The Land Acquisition Act 1894 is the earliest law on the process of acquisition by the state in India. The rates of compensation prescribed are on the basis of "circle rates," which disregard inflation. The urgency clause is undefined, which results in the acquiring authority invoking it for almost every instance of acquisition.
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Land Acquisition And Displacement- Basic Legislation in India
The Land Acquisition Act 1894 is the earliest law on the process of acquisition by the state in India. The rates of compensation prescribed are on the basis of "circle rates," which disregard inflation. The urgency clause is undefined, which results in the acquiring authority invoking it for almost every instance of acquisition.
The Land Acquisition Act 1894 is the earliest law on the process of acquisition by the state in India. The rates of compensation prescribed are on the basis of "circle rates," which disregard inflation. The urgency clause is undefined, which results in the acquiring authority invoking it for almost every instance of acquisition.
By Atulaa Krishnamurthy 1882 This paper will discuss the legislations that concern issues of displacement and land acquisition in India, and examine the legal tools at the citizens disposal to combat problems of non-implementation and marginalization. PERTINENT LEGISLATIONS Land Acquisition Act, 1894: The Land Acquisition Act 1894 is the earliest law on the process of acquisition of land by the state in India. However, it has been criticised for various reasons. Some of these are- a) The lack of an appeal mechanism to halt an acquisition process. The hearing prescribed under Section 5A is not necessarily one that requires the objections of the affected party to be considered. b) The rates of compensation prescribed are on the basis of circle rates, which disregard inflation and lead to undervaluing of the land c) There is no provision for the rehabilitation and resettlement of displaced parties. d) The urgency clause is undefined, which results in the acquiring authority invoking it for almost every instance of acquisition, further easing the process of acquisition and rendering approval of the affected parties irrelevant. Bills: In order to repeal the 1894 Act, which was largely considered to be outdated and old, two bills, the Land Acquisition Amendment Bill 2009 and Resettlement and Rehabilitation Bill 2009 were drafted. It was recommended that these Bills be integrated as one as both the acquisition process and rehabilitation and resettlement were processes that must go hand in hand, and to prevent fragmented implementation, they should be brought within the same law. Thus, the Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill was tabled before Parliament in 2011. A few salient features of the Bill are- a) Resettlement and Rehabilitation processes being outlined for the first time, including measures such as land for land, housing, employment, annuities, etc. b) Requiring that no person be dispossessed until all payments entitled to him or her are made first, c) Requirements of consent of Gram Sabhas if acquisition is in tribal areas. d) Compensation of 4 times the value of land in rural areas, and 2 times the value in urban areas, e) Consent of 70-80% of affected parties in the acquisition is for private parties or public-private partnership project. f) Ceiling on acquisition of agricultural land. Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013: This Act repeals the 1894 Act. One of the most prominent issues with the land acquisition and R&R process in India was the difficulty in providing relief packages to the land owner, as there are multiple land titling and registration issues which make identification of the rightful owner difficult. The 2013 Act provides for R&R even for the livelihood-loser, even if it cannot be shown that he or she is the owner of the land. It clearly defines what public purpose is. It also mandates the completion of a Social Impact Assessment for every acquisition. However, it is still unclear whether the acquisition of land by state governments for industrial corridors and SEZs and PSUs have to comply with the provisions of the new law. Additionally, repeated demands by civil society and activists that the government not acquire land for private corporations, which must instead buy land on the open market, have been ignored. PESA The Panchayat (Extension of Scheduled Areas) Act of 1996 was a Central legislation that reflected the objectives of the Fifth Schedule to the Indian Constitution, which had hitherto been merely a paper tiger in the eyes of the legislature and the executive. The Constitution guarantees certain tribes, designated as Scheduled tribes under Article 342(1) and 342(2), the right to self determination under Article 244 of Part X. Additionally, the 73 rd Amendment to the Indian Constitution envisages a large role for the inputs of Gram Panchayats in the programmes taken up in villages. The PESA Act tries to assure these tribes the right to locally govern their own jal, jangal aur jameen (water, forests and land), and seeks to devolve state power upon these local tribes. The PESA- a) Devolved power to the Gram Sabha level b) Directed State Governments to not make any laws inconsistent with customary law and practices c) Mandated consultation with Gram Sabhas prior to taking any step towards acquisition of tribal land. However, the fact remains that PESA is a very loosely drafted piece of legislation, making it extremely easy for State Governments to subvert its essence. The issues with the law in its present form and implementation are- a) Many State Governments, who were required to formulate PESA Rules for their respective states, Panchayati Raj being a State subject under the Constitution, and amend all the relevant rules and laws to make them consistent with the PESA Act, have not yet done so, even 24 years after the enactment of the law. Even those who have use these rules to bypass PESA provisions. b) There is no overarching provision in the Act that prevents or punishes State Governments from bypassing it. c) Multiple terms in the Act are not defined. For instance, the Act mandates consultation with the Gram Sabhas. State Governments have conveniently interpreted this to mean that Gram Sabhas must merely be informed and their consent and inputs can be ignored, as there is no requirement in the law for written consent. This gives rise to many false claims of consultation. Another instance is that of appropriate authority being left undefined. State Governments have been known to consult district level bodies instead of Gram Sabha level authorities, who have no nexus often with the land to be acquired. PRACTICAL ISSUES Multiple large-scale infrastructure projects, like the Sardar Sarovar Dam, that has displaced over 200,000 people since 1991 in three states, POSCO and Essar mining projects in the Mahaan forests, and the Delhi-Mumbai Infrastructure Corridor, which acquired 67000 acres of land, have been known to displace large numbers of people. In many of these cases, land is acquired, but sometimes not utilized because the project is declared to be unviable. Now, the NDA government at the Centre has made moves to amend the 2013 Act to make it more industry-friendly, as it is felt that complying with it will stall development projects too much. LEGAL TOOLS THAT CAN HELP PILs and Landmark Judgments The case of Samatha v State of Andhra Pradesh, SCC Appeal No 4601-2 of 1996 was one that said that tribals had first control over their natural resources. It cited Article 4(c) of the ILO Convention 107 which says that, the right of ownership, collective or individual of the members of the population concerned over the land, which these population traditionally occupy shall be recognised. The Convention also said that the populations traditionally occupying the land shall have the right to decide their own priorities for the process of development as it affects their lives, beliefs, institution and spiritual well being and land. The Samatha judgment is significant because it ties together the above rights intrinsically with the right to life under Article 21. Pre Legislative Consultation There had been a clamour for a clear process of pre-legislative consultation to be drawn up in order to democratize the law making procedure in India by furthering the involvement of citizens in the drafting and enacting of laws. The only way to have ones views heard on a legislation is through Members of Parliament, who are often inaccessible, or if they invited to be members of a Parliamentary Standing Committee. On 10 th January, 2014, the Committee of Secretaries outlined a 12 point Pre-Legislative Consultation Policy, which is a subordinate legislation aiming to compel Departments and Ministries to publish their proposed legislations on the internet and other media, to break down legal provisions in a simple language, consult with all stakeholders and include summary of feedback received in a referral to the Ministry of Law and Justice. While it remains to be seen- a) Whether these directives are actually binding on Government departments and Ministries or merely recommendatory b) Whether consultation equals consent and c) Whether the policy applies to only Acts or even Amendments, the drafting of this policy shows a will to more greatly involve stakeholders in the making of laws that affect them. The current Central Governments proposal to amend the 2013 Act to make it more industry- friendly could mean doing away with the consent clause, making social impact assessment necessary only for large projects and revising the definition of affected family. Implementation of the pre-legislative consultation policy could mean the raising of a powerful voice against such an amendment. Emulation of the Grievance Redressal Authority Model of the Sardar Sarovar Project The Narmada Control Authority has set up a Grievance Redressal Authority in Gujarat, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, appointed by the Supreme Court, to hear complaints and grievances specifically relating to resettlement and rehabilitation. Any project affected person can approach this independent body. Perhaps such independent authorities could be set up in multiple states for general displacement related grievances, that are not necessarily connected with a specific infrastructure project. RTI, Whistleblowers Protection and Lokpal We have seen that even though provisions that attempt to involve local bodies in the utilization of their resources are made on paper, either these provisions are poorly implemented or the State Government and its representatives bypass these provisions with impunity. In these situations, a useful tool to expose the violation of due process by public authorities is the Right to Information Act, 2005. This not only enables individuals to obtain public documents which will reveal compliance issues, but also narrows the gap between the powerful and the not-powerful by giving them access to information. If any discrepancies are found, the individual or even a non-governmental organization can file a complaint with the Central Vigilance Commissioner without fear of his or her identity being revealed, as directed by the Public Interest Disclosure and Protection of Persons Making Disclosure Act, 2011 (The Whistleblowers Act). These Acts, coupled with the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013, could bring about the much needed atmosphere of accountability which ensures that public servants act in accordance with their people-serving duties. This is relevant especially in context of land acquisition today, where governments acquire land for the benefit of private bodies, and infrastructure projects fall comfortably within the understanding of public purpose. Apart from this, the role of civil society in raising voices against unfair acquisition practices and spreading awareness cannot be emphasized enough. The efforts of the Narmada Bachao Andolan in highlighting the displacement caused to people in the SSP areas resulted in the World Bank withdrawing financial support for the project. Recently, Greenpeace India has been taken to court by Essar for initiating a public campaign against Essars mining interests in Madhya Pradeshs Mahaan projects. However, the entire process has served to bring the interests of the people of Mahaan before mainstream media.