J U N VOLUr' E 5 NUMBE R 30 4 1995 ! . ? I . o n e o n For Bernie Sanders things haven't been the same since the Republicanstook control. By KE VIN]. KE LLE Y F or anyone who witnessed the 1994 Republican national landslide, 1IS asUI-pi-ising development: Bernie Sanders is gaining respect among many of his colleagues, includ- ing Republicans, and is emerging as aleader in the conservative-controlled House of Representatives. It's also what you would expect: Sanders' influence extends to only asmall number of like-minded lawmakers, while his socialist ideology is flatly rejected and Sanders' brand oj class-struggle politics now alienates fewer liberals. occasionally ridiculed by the real power- brokers on Capitol Hill. Sanders takes it all in with a mixture of exhilaration and frustration as Vermont's sole representa- tive in the 43S-member"House. A day spent in Sanders' Washington office last week was a whirl of motion amidst chaotic and demanding circumstances. Although his locus stays fixed, the job itself is extremely disjointed. On this typical day, Sanders must shift, in a mat- ter of moments, from a television inter- view on mortgage deductions, to a photo session wi t h 31 visiting Vermont students, to aspeech on the federal bud- get, to a chance encounter with Peter Smith, the former congressman whom Sanders defeated in 1990. Theres little time to reflect, as many workdays drag on until midnight. Through it all, Bernie remains gen- uinely, deeply angry. He's outraged by nearly everyone and everything he encounters in the Capitol: "the big money that now totally dictates Con- gress's agenda," a Republican leadership made up of "cowards and bullies," "the pathetic nature of most Democrats," the "corporate media" that follows a formu- la of "the more important the issue, the less coverage it's given." Things are "very dismal right now," Sanders laments. We are experiencing, he says, "the most severe economic cri- sis in the modern history of America"- a crisis precipitated by the fact that "the rich are now going to war against the rest 01the country." Beyond the fiery rhetoric, Sanders regards this as a pivotal moment for the nation, and he thinks he can help decide the direction it will take. "1 don't believe the die has been cast yet," Sanders declares. "That's why I'mworking so hard 10 educate people." The former mayor of Burlington clearly hasn't changed at all. While more malleable lawmakers may be seduced by power lunches at the White House and glitzy receptions staged by favor-seeking lobbyists, Sanders remains an incorrupt- ible ascetic, a zealot with an unwavering vision of what's right and what's wrong. November's stunning electoral results have forced him to bend a bit to fit the framework erected by the equally zeal- ous right-wing crusaders who hold a majority in the House. When the Democrats were in charge, Sanders gen erally went along with their unhurried approach to reducing the federal deficit. Now, however, even his own still-radical budget proposals proceed Irorn the GOP-stipulatcd premise thai the ledgers See Bernie, Page 8 8MAY 25, 1995 VERMONT TIMES ... B em i e Conlinued from Page 1 must be balanced within seven year s. Despite subtle accommoda- tions to political reality, Sanders' belief system remains fundamen- tally unshaken by the upheaval of last November. He still refuses to acknowledge a need for reform of social programs. He ardently defends the status quo for Social Security and medicare, rejecting suggesuons that entitlements be limited for more affluent benefi- ciaries. His emphasis is on find- ing new revenues; he seldom speaks of controlling spending (except on the pan of the Penta- gon). In fact, Sanders continues to advance an unreconstructed agenda of ever-expanding federal largesse. He favors higher taxes for the wealthy and for corpora- tions in order to finance Great Society-style initiatives such as a government jobs program and a single-payer national health insurance system. Both those proposals arc part of an li-poim alternative to the Republicans' lO-point Contract with America. The "fairness" package was presented early in the year by the Progressive Cau- cus, which Sanders chairs. Most of its items have nOI even been debated on the House Ooor-and b bl II b to cultivate good relations with of 13 in just the past few months. they pro a y never wi e as I The caucus' repealed attacks I h GOP ., Democratic leaders, who stil ong as t e remains in d on "corporate welfare" are begin- charge. The distance between have the power to help or hin er ning to resonate beyond the Iib- these left-wing measures and the his efforts. The desired rapport has been Iacilitated by the left- erallobbying groups that assist in House's conservative consensus can be measured via the votes ward tack taken by some Dernoc- researching and publicizing the that have been taken on a few rats in the aftermath of the direct federal subsidies and huge II S d "d November rout. Sanders' brand lax breaks enjoyed by business. A progressivle bi b S . an ers f S 3 1 e l of class-srruggle politicS now few anti-establishment censer va- routinely oses y margins a - or 4-1. alienates fewer liberals, and his rives have come to agree that With the outcome prcdeter- socialist label is no longer auto- "free enterprise" ought 1O forego mined in almost every instance, matically anathema to many government handouts. John vermont's independent represen- mainstream Derns. Kasich, Republican chair of the tative invests r-r- =====-=------, House Budget comparatively lit- Committee, is tie energy in the openly intrigued traditional leg- 0 by Sanders' argu- islattve task of 'ften Sanders ments against trying L O change corporate wel- c a II ea g u es ' assumes the familiar fare, but big- minds. business domina- In his two posture of the radical lion of the GOP com mit tee s ' J ensures that the (Banking and 'd 'l' federal trough Government Re- OUtSl er rat lng will not dry up form), he offers anytime soon. plenty of amend- against a system he Bernie's integri- ments to Republi- ty and intelli- can legislation, regards as hopelessly gence are ad- and Sanders is an mired even by ardent partici- reactionary. some of his ideo- pant in many logical enemies. floor debates. Oc- "A really decent casionally he guy" and "a fine even succeeds in getting one of As one indication of Sanders' gentleman" are descriptions of his provisions adopted. Much increasing respectability, the Sanders offered by Representative more often, though, Sanders as- ranks of the Progressive Caucus Gerry Solomon, the upstate New sume.s the familiar posture of the have steadily expanded in the York Republican who runs the radical outsider railing against a four years since he founded the powerful House Rules Commit- system he regards as hopelessly group. A total of 46 .IegislalOrs tee. Solomon adds, however, that reactionary. now affiliate themselves with Sanders is rendered ineffective by At the same. time, he does try Sanders' leadership-an increase standing "to the far-left of almost all members of the House." Though he concedes that the current political alignment sharply limits Sanders' legislalive potential, Solomon thinks that Bernie might achieve more were he willing to strike compromises. Solomon contrasts Sanders' approach with that of Ron Del, Iums, a progressive African- American Democrat from Cali- fornia who has been in the House for more than 20 years. "In the beginning, Dellums wouldn't compromise at all," Solomon recalls. "He was like a Bernie Sanders. But over time, and even though he maintains a very liber- al philosophy, Ron learned he had to compromise in order to be effective." But Sanders sees no common ground between his views and those of Newt Gingrich, and he understands that the leader of a highly disciplined Republican majority has no need to court the small progressive bloc. Sanders thus views back-room back- scratching as largely a waste of time. "My role here has changed," he explains. "It's now about orga- nizing the best people around a program 10 fight back. I'm lrying to do the same thing in Vermont as well." Bill Goold, a Sanders aide who does staff work for the Progres- sive Caucus, amplifies on his boss's mission in a hostile envt- ronmeru. "The focus has shifted," VERMONTTIMES' MAY 25, 1995 9 Gingrich and other wily conserva- tives, Sanders' reasoning runs, take advantage of media distortions and omissions to dupe people into acting against their own best interests. ~ . I res the veteran congressiona no f . . Il ssistant. "rom trymg to m u- anee legislation within the instt- e uon to building support for a tll . rogressive agenda outside Coo- p " gress. . In practical terms, this means clung the press to pay attention. g f S d ' .. Indeed, many 0 an ers acuvr- lies in Washington are media- related. On one recent day, he sal for a IS-minute TV interview in his office, talked at length with a ) Vermont Times reporter and taped \, his weekly half-hour cable televi- r sian program. ) Sanders' office was meanwhile buzzing over an attack on him that day on Rush Limbaugh's show. There was also excited chatter about National Public Radio's intention to air another spot on the Progressives' critique of corporate welfare. And staffers put out a bulletin alerting Sanders' supporters to his appearance on ABC television that night. Though Sanders' ego is at least as large as most politicians', self- aggrandizement is not the prima- ry aim of his media operation. He truly seems to regard press expo- sure as a means toward the end of sparking opposi non to the Republican onslaught. Back home in Ver- mont, for example, news conferences account for only a small share of Sanders' activities. He devotes many more hours to grassroots organizing around the state in the form of town meet- ings, issue conferences and public rallies that he regularly sponsors. His in-Slate staff also provides a full range of con- stituent services, cheerfully aid- ing ordinary Vermonters in their battles with various federal bureaucracies. Sanders has indicated that he wants to spend even more time in Vermont. This reordering of his schedule is partly in response to the close call he experienced at the polls six months ago, when Republican J ohn Carroll won 47 percent of the vote. Again, though, Sanders seems less con- cerned with his personal stand- ing than with his political mes- sage. The targeted audience consists not only of open-minded GOP voters; it extends to the millions of nonvoters nationwide. Sanders fre- quently points out that 62 per- cent of poten- tially eligible Americans did- n't take pan in last fall's elec- tion. His assumption is that most of these abstainers would vote for liberal or at least moderate candi- dates. Despite his generally gloomy manner and sometimes grumpy behavior, Sanders main- tains an essentially optirhistic outlook. Most people will act humanely if presented with the facts, he believes. In his world view, it's corporate control of the media that prevents many Amer- icans from following their basi- cally progressive instincts. Gin- grich and other wily conserva- tives, Sanders' reasoning runs, take advantage of media distor- tions and omissions to dupe people into acting against their own best interests. His purpose-mdeed, his solemn obligation-is thus to provide Americans with a sound political education. Serving as Vermont's lone House member in the Age of Gingrich 15 an "enormously exciting and inter- esting" challenge, Sanders says. BUl "it's also very frUStrating and painful." Will it prove so daunting that he gives it up to return, full-time, to Vermont? " I don't know," Sanders muses .. 1 1 just take it one day at a time."