Journal of The Malaysian Branch of The Royal Asiatic Society Volume 51 Issue 1 (233) 1978 (Doi 10.2307/41492183) H. G. Quaritch Wales - The Extent of Srivijaya's Influence Abroad
Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Volume 51 Issue 1 (233) 1978 [Doi 10.2307%2f41492183] h. g. Quaritch Wales -- The Extent of Srivijaya's Influence Abroad
Journal of The Malaysian Branch of The Royal Asiatic Society Volume 51 Issue 1 (233) 1978 (Doi 10.2307/41492183) H. G. Quaritch Wales - The Extent of Srivijaya's Influence Abroad
Source: Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 51, No. 1 (233) (1978), pp. 4-11 Published by: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41492183 . Accessed: 22/06/2014 16:11 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Plate 1. Gold plaque depicting Bodhisattva from Thamorat cave, near Si Tep . Height 3 in. ( James H. W . Thompson collection , Bangkok). Plate 2. Head of stone Bodhisattva from Thamorat cave , near Si Tep . Height 15 inches. In Bangkok Museum . (Photo by the author ). This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE EXTENT OF SRIVIJAYA'S INFLUENCE ABROAD by H. G. QUARITCH WALES rivijaya, comprising Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula, is primarily known as the famed trading empire of the eighth to twelfth centuries A.D., but there is ample evidence that it wras equally a great centre of Mahyna Buddhism and of the art that gave expression to it. The question that remains at issue is the extent to which its culture was able to influence its neighbours, which means mainly the essentially Hnaynist kingdom of Dvravat to the north. In my book Dvravat , while doubting that the religion of that kingdom had been influenced by Srvijayan Mahynism, I accepted that there had been some influence in the field of art. "So the question for the future" I wrote "is largely one of determining the extent of Srvijayan influence in Dvravat art."1 Since that time the progress of research has made it possible to re-assess a good deal more precisely the extent of this influence in both art and religion. To a certain degree it is necessary to take into consideration Srivijaya's political relationship with Java towrards the end of the eighth century, the most active period of Mahynist expansion. About this time rivijaya became united with Java under the rule of the Mahynist ailendras who before long transferred their centre of power to the Srvijayan capital in Sumatra, their connection with Java terminating soon after A.D. 824. While central Java and the Srvijayan capital functioned as independent centres of this Buddhist cultural diffusion, no certain distinction can be made between the style of the Buddhist images diffused from either centre. This was recognized by me in 1951 when I proposed the term Indo-Malaysian to cover them both.2 Then in 1955 J. Boisselier recognized the same situation when he wrote: "Pour l'historien d'art, la statuaire des deux tats, profondment indianiss, semble actuellement impossible
distinguer."3 However his use of the term rivijayan to cover the products both of rivijaya and of central Java has tended to confuse the issue, as noted by me,4 and by A. Le Bonheur.5 The latter therefore suggested, and obtained Boisselier's agreement to, the use of the generic term Indonesian, which corres- ponded to my Indo-Malaysian. Unfortunately Malaysian and Indonesian have each acquired a restricted modern political connotation (while Indonesian has also an anthropological usage) which in no way furthers our need for a generally accepted term characterizing the style of religious imagery that was common to central Java and to rivijaya. However in the present article we shalf be more 1 Dvaravati , London, 1969, p. 28. 2The Making of Greater India , first edition, London, 1951, p. 42. 3J. Boisselier, La Statuaire Khmer e et son Evolution , Saigon, 1955, p. 264. *Dvaravatt . p. 21. SA. Le Bonheur, "Un bronze d'poque prangkorienne representant Maitreya", Arts Asiatiques, Vol. XXV, 1972, p. 140. 5 This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. G. QUARITCH WALES JMBRAS, VOL. 51 concerned to bear in mind the existence of these two parallel centres for the diffusion of the common sculptural style. At the same time, where merely decorative motifs are concerned, central Java showed greater originality and freedom from Indian control than was possible to the Srlvijayans. First to consider the probable extent of rivijayan influence in western Dvravat, which would be a consequence of the expansion of Sumatran power over the Peninsula in the latter part of the eighth century. The possible influence of the prototypes of the Bengal temple of Paharpur in the architecture of Wat P'ra Men, Nak'on Pathom, was realized by Dupont, but this did not imply, and indeed antedated, any conceivable rivijayan influence. However in 1968 Boisselier described a number of stucco decorative motifs and animal figures found at U T'ong as "rivijayan", though evidently having in mind supposed similarity to ninth century Khmer art which was influenced by central Javanese styles.6 In my criticism of this opinion,7 1 remarked that I could see no difference between the U T'ong figures and those found at other Dvravat sites, notably Nak'on Pathom, where Boisselier had specifically stated that he could see no evidence of rivijayan influence.8 At the same time he regarded, I believe correctly, the terracotta Bodhisattvas found at Ku Bua, as products of a Mahynist current from India antedating any rivijayan influence. However in 1969 he claimed to see a more extensive influence of rivijaya in both the art and religion of the Menam valley than he had formerly recognized.9 This was a radical change of opinion that prompted Le Bonheur to ask what new evidence had justified it.10 It might have been the illogicality of denying to similar stucco figures at other sites the rivijayan influence he claimed to have detected at U T'ong, or it might have been the importance he attached to a few scattered easily transportable small objects of rivijaya affinity that actuated this change of opinion; but undoubtedly it was the discovery in 1968 of the fine series of bas-reliefs at Wat P'ra Paon, or Chula Paon, at Nak'on Pathom, that seemed to give confirmation to this revised view. These reliefs were discovered in the course of road construction near the site of the stpa , the excavation of which by P. Dupont in 1939-40 had evidently been very incomplete. The discovery came just too late to be referred to in my Dvravat, then in the press, though I had observed on page 46 that the bas- relief scene found in situ at Mang Bon gave an indication of what should equally have existed at Nak'on Pathom. Boisselier was present at the time of the dis- covery, and after examining the reliefs he published an article in which he claimed to have identified as Bodhisattvas certain figures that appeared among scenes that generally seemel to illustrate the Jtakas . These Bodhisattvas, he considered, were of a style and decorated with jewellery of a tvpe, that characterized them as products of rivijayan influence. He concluded that at the end of the eighth and in the ninth century Dvravat underwent a period of rivijayan Mahynist 6J. Boisselier, Nouvelles Connaissances Archologiques de la Ville U T'ong , Bangkok, 1968, p. 32. 7 Dvaravati . d. 27. 8 Arts Asiatiques. Vol. XII. 1965, p. 150. 9 Arts Asiatiques, Vol. XX, 1969, p. 59. 10Loc. cit., p. 141, n. 2. 6 This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PART 1, 1978 THE EXTENT OF SRIVIJAYA'S INFLUENCE ABROAD influence, from which it returned to the Theravda fold and gradual decadence at the end of the ninth century.11 This rather hastily reached conclusion has been superseded by subsequent studies. In the first place Prince Subhadradis recognized one of the supposedly Bodhisattva figures as Kuvera, the god of wealth.12 He is of course, in the Buddhist scheme, also the lokapla or regent of the North. However Piriya Krairiksh, in the intensive study he devoted to the reliefs, would prudently call him just a yaksa.13 Moreover this author shows that the style of the yaksa's crown is closer to that of a sixth century iva at Bhumara, India, than to the ninth century rivijayan style. Most important are the conclusions he derives from his careful study of the relief scenes, and their comparison particularly with those Jtaka scenes illustrated at Kizil in the Central Asian kingdom of Kucha. These indicate that all the scenes depicted at Chula Paon, as well as those at Mang Bon, were inspired by Hnayna Buddhism. Since no cult images of Bodhisattvas have been found, nor any relief showing a scene derived from a specific Mahyna sutra, there can be no doubt that it was Buddhism of the Hnayna school, though of the Sanskrit canon, that was practised at this temple. The above would appear to leave us in the main Dvravat centres with no greater evidence of rivijayan contacts than is provided by the occasional votive tablet or small Bodhisattva figure. The fact that such easily transportable objects were evidently admired and valued in Dvravat centres, provides no more evidence that they were influential in modifying the art and religion of the people than does the presence of Khmer statuettes in the collections of modern Bangkok. One would require evidence of the local art being modified by such influence. One such apparent case occurred to me when I went so far as to suggest that the "rivijayan" gold plaque (Plate 1), one of two found in the Thamorat cave near Si T'ep, could have inspired the monks there to carve in similar style the Bodhisattva images (Plate 2) beside their normal Dvravat Buddhas.14 But that was before the full significance of the Ban Tahnot bronze (Plate 3), the Prakhon Chai hoard of several hundred bronze Bodhisattvas, and finally the two bronze Bodhisattvas (together with a Buddha image) brought to light at Ban Fai, Buriram, in 1971, had been appreciated.15 On the basis of his study of those of the bronzes that were then known Boisselier showed their similarity to the Pre-Angkorian style of Kompong Prah, and he dated them from the end of the eighth to the early part of the ninth century A.D.16 He identified what he called the influence of rivijaya especially in the style of the jatmukuta of the Bodhisattvas, and nJ. Boisselier, "Rcentes recherches Nakhon Pathom", Journal of the Siam, Society, 1970, pp. 55-65. l2The Sculbture of Thailand . Ed. T. Bowie, New York, 1972, p. 51. 13Piriva Krairiksh. Buddhist Folk Tales . depicted at Chula Pathon Cedi . Bangkok. 1974, p. 5. 14 Dvaravati , p. 83. 15The Ban Fai images were unearthed from a mound in a typical multi- ramparted small circular site on the Korat plateau, situated a considerable distance south of the sites of M. Phet and Thamen Chai investigated by me in 1956 ("An early Buddhist civilization in Eastern Siam", JSS, Vol. XLV, pt. 1, 1957.) 16J. Boisselier, "Notes sur l'art du bronze dans l'ancien Cambodge", Artibus Asiae, Vol. XXIX, part 4, 1967, pp. 275-312. 7 This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. G. QUARITCH WALES JMBRAS, VOL. 51 particularly in the pearls ornamenting the centre of each hair loop. Since the Prakhon Chai figures include those of Avalokitesvara he concluded rightly that the religious influence was Mahynist. Similarities observed in the case of the Si T'ep cave statues had led him to recognize the same "Srvijayan" influence in their jatmukuta . That they further evidence the existence of Mahynism would also be established if one of the Bodhisattvas can be definitely identified as Avalokitesvara.17 Since the very large number of bronze Bodhisattvas now known from the Korat plateau have been classed as of the Pre-Angkorian style of Kompong Prah, it seems reasonable to regard them as the forerunners of that wave of Khmer influence which would eventually encompass the whole of Dvravat. In the late eighth century this wave had proceeded only so far as to influence and mix with the Dvravat culture of the plateau, which there is good reason to associate with the possibly independent state of Canasa. It is well known that this early Khmer art was strongly imbued with central Javanese influence, and when Boisselier sees rvijayan influence in the jatmukuta of all these Bodhisattvas it is obvious that his use of the term here in a loose sense is a cause of confusion. It is in this connection that A. Le Bonheur prevailed on Boisselier to use the term Indonesian rather than rvijayan.18 And Le Bonheur makes the almost inevitable deduction that we ought to think in terms of an influence "in the other direction", that is of the "school of Prakhon Chai" on the art of Dvravat.19 And what more likely, I may add, than that such Pre-Angkorian art and Mahyna religion should overspill the plateau to Si T'ep, which is on an old route there- from. In that case there is no more rvijayan influence at Si T'ep than there is on the Korat plateau, where indeed we should hardly expect it, and where the characteristics of the art and religion we have mentioned find a satisfactory explana- tion in terms of ultimately central Javanese influence. Moreover Si T'ep is a long way from western Dvravat, where at Nak'on Pathom and Mang Bon the claim for the presence of rvijayan influence and the Mahyna has been shown to be unfounded. This brings us to a consideration of some even more far-reaching claims by Boisselier for the extent of rvijayan influence, in his recent publication La Sculpture en Thalande (1974). In offering certain criticisms of these, one does not wish to detract from recognition of the work as a whole as constituting a laudable achievement, providing a comprehensive introduction to an immense subject. Unlike so many popular books the author does not in this one seek safety in propounding only apparently well-established, yet in fact sometimes outdated, theories; he boldly takes the opportunity to put forward some striking new hypotheses, largely based on his own work in the field. However, as he is well aware, this has one serious drawback: in the context of a popular publication the author often lacks the space needed to martial the required evidence, and he rightly recognizes that such detail would be palatable only to specialists. 17J. Boisselier, Arts Asiatiques, Vol. XII, 1965, p. 154. 18Le Bonheur, loc. cit., p. 143, . 3. 19loc. cit., p. 141. 8 This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Plate 3. Head of Bodhisattva: bronze: from Ban Tahnot, Korat Plateau. Hight 28 inches. In Bangkok Museum. Plate 4. The Takuapa Visnu: a typical long-robed stone Visnu, with cylindrical mitre. Height 6 feet. In Bangkok Museum. This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Plate 5. A Si Tep stone Visnu, with characteristic short robe and polygonal head- dress. Height 38!2 inches. In Bangkok Museum. Plate 6. The recently found stone head of Visnu from Si T'ep, with cylindrical mitre , before attachment to the Si T'ep torso (Plate 7) Height lllU inches . In Bangkok Museum. This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PART 1, 1978 THE EXTENT OF SRIVIJAYA'S INFLUENCE ABROAD An example which closely concerns our subject appears on page 81 where we are told that a study of those Dvravat standing Buddhas which have one shoulder bare and a different position for each hand would "without doubt" provide evidence of rivijayan influence. Unfortunately "a study of these images cannot find a place in our very general scheme." However, in view of what has been said earlier in this article, it is obvious that this claim cannot be entertained without a full statement of the evidence on which it is based. Some of Boisselier's new and contentious hypotheses are less vaguely stated, for were it not so further comment would be superfluous. As is well-known he has over the years made many valuable contributions to the detailed art history of South-east Asia. But since in this question of rivijayan influence the Malay Peninsula is very much concerned, one cannot overlook the fact that in the case of the "aberrant" Chaiya Visnu with conch on hip, he was no more infallible than were the rest of us - all except Prof. S. J. O'Connor who showed it to date from not later than A.D. 400. 20 Now I can only express astonishment when I find all the mitred long-robed Visnus of the Peninsula, as well as those of central Siam, classed by Boisselier as rivijayan. While he allows a somewhat earlier dating for them than he had previously envisaged, namely from about 650 to 800 A.D., he does not seem to appreciate that much of this period antedates the activity of rivijayan influenc in the Peninsula. He appears to ignore the important analysis and conclusions of O'Connor, although he recommends his book "above all" in his bibliographical note. Now O'Connor explains very satisfactorily the difference in style of the three groups into which Pierre Dupont had divided the mitred Visnus. It was due to an accretion of styles, Gupta, post-Gupta and Paliava, which were over a period from the sixth to the eighth century brought to bear on the original impulse from India represented by the conch on hip Chaiya Visnu. Only in the latest group, represented in the Peninsula primarily by the Takuapa Visnu (Plate 4), does O'Connor suggest a "local preoccupation" directed towards extending the arms away from the body. All this carefully analysed Indian influence, based on unquestionable evidence, is ignored by Boisselier, who sees these sculptures as "the fruit of a local evolution, pursued independently of all new influences."21 So, just the opposite of what was already foreseen by Dupont,22 we have original styles paralleling those of Angkor and Champa. Classed by Boisselier as rivijayan, one might enquire why not even a fragment of one single example of such mitred Visnus has been found on mainland Sumatra ? Was it not in fact because the religion of rivijaya was Hlnayna Buddhism, replaced mainly by the Mahyna during the eighth century? And does not their disappearance at that time from the Peninsula coincide with the expansion of rivijayan religion, of which Vaisnavism was not 20S.J. O'Connor, Jr., Hindu Gods of Peninsular Siam , Ascona, 1972, Chapters II and III. lLa Sculpture en Thalande, Pans, 1974, p. 97. ZZP. Dupont, Visnus Mitres de 1 Indochine Occidentale , Bull, de I hcole rrancaise d hxtrme Orient , Vol. XLI, pt. 2, 1941, p. 238. 9 This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. G. QUARITCH WALES JMBRAS, VOL. 51 a feature? Again, with the decline of the direct Indian influences, the cult of the mitred Visnus did not survive anywhere long after that century. In this same remarkable publication the author makes other propositions with which not everyone may find it possible to agree, but they do not concern us here.23 But for the sculpture of Si T'ep, in the Pasak valley of central Siam, he presents us with a tour de force which very much concerns our immediate enquiry. His opening words on the subject could scarcely strike a truer note: "It may appear surprising" he says "that we have chosen to present the art of Si T'ep in the chapter devoted to rvijaya."24 The surprise would be some- what diminished were he referring only to the Bodhisattvas of the Thamorat Cave, the "rivijayan" element in whose make-up we have dealt with above. But- the astonishment is in fact accentuated when we find that he includes equally the splendid Brahmanical sculptures which some, including myself, have attri- buted to direct Indian influence of a much earlier date.25 We have seen on what questionable grounds the mitred long-robed Visnus of the Peninsula have been classed by Boisselier as rivijayan, and it appears that it is on having just one supposed feature in common with them that the Si T'ep Visnus are to join them. And this supposed evidence is exaggerated by Boisselier to a degree which amounts to a mis-statement of the facts. He says that "the Visnus of Si T'ep possess a smooth cylindrical mitre, or more rarely a polygonal one, also well attested in the art of the Peninsula..."26 However, as already noted by Coed s, 27 unlike the cylindrical mitre of the Peninsula Visnus, the head-dress is either vaguely octagonal or flattened in front in the Si T'ep Visnus (e.g. Plate 5) - - with one possible exception. This concerns the cylindrical mitred Visnu head recently found at Si T'ep (Plate 6) which has apparently been found to fit perfectly to a long known Si T'ep torso (Plate 7). Despite the apparent good fit, I have serious doubts as to the original association of the two parts.28 O'Connor, in another context, has rightly warned of "the danger in isolating a single feature, such as the headdress, without reference to the stylistic context of the whole work of art."29 In this case, we can see, from the gap between the thighs, that the statue lacks the long robe characteristic of the mitred Visnus. It further appears that the statue shows a greater degree of hanchement than would be expected of a mitred Visnu. A case might possibly be made out for the head having originally belonged to the body on the grounds that the cylindrical 23His suggestions with regard to a local School of Nak'on Si Thammarat have been criticized by me in The Malay Peninsula in Hindu Times, 1976, p. 175. His further suggestion (p. 102) that images in Srivijayan style were not made after the ninth century is unlikely to find acceptance. 24J. Boisselier, op. cit., p. 104. 25In this book, as in Arts Asiatiques , 1965, pp. 141, 154, Boisselier dismisses the architectural remains at Si T'ep as all Khmer and not earlier than the eleventh century. To merit serious consideration such an opinion would require a full statement of the evidence on which it is based. Moreover on the spot study of the remains would be essential, but Boisselier was apparently prevented by the weather from visiting the site. 26J. Boisselier, op. cit., p. 105. 27G. Coeds, "Note sur quelques sculptures de Srideb", Mlanges Linossier , 1932, Vol. I, p. 162. 28A replacement in antiquity is conceivable, during the Dvaravati occupation of Si T'ep. 29S.J. O'Connor, op. cit., p. 45. 10 This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PART 1, 1978 THE EXTENT OF SRIVIJAYA'S INFLUENCE ABROAD kiritamukuta is occasionally found in Gupta art;30 but that would afford no support for Boisselier's Srvijayan thesis. Taking the area of Siam as a whole I see no reason, on the evidence discussed above, to depart from the opinion expressed in my book Dvravat to the effect that, while the finding of scattered Srvijayan images suggests that this art was appreciated, its influence was small and the Mahynism of Srvijaya was not accepted. In the eastern part of the country, however, that is to say the Korat plateau, the Dvravat style of art and Hnayna Buddhism that had been im- planted there was in the eighth century A.D. considerably influenced from Cam- bodia by the Mahyna, with pre-Angkorian art styles that had incorporated some central Javanese features. Furthermore it appears that monks from Nak'on Si Thammarat introduced some Srvijayan architectural features to Subhodaya in the fourteenth century, but that was after Srvijaya had ceased to exist. Plate 7. Torso of Si Tep short robed stone Visnu, to which the mitred Visnu head (Plate 6) has been attached . In Bangkok Museum. 11 This content downloaded from 91.229.248.134 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 16:11:39 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions