze coin hoard hidden in the fort (the latest coin is dated to 334).
38
The
auxiliary fort was rebuilt after the invasion of 322 or 334 and the new fan-
shaped angle towers were built. Here, similarly to the neigbouring auxiliary
fort of Matrica (Szzhalombatta) a new version of the fan-shaped towers can
be observed. The earlier semi-circular towers in the retentura were totally
pulled down and new towers were built, meanwhile in the praetentura the
earlier towers were only partly demolished and the new ones were added
to the existing walls.
39
The events of 334, based on the Origo Constantini
(VI 32 and the vita Constantini IV 6) and Ammianus Marcellinus account
(XVII 12, 18; XIX 11, 1) can be reconstructed as follows: the free Sarmatians
(Sarmatae liberi or Arcaragantes) armed their slaves (Sarmatae servi
or Limigantes) who were numero praeminentes in the previous war, who
rebelled successfully against them and the free Sarmatians had to ee from
the Bnt (they could return after the campaign of Constantius II in 358:
Ammianus Marcellinus XVII 13, 24 and cp. XVII 13, 4 on their land by
the river mouth of Tisza, XVII 13, 19 on the names Amicenses and Picenses
from the names of the forts of Acumincum and Pincum). They partly
ed to the Victovali ( Ammianus Marcellinus XVII 12, 18), partly asked
38
Alfldi (n. 34 [1921]); Alfldi (n. 34 [1923]).
39
Jrdnyi-Paulovics (n. 11) 4, 78, 2932; Flep, F.: A nagyttnyi rmai tbor. In
Budapest memlkei II. Budapest 1962, 64352, 646; Flep, F.: Campona. In PWRE
Supplementum XI. Stuttgart 1968, 361; Kovcs, P.: Matrica Excavations in the Roman
fort at Szzhalombatta (19931997). PiliscsabaBudapest 2000, 4954.
206 PTER KOVCS
for reception. Constantine translated around 300.000 Sarmatians in Italy,
Thracia, Macedonia and Scythia, i. e. far from the limes and Sarmatia (Origo
Constantini VI 32).
40
The transplantation of the Sarmatians was supervised
by the emperor personally who stayed in July and August in Singidunum (5
th

of July: Codex Theodosianus X 5, 12) and Viminacium (4
th
of August: Codex
Theodosianus XII 1, 21).
41
Despite earlier speculations (based on this data)
the Sarmatians did not settle down in Pannonia. Several attempts tried to
key the Sarmatian campaigns (or under the tetrarchy) to the building of the
Devils Dyke ( Csrsz-rok) in the Great Hungarian Plain
42
that seems to be
quite realistic but unfortunately, these sources did not mention the dyke.
43

In the Fasti of the Chronographer of the year 354 another ludi Sarmatici
are mentioned between 25 November and 1 December (Inscr. It. XIII 2,
42, Fasti Chronographi a. CCCLIIII). As I mentioned above in the Fasti
almost only the games/victories of the dynasty are enumerated I see no
other possibility than to connect these games to the events around 334. In
this case there was a Roman campaign one year earlier in 333 against the
dubiae dei Sarmatians (Origo Constantini VI 32 in Sarmatas versus est) and
the Roman troops gained a decisive victory only at the end of November.
The peaceful solution (i. e. transplantation of the Sarmatians) was carried in
the next year. In 334 Constantine received the title Sarmaticus maximus for
the third time (CIL III 40776).
44
Another uncertain data of Jordanes concerns the victory of Goths over
the Vandals in the region of the river Maros during the reign of Constantine
(after king Ariarichs death) when the new king, Geberich defeated the
Vandals of king Visimar who according to Jordanes account would have
ed to Pannonia ( Jordanes, Getica XXI 114115; XXXI 161).
45
The validity
of this account seems to be doubtful because no other source mentions
a resettlement of the Vandals in Pannonia and the earlier attempts (Nagy
1993) to show out their archaeological material in Pannonia seems to be
40
Barkczi (n. 34).
41
Seeck (n. 10) 182.
42
Soproni, S.: Limes Sarmatiae. Art 96 (1969) 4352 (= Limes Sarmatiae. A Mra Ferenc
Mzeum vknyve 1969/2, 11733); Mcsy (n. 11 [1972]) 86; Soproni (n. 11 [1978])
11327; Soproni (n. 11 [2003]).
43
I intend to deal with the problem in detail in another paper.
44
Based on the imperial titulature of the inscription CIL III 40776 Constantine received the
victory title Sarmaticus maximus three times. On the earlier opinions see Barnes (n. 5)
258; Kienast (n. 5) 302.
45
Schmidt (n. 11) 106; Schmidt (n. 34) 1213; Courtois, Ch.: Les Vandales et
lAfrique. Paris 1955, 3435; Nagy, T. (n. 11) 106 j. 403; Mcsy (n. 11 [1962]) 567,
711; Wolfram (n. 11) 66; McsyFitz (n. 25) 49 j. 16; 240 j. 27; Nagy, M. (n. 11);
Castritius, H.: Die Vandalen: Etappen einer Spurensuche. Stuttgart 2007, 4344.
CONSTANTINE, THE SARMATIANS, THE GOTHS AND PANNONIA 207
doubtful. These nds (e. g. 4
th
century cremation graves) can probably be
connected to the Carpi.
46
On the other hand, the victory of the Goths
over the Vandals in this period cannot be ruled out (cp. their earlier victory
over the Vandals and the Gepidae under the tetrarchy: Pan. Lat. XI.17.1)
and the Goths could use the possibility of the events of 334. The sources
do not mention that the Arcaragantes would have ed also to the Vandals
(similarly to the Victovali) but the Vandals were most probably the allies of
the Sarmatians and the Goths could have Romes permission (based on the
foedus of 332) to campaign against the allies of the dubiae dei Sarmatians.
Another possibility is that Jordanes information concerns the receptio of the
Sarmatians.
Addendum 1
Optatianus Porfyrius Carmina
Carmen VI 1435.
Ostentans artem vinciri, scrupea praebet
Sarmaticas, summe, strages, et tota peracta
uota (precor, faueas) sub certo condita uisu.
Factorum gnarum tam grandia dicere vatem
iam totiens, Auguste, licet. Campona cruore
hostili post bella madens artissima toto
corpora fusa solo, submersas amne repleto
victrix miretur turbas aciemque ferocem.
Plurima conarer, Phoebeo carmine gaudens,
Margensis memorare boni caelestia,
introitus et bella loqui perculsa ruinis,
quis devicta iacet gens duro Marte caduca.
Testis magnorum vicina Bononia praesens
sit voti compos, excisaque agmina cernens
det iuga captivis et ducat cetera praedas.
Grandia victori molimur proelia plectro
dicere, nec satis est, votum si compleat ore
Musa suo: quaecumque parat sub lege sonare,
scruposis innexa modis, perfecta Camenis
vult resonare meis, et testis nota tropaea
46
Tth, E.: Karpen in der Provinz Valeria. Zur Frage der sptrmischen eingegltteten
Keramik in Transdanubien. Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungariae 2005, 36391.
On the sources see Kovcs (n. 4) 17479.
208 PTER KOVCS
depictis signare metris, cum munere sacro
mentis devotae placarint fata procellas.
VII 2022.
Indomitos reges seu pacis lubrica victor
aut bello sternens aut mitis foedere, nutu
esse tuos facis agrosque exercere tuorum.
3133
Tantorum merita statues captiva tropaea,
victor Sarmatiae totiens. en, accipe, clare
ductor...
XVIII 58
Torva Getas campo clarus ut lumina perdit,
vult curvo turmae felix sua comminus ictu
Armenii dux ferre levis, sol, te quoque pila.
Sic et victa refert exortos Dacia Francos.
1112
Vincere orenti Latiales Sarmata ductu
rex tibi posse Getas uiso dat limite, ultor.
Coins
RIC 7, 358361, 364A (medaillon, Trier, 322325), 446 (medaillon, Trier,
324), 532533, 536 (medaillon, Trier, 332333) Constantinus Caesar
PRINCIPIA IVVENTVTIS / SARMATIA
RIC 7, 364, 367 (solidus, Trier, 322325) Constantinus Caesar
GAVDIVM ROMANORVM / SARMATIA
RIC 7, 289290 (aes, London, 323324), 209, 212, 214, 219, 222 (aes,
Lyon, 323), 429, 435438 (aes, Trier, 323324), 257258 (aes, Arles,
322325), 48 (aes, Sirmium, 324325) Constantine, Crispus, Constantinus
Caesar
SARMATIA DEVICTA
RIC 7, 531, 534 (medaillon, Trier, 332333) Constantine
CONSTANTINE, THE SARMATIANS, THE GOTHS AND PANNONIA 209
DEBELLATORI GENTIVM BARBARARVM / GOTHIA
RIC 7, 306 (medaillon, aes, Rome, 332333) Constantine
VICTORIA GOTHICA
Inscriptions
CIL III 733 = ILS 820 = AE 1999, 1506 (cf. Ioann. Lydus De mens. IV
132)
Fortunae / reduci ob / devictos Gothos.
CIL 40776 Imp(erator) Caes(ar) Fl(avius) Constantinus / P(ius) F(elix)
vict(or) ac triumfat(or) August(us) / pont(ifex) max(imus) Germ(anicus)
max(imus) IIII Sarm(aticus) max(imus) III / Gothic(us) max(imus) II
Dac(icus) max(imus) trib(unicia) potest(ate) XXXIII / consul{i} VIII
imp(erator) XXXII p(ater) p(atriae) p(roconsul) ...
(Inscr. It. XIII,2, 42 Fasti Chronographi a. CCCLIIII)
Mensis Februarius / habet dies XXVIII C pridie ludi Gottici / D
Non(ae) ludi / E VIII Idus ludi / F VII ludi dies Aegyptiacus / G VI ludi / H
V Gottici c(ircenses) m(issus) XXIIII Mensis Iulius / habet dies XXXI ... H
VI Vict(orias) Sarmaticas c(ircenses) m(issus) XXIIII ... C III / Vict(orias)
Marcomannas c(ircenses) m(issus) XXIIII ... Mensis November / habet dies
XXX ... A VII ludi Sarmatici / B VI ludi / C V ludi / D IIII ludi / E III
ludi / F pridie ludi // Mensis December / habet dies XXXI / G Kal(endae)
Decemb(res) Sarmatici c(ircenses) m(issus) XXIIII
Addendum II
The victory titles of Licinius and Constantinus (after Barnes 1976, Arnaldi
1976, Grnewald 1990, Kienast 1996, 4244 and Corcoran 2006).
210 PTER KOVCS
Galerius Maximinus
Daia
Licinius Constantinus Year Source
Ger. max. VI
Sar. max. V
Per. max. II
Brit. max.
Carp. max. V
Med. max.
Adi. max.
Sarm. 308 Ap
2002,
1293
Ger. max. VII
Sar. max. V
Per. max. III
Brit. max. II
Carp. max. VI
Arm. max.
Med. max.
Adiab. max.
(no title) (no title) (no title) 310 CIL III
6979
Ger. max.
Sar. max.
311/312 ILAlg
7867a
Ger.
Sar.
313 Eus.
IX.10.7
Sar. max. (no title) Sar. max. 313 Ap
1987,
1008d
Ger.
Sar.
(no title) Ger.
Sar.
313 Ap
1987,
1010
Sar.
Ger.
Pers.
(no title) Ger.
Sar.
Pers.
313 IAlg 3956
Ger.
Sar.
? CIL VIII
10156 =
22246
Ger. max.
Sar. max.
rst half
of 314
CIL VIII
22017
Ger.
Sar.
before
315
CIL IX
6061= X
6966
CONSTANTINE, THE SARMATIANS, THE GOTHS AND PANNONIA 211
Galerius Maximinus
Daia
Licinius Constantinus Year Source
Germ. max.
Sar. max.
Brit max.
Pers. max.
Adiab. max.
Med. max.
Goth. max.
315 ILS 8942
Sar. max.
Ger. max.
Goth. max.
315 CIL II
481, ILS
695
Sar. max.
Ger. max.
Brit. max.
315 ILAlg
7868
Sar. max.
Ger.
max.
318 ILS 679
Ger. max. III
Sar. max.
Brit, max.
Arab. max.
Med. max.
Arm. max.
Goth. max.
second
half of
318
ILS 696
Sar. max.
Ger. max.
Goth. max.
319 Ap
1995, 348
= 2003,
364
Germ. max.
Goth. max.
Sar. max.
324 Pap. Oxy.
889
Goth. 331 ILS 6091
= MAMA
VII 305
Ger.
Sar.
Goth.
333/335 ILS 705
Ger. max. IIII
Sar. max. III
Goth. max. II
Dac. max.
337 CIL VI
40776