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Colonialism, social archaeology and lo Andino:
historical archaeology in the Andes
Ross W. Jamieson
a
a
Department of Archaeology, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia
Online Publication Date: 01 September 2005
To cite this Article: Jamieson, Ross W. (2005) 'Colonialism, social archaeology and
lo Andino: historical archaeology in the Andes', World Archaeology, 37:3, 352 - 372
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Colonialism, social archaeology and
lo Andino: historical archaeology in
the Andes
Ross W. Jamieson
Abstract
The rich prehistoric archaeological record in Andean South America has obscured the importance of
post-conquest historic sites in the region. Archaeologists researching the former Spanish colonies
have long turned to the US Borderlands and the Caribbean for models dening the archaeology of
Spanish colonialism. Recently, however, Andean archaeologists have begun to create new emphases
on the archaeology of colonialism and archaeologies of the later Andean republics. This region was a
core area of Spanish overseas expansion in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with much of the
precious metal wealth of the empire produced in Andean mines. Today archaeologists in the Andean
republics of Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile and Argentina, and the foreign
researchers who also work in the region, are overcoming geographic, nancial and linguistic barriers
to create a unied Andean historical archaeology.
Keywords
Andes; South America; historical archaeology; colonialism; Spanish.
The Andes
Scholars have classied the Andean region as unique in its prehistory and culture, with its
stunning geographical contrasts and human adaptations to distinct elevations and
environmental challenges. The geographic limits of the Inka Empire have dened a
particular research zone for prehistorians and anthropologists that has unied Andeanists
into a strongly interactive group of researchers around the globe (Isbell and Silverman
2002; Salman and Zoomers 2003). Historians of the colonial period have also found the
Andes a convenient geographical and administrative region to build contacts around,
creating an Andean colonial history focused on the similarities and contrasts between
World Archaeology Vol. 37(3): 352372 Historical Archaeology
2005 Taylor & Francis ISSN 0043-8243 print/1470-1375 online
DOI: 10.1080/00438240500168384
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Spanish colonialism in the Andes and that of other regions of the globe (Andrien 2001;
Larson and Harris 1995).
Much of this work is organized around the principle that Andean culture is somehow
unique, united in something often referred to as lo Andino, a catchphrase for things
culturally Andean. These include the concepts of ecological complementarity (Masuda
et al. 1985), apocalyptic visions of Andean cultural history (Allen 1988), the
organization of villages into moiety divisions, bilateral kinship and reciprocity networks
(Skar 1982) and the personication of mountains as deities with familial relationships
(Bastien 1978). These and other concepts, packaged into the broad concept of lo Andino,
create a picture of highland Andean peasants as unsullied bearers of cultural practices
continued from pre-Hispanic times. Such a perspective can help researchers recognize,
and focus on, the continuities in Andean culture, and yet it also implies an essentialism
and timelessness that removes Andean peoples from the ow of history (Starn 1991;
Weismantel 1991).
It is interesting, therefore, that archaeologists of the Spanish colonies have not yet
created any sort of uniquely Andean brand of historical archaeology. Part of this may be
due to the heavy investment in idealizing the pre-Columbian past as a model for national
identity (Acuto and Zarankin 1999: 8; Guthertz Liza rraga 1999). The enormous impact of
Spanish colonialism on Andean cultural practices can be seen to be minimized both by
scholars intent on showing Andean cultural continuity and by those intent on celebrating
nationalism in the Andean republics. The practice of historical archaeology in the Andes is
on the rise, however, and is coming into its own as an area of interest to historical
archaeologists globally.
This practice has not been accompanied by any unity of theoretical approaches. A
tradition of social archaeology, applying Marxist social thought to archaeological
questions, has been explicitly present in Peru and Venezuela since the beginning of the
1970s (Patterson 1994), and has also had inuence in Ecuador (Benavides 2001).
Taking as its roots the work of Luis Lumbreras in Peru (1974) and Mario Sanoja and
Iraida Vargas in Venezuela (1978), social archaeology was dened by its dialectical
method, focus on modes of production and other concerns closely related to Marxist
social science. Sanoja and Vargas have been particularly important voices, as they were
pioneers both in social archaeology and in historical archaeology in Venezuela. Social
archaeology as a paradigm has held great appeal for some Andean historical
archaeologists, particularly when a major focus of their work is on the exploitation
of subaltern peoples during Spanish colonization (Sanoja Obediente and Vargas Arenas
2002; Funari and Zarankin 2003). Marxist social theory goes well beyond ivory tower
debate in the Andes, where socialist and communist political movements are
intertwined in complex ways with indigenous identities and realities, and where
political and racial debate has resulted in violent, and ongoing, confrontations as well
as creative accommodations (Colloredo-Mansfeld 1998; Gorriti Ellenbogen 1999;
Trawick 2003). Andean social upheaval is accompanied by debate in the current
archaeological literature, where advocates of Latin American social archaeology
(Benavides 2001; Fournier Garcia 1999; Patterson 1994; Vargas Arenas and Sanoja
Obediente 1993) are vehemently opposed by many other archaeologists (Oyuela-
Caycedo et al. 1997; Politis 2003; Valdez 2004). The boundary between politics and
Colonialism, social archaeology and lo Andino 353
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archaeology in the Andes is permeable, to the point that in some South American
countries social archaeology was actively quashed by military governments in the 1970s
and 1980s (Politis 1995).
The majority of historical archaeologists in the region are, however, not actively
involved in this debate. Many could be classied as cultural historians, or as nationalist
archaeologists, seeking to commemorate the colonial past, often through projects whose
main goal is the restoration of colonial buildings as monuments. Other approaches to the
past have also recently gained inuence, particularly post-processual, or contextual,
approaches, with invocations of Foucault (Gomez Romero 2002), hybridity (Therrien
2002a) and theories of consumption (Therrien et al. 2002: 12) appearing with some
regularity in recent work.
A healthy diversity of theoretical approaches has thus emerged in Andean historical
archaeology in the last ten years. This diversity is strongest in the Southern Cone. A series
of regional conferences, many of them focused on the ties between Brazilian, Uruguayan
and Argentinean researchers (Funari 1996), have recently brought historical archaeolo-
gists working in various regions of South America together in Argentina (Santa Fe, 1995;
Mendoza, 2000; Tierra del Fuego, 2003), Chile (Santiago, 2001; Americanists Conference
Santiago, 2003) and Panama (2001). Conferences such as these have allowed a range of
researchers who have formed a new focus on the historical archaeology of South America
to exchange ideas, and, in at least the Mendoza case, the conference results have been
published (Congreso Nacional de Arqueolog a Histo rica 2002). This is an excellent start to
creating international interchange on the many issues that historical archaeologists
working in the Andean nations hold in common.
The beginnings
In the Andes historical archaeology is a subject that has emerged as a coordinated research
eort only over the last twenty years, although its origins run back to the early part of the
twentieth century. It was in the mid to late 1960s that colonial archaeological remains
began to be treated more seriously, whether in Venezuela (Sanoja Obediente 1968), Peru
(Ca rdenas Mart n 1970; Arrieta Alvarez 1975) or Chile (Berdichewsky Scher and Calvo de
Guzma n 1972). From the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s we see a twenty-year period in which
eorts were made to develop various research projects, although these suered from the
isolation of the researchers from academic interchange and from the fact that many of
these studies continued to be undertaken only because of chance nds of colonial remains
during prehistoric projects (Beck et al. 1983; Munizaga et al. 1975; Sanhueza Tapia and
Olmos Figueroa 1981).
Truly pioneering eorts were made, however, in two particular cases. Mario Sanoja
(1978) expanded his work in Venezuela, undertaking the excavation of a seventeenth-
century Spanish fortress in the Orinoco region, and Omar Ortiz-Troncoso (1976)
excavated a sixteenth-century Spanish harbour in the Straits of Magellan. Neither of these
projects was geographically Andean, but both represent early eorts to design and
implement archaeological research on historic sites in the Andean countries, beyond
chance nds related to prehistoric excavations.
354 Ross W. Jamieson
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It is in the 1980s that historical archaeology really got its start in the Andean countries.
In Argentina the beginnings of the professionalization of historical archaeology date to the
period immediately following the end of military rule in 1984, when Argentinean
archaeologists were able to begin working in relative freedom on historic projects (Funari
1997: 194). One of the most important gures in Argentinean historical archaeology has
been Daniel Scha velzon, whose work on the urban archaeology of Buenos Aires
introduced many other Argentine researchers to a globally informed methodology in the
archaeology of both colonial and republican period sites in the Rio de la Plata (Scha velzon
1992, 1998, 2000a). In Peru, an important early project was the 1985 to 1990 Moquegua
Valley Project (Fig. 1), run by Prudence Rice (1995, 1996). This was an eort which started
the careers of several US scholars in the area, including Greg Smith (1997), Susan
DeFrance (1996, 2003) and Mary Van Buren (1996, 1999). Finally, two extensive urban
studies have been key ongoing, large-scale projects that have moved urban archaeology in
the Andes forward immensely. These are Iraida Vargas Arenas and Mario Sanojas years
of research in urban Caracas, Venezuela, beginning in 1986 (Sanoja Obediente and Vargas
Arenas 2002), and J. Roberto Ba rcena and Daniel Scha velzons extensive work in
Mendoza, Argentina, which began in earnest in 1989 (Ba rcena 1993; Scha velzon 1998).
Both ongoing projects are funded by their respective municipalities and government
cultural agencies, and both have produced extensive published results on various urban
archaeological issues. The focus has been on mitigation work when urban renewal schemes
are proposed and integrating archaeology into the commemorative aspects of municipal
urban renewal. Although, in both cases, sites are not chosen nor goals created based on
purely research questions, both projects take advantage of Andean urban realities to
conduct exemplary salvage and restoration archaeology of important sites in historic
urban cores. The fact that the results of these projects have been extensively published,
rather than languishing as reports to government agencies, is particularly encouraging.
Continuity in mortuary practices
The earliest historical archaeology in the Andes is that of contact-period cemeteries.
Baltasar Jaime Mart nez Compan on, Bishop of Trujillo, Peru, can be credited with
undertaking the rst historical archaeology in the region, in the 1780s. Mart nez
Compan on took part in the excavation of several burials within the ruins of the
abandoned desert city of Chan Chan, just outside Trujillo. He sent many of the recovered
archaeological objects to Spain, and eventually published a description of his
archaeological ndings as the ninth and nal volume of his natural history of the Trujillo
region (Mart nez Compan on 1991). He assumed these were prehistoric, but several of
them were the burials of the sixteenth-century indigenous Chimu lords of this region,
buried in a mix of Spanish and indigenous clothing and grave goods (Cabello Carro 2003).
Mart nez Compan on was the rst to encounter, although unknown to him, the continuity
of burial practices on pre-Hispanic sacred sites into the early colonial period. Cabello
(2003: 96) suggests that before 1610 the campaign to end idolatry on the part of Andean
indigenous people was scattered and incomplete, and only after 1610 was there a thorough
clampdown on burial in non-Catholic cemeteries with traditional grave goods and, in
Colonialism, social archaeology and lo Andino 355
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Figure 1 Map of South America with places mentioned in the text.
356 Ross W. Jamieson
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some cases, mummication practices. Colonial burial oerings at Chan Chan included
interesting metal objects (Rovira 1995) and glazed ceramic stirrup-spouted jars (Bushnell
1967 [1959]), both of which provide tantalizing clues as to the technological interchanges
between Spanish and early colonial Chimu artisans.
From Mart nez Compan on onwards, those who have excavated pre-Hispanic
cemeteries in the Andean region have often been confronted with sixteenth-century
colonial burials that resulted from ongoing use of these sacred places into the early
colonial period by indigenous groups. The discovery of post-contact mortuary remains
has increased in pace since the rst decades of the twentieth century, including contact-
period cemeteries in Argentina (Boman 1920; Dura n and Novellino 2002; Novellino et
al. 2003; Reed 1918), Peru (Menzel 1967: 224), Colombia (Therrien 1996: 93) and Chile
(Berdichewsky Scher and Calvo de Guzma n 1972). On the eastern slopes of the Andes
in Peru and Colombia mummication practices continued into the colonial period, in
one case as late as the eighteenth century (Ca rdenas Arroyo 1989, 1990; von Hagen
2002). These discoveries pale by comparison to the newly discovered cemetery at the
Puruchuco burial grounds, outside Lima, Peru. To date over 2000 mummies have been
recovered. Most are Inka (Late Horizon) in date, although a signicant number include
imported European goods, showing them in fact to be early colonial. Although not yet
published, the research eort of Guillermo Cock and team will provide a signicant
new data set on this incredibly rich example of early colonial Peruvian burial practices
(Cock Carrasco 2002; Murphy 2003). These colonial mummied remains have been
used in studies of pre-Columbian and historic genetics, from studies of blood types
thirty years ago (Allison et al. 1976, 1978) to recent work on Colombian historic
mummies by geneticists to look at DNA haplotypes from the region (Monsalve et al.
1996).
That pre-Hispanic cemeteries were eventually put out of use by Catholic authorities and
cultural change is clear, but archaeological excavation of later Catholic cemeteries is very
rare. Only Alberta Zucchi (1995, 1997) has undertaken a serious study of the development
of con and burial chamber styles throughout the colonial period, excavating a series of
cemeteries on San Carlos Island on the north coast of Venezuela.
Shifting rural landscapes
Spanish colonists in the Andes entered a landscape already heavily occupied by indigenous
peoples relying on farming economies, and tied to both village and urban lives. We can see
in the Andes an initial contact-period focus on Spanish settlement in places already
occupied by indigenous people. Some of these locations grew to be large colonial centres,
but others became abandoned as colonial economies and resettlement programs changed
the way people were distributed on the Andean landscape.
A few early Spanish domestic sites that were located on top of pre-Hispanic
occupations, and then quickly abandoned as more permanent settlements emerged, have
been excavated by archaeologists. These provide snapshots of early colonial life in the
region. In Peru, early Spanish colonial occupation levels were analysed from the top of
prehistoric mound sites outside Lima (Arrieta Alvarez 1975; Ca rdenas Mart n 1970, 1971,
Colonialism, social archaeology and lo Andino 357
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1973), including the amazing discovery of preserved documents and playing cards
(Cogorno Ventura 1970).
Colonial policies of reduccion throughout the Andes meant that rural villages were
relocated the better to control indigenous populations after the conquest. These
seventeenth- and eighteenth-century policies meant the abandonment of many early
colonial rural villages, a situation that has left early colonial village ruins scattered across
the landscape. One of the rst investigations of such a village was Styg Ryde ns work in
the Desaguadero Basin in Bolivia, where he excavated Inka period villages, but also came
across one early colonial village (Ryde n 1947). Marion and Harry Tschopik excavated a
similar site on the western shores of Lake Titicaca (Tschopik 1950), while prehistorians
working on the south coast of Peru excavated two early colonial churches, one in the Acari
Valley (Menzel and Riddell 1986) and one at Sama (Trimborn 1981). In other regions the
continuity from pre-Hispanic through colonial landscapes has been emphasized, such as in
Neyla Castillos (1988) work in Antioquia, Colombia. Mary Van Burens (1996, 1997)
excavations at Torata Alta, in the Moquegua Valley of Peru, emphasized the early colonial
exchange of goods between villages at higher and lower elevations, and the relationship of
this to the Andean concept of vertical archipelagos. Karen Stotherts (Stothert et al. 1997)
work on rural farmsteads in the Santa Elena Peninsula of Ecuador is one of the only
studies to approach the rural transition from late colonial to early Republican Period
landscapes seriously from an archaeological perspective.
Colonial economic changes meant that in many rural villages the population remained
in place, but the subsistence economy underwent large changes. Several projects devoted
to faunal analysis of prehistoric domestic contexts have also analysed early historic faunal
assemblages, allowing us a glimpse into subsistence changes on sites occupied both before
and after the conquest. The earliest study of this type was Mario Sanojas (1968) work at
sixteenth-century indigenous village sites in the Quibor Valley of the northern Venezuelan
Andes, where faunal remains showed heavy reliance on hunted species and considerable
continuity between late prehistoric and early historic faunal assemblages. Susan DeFrance
(1996) analysed the fauna from the Torata Alta village in Bolivia, a later village site where
reliance on European domesticates was much greater than in similar contexts in the
Caribbean or Florida. We should not leap to the conclusion, however, that indigenous
domestic animals were quickly overwhelmed by Iberian replacements. At Lukurmata,
Bolivia, Karen Wise (1993) has found that late prehistoric shing economies were replaced
in the early colonial period by a heavier reliance on Andean camelids, showing that
colonial subsistence dynamics were locally and historically situated, and could shift
toward, rather than away from, Andean domesticates.
Large-scale agricultural production at haciendas, plantations and other rural facilities
has almost entirely escaped the attention of archaeologists. Despite the importance of such
facilities in the development of the colonial Andean economies, archaeologists have not
studied the large-scale landholding operations of colonial individuals and entities such as
the religious orders. The only exception has been the Moquegua Bodegas Project, directed
by Prudence Rice, which studied the system of colonial wineries in the Moquegua Valley
of south coastal Peru. The project began as an oshoot of the Osmore Drainage prehistory
project (Stanish and Rice 1989), which involved both North American and Peruvian
archaeologists. From 1985 to 1990 the Moquegua Bodegas participants tested a whole
358 Ross W. Jamieson
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series of wineries in the valley, and extensively excavated four of them (Rice 1995, 1996;
Smith 1997). Associated with these were kiln facilities for the production of large, coarse
earthenware storage and production vessels. The project excavated two of these ceramic
manufacturing centres (Rice and Van Beck 1993; Rice 1994). This was an exemplary
project, resulting in a multitude of publications on the well-analysed remains of the
wineries. Subsistence, trade and identity issues were all parts of the research agenda, which
should serve as a model for other studies of plantation agricultural sites throughout the
region.
Extractive industries
The Spanish Andean colonies were built on the mining industry. Historians of the colonial
Andes recognize the central role of the mining economy in the region (Craig and West
1994), and yet in the Andes colonial mines have received minimal archaeological attention.
Iain Mackay (1995) undertook surface survey of colonial gold-processing equipment at the
abandoned village of Maukallaqta, on the eastern Andean slopes of Bolivia, east of Lake
Titicaca. The excavation of nineteenth-century nitrate extraction sites in the Atacama
Desert of Northern Chile was undertaken by Gerda Alcaide and Bente Bittman (1984).
Karen Stothert (1994) has studied natural tar pits on the ground surface on the Santa
Elena Peninsula of Ecuador, the tar having been used since pre-Hispanic times as a sealant
and continuing in use up until the origins of the modern oil industry in the area in the early
twentieth century.
Conditions in the mines for the indigenous labourers were horrifying, and drew labour
from across huge sections of the rural Andes during the colonial period (Bakewell 1984).
This is poignantly demonstrated in the analysis of mummied colonial remains. Allison
(1979) studied sixty-seven mummies from a 1580 to 1650 cemetery near Ica, Peru, nding a
signicant decrease in lifespan compared to local pre-Hispanic demographics and a strong
absence of adult males, no doubt reecting the forced labour of the highland mines.
Fractures were 500 times more common than in prehistoric samples, presumably from
abuse and labour accidents. In a slightly earlier cemetery studied by the same team
(Munizaga et al. 1975), from Pica, in the northern Chilean desert, autopsies showed
incredibly high mercury levels, from patio processing of metals in mines, and
pneumoconiosis with emphysema, or black lung, in twelve of nineteen adults, due to
metal particles in the lungs. Such bodies are a sad reminder of the health impacts of forced
mine labour on indigenous colonial peoples.
Ceramic manufacturing
The manufacture of ceramics in the Andes was of very minor economic importance, but is
of the utmost importance to historical archaeologists, in order to source the materials
found in their excavations. Despite the urgency of research questions about colonial
ceramic manufacturing (Jamieson and Hancock 2004; Rovira 2001; Scha velzon 2000b;
Therrien et al. 2002), only a very few kiln sites have been excavated.
Colonialism, social archaeology and lo Andino 359
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The Jesuit hacienda of Tierrabomba, outside Cartagena, was the site of a tile and
ceramic tableware manufacturing centre which was producing glazed wares by 1650 and
survived the Jesuit expulsion of 1767. This has had some preliminary excavation
conducted, but this has never been published (Therrien et al. 2002: 278). In Bogota the
excavation of a rened white earthenware factory (Therrien 2002b), which opened in the
1830s with British equipment and technicians and closed in the early 1900s, is a unique
example of archaeological investigation of rened ceramic production in the Andes.
Unglazed colonial coarse earthenwares are one of the least understood categories of
ceramics in the colonial Andes, produced largely in rural villages. Jaime Miasta Gutierrez
(1985) undertook a unique study of these wares in the excavation of ceramic waster dumps
in three villages that supplied Lima, Peru, with coarse earthenwares throughout the
colonial period. Ease of access to these types of sites is very dierent from in large urban
centres such as Lima, where Juan Mogrovejo (1996: 34) came across waster dumps from
colonial majolica production in construction backdirt in central Lima.
Andean colonial cities
Many Andean cities have retained their colonial street layouts, and extensive pieces of
religious, civil, military and domestic architecture. Despite the preservation of colonial
architecture in Andean cities, and recognition of these places as historically signicant,
urban archaeology is quite underdeveloped. Largely through historical accident, and often
related to the personal interests of a single local researcher, urban archaeology in the
Andes has been focused on Caracas in Venezuela (Sanoja Obediente and Vargas Arenas
2002), Cartagena and Bogota in Colombia (Therrien et al. 2002), Quito and Cuenca in
Ecuador (Buys 1997, Jamieson 2000b), Lima, Peru (Mogrovejo Rosales 1996) and
Mendoza, Argentina (Ba rcena 1993; Scha velzon 1998). The city of Buenos Aires must also
be mentioned, because, although it is not an Andean city geographically, the extensive
historical archaeology carried out there has been a strong inuence on the development of
historical archaeology in the Andes (Funari and Zarankin 2003; Scha velzon 1992, 2000a).
Much of the historical archaeology accomplished to date has been the result of the
restoration of impressive architecture in urban contexts. This has meant a focus on large-
scale projects of the colonial church and state. One of the more innovative studies has been
Emanuele Amodio et al.s (1997) survey of the road from the Caribbean port of La Guaira
up to the city of Caracas, Venezuela. The scale of the research was unusual, focusing on a
linear feature traversing a range of elevations. Archaeological excavation at several
roadside military and way stations explored the material culture of these facilities, and
extensive historical research resulted in comprehensive publication of the results of this
work, helping to illustrate the massive changes that the eighteenth-century Bourbon
Reforms brought to public and defense planning in the Andean colonies. The only work in
any way comparable to this is Colleen Beck et al.s (1983) excavation of a colonial
roadside way station in north coastal Peru, which was a much smaller project as part of
prehistoric work in the area.
Urban administrative buildings are obvious targets for restoration and alteration in
Andean cities. In Mendoza, Argentina, the citys layout was changed after the 1861
360 Ross W. Jamieson
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earthquake. The colonial cabildo, or city council, became a municipal slaughterhouse, then
an open market, and was abandoned in 1989. Urban renewal led to restoration, and
Roberto Ba rcena and Daniel Scha velzon undertook excavation to reveal the construction
history and material remains of the colonial cabildo buildings of that city (Ba rcena and
Scha velzon 1991). Colonial domestic sites in the Andes have not received anywhere near
the attention of large public architecture. The excavation of the Osambela House in Lima,
Peru, in the late 1970s was exemplary work for its time, with publication of faunal and
ceramic analyses (Flores Espinosa et al. 1981). In Bogota , Colombia, the Casa de los
Comuneros has been used as an example in Monica Therriens ongoing work on social
relations in colonial Colombia (Therrien 1999). In Caracas the house of independence
leader Juan Bautista Arismendi has been excavated and the results published as part of the
restoration of a church and music school built on the site (Sanoja Obediente et al. 1998).
Finally, in Cuenca, Ecuador, my own work has emphasized the relationship between
domestic material culture and the shifting nature of colonial identities (Jamieson 2000b).
Country houses
Urban elites in the colonial Andes desired rural escape as much as elites in other cities of
the period. Such properties, built largely for pleasure and relaxation, have survived
disproportionately in the archaeological record because of their rural locations. Most
thoroughly studied has been the Tarapaya hot springs, outside Potos , Bolivia. In the
seventeenth century Francisco de la Rocha owned an inn and country house here, visited
by the elite of the Potos mining community. Excavation by Mary Van Buren and analysis
of the recovered remains, including fauna, show that, although ceramics and other
household goods at this place of relaxation were largely locally made products, the
wealthy who visited here dined on Old World domesticates, showing the extent of the
market for traditional Spanish foodstus even in this high-elevation mining community
(DeFrance 2003; Van Buren 1999).
The hot springs at Tarapaya attracted people from Potos throughout the colonial
period, but country houses for relaxation, as opposed to agricultural production, became
much more common for wealthy urbanites after 1780. The Quinta de Bolivar outside
Bogota is a good example, founded in 1800 as a rural casa de recreo, and given to Simo n
Bol var in 1820. It remained his house until converted to industrial purposes in the late
nineteenth century. Now a museum, restoration eorts led to excavation in the late 1990s
that remain unpublished (Therrien et al. 2002: 30). The nineteenth-century home of Jose
Ozamis outside Mendoza, Argentina, was a comparable study of a rural quinta as part of
its conversion into a local museum (Abal et al. 1996).
The Catholic Church
The Catholic Church was a key religious and political institution in the Spanish
administration of the Andean colonies. The preservation of church architecture from the
colonial period has been a serious concern for cultural resource managers in the region,
Colonialism, social archaeology and lo Andino 361
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with several cities designated as UNESCO World Heritage Sites largely on the basis of
surviving colonial religious architecture. This has also been a major emphasis for historical
archaeologists in the region. Much of the earliest, and most extensive, historical
archaeology done in Andean cities was the direct result of eorts to restore, stabilize
and research the history of churches, monasteries and convents in colonial Andean cities.
This is an ongoing eort that continues with projects operating today, to the extent that
such research could be said to be one of the core areas of Andean historical archaeology.
Large urban church facilities are the jewels of many urban historic districts in the
region. The rst cathedral in Bogota was the subject of Monika Therriens (1995) above-
ground archaeology when it underwent recent restoration. In Caracas the rst church in
the city, dating to the 1560s to 1650s, has been located and excavated (Sanoja Obediente et
al. 1998). One of the largest projects on an Andean monastery has been that on the Jesuit
property called the San Francisco site in Mendoza, Argentina. This property was the
Jesuit Colegio de la Inmaculada Concepcion and Loreto Church from 1608 until the Jesuit
expulsion in 1767, when it became a Franciscan monastery. Destroyed in the 1861
earthquake, the site became an early twentieth-century municipal park, with picturesque
ruins, gardens and an articial lake. Mid-1990s restoration of the park brought about an
extensive archaeological project, which has been well-reported, and includes faunal
analysis, which is a step rarely achieved in Andean projects to date (Scha velzon 1998;
Silveira 1998).
Unfortunately, the urgency of architectural restoration of many urban church
properties has led to extensive archaeological excavation without the publication of
research results. In Venezuela the sixteenth-century Franciscan monastery in Caracas was
excavated, but published research results are minimal (Sanoja Obediente and Vargas
Arenas 1996, 2002: 137). The hospital of San Pablo, in a peripheral neighbourhood of
Caracas, was in operation by 1602, and continued to operate as a twelve-bed facility until
expansion in the Bourbon period, and then its eventual closure in the mid-nineteenth
century. Restoration of a theatre currently located on the property led to large-scale
excavation of the facilities, including the discovery of re-deposited human remains from
the heavily damaged hospital cemetery (Vargas Arenas et al. 1998).
Monasteries in Cartagena, Bogota , and Leiva, Colombia (Therrien 1996; Therrien et al.
2002: 2531), and in Quito, Ecuador, have had extensive archaeological work carried out,
but without (to date) the nal step of publication (Buys 1997). The faunal remains from
the Franciscan and Dominican monasteries in Quito have, however, received thorough
treatment (Gutie rrez Usillos and Iglesias Aliaga 1996). The situation in Peru is similar,
with the monasteries of Santo Domingo, the Jesuit Compan a de Jesus, and the
Mercedarian la Merced monasteries in Cuzco all excavated in the 1980s and 1990s, with no
publication of the results, and even the loss of the government reports on these important
facilities (Mogrovejo Rosales 1996: 1516).
In contrast to Mesoamerica and North America (Graham 1998), extensive urban
archaeology on convents and monasteries is not paralleled in the Andes by work on rural
missions. Only on the eastern slopes of the Andes, where Amazonian peoples underwent
centuries of missionization by various Catholic orders (Merino and Newson 1994), have
archaeologists studied this type of contact site (Raymond 1976; Myers 1990). Myers study
of the late colonial/early Republican period Franciscan mission in the Upper Ucayali
362 Ross W. Jamieson
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River system shows how little imported material culture came down the eastern slopes of
the Andes until quite late in the nineteenth century.
Death in the cloisters
Excavation in urban Andean monasteries and churches has inevitably led to the discovery
of large-scale mortuary features. Burial in colonial cities took place under church oors, in
cloisters and other parts of monasteries, from the sixteenth century until the passage of
burial reform in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Remains may be
primary burials of single individuals, secondary reburials in bundles or, frequently,
common ossuaries where the remains of many individuals are mixed. The analysis of these
remains requires the work of a qualied physical anthropologist, an ideal which is not
always met when large-scale mortuary contexts are uncovered in the Andes.
Perhaps the largest, and an exemplary, study of this kind is the work of Douglas
Ubelaker in Quito. After decades of work on prehistoric Ecuadorian burial samples, the
excavation of the San Francisco Monastery in Quito in 198793 provided Ubelaker the
opportunity to study a large colonial burial population. The excavation results from the
monastery remain unpublished, but Ubelaker (1994b; Ubelaker and Ripley 1999) has
published detailed studies of the human remains recovered. These date to the colonial
Franciscan occupation of the site, and number over 200 individuals. Combined with
samples from the Dominican monastery and the Bethlemite colonial hospital in the same
city (Ubelaker and Rousseau 1993), Ubelaker has used this colonial Quito population in
comparative research on the craniometry of New World samples, and comparisons between
prehistoric and historic disease and demography in Ecuador (Ross et al. 2002; Ubelaker
1994a, 1995; Ubelaker and Newson 2002). Much of the archaeology from these sites in
Quito remains unpublished, yet the human remains have been comprehensively analysed.
The opposite is true of the Jesuit Monastery in Mendoza, Argentina, where the
archaeological materials have been thoroughly analysed (Scha velzon 1998), but the large
ossuary under the church oor (Cortegoso et al. 1998) has not been analysed by a physical
anthropologist.
Such demographic studies of mass graves can be contrasted with work in Lima, where a
cult of sorts appears to surround the identication of the famous in the human remains
encountered in colonial crypts. The uncontested recovery and analysis of the remains of a
seventeenth-century viceroy in the Lima Cathedral crypt (Guille n Oneeglio 1993) stand in
sharp contrast to the debate which erupted over the supposed identication of the remains
of Francisco Pizarro from the crypts of the same church in 1977 (Mogrovejo Rosales 1996:
19; San Cristo bal Sebastia n and Guille n Guille n 1986). The search continues for the
mummies of the last Inka rulers, brought to the San Andre s Hospital in Lima in the 1560s,
and presumably placed in the crypts beneath the hospital. Jose de la Riva-Agu ero
attempted to excavate these crypts in 1937 in order to recover the mummies, but quickly
gave up (Mogrovejo Rosales 1996: 12; Riva-Agu ero 1966 [1938]), and now a new team of
historians and archaeologists has undertaken a ground-penetrating radar survey of the
hospital property in an initial step toward opening crypts to look for these long-sought
personages (McCaa et al. 2004).
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Conclusions
Historical archaeology in the Andes has emerged as a sub-discipline over the past twenty
years. Many types of sites, and many research questions, have now been addressed by
professional archaeologists. There are, however, many areas left untouched. Recent
surveys of African Diaspora archaeology note the extension of research to Brazilian sites
(Orser and Funari 2001; Weik 1997) and to Buenos Aires (Scha velzon 2003). The presence
of large numbers of enslaved and free African peoples in the Andes throughout the
colonial period and beyond has not yet been translated into archaeological research on the
African Diaspora anywhere in the region. In a similar fashion, gendered approaches, and
studies of sexuality, have become an important focus in historical archaeology on a global
scale (McEwan 1991; Schmidt and Voss 2000), and yet in the Andes such a research focus
has yet to be tried in any serious fashion (but cf. Jamieson 2000a).
One of the greatest lacunae in the literature is in regard to the scientic analysis of
recovered collections. Flotation and palynology seem non-existent in colonial archaeology
in the Andes, despite excellent studies of these remains in prehistoric contexts in the region
(Hastorf 1993; Piperno and Pearsall 1998). The analysis of faunal remains from colonial
sites has shown excellent results, and it is hoped that in the near future macrobotanical and
palynological analyses of colonial contexts will become the norm in the region, although a
lack of trained specialists in these analyses is an obvious hindrance to them becoming
standard practices.
More important than addressing particular themes or methods is the simple need for
better communication among researchers. Many researchers rarely, if ever, cite work
accomplished on similar themes in the other Andean nations. The parochialism of working
within a national context, with little chance for international exchange of ideas, may be a
problem for some. In the case of foreign projects, a lack of any sincere attempt to gain
control of local literatures in the Spanish language may be at fault, as has been pointed out
for Latin America more generally by Jack Williams and Patricia Fournier (1996). What
emerges most glaringly, however, is the scattered nature of publication of Andean
historical archaeology. Without any journals or newsletters devoted to the topic, Andean
historical archaeologists publish in English-language journals in North America, or in
journals of limited circulation published in the various Andean nations. None of these
venues is inherently bad, but the scattering of publications on the topic does little to
improve the fractured nature of the sub-discipline. The only exception has been Stanley
Souths Historical Archaeology in Latin America series, which has allowed a variety of
researchers to publish results of research expeditiously in an aordable, multilingual
venue. It is dicult to say whether Andean historical archaeology, as with other
archaeologies (Kohl and Fawcett 1995; Schmidt and Patterson 1995), suers from
nationalism or benets by it. National pride has created much of the historical
archaeology that has taken place in the region, and yet the lack of citation of other
Andean researchers material in various studies may go beyond issues of lack of access to
bibliographic material and enter the realm of parochialism.
On a more positive note, the entire research eort in Andean historical archaeology is
maintained by no more than fteen principal investigators, yet these individuals make
huge dierences in their own countries, and international interchange between them is
364 Ross W. Jamieson
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occurring at an ever-increasing pace. A decade ago Richard Schaedel (1992) could lament
the almost complete lack of published Andean historical archaeology. This is no longer the
case. Although the situation still appears underdeveloped, the reality is that single
researchers have made huge dierences regionally, and over the next decade these eorts
are sure to coalesce into an increasingly dynamic, well-published and internationalized
eort to understand the colonial period in the Andes from an archaeological perspective.
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Meridith Sayre, Gina Michaels and Michael St. Denis for their help with
the research. As always, I want to thank Laurie Beckwith for her unagging support. The
interlibrary loan sta at the Bennett Library, Simon Fraser University, was a great help in
retrieving much of the material used here. My own research is conducted with nancing
from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
Department of Archaeology, Simon Fraser University Burnaby, British Columbia
E-mail: rossjami@sfu.ca
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Ross W. Jamieson is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Archaeology at Simon
Fraser University, in Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada. He has been conducting
research on the historical archaeology of highland Ecuador for more than ten years, and
has recently begun a project excavating the colonial city of Riobamba, Ecuador, destroyed
by an earthquake in 1797.
372 Ross W. Jamieson