Taking Exception to the exception is a special issue of diacritics. Author(s): Jason Frank and Tracy McNulty. "The exception is more interesting than the rule," says Carl Schmitt.
Taking Exception to the exception is a special issue of diacritics. Author(s): Jason Frank and Tracy McNulty. "The exception is more interesting than the rule," says Carl Schmitt.
Taking Exception to the exception is a special issue of diacritics. Author(s): Jason Frank and Tracy McNulty. "The exception is more interesting than the rule," says Carl Schmitt.
Source: Diacritics, Vol. 37, No. 2/3, Taking Exception to the Exception (Summer - Fall, 2007), pp. 2-10 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20204162 . Accessed: 08/10/2014 18:04 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . The Johns Hopkins University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Diacritics. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 194.214.29.29 on Wed, 8 Oct 2014 18:04:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Drawing of "stage" (2007) This content downloaded from 194.214.29.29 on Wed, 8 Oct 2014 18:04:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions INTRODUCTION TAKING EXCEPTION TO THE EXCEPTION JASON FRANK AND TRACY McNULTY "The exception," Carl Schmitt wrote in Political Theology, "is more interesting than the rule. The rule proves nothing; the exception proves everything. In the exception the pow er of real life breaks through the crust of a mechanism that has become torpid by repeti tion" [15]. Embracing the extraordinary vitality of "the event," while decrying the pale repetition of the norm, contemporary theoretical discourses across multiple fields and disciplines?law, political theory, theology, history, literature, and philosophy?would seem to concur with Schmitt's high estimation of the exception "in its absolute purity." And this high estimation has assumed an obvious and global political urgency in the wake of 9/11 and the ever-expanding "War on Terror." This special issue of diacritics is motivated by our sense that the contemporary theoretical and political imagination is captivated by the dramatic logic of the exception. A certain picture of law and normativ ity seems to hold us captive, to paraphrase Wittgenstein, and our theoretical vocabularies seem to repeat this picture inexorably. The essays that follow offer critical analyses of this captivation, while also providing resources?theoretical, theological, literary, and techni cal?for diminishing its hold (if not definitively refuting its claims). Without retreating to a lost normativity, foundationalism, formalism, or legalism, the essays in this special issue raise a number of pressing political and theoretical questions: What conceptual rubrics are maintained and reiterated by the seemingly inexorable logics of norm and exception? What kinds of theoretical investigation are authorized and precluded by this preoccupation? How do they structure our political discussions, and direct and constrain our political options? The timeliness of these questions is suggested by a familiar anecdote. In April of 2006 George Bush, responding to the growing criticisms of Donald Rumsfeld's planning and execution of the Iraq War, said, "I hear the voices, and I read the front page, and I hear the speculation. But I'm the decider, and I decide what's best" [qtd. in O'Neil]. This was not the only time that Bush identified with decision and the concomitant category of the exception; his administration's embrace of the theory of the "unitary executive" and its unprecedented expansion of presidential power both domestically and internationally has been widely criticized for suspending the rule of law in the name of the higher law of "national security." Bush's invocation of the presidential "decider" was predictably lampooned by some in the media. Others, however, saw darker forces at work in this awkward invocation of sovereign decision. Alongside the often-mentioned, though sel dom theoretically elaborated, influence of the work of Leo Strauss on neoconservatives within the Bush administration, some saw the influence of Strauss's interlocutor Schmitt somewhere behind Bush's remarks [see, for example, Scheuerman; Wolf]. "Sovereign is he who decides on the exception," Schmitt wrote in Political Theol ogy [5]. Sovereign is he who decides when formal law must be suspended to meet the diacritics / summer-fall 2007 diacritics 37.2-3: 3-10 3 This content downloaded from 194.214.29.29 on Wed, 8 Oct 2014 18:04:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions exigencies of extraordinary circumstances, especially those that pose "existential threats" to the identity of the state. There could be no doubt that in the wake of 9/11, not only the administration itself, but also large sections of the public, accepted that we were living in exceptional times, and times of exceptional danger and threat. This exceptionality was recognized both formally and informally in a myriad of legal and political developments. It was, for example, legally inscribed in the opinions placing accused terrorists outside of the Geneva Convention's category of "legal enemy combatants" and in the emergence of a stunning array of discretionary executive powers to conduct the "War on Terror." It underwrote the unwarranted surveillance of domestic telephone calls and financial trans actions and the CIA's creation of black site prisons in Thailand, Afghanistan, and Poland. The state of exception was also written into the National Security Strategy, with its in vocation of an underspecified providential enemy, one that called for entirely new forms of warfare and defense. This exceptional state justified engaging in preemptive war, and, according to Ron Suskind's account of the administration's "one percent doctrine," aban doning rational decision making practices based on evidence and intelligence gathering in favor of acting on an extraordinary presumption of merely potential threats. In a variety of ways what is presented to us as the "post- 9/11 world" is a world in which previous political and legal norms no longer apply. British Prime Minister Tony Blair wrote that the terrorist attacks were a "revelation" that inaugurated an era that is "unconventional in almost every respect" [qtd. in Warner 27]. As Giorgio Agamben's work has argued, it is a world where the exception has become the norm, a world presented as a state of excep tion of seemingly unending duration [Agamben 58, glossing Benjamin's "On the Concept of History" 392]. This wide ranging context, and the rhetorical power of its invocation, demands a theoretical interrogation and reconsideration of the meaning of the concept of the exception. Political theology is a particularly important rubric to think through these dynamics. When Schmitt declares that the exception in jurisprudence is analogous to the "miracle" in theology, he reaffirms and recuperates for modern political and legal thought the theo logical foundations of sovereign power long invoked by European monarchs (the doc trine of "Christ-centered kingship" so richly analyzed by Ernst Kantorowicz). Even when theorists of the law or state do not locate sovereignty in a particular individual, they often derive its authority from a source figured as "outside of," "prior to," or "beyond" the law (the God who inscribes the tablets of the Mosaic law, Rousseau's "lawgiver," Sade's "Mother Nature," Siey?s' "pouvoir constituant" and so on). Indeed, Sigmund Freud sug gests that even the most egalitarian social arrangements cannot function without some implicit or explicit invocation of an exceptional figure (the father of the primal horde, the leader, the resurrected Christ) who founds the group in the act of exceeding it, soliciting the mechanisms of identification that bind the members both to him and to one another. These formulations suggest that political theology is concerned not only with the appeal to a source of legitimation figured as "beyond" the law, but with the completion or closure of the law in its annihilation or displacement. Schmitt 's critique of normative law suggests that there is a "gap" in the law that renders it incapable of addressing such anomic situations as revolution and the general strike; the sovereign acts to close this gap in the law by preserving its "spirit" against its "letter," suspending the constitution to maintain the order of law (or the existence of the state as such). In this respect, the ulti mate prooftext for the strategy of exception is Paul's account of Christ as the "fulfillment of the law," the living logos who consigns the "old" written law to obsolescence and who actualizes in his person the transcendent Kingdom of God. The contemporary theoretical imagination has arguably not surpassed the terms of Paul's polemic against the Mosaic law, with the result that the stakes of these terms and the specific understandings of the law to which they attest are rarely interrogated. 4 This content downloaded from 194.214.29.29 on Wed, 8 Oct 2014 18:04:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Freud points to the potential costs of such a captivation when he derives the psychic agency of the superego from the lawless authority of the primal father, whose unlimited power ox jouissance is the "force of law" or "spirit" that insists in and beyond the law as its ultimate source of judgment. He reminds us that, even for Paul, "slavery to the law" gives way not to freedom, but to a "slavery to Christ" whose material support is the super egoic "voice of conscience" that emerges with the Christian's internalization of the law's "spirit" [Freud 110-11]. Does this mean that the fascination exerted by the exception in its many forms cannot be fully examined without a more expansive understanding of what is gathered together and flattened out under the heading of "norm"? When the function of law is reduced to normativity, what alternative understandings of the law are lost or distorted in the pro cess? What resources might they provide for a critical examination of the exception? Wal ter Benjamin, for example, suggests that the written law (the laws of the Greek state, the written commandments of the Hebrew decalogue) offered a first line of defense against what he calls the "tyranny of mythic states," distilled in the "dictatorship" of spirit ["Cri tique of Violence" 249]. In a similar vein, Jacques Lacan maintains that the Ten Com mandments are "nothing other than the laws of speech," insofar as the condition of speech is "distance between the subject and das Ding." He argues that the function of the Hebraic law is not to forbid or penalize transgression, but to erect a barrier against das Ding (the psychic object that is the bearer of the death drive) and the "objects" that represent its deadly force: God, the mother of the incest prohibition, the neighbor [Lacan 174]. Such formulations suggest that the structures of law are concerned with more than the prom ulgation of norms, procedures, and codes, or what Alain Badiou dismisses as the logic of "particularism," bound to worldly objects and cemented by ritual obedience. They imply that the role of the law, symbolic, or speech is to take exception to the exception, to cir cumscribe or erect a barrier against absolute power or the superegoic "spirit" of the law. * * * The first three essays in this volume consider how these problematics have been treated by three of the thinkers who have most profoundly influenced current debates about the exception: Giorgio Agamben, Walter Benjamin, and Slavoj Zizek. Jeffrey Librett, in "From the Sacrifice of the Letter to the Voice of Testimony: Gior gio Agamben's Fulfillment of Metaphysics," considers how the Pauline dialectic against the "dead letter" of the Jewish law is echoed in the work of Giorgio Agamben by an in dictment of the "graphocentric" bias of much contemporary thought, and a corresponding investment in voice and testimony as expressing most fully the Being of language?an argument that undergirds not only Agamben's early work on poetics, but his hugely influ ential Homo Sacer and State of Exception. In a polemic with the work of Jacques Derrida that Librett reads as one of his guiding preoccupations, Agamben proposes that it is the insistent privileging of the letter or writing, and not the voice, that has most profoundly shaped the development of Western metaphysics. But while Agamben's thesis is ground ed in a reading of Heidegger, Librett argues that this reading is filtered through an unex amined Christian theological grid that at once distorts Heidegger's account of the Being of language and makes Agamben's own account of language uncomfortably proximate to the critique of the letter in National Socialist ideology, which "attempts to rid itself of the letter by sacrificing not only Judaism but the (biologically, racially construed) Jews" [12]. Agamben's readings of the camp and of the problematic of sacrifice, he argues, fail to ac count for the particular logic of sacrifice at stake in the Final Solution, because Agamben is blind to the Christian dimension that subtends not only Nazi racist ideology but his own understanding of language. diacritics / summer-fall 2007 5 This content downloaded from 194.214.29.29 on Wed, 8 Oct 2014 18:04:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions In "The Commandment against the Law: Writing and Divine Justice in Walter Ben jamin's 'Critique of Violence,'" Tracy McNulty considers a similar problem from the opposite standpoint, arguing that Benjamin's notorious critique of lawmaking and law preserving violence has too often been read as a generalized indictment of law as media tion in favor of a transcendent, immutable authority or force, identified with the figure of "divine violence." This reading, she suggests, tends to align Benjamin's analysis with Paul's neo-Platonic critique of the letter of law as a distorting representation of an intel ligible truth, the "Law of God" that he identifies with its living spirit against its sinful letter. Instead, McNulty argues that the key tension at stake in the opposition of "mythic" to "divine" violence is not the tension between the letter of the law and its spirit or force, but between two different understandings of law: as a representation or mediation of a force or violence and as a structural limit. Noting that one of Benjamin's key examples of divine justice concerns the function of the commandment, McNulty argues that for Benjamin the commandment form?like the first written laws of the Greeks?testifies to the indispensable function of language (and writing in particular) in "calling a halt" to mythic or lawmaking violence, a violence that is in turn identified with the "tyranny of spirit." Like his predecessor Immanuel Kant, she suggests, Benjamin reads the Jewish commandment tradition as proposing a solution to the impasses inherent in all positive law, suggesting that the negative form of the written commandment acts as a barrier to the tyranny implicit in the "imaginary" dimension of law. Erik Vogt, in "Exception in Zizek's Thought," admits that the sheer proliferation of instances of exception in the work of Slavoj Zizek might easily lead one to conclude that his thought tends to universalize the exception. But while Zizek is often read as a theorist who affirms the exception, Vogt argues that he is a persistent critic. Beginning with a consideration of Zizek's earliest works, Vogt shows that initially, the concept of exception is elaborated in terms of the notion of the symptom. Zizek's reinvigoration of the critique of ideology argues for a consideration of the social symptom both in terms of its excep tional status and in terms of its phantasmatic structure, demonstrating that an updated ideology critique has to account for both dimensions of the social symptom as exception: its dimension as master-signifier and its dimension as objet a. In subsequent works Vogt shows that the logic of exception is again central, this time guiding the way Zizek inter prets the relation between Kantian and Hegelian philosophy, on the one hand, and the logics of Judaism and Christianity, on the other. Finally, even Zizek's interventions into recent discussions in contemporary political thought might be understood in light of his attempt to formulate a critique of "exceptionalist" politics. His thesis is that philosophers such as Adorno, Heidegger, Badiou, and Agamben all share a "fatal" misunderstanding regarding the relation between the exception and the universal, in that they conceive of the exception (symptom) as an "outside" intruding at certain moments upon the existing social order. For Zizek, in contrast, the symptom (exception) is itself the universal: and, conversely, each universal is an exception. In recent years political theorists have typically engaged the dynamics of norm and exception through the rubric of political paradox, emphasizing the precarious self-suf ficiency of norms and their (frequently disavowed) reliance on unjustified heteronomic supports. Democratic theorists in particular have repeatedly returned to the paradoxes inhabiting projects of collective self-authorization, dwelling on how, in Alan Keenan's words, "the very conditions of freedom and autonomy?the lack of natural, unquestion able grounds for judgment and action?seem to rule out the possibility of full political autonomy" [33]. Rousseau's lawgiver is the exemplary canonical figure around which these debates often turn. On one side stand those radical democratic theorists who affirm the productivity of paradox, who see the legitimation deficit at the core of democratic au tonomy as a catalyst of ongoing democratic contention and change. Agonistic democrats 6 This content downloaded from 194.214.29.29 on Wed, 8 Oct 2014 18:04:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions like Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau are influential representatives of this approach. On the other side stand liberal democratic theorists like J?rgen Habermas who attempt to overcome this legitimation deficit through an evolutionary project of deliberative proce duralism. The various iterations of "deliberative democracy," which have become nearly hegemonic in contemporary Anglophone democratic theory, broadly exemplify this ap proach. While the essays by Honig, Frank, Shapiro, and Norris are broadly sympathetic with those who affirm the irreducibility of paradox, they also resist the terms in which these debates are typically cast. Each of their essays aims to dispel the captivating hold that political paradox?and its attending rubric of norm and exception?has on the po litical theorists who both affirm and reject it. Each of these essays articulates, in Bonnie Honig's words, a position "between decision and deliberation." In "The Miracle of Metaphor: Rethinking the State of Exception with Rosenzweig and Schmitt," Bonnie Honig explores the democratic resources of Franz Rozsenzweig's distinct conceptualization of the miracle and the alternative political theology it offers to the sovereign decisionism of Schmitt. While Schmitt turns to the disavowed miracle as a way of undermining the purportedly Deist presuppositions of liberal constitutional ism and legal positivism, Honig engages Rosenzweig to provide an alternative political theology to both, one that emphasizes the dispositional attributes of popular receptivity over the procedural formalism of law on the one hand, and the sovereign imperatives of decision and command, on the other. Prophecy is democratically refigured in Honig's essay, replacing the sovereign focus on the prophet/lawgiver with the prophetic power of the people themselves, understood not only as receivers of prophecy but as themselves an incipient prophetic power, a precarious potentiality which invariably produces remain ders. Departing from the influential interpretation of Rosenzweig offered by Eric Santner, and ultimately departing from Rosenzweig himself, Honig's essay reexamines key bibli cal texts to argue that prophecy is indispensable to democratic politics. Her focus on the miracle of popular prophecy deflates the opposition between the norm and the exception, as it draws theoretical attention to the worldly conditions under which the miracle is re ceived. In "'Unauthorized Propositions': The Federalist Papers and Constituent Power," Ja son Frank is also engaged with the worldly conditions under which the exception appears as a (democratic) problem. He situates the theological dilemmas surrounding the spirit and the letter of the law within very localized arguments surrounding the constitutional crises of late eighteenth-century America. Frank turns to the practices of early American popular constitutionalism and to a close reading of James Madison's Federalist No. 40 in particular, to argue that the Schmittian articulation of the problem of constituent power? the sine qua non of a state of exception?blinds contemporary theorists to how the para doxes surrounding self-authorization were navigated during the constitutional ratification debates?the "great national discussion"?of 1787-89. Frank argues that there are les sons to be learned from this productive historical example that significantly depart from Schmitt's theological understanding of both the norm and the exception. Frank takes issue with Schmitt's affirmation of constituent power as "an absolute beginning" that "springs out of normative nothingness and from concrete disorder" [Schmitt, ?ber die drei Arten 23-24], instead emphasizing lines of normative continuity that accompany the disruption of legal order and assist in navigating the transition to a new legal order. In Madison's invocation of the "informal and unauthorized propositions" of the Philadelphia Conven tion (that is, the "unauthorized propositions" of the United States Constitution itself) Frank finds an alternative way of understanding these dramas of self-authorization, one that diminishes the epochal significance of the founding and attends instead to how "the extraordinary inhabits and sustains the democratic ordinary," how constituent capacities "are continually elicited from within the midst of political life" [118]. diacritics / summer-fall 2007 7 This content downloaded from 194.214.29.29 on Wed, 8 Oct 2014 18:04:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Frank concludes his essay with a reexamination of the lawgiver of Rousseau's Social Contract, and Kam Shapiro begins "Politics Is a Mushroom: Worldly Sources of Rule and Exception in Carl Schmitt and Walter Benjamin" with a provocative discussion of the same figure. For Shapiro, however, Rousseau's attunement to the immanent "virtual" sources of normativity and to the "virtuosity" of the lawgiver in tapping those sources is analogous to the arguments of Schmitt himself. According to Shapiro, there are imma nent resources in Schmitt for overcoming the latter's own tendency toward "metaphysi cal exceptionalism." Shapiro is particularly interested in the dynamic interplay between the "virtual" sources of normativity in the receptive dispositions of the people and the "virtuosic" enactment of these sources in the figure of the lawgiver. Like Honig, Shapiro focuses on dispersed popular sources of sovereignty and decision instead of the unitary and transcendent figure of the sovereign. Walter Benjamin's work provides Shapiro with examples of what he calls "democratic virtuosity." Benjamin's rejection of the Schmittian scenario of lawmaking and law-preserving violence "in favor of an ongoing collective habit-formation" [122] suggests that attention to techniques is one way to diminish the hold of the formal rubric of norm and exception and the sovereign and juridical concep tion of the political that underwrites it. In "Willing and Deciding: Hegel on Irony, Evil, and the Sovereign Exception," An drew Norris also finds resources in Schmitt to combat the uptake of Schmitt in contem porary theoretical discourse. Pursuing arguments first offered by Karl L?with, Norris argues that Schmitt's early critique of romantic occasionalism in Political Romanticism can be productively mobilized against Schmitt's own influential later work on decision ism. In order to elaborate on this claim, but also to offer an alternative way out of the normative dead end of Schmitt's decisionism, Norris reconstructs Hegel's analogous cri tique of Schlegel's occasionalism. Like Schmitt, Hegel does not deny the necessity of the moment of the decision and the confrontation with the exception it entails; however, neither does he surrender all normative considerations to it. According to Norris, Hegel's discussion of this issue has the great virtue of relating to much more broadly accepted notions of subjectivity and freedom. Norris provocatively finds Hegel's navigation of these problems neither in the subjectivism of Kantian Moralit?t nor in Sittlichkeit, but in Hegel's critique of the "sickness" of modern ironism. Instead of reading Hegel as a statist reactionary, Norris emphasizes the movement in his work between particular, universal, and individuality: "To move through particularity," Norris writes, "entails a confrontation with the exception but makes that confrontation part of a larger process if what is sought for is a set of universal concepts that will allow us to become the individuals that we are" [154], That is, Norris emphasizes the process of mediation itself between the universal and particular in order to situate the exception within a broader normative project irreduc ible to a given norm or law. Finally, the third set of essays considers a problem that is implicit in many of the preceding contributions, even if none addresses it centrally: the aesthetics of power, or the indispensable role of figuration and visuality in securing the metaphysics of the excep tion. While the critical literature on sovereignty and the discourse of the exception has long underscored the complicity of metaphor and image in the myth of sovereign power and the metaphysics of meaning on which it depends, the final three contributors insist that figurai language and visual representation also have the capacity to undercut these myths, to deallegorize narrative and render the exception unexceptional. In "'Above and beneath classification': Bartleby, Life and Times of Michael K, and Syntagmatic Participation," Gert Buelens and Dominiek Hoens point out that despite their many differences, what every discourse on the exception ultimately exposes is that the rule cannot do without the exception, and that the exception is equally dependent on the rule. They propose to consider how this problem affects literature, and in particular 8 This content downloaded from 194.214.29.29 on Wed, 8 Oct 2014 18:04:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions how literature is read: suggesting that in the literary context, "the rule goes by the name of 'allegorical reading' and the exception by that of 'singularity'" [158]. They focus on two critical texts that have attempted to theorize the literary interplay of rule and excep tion, with very different results: Derek Attridge's recent attempt in /. M. Coetzee and the Ethics of Reading to determine what he has called literature's "singularity," and Gilles Deleuze's reading of the ?ventai dimension of literature in Melville's "Bartleby the Scriv ener." While they share Attridge's suspicion of allegorical modes of reading, Buelens and Hoens question his nonallegorical alternative, which they see as relying heavily on a pro cess of identification between readers and protagonists that actually amounts to a varia tion on the allegorical theme. They maintain that "[literature is not something that simply exists?waiting for a theoretician who will use it as an illustration or for a reader who will only understand what he or she already knows?but is an event, something that brings something new into a given situation" [159]. They find the building blocks of this more persuasive nonallegorical alternative in Deleuze's reading of Bartleby, which emphasizes the readers' syntagmatic participation in the text rather than paradigmatic identification with its protagonists, and in the process suggests that readers can "experience a condition divorced from any perspective ... a singular perspective that is in the process of being formed" [158]. Susan Buck-Morss offers a fitting close to the issue with "Visual Empire," a rich and wide-ranging examination of the relation between the image and sovereign power that asks "why it is so difficult to cut off the head of the king so that it stays off, [and] why popular sovereignty consistently resurrects an aura of quasi-mystical power around the sovereign figure" [172]. The first part of the essay traces the emergence of an ico nography of sovereignty in Byzantine visual aesthetics, where the iconocity of imperial Rome merged with that of the Incarnation to create "an immense force-field of affective power" [178] whose potency is echoed today in the iconographie power of global media. But while she argues that the events of 9/11 could be read as an iconoclastic attempt to destroy "the visual economy of power" [182], Buck-Morss cautions that they also expose the extent to which iconocrat and iconoclast are equally invested in the political power of the image: they differ only in their ways of managing that power and directing it for their own aims. By way of contrast, the second part of the essay turns to a trilogy of recent films by Russian director Alexander Sokurov, each dealing with a different twentieth-cen tury ruler who was an icon of absolute power: Hitler, Lenin, and Hirohito. Buck-Morss argues that these films "are not about the sovereign power of national leaders; they are about the sovereign power of the visual, the experience of the image and how it relates to political belief [186]. Sokurov depicts these modern icons not at their heights of power, but as impotent, powerless, and dying men: not the exceptional tyrants we expect, but men absolutely unexceptional in their visceral humanity. If "the iconoclastic desire is for evil rulers to be responsible for historical catastrophes, so that true sovereignty can be re stored, and humanity redeemed"?a desire that ultimately sustains the myth of sovereign power?Sokurov "turns this logic inside out. The sovereign is not responsible. Absolute rulers are powerless. And the audience disappointment begins to set up its own economy" [186]. The emphasis here is on the popular dispersion of power instead of its mythic unity in the figure of the sovereign ruler. Buck-Morss's summary understanding of the chal lenge of Sokurov's films may therefore be applied to all of the essays in this special issue; they each offer up for critical examination our complicity?theoretical and practical?in the construction of sovereign power through its captivating apotheosis of the state of pure exception. diacritics / summer-fall 2007 9 This content downloaded from 194.214.29.29 on Wed, 8 Oct 2014 18:04:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions WORKS CITED Agamben, Giorgio. State of Exception. Trans. Kevin Attell Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2005. Benjamin, Walter. "Critique of Violence." Selected Writings, Volume I: 1913-1926. Ed. Marcus Bullock and Michael W. Jennings. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1996. -. "On the Concept of History." Trans. Harry Zohn. Selected Writings, Volume 4: 1938-1940. Ed. Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2003. Buck-Morss, Susan. "Visual Empire." Diacritics 37.2-3 (2007): 171-98. Buelens, Gert, and Dominiek Hoens. "'Above and beneath classification': Bartleby, Life and Times of Michael K, and Syntagmatic Participation." Diacritics 37.2-3 (2007): 157-70. Frank, Jason. '"Unauthorized Propositions': The Federalist Papers and Constituent Pow er." Diacritics 37.2-3 (2007): 103-20. Freud, Sigmund. Moses and Monotheism. Trans. Katherine Jones. New York: Vintage, 1967. Honig, Bonnie. "Between Decision and Deliberation: Political Paradox in Democratic Theory." American Political Science Review 101 (2007): 1-17. -. "The Miracle of Metaphor: Rethinking the State of Exception with Rosenzweig and Schmitt." Diacritics 37.2-3 (2007): 78-102. Kantorowicz, Ernst. The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology. 1957. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1981. Keenan, Alan. Democracy in Question: Democratic Openness in a Time of Political Clo sure. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003. Lacan, Jacques. The Ethics of Psychoanalysis, 1959-1960. Ed. Jacques-Alain Miller. Trans. 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