Koha Digest # 50

EDITORIAL

THE FOG OF THE VILLAGES NEAR VOLOS

BY VETON SURROI

In a village of the Volos region, where it snows while the suns shines in Athens and where the
fog is the last greeting of the night, twenty villagers block the way to passers-by, in sign of
solidarity with the other villagers of Greece who blocked the highway which links the North
and the South. They eat pistachios, drink spirits to keep warm and give themselves more
courage, and explain extensively in Greek to the alien why can't they let go anyone, although
the foreigner doesn't understand a word.

Once in Athens, after a long journey through the mountains and passing by barricades, I am
told that this is a part of the protest, same as in other parts of Europe, against a tax. Peasants
protest, because it is the first time someone in the Government remembered that peasants too
must pay taxes.

The police stand tens of kilometers away from the protests, truck drivers stopped in their
activity spend their nights in cafes beside the road and motels with pink lights shining, while
the army, once a factor which used to decide how long could a protest last in the past, is deep
into the maintenance of the military barracks. This is Europe after all, says a known Greek
political expert, and despite all problems that the protest may cause, he is happy about it.

The truth is, this European attitude is awaited for long in the Greek foreign policy. According
to the analysts of the behaviour of the Greek diplomacy in Athens, this trend started being
noticed. First, with the lifting of the Greek veto against the close links of Turkey with the EU
and recently with Papulias' visit to Tirana. Analysts consider this to be the introduction of
Greece in a political line which will respect the priority of the regulation of relations with the
neighbors. "It was time for us to behave as an European state", says an analyst.

If this is true, Greece has started thinking about its strategic interest in relation to the interests
inside the EU. This, as a sign of the strengthening of mutual trust, seems it is trying to prove
with the campaign against the potential anti-Albanian terrorists closely linked to the
chauvinist Greek organizations up north. Even more, a compromise solution with Macedonia
is being announced, where it seems, the change of the flag of this Republic and the
installation of the double name for this state are in game: for internal needs, Shkup will be the
capital of the Republic of Macedonia, while international organizations will consider it a
name of the state.

But even if it were so, this means that Greece is becoming a factor of stability and now the

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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ball of the "Balkans' troublemakers" will be thrown outside. Maybe the ball will come to the
Turks with their anti-Kurd offensive and Macedonia with its stiffness towards the solution of
the requests of Albanians. International support could easily change the present positive
balance for these two states, and have them focused as "negative Balkans' circles". Naturally,
there are also opposite opinions. A Western analyst in Belgrade, for example, considers that
the movement n the Greek foreign policy is aiming at exerting more pressure on Macedonia,
which would actually strengthen those circles in Macedonia which are interested in
integrative links with Serbia, through the improvement of relations with Albanians and
traditionally good relations with the Bulgarians. These speculations are not being accepted by
independent analysts in Athens, who say that if Gligorov gets closer to Milosevic, it with
cause the antagonization of the Greek policy towards Milosevic, which is not of the latter's
interest. If this circle of speculations continues, we will come to the clarity the fog in the
villages around Volos. But maybe, finally, this is how clear the small political gestures which
could be of great importance tomorrow are now.

KOSOVA

"ONE HUNDRED SERBIAN WISE HEADS FOR KOSOVA"

by YLBER HYSA & ASTRIT SALIHU

The movement of Serb resisters, after its promotion with the letter they addressed the public
with, along with the attached petition signed by 40 thousand Serbs, has recently undertaken
activities to clarify further steps. Thus, after too much medial noise, some concrete proposals
for meetings, dates and places appeared. After a series of consultations with different
organizations and individuals, with Serbian oppositionists and Serbian forces on the other
side of Drina, a consultative meeting was held in Belgrade with the participation of the main
leaders of the "Serbian Movement of Resistance", Trajkovic, Ristic, Bulatovic, Basara,
Solevic, leaders of the Serbian opposition - Djindjic, Kostunica, Seselj, Rakitic, Cavoski,
Milosevic, etc., as well as Serb academicians and professors - Jovicic, Ljusin and many other
Serbian representatives. The following were absent, "with due reason": Krstic, Beckovic,
Visnjic, Kilibarda, etc., and the non participation of Karadzic and Martic was understandable,
- as the Serbian press refers to this meeting. This means that they give their blessing to such
an organization.

The basic document of the "Movement...", known as the "fundamental goals..." is now
accompanied by a list of proposals which were discussed in the Belgrade meeting, including
the necessary wording when referring to the Serbian state as "a national state of the Serbs"
which must be achieved "...by changing the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia...the
elimination of territorial autonomies, the realization of the constitutional basis to determine a
good (regional) organization of the state power which would fully emphasize the rule of law"!

The meeting was full of proposals which incited discussions, and which beside the aspirations
to organize a overall Serb meeting, aimed at setting a date, which had been previously
planned for April 8 in Graçanica. Djindjic's proposal to organize a national advisory meeting
in the Pejë Patriarchy with the participation of all Serbian experts which have dealt with the
issue of Kosova - "because of the extremely complex problematic", before the convention
itself, became the main topic of this meeting. And it seems that it was agreed that the

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consultatory meeting in Pejë will be an overture, which would determine clearer premises on
the agenda of Graçanica, which should adopt the ambitious national program of the
Convention of all Serbs.

In fact, the precise determination of these terms and the list of participants remained to be
discussed in the meeting announced to be held in Belgrade on 24 March, where another issue
to be discussed is the blessing of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The leaders of the
"Movement...", after finalizing the meeting in Belgrade, had informed Patriarch Pavle about
their intentions, but many speculations were made about his support. This, and many other
unclear issues are expected to be solved in the following days. Some of them are probably the
dilemma in regard to the attitude towards the actual regime, the list of the participants proper,
the definition of the program and the goals, etc. The aim is to have the participants not
represent their own organizations - as one of the leaders Trajkovic explained to us, and this
seems that is done in order to avoid possible misunderstandings and to strengthe the cohesion
before the convention. We will organize a kind of consultative meeting with "one hundred
wise Serb heads "- says Trajkovic which does not respond directly to our next question - what
if the government does not allow this gathering, including the criticism directed against it.
Trajkovic, categorically rejects the opinion that the government is behind this whole
organization and adds that it was not the government which organized the famous protests in
Fushë Kosovë, but that it "just rode the saddled horse"! The "Movement..." and convention
will have participants of different orientations, and it is difficult to suppose how will they
come to a mutual agreement. We wish to first assure our positions for the solution of
Kosova's issue, and then we will settle our political differences - explains determinately
Trajkovic, adding also that - "there can't be just any talk about Kosova, before the Serbs talk
about it , including, of course, the Serbs from Kosova"!

The differences in opinions, organization and aspirations of the Serbs in Kosova are clear to
the participants themselves and the intention is to determine the basic orientations in this
meeting. However, there are many ambitious plans and hopes, as is the creation of "a new
united and alternative force in Serbia" or the creation of a "All-Serb national democratic bloc"
which should produce the "Serb National Council" (which should elaborate the national
requests and program) and "...immediately after this, the `Serbian National Resistance' would
be an initial shell, a technical service of the National Council, or something similar, which
doesn't seem that modest!

Therefore, while some moments are clear, as is the aim to reach a national consensus on
Kosova, the unacceptance of any option about Kosova without the previous discussion among
the Serbs, including here especially Kosova Serbs and the respect of their interests, the
criticism against the observation of the Serbian problem from ideological contours, the
criticism against the measures of the actual government, which still "allows the Albanization
of Kosova and the functioning of the parallel Albanian government", nevertheless, there are
many issues that remain to be defined about how to reach this purpose. In fact, Djindjic's old
criticism that the government doesn't know what to do with Kosova and has no program for
it, doesn't seem to be crystallized neither by the aspirants of the "Council...".

"We don't want only to criticize, without offering our plan of how would we want to
accomplish what we want", says Trajkovic in the interview, trying to prove the seriousness of
the meeting. However, all of this is wrapped in the confusion of the attitude towards the
creation of the "Strong Serbian National state, including the Serbs on the other side of Drina,
but which at the same time would not harm the others, including Albanians", normally, not

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consulting them at all and rejecting a priori their political will! Therefore, measures such as
are the "demographic balance", legal "medicine" against the majority, the break-down of the
"Albanian parallel government", etc., are foreseen. Further on, the ruin of "territorial
autonomies" and a new regionalization of Serbia are also anticipated. Thus, academician
Jovicic, who participated in the meetings and offered his services, suggests the new
organization be comprised of 10-12 regions, where Kosova would be divided in two regions
which would allow the permanence and survival of the Serbs in this region and which would
give the Albanians the rights they are entitled to". This academician, along with his
collaborators, is expected to present a new Memorandum on Kosova.

However, despite the clearness of the objectives to be reached in the meeting, the issue of the
creation of, nothing less than a "Serbian national bloc", which will define the goals of the
"national program", does not determine the limits of the competencies of the ambitious
Convention. Will it be applicable only in Kosova, or even more, for "all Serbian lands"
including the ones on the other side of Drina? This automatically refers to new profiles of
Serb forces, including the position of the actual government (especially after the application
of he "cooperative" policy towards the West) and then the positions of the Serbian opposition
bloc (Seselj, Kostunica, Djindjic...) which is solidary with Karadzic, etc. In all of this, one of
the main opposition forces is not seen yet - Draskovic's Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO).

These prove that the creation of any "national bloc" would really represent a "new alternative
force", with big ambitions. If Milosevic, i.e. the government is really not behind all of it, then
in one way or the other, he would have to face this new movement, especially if something
serious imposes. Despite the flows, whatever the epilogue of Serb-Serb agreements or clashes
is, they would be again at the cost of Albanians, who can't expect anything good from this
"srbovanje"! This can be also said having in mind the history of the "Yoghurt" and
"Balvan-revolutions" and the "happening of the Serbian people", whose requests were always
followed by a reply and their realization made by violence and against the interests of the
non-Serbs, and as it has been proven so far, not only in Kosova! Let's not forget that after the
first presentation of the "Movement...", came the massive arrest of over 200 Albanian
ex-policemen.

What will come out, will be seen soon in the first act of the play which is being prepared in
the medieval ambient of the churches!

INTERVIEW

MOMCILO TRAJKOVIC, LEADER OF THE "SERBIAN MOVEMENT FOR

RESISTANCE"

SEEKING THE SERB CONSENSUS

Interviewed by ASTRIT SALIHU & YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

KOHA: Following the proclamation of the "Serbian Movement for Resistance " (SMR),
which criticizes the measures of the government towards Kosova, recently you ave announced
the celebration of an all-Serb gathering in Kosova. What will be this meeting ad which are its
real requests?

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TRAJKOVIC: Yes, it is an all-Serb meeting and it has still not been defined. Now we are
dealing with preparations which would determine the national goals of the Serbian politics in
Kosova. Recently, meetings with eminent personalities of the Serbian people who are soberly
trying to establish a platform for the solution of this issue, took place. It is a circle of people
who believe that the solution is on the democratic national platform. The Gathering will be
the place where these goals will be defined. It doesn't aim at overthrowing the actual
government, nor to intimidate anyone. The goal is to reach the general national consensus, to
reach a Serb-Serb dialogue, because we consider that what the actual government is doing, is
not a strategy and a serious reply to the historical issue of how to solve the Serbian national
question in general, including Kosova.

KOHA: You have recently been to Belgrade and met with some opposition leaders, you also
met with Martic. Does this mean that the opposition and other relevant Serb forces outside
Serbia will attend the Convention?

TRAJKOVIC: I have the satisfaction to say that the letter SMR sent to the public was widely
supported by all relevant forces in Serbia, first of all the national and democratic forces. On
the contrary, our purpose is to gather all those Serbs who can offer a sober solution to this
problem. I can say that we have reached the consensus about whether state and national
institutions should also attend the convention. Then we have agreed that chairmen of political
parties won't be there on behalf of their parties alone. This is a step ahead to have the Serbian
question treated as a national and state issue, and not as a party issue. We have spoken to all
relevant parties in Serbia, including the Socialist Party. It is evident that the actual
government doesn't accept this approach, but it considers that it, as a ruling party, has the
right to alone solve this issue, which we deny, because the national cause can't be a matter to
be solved by one party. This is why we have also spoken to the political forces on the other
side of Drina.

KOHA: Why did you organization criticize the government, when Kosova is absolutely ruled
by the Serbian, police, military and administrative government. What would you do that the
government has not done so far?

TRAJKOVIC: I said that he things are not developing in the interest of the Serbian people. I
can also say that what is happening in Kosova is not in the interest of the Serbs, because the
key interests of Albanian separatism are being accomplished inside the "Serbian rule". And
the main aim of this separatism is the occupation of territories and the departure of Serbs
from Kosova. This is happening. On the other hand, the government which allows what is
happening here to happen, can not be a Serbian government. This is why the SMR appears
again...to exert pressure to stop the processes developed in the name of the Serbian people,
which by all means compromise the government, while on the other hand the government
allows the realization of the interests of the Albanian separatist movement.

KOHA: You say that the government is discrediting itself, do you also imply here the
violence and repression applied against Albanians?

TRAJKOVIC: I believe it is discrediting itself because it allows the Albanian interests to be

accomplished under its rule. About the compromise in the sense that you have mentioned, I
must say that I have only the information available to any ordinary citizen. I am sure there are
excesses caused by individuals, as was the case of the policeman who did what he did some
time ago. I must remind you that Kosova is part of the Balkans, a crossroad of the Albanian

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mafia, known in the world for the bad, drug and arms trafficking, etc. The struggle against
these forces can't be a compromise, i.e., as you said - mistreatment of Albanians. I will not
exclude special cases and I don't want to be categorical about them, and I do not agree with
them. However, since I was at new stage vice-president of the Serbian government, a person
in charge of the government in his area, I know why and how has the police intervened in this
area, and this has been interpreted as mistreatment of Albanians and not as war against
Albanian separatism and crime. Finally, crimes are ocurring in Belgrade and Serbia, and the
police uses the means allowed to fight them back.

KOHA: Have you read Humanitarian Law Fund's report?

TRAJKOVIC: I must say it is biased. Maybe we are preoccupied with the conflicts that exist
here and in these moments we don't have the courage to say openly to one-another that it is
not true that Albanians are being mistreated while Serbs are just fine. Why haven't they
spoken with the Serbian side too, before they made the report. This unilateral approach
compromises these reports and makes them biased. I don't want to be stiff, and say that
Albanians are very rich and Serbs too poor, but it is a fact that Albanians in the Serbian state,
which you claim mistreats them, represent an economic factor which seriously influences the
economic flows in Serbia. This would not be allowed by the state which "mistreats"
Albanians.

KOHA: Maybe the Serbian state contributed to it, with the expulsion of the Albanians from
the system, and thus they saw themselves involved in economic processes of the transition
period?

TRAJKOVIC: Let's become true and talk openly about this. Do you believe that Serbs have
expelled Albanians from the system? If this is true, then I, as head of the government then,
would be responsible for this. I believe that Albanians were forced to leave their jobs as
ordered by the Albanian separatist system. Otherwise, they would have been declared traitors.
A large number of Albanians, under the direction of the Albanian separatist movement, left
their jobs as a response to the measures of the Serbian state, and it was a massive and
demonstrative departure. I will not say that there were no individuals who abused of their
positions and forced Albanians to leave their jobs under pressure. The essence relies on two
facts: the Serbian state used its constitutional right to establish the government it considered it
should, and the other is the response of the Albanian side to massively leave the jobs so the
Serbian state would be presented with prejudice. Albanian replies have always been massive,
starting from demonstrations, lighting candles, etc. Albanians have always undertaken
massive actions in response to the measures of the Government. Leaving the jobs was not the
will of the Serbian government to have them out of he system, but simply a (Albanian)
reaction and massive response to the acts of the Government.

KOHA: Where are the Albanians in a project prepared by the SMR and what do you think
you must do for them. Majority and the change of ethic structure are mentioned among
others.

TRAJKOVIC: The main issue is that we are dealing with a separatist movement and not
human right activists. I would just like to remind you that in 1981, When Kosova was just
missing the suffix "state", Serbs had a quite different position and they emigrated a lot. And
the problem were the Albanian separatism and the irresponsible politics of Serbia and
Yugoslavia. The Albanian separatist movement who is in favor of the Republic of Kosova, of

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Kosova outside Serbia and Yugoslavia. I want to stress that this is not an Albanian-Serb
problem, and I will illustrate with the Macedonia. We are referring to the project of Greater
Albania. The SMR should not reply to this with Grater Serbia, but with a national and
democratic state.

KOHA: Will this state include territories on the other side of Drina?

TRAJKOVIC: Yes, because the Serbian people has transferred its sovereignty in this
Yugoslavia, and as a nation, the Serbian people there has this sovereignty and can't come out
from Yugoslavia without it.

KOHA: How would you face the argument that Albanians made up the third largest people in
the Former Yugoslavia and that half of it's people were outside Albania and that, after the
dismantlement of Yugoslavia, they too have the right to self-determination?

TRAJKOVIC: I could accept the figure you mention, but Albanians in the Former Yugoslavia
were not a nation. They were here as a part of Serbia. And I will ask you, when was Kosova
within Albania, apart from the times of Mussolini's Italy... The world has judged the fascist
creatures and they were defeated and they can't serve as an argument, and I don't believe you
offer Mussolini's Albania as an argument for the right of the Albanians to secede.

KOHA: No, we are offering the right of self-determination of the people as an argument.

TRAJKOVIC: Self-determination? Albanians are a minority.

KOHA: Why are Albanians considered a minority and the Serbs in Krajina are not?

TRAJKOVIC: Serbs in Krajina are not a minority because they have involved their
sovereignty as a nation. They were a constituent nation of the Yugoslav Kingdom, therefore
they can't be a national minority. But going back to Kosova and Albanians. What would
happen if they participated in elections?

KOHA: The Serbian Resistance Movement would have appeared anyhow.

TRAJKOVIC: But you Albanians would have the whole local administration in your hands;
you would have the provincial government and would have 30 MPs.

KOHA: Would this be accepted by SMR?

TRAJKOVIC: I must say that SMR would not agree to it, without having an assurance
against the majority.

KOHA: Could you explain this insurance against the majority. Is this a juridical instrument?

TRAJKOVIC: No, it s not. This is the protection of the people which makes the majority and
is intended to be converted into minority in its own state, an example which can't be found
anywhere in the world.

KOHA: But you are suggesting Albanians participate in the elections of Serbia and not of the
Republic of Kosova?

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TRAJKOVIC: I don't suggest this, it is the local government that does. And if they would
participate, they would get holf of the government in the autonomy of Kosova and local
self-administration. And having self-administration is having life.

KOHA: The majority principle would be applicable only in Kosova?

TRAJKOVIC: No, it would be applicable in all cases of minorities, wherever they have local
administration, be it an autonomy in the Serbian state, there must be insurance from the
majority. This would be solved in the way that there would be conversations and agreements
that no one wins the votes because it makes the "majority". I am in favor of the state of
citizens, of the stadium where each citizen has one vote, and I believe we will realize it, but in
these disordered relations, there will be even more Serbs leaving Kosova. I will say one ting
quite openly to you Albanians - without establishing a balance in Kosova, there is no solution
to the problem. We propose a new organization of Serbia in regions, and not Serbia with
autonomies. I am not against the autonomy of Kosova or Vojvodina, but I am in favor of the
regional system. But, I am also in favor of establishing the ethnic balance...

KOHA: And this balance would be 50:50?

TRAJKOVIC: No. It is important to establish conditions which would make Serbs to come
and stay here. And this fact, this process, will bring the creation of long-term relations which
can establish the basic criteria of coexistence. The less Serb factors present in Kosova, the
larger the threat against Albanians. If the number of Serbs decreases, then the relations will
radicalize even more. This is why we have criticized the local government and stood against
the separatists movement. The actual government has no answer to this separatist movement.
We consider that this posture of the separatist government creates conditions for
radicalization, for dangerous processes in Kosova. Thus, we consider that the main problem is
the strengthening of the Serbian factor in this region without damaging the others.

KOHA: When you refer to the actual government and the criticism against it, it is said that
the previous events in Fushë Kosovë were organized by it. And it is also rumoured that the
same government is now behind this new activity?

TRAJKOVIC: It is not true. This government has only adopted the Serbian movement of
resistance. I said this even before. It is not true that it has organized the events, but the
movement of Serbian resistance was organized in the free space created by the incapability of
the Serbian and Kosovan states. And then the processes in Serbia took place, and this
government only rode the previously saddled horse.

KOHA: And what would happen if this government prevents your convention?

TRAJKOVIC: We are not organizing a massive gathering which would persecute Albanians
or overthrow the government. This gathering is not of such a dimension and this state is
democratic, and will organize talks about Kosova. We will, through the Serb-Serb dialogue,
reach real solutions which will then be offered to the actual government if it wants to solve
them, and if not, then we will be in a position to gain more political points as
national-democratic forces. I believe that Serbs would be happier if Milosevic would solve
the problem of Kosova. Serbs don't have even the time to overthrow the actual government
and bring a new one and lose time convincing it that the problems must be solved. We wish
to show both the government and opposition that things are not going the way they should,

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and offer a new strategy how to solve the problem. It will either lose or win.

KOHA: Will there be new profiles of forces in regard to this issue?

TRAJKOVIC: I believe so and we are working in this direction, wishing that the Socialist
Party will sober up and will approach this national and democratic platform, because in our
eyes, this is the only way out...If we reach this consensus, it would be easy to talk to everyone
who thinks that their rights are breached in Serbia.

KOHA: Is this the Serbian interest in Kosova?

TRAJKOVIC: The Serbian interest in Kosova is to establish a Serbian state which will be the
mother for all its citizens. Why should we lie ourselves. We must go towards the process.
First, we are a Balkan people and we have not gone through some phases which other states
have passed in the 19th century. We must first create a national state, and maybe later have
aspirations for a Balkan's Confederacy!

KOHA: What would be the right to have half of the Albanian people in other national states
and not in their own national state?

TRAJKOVIC: Because it lives in the Serbian national state.

KOHA: What do you think about Rugova's proposal to offer Serbs in Kosova the measures of
"positive discrimination" in the Republic of Kosova, neutral and independent and open to
Serbia and Albania. It is foreseen, for example, that Serbs would have the right to veto some
issues and have much more MPs than their participation in the ethnic structure is?

TRAJKOVIC: In which state?!

KOHA: In the state Rugova expects!

TRAJKOVIC: No, in no way! You have the right to think about your option, and Rugova has
the right to fight for his option as long as only political means are applied. I think that Azem
Vllasi offered the "positive discrimination". But even if there were such a state, God forbid it,
there is no other answer but offering an Albanian national state, God forbid it, - which would
take care of the Serbs "as a drop of water in the hand"... In a meeting in Belgrade, I said that
the Serbian people have two options and a half to solve the problem. One is the actual option,
with no solutions, the second is the national-democratic option and the half solution is the
citizens' option which will not have enough time to be realized if the national one is not
accomplished. Because my ultimate purpose is the civilian state.

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INTERVIEW

Academician MIHAILO MARKOVIC, Vice-Chairman of the Socialist Party of Serbia

REAL FORCES AND NOT MYTHS DECIDE ABOUT KOSOVA

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Belgrade

KOHA: Old generations, who shared with your the '68 experience, remember you as a
philosopher of democratic, human rights and national visions. Today, following your political
activity, as the ideologist of the SPS and as a political leader in Serbia, many are surprised
with your ordinary and narrow vision of the national issue, when you glorify the position of
Serbia and you underestimate the solutions of the unsolved issues of other people, especially
the Albanian people?

MARKOVIC: First of all I am not the ideologue of the SPS. I consider ideology to be a false
conscience. Ideologists use lies and half-truths to represent the special egoist interests of a
societal group. I have helped the construction of the SPS program, but I believe that
everything in it is built grounded on general human principles and undeniable facts. If
someone tells me that this program contains anything against the equality of all citizens and
ethnic communities, or that is contrary to the facts, I would gladly emend the errors.

You didn't define my "ordinary and narrow" concepts about he national issue. I don't think I
am glorifying the Serbian state and people, nor do I underestimate the national issues of the
other people. I consider that same principles should be valid for all people and citizens of all
national minorities. I didn't invent the difference between the people and the national
minority, but those are rules regulated with international principles. In many states of Europe
and of the world ,there are parts of ethnic communities which have their own state outside
those states. Those parts are national minorities. They must be recognized all individual civil
rights, but they don't have the right to secede. In this sense, Albanians in Kosova are a
minority within Serbia, while their motherland is Albania. Serbs in Hungary and Rumania are
also a minority. The rights that we seek for them, we must give to Albanians in Kosova.

KOHA: Don't you see that all your ideals form 1968 and all those people have become
technocrats of a Greater-Serbian policy?

MARKOVIC: The notion "Greater Serbia" derives from the Austro-Hungarian propaganda
from the beginning of this century. The same people who supported the united (Great)
Germany (which has 80 million people and which has caused two world wars), warn of the
danger coming from the "Greater Serbia" which has 10 million inhabitants, and which in its
recent history has mainly fought defending wars.

Serbs gave many victims during the world wars, so they could join in one state, together with
the other Yugoslav constituents. The main goal of the policy which you call Greater-Serbian
is equality with the other constituents. If these people didn't wish to keep living in Yugoslavia
any longer, and if they have decided to secede and create new states, then the same wish was
of the Serbs in Yugoslavia (and not of the Serbs in Hungary or Rumania).

KOHA: Serbia is reigning in Kosova through the state of emergency, i.e., first of all through
police and military repression. How do you think Serbia can rule in Kosova and can rule

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overAlbanians, and on the other hand to aim democracy and prosperity?

MARKOVIC: The developed contemporary world (USA, France, Germany, England, Italy),
democracy means that every citizen, as an individual has the same rights, including the right
to vote in free elections for representative bodies (Assembly, Parliament or Congress). The
candidate for president or candidates of political paries who gain the majority of votes,
dispose with the legislative power i.e., executive power during a determined mandate (usually
four years' term). The decisions are made by majority of votes. If you consider that this is not
a satisfactory level of democracy, I would agree with you, but nothing more suitable exists in
the democratic systems of the world. It gives no rights to national minorities. In fact, it doesn't
allow any discrimination against minorities, but doesn't offer them political autonomy or the
right to secede. Serb socialists are ready to offer minorities more than this, but we must agree
upon it. Boycotting and refusing to communicate leads to nowhere. The struggle for secession
inevitably leads towards the violent application of the rule of law. We must remember that
USA prevented the secession of the South and the price to pay for the defense of the
territorial integrity of the state were 600 thousand mortal victims.

KOHA: Isn't the rule in Kosova and over Albanians a heavy rock around the neck for Serbia?

MARKOVIC: The fact that Albanians don't recognize Serbia causes consequences to Serbs,
but also to Albanians. The economic, political and cultural life is disordered. People don't
work, children don't go to schools, social and health-care services are inadequate. There is
fear from armed conflicts. All suffer, and problems can't be solved by force. Shouldn't we sit
down and talk about it together?

KOHA: Is it possible, from the aspect of the ruling party, the ruling ideology and for the
position of the strong Serbian state, to speak of Albanians as an ordinary national minority
and as an exclusively internal affair of Serbia?

MARKOVIC: The international community makes the difference between the people and the
national minority. This is why people, Slovenes, Croats, Macedonians, Slovaks, Czech etc.
could create their own states. The international community doesn't allow the secession of
Hungarians from Rumania (and there are about 3 million!), Slovakia and Serbia; Italians from
France, Austrians from Italy, etc.

The issue of national minorities is an internal affair of the states where they live. Maybe in the
future the rules of the international law will change, but for the time being this is the fact.
Your criticism is not addressed to Serbian leaders, but to the leaders of the politics in Europe
and the World.

KOHA: How is it possible that you as a philosopher and humanist can ignore and simplify the
unsolved Albanian question? How do you see the future of Yugoslavia and Serbia without
solving justly the Albanian question?

MARKOVIC: As a humanist philosopher I believe that minorities must have more rights that
the West offers them. Western liberalism accepts only individual civil rights. I consider that
collective rights of minorities should be acknowledged, first of all, the cultural rights (use of
language and cultivation of cultural traditions), and then even determined political rights. As
member of the Council for he Reformation of the Political System in Serbia (1989), I insisted
that Kosova be still a territorial autonomy, and it became part of the Constitution of Serbia in

- 11 -
1990. It is a fact that this autonomy was misused by the Provincial Assembly of Kosova when
it voted for secession from Serbia and Yugoslavia. This is when it was dispersed. Such an
autonomy is a real possibility as long as it is present in the Constitution of Serbia. In order to
have the Albanian question in Kosova "solved justly", both sides are necessary - Serbs and
Albanians. There must be conversations to give up on boycott and violence.

KOHA: How do you explain the deterioration of the status of the Albanians in Kosova, which
is a consequence of the police and military repression. Can it be possible to convince
Albanians to accept Serbian jurisdiction, after all they have gone through?

MARKOVIC: The pressure against Serbs to sell their property and leave Kosova deteriorated
too much the relations between Albanians and Serbs. The Albanian leaders who organized the
'81 demonstrations, made a great historical mistake. Kosova almost had the same status as the
other republics and if you would have been a bit more patient, there would have not been any
Serbs in Kosova any more. The status of Kosova deteriorated in relation of the Federation
which qualified the events as counter-revolution, and replaced your leaders Bakalli, Fadil
Hoxha (!?), and other leaders of that time.

The other determining moment was voting in favor of the 1989 Constitution of Serbia. Now it
is said that the Serbs forced the MPs to vote, but it is a fact that the majority of the Albanian
MPs raised their hands in favor of voting a Constitution of Serbia without the consent of
Kosova. It is useless to claim that there was pressure against them. The real representatives of
the people never vote against their convictions and the interests of the people they represent.

KOHA: Once you declared: "Kosova must not secede from Serbia and this is very important
to us, but if it does, it doesn't matter to us what state will it be attached to". Some historians
consider this statement to insincere, because they believe that Serbia aims at ruling Kosova
because of extremely strategic reasons?

MARKOVIC: During some centuries, Kosova was a central and the most important part of
the Serbian medieval state. This is proved by a large number of Serbian cultural monuments,
as well as the Serbian names of the villages and towns. I know that some Albanian
intellectuals claim that Albanians have come to live to Kosova before the Serbs did, and that
many monasteries and monuments are not Serb at all. As far as I know, this is not true.
According to Turkish documents from the times when Turks came to Kosova, there were
Serbs and a couple of Albanians, who came here from today's Albania. Anyhow, these are
matters to be discussed by historians, if conversations between Serbs and Albanians start.

Having in mind these historical facts and the fact that in the past 83 years Kosova has been
within Serbia, Serbia aims at defending its present borders - a goal aimed by all contemporary
states.

I really stated what you just quoted, however it is not clear to me why would historians have
to doubt about my honesty. To us, it is all-over the same. The Serbs in Kosova have felt
endangered by Albanians, but this is not the case with the whole Serbian people.

KOHA: Would you also say that Serbia needs Kosova because of the Myth about Kosova?

MARKOVIC: Nationalists speak about the "Myth". The Socialist Party and the Serbian
people in their majority don't see the issue as a myth, but in the strong conviction that Kosova

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during centuries has been their land, and that the ethnic structure changed during the Ottoman
occupation. After the defeat of Turkey in the Balkans, Kosova again became part of the
Serbian state. If the Albanian people would have participated in the liberation wars against
Turkey and Austro-Hungary, history could have been different.

The Albanian people in Albania courageously fought against the Italian occupier between
1941 and 1945, however the majority of Albanians in Kosova received Italians as liberators.
Nevertheless, the relations between Serbs and Albanians were good from 1945 to 1948. The
first biggest humanitarian action undertaken in Serbia in 1945/46 was gathering assistance in
food and clothing for the Albanian people. If Enver Hoxha wouldn't have supported Stalin
against Yugoslavia in 1948, and if his regime wouldn't have killed the biggest friends of the
Serbian people, then it was very possible to have had Kosova united with Albania in 1950, if
all of us would have lived in the Balkans Federation, which would have dismantled and all
people would presently be living in their national states. All people pay expensively the made
mistakes, while the Serbs pay more than any other state.

In one word, the present situation was not created by myths, but by the real flows of historical
events.

KOHA: You converted your idea into a spiritual problem, in the way that the dead rule over
the alive. Don't you see that this spirit of the Serbian people is in an alien's body (2 millions
of Albanians)? Do you also believe that a dead idea is worth more than 2 million people?

MARKOVIC: What I said clearly proves that myths do not decide in practical history, but
interests and real forces, the investment of huge individual, social groups' and people's
energies, big courage and the persistence in the struggle for a determined reason or goal. The
Albanian people was too late in formulating it's national program. In the struggle for that
program (the creation of the unified big Albanian state), the Albanian people had it's doubts,
it evaded enormous sacrifices or found support in the wrong allies: the Turkish Empire,
Austro-Hungarian Empire, Fascist Italy and Germany, Stalinist Russia and Maoist China, and
in the recent times Croats and Slovenes, who used the Kosova Albanians for their purposes
and then fully turned their backs on them.

The message of the realist is clear: the team which can't score so many times, loses the game.

The message of the humanist: instead of fighting for the same space, Albanians and Serbs
should try to coexist. Serbs must improve the present situation of the Albanians, while
Albanians must understand that Serbs have died and suffered too much for Kosova, and that
in the cultural aspect Kosova is so important that they can't give up on it so easily.

KOHA: Serbs didn't accept any of the options proposed by the Albanians:

1. A republic in the new future Federation;

2. Broad autonomy ('74)

3. Independent Kosova;

4. Uniting with Albania;

- 13 -
5. The respect of the will of Albanian people.

Don you think that any other option that you offer will lead to war between Albanians and
Serbs? What are you ready to agree upon in Serbia in regard to Kosova?

MARKOVIC: You don't understand that you are setting an ultimatum: either you accept any
of the options, or war it is. If you think thus, then maybe some of your alternatives could
express the possibility of a compromise solution. However, non of your alternatives pays
attention to the interests, the will and the rights of the Serbs, nor the real situation and the
existing international rules.

The real situation is that no great power nor the UN, having in mind the existing rules, can
support secession. It is not possible to reinstall the status Kosova had in the Former
Yugoslavia. It was practically a sovereignty and not "a broad autonomy", and it has been
misused for a kind of "ethic cleansing" of Kosova. I consider that dialogue, which must start
someday, will fulfil at least the following alternatives:

1. Full equality of Albanian and Serb citizens, effective guarantees that human rights of
Albanians will fully be realized;

2. Territorial autonomy, and we must discuss it's contents.

KOHA: Do you think there will be war in Kosova?

MARKOVIC: No I don't. It would be irrational and crazy to have a war in Kosova. I know it
for sure that Serbs don't wish to have a conflict with the Albanian people. I believe that there
are individuals on both sides that wish the war to happen. Among Serbs, they make up an
unimportant minority, in opposition and who can't incite the people to start a war.

I believe that this wish doesn't exist even among he Albanian leaders and people. An armed
conflict would lead towards a huge bloodshed, the destruction of goods and finally the escape
of the majority of the population from Kosova. There are also great powers who wish to see a
conflict in Kosova, but they wouldn't keep their promises and they wouldn't send their troops,
and the material assistance would come late and in small quantities. Finally, if something is
achieved militarily, it would be lost on the next war. The only durable solution is the one
reached in peaceful conversations and agreements.

KOHA: The division of Kosova is the worst option possible. It is an idea that leads to war.
Why don't you give up on Kosova when you know you have lost it?

MARKOVIC: The idea on the division of Kosova derives from some intellectuals, but it is
not supported by the majority of Serb citizens, nor is it accepted by the official Serbian
policy. We know that the program of the Prizren League (1878) foresaw the creation of the
Greater Albania, which would include also Kosova, Western Macedonia, Eastern Montenegro
and some regions of Southern Serbia. The division of Kosova only would strengthen the
pressure to gain the whole of Kosova. I agree that this path does no lead towards peace.

KOHA: At the end, is hatred at the mercy of the destiny of Serbs and Albanians?

MARKOVIC: I don't believe in mercy of fate. I believe that nothing but death is inevitable.

- 14 -
Serbs and Albanians have lived for centuries as good neighbors and friends. They fought the
Turkish invaders jointly. Scanderbeg heroically resisted the aggression and defeated the
Ottomans many times. His death in 1463 caused the loss of morale of the Albanians, that not
only the majority gave in, but that the majority even accepted Islam, which was not done by
Serbs, Bulgarians, Greeks, Rumanians, also under their rule.

Unfortunately, Serbs and Albanians have hurt each-other too much, but this is the time for
this conflict to end. The French and English fought over one hundred years (1337-1453), and
French and Germans have fought many times, but now they live in peace and they belong to
the same union of states. We must work in this direction, to have Serbs and Albanians
establish good neighbouring relations, and contribute to the creation of a union of Balkan's
people, similar to the EU.

DOSSIER

MAHMUT BAKALLI: WE ARE ALL ENGAGED FOR INDEPENDENT KOSOVA (II)

N.B.: You are one of the politicians who insists on "the new agreement between the political
forces and the Albanian people". What do you mean?

BAKALLI: All of us engaged politically, as well as all political parties of Albanians in

Kosova, struggle for the vitalization of the expressed political will of the people in the 1991
Referendum. The people chose its representatives, the President of the Republic and its
Government. However, the Government is aborad and it is incomplete. The Parliament was
never constituted and it doesn't function. The only institution functioning is the President of
the Republic, but he is alone. All of this contributed to an uncoordinated and non inventive
politics of Kosova Albanians, and this is the reason why in none of the sectors could we
achieve the necessary successes for the vitalization of the goals our people are determined to
reach, but we only have the growth of repression, killings, mistreatment, the exodus of the
Albanians people, attempts for the recolonization of Kosova, etc.

I also believe that we don't have sufficient and expected support of the democratic forces of
the world, or said in other words: we have full support for our peaceful policy, but we don't
have the freedom to accomplish our goal, the Independent Kosova.

All of this imposes the need to ask the people once again, what should be done in order to
achieve our goal, and not find ourselves before the fait accompli which would be prepared by
others. This is the essence of my proposals about a new agreement with the people.

N.B.: You speak of three main goals of the Albanian national policy: first, the full liberation
of half of the Albanian people, then the unification of the Albanians in one state and finally
the democratic development of the Albanian society and the Albanian state. Could this be
achieved without war?

BAKALLI: If my work is read carefully and without any prejudice, then the essence is that I
am referring to freedom of the Albanian people in the Former Yugoslavia and the recognition
of the right to self-determination. The same principles should be applicable in the cases of the
other people in the Former Yugoslavia, but also for the Albanian people, who used to be the

- 15 -
third largest in the former Yugoslavia and who sees itself separated again in the newly created
states. The Albanian issue, as well as the Croatian, Slovenian etc., should be solved according
to the same principles, because without these principles, the focuses of present and future
crises can't be evaded.

The best way to evade war is to respect these principles. The dismantlement of Yugoslavia,
inevitably made the unsolved Albanian issue arise. This is one of the main conditions of
durable peace and democratic relations in the Balkans. If the Albanian question remains
unsolved, or if it is reduced only to the level of human rights or "national minorities" in the
Balkans, we wouldn't have a new order, but we would have a new/old order which would
remain a focus of crisis of bigger dimensions. Asking for the solution according to the
principles which are valid for other people is not a call for war, on the contrary, it is a
condition to peacefully skip over of present and future crises in the Balkans.

I am convinced that Serbia and the Serbian people will not lose, but it will be of their interest
to see a just solution for the Albanian people and the Albanian question. Kosova and the
Albanians under the Serbian rule will never be "pacified", nor become democratic, because in
order to keep Kosova under control, Serbia will always be forced to rule in states of
emergencies, and by police and military forces. This is clear to the Serbs in Kosova too, and
one of their leaders declared recently that "if Kosova becomes democratic, we will lose it
forever"!

The principle of freedom and self-determination for the Albanian people, doesn't mean that
this is a violation of the international law norms on the unilateral and violent change of the
borders. The existing borders could be changed as agreed, without war, which wouldn't hurt
anyone, or they could be relativized, so they wouldn't prevent the free circulation of people,
capital, culture, knowledge etc. The issue of the unification of the Albanian people (as well as
other people), as the natural aspiration, should be respected indispensably, but their
realization would be done in created circumstances of trust and good-understanding, so no
one would be harmed and so no conflicts are caused. I recently heard a statement made by a
leader of a great power, saying that the creation of ethnic states is out of date. I agree if he
refers to "ethically clean" Fascist-wise states, however, the Balkans, differing from Europe,
has not fulfilled the process of the creation of national states, which is best seen in the case of
the Albanian people, whose half is outside Albania and whose borders were determined by
the relation of forces of the Great powers one century ago.

Therefore the aspirations of the Albanian people can be achieved without violence, and the
Albanians have proven to be in favor of the peaceful solution of the problem. It is a policy
inaugurated in the peaceful demonstrations in 1988 and 1989, which were suffocated with
bloodshed and massive arrests. But this policy should not be interpreted as lacking courage. It
is precisely because of it's non-violent characteristic that it must be very active, organized ad
well formed so it could take us towards the realization of our goals, and not surrender to
fatalism.

N.B.: Let's say there is similarity between what you said and the thesis"all Serbs in one state".
What is, according to you, the minimal national goal of the Albanians in the Balkans?

BAKALLI: "All Serbs in one state" is a call for war, which has caused so many victims and
has not made the Serbian people happy in any way. On the contrary. But having the people
united, and its aim not to become a "minority" anywhere, the creation of free circulation and

- 16 -
not have oneself divided by a Chinese wall, is a natural and democratic aim of the Serbian
people. This must be solved reasonably, without war, but these principles should be
applicable in the case of other people too. In the case of Macedonia, the principles of freedom
and self-determination could be achieved within the recognized borders of Macedonia, but
only if Albanians are recognized as a constituent people and not a "national minority". This is
a strategic interest of the Macedonian people, because without the support of the Albanian
people, as an equal people, there is a real threat that the Macedonian state and people could
easily disappear.

The minimal program or goal of the Albanians in the Balkans, as you called it, is t have half
of the Albanian people, living in the Republics of the Former Yugoslavia, to become free and
have their right to self-determination recognized, as well as eliminate the importance of the
borders. This will be possible only if Kosova is recognized its independence, when Albanians
get an equal status in Macedonia, when Albanians get a political a territorial autonomy in
Montenegro, as well as in Southern Serbia.

N.B.: Some consider you to be the ideologue of Greater Albania. Is there really a project and
idea about Greater Albania?

BAKALLI: "Greater Albania" is an abstract notion, created outside the Albanian people, by
the Greater-Serb ideology, as projection of the "Greater Serbia" program, which really exists
as a program and consciousness. Albanians,the Albanian political thought do not
acknowledge it even as a notion, nor as an option, and finally as a project. The fact that we
insist on our freedom and right to self-determination, can be qualified as a program for
"Greater Albania" only by people suffering from stereotypes.

N.B.: You often express your doubt that the present Albanian political forces can accomplish
the political will of Albanians, do you see yourself in any of the "new political formations
which will depart from the aspirations of the Albanian people and will be engaged to have
them accomplished"?

BAKALLI: I still believe that dialogue about the peaceful solution of the Albanian issue is
still possible, and it would be organized with the mediation of the international factor. The
Albanian side is willing to start the dialogue, but I don't see that determination on the Serbian,
Montenegrin or Macedonian sides.

The Albanian political forces, however, do not have the satisfactory level of organization and
political inventiveness to successfully politically solve the situation of the Albanians in the
Former Yugoslavia. My criticism directed to the organized political forces are an appeal for a
better organization, their capacitation and reaching the unity about such historical issues, and
not an aim to deny them. However, if the things remain unsolved, or depart towards the
wrong solution, then, naturally, the people will not leave its fate in the hands of bad politics,
but will find new political forces and formations which could accomplish these goals. It is
totally unimportant whether I would be in any of those formations, but it is certain that I will
be active together with all those political forces which are willing and are strong enough to
accomplish the determinations of the Albanian people. I really don't understand why some
circles in Belgrade are upset about my eventual comeback to politics.

N.B.: What is your comment in regard to the idea on the division of Kosova?

- 17 -
BAKALLI: In principle, I am not against any option which would bring acceptable solutions
for Kosova's problem in a peaceful way. In this sense, maybe the idea on the division of
Kosova would be one of the possible solutions. However, in this case, some other
complicated issues are implicated here. The division of Kosova would mean its division
between Serbia and Albania, because Kosova can't be divided between Kosova and Serbia!
Then, the division should be done according to the ethnic principle, because if the cultural
monuments are taken as grounds, then this will be criterions which can't stand, which can't
lead to political agreement. Or, Kosova could become a checker with many enclaves which
would be ethnically divided, with the need to massively transfer the population from their
lands, which is by itself inhumane and could not lead towards the permanent stability. Kosova
is not a creature of the near past, nor a Communist construction, to have it disappear as such.
Kosova has seen many rulers, occupiers and regimes, its position was changed, but Kosova
and its people are here since a long, long time ago. I doubt in the historical criterion, that of
the cultural monuments, because I believe it would lead to a wrong path, for at least two
reasons: first, Kosova is rich with Serbian cultural-historical monuments which should be
preserved because of the Serbian history and cultural heritage, but also because of civilizing
reasons, whatever the future situation of Kosova might be. But, at the same time, Kosova is
also rich in historical and cultural monuments of the Albanian and Turkish peoples, but also
the Islam and Catholic confessions, which are almost bordering with the Serb monuments,
therefore, how would the border be established? Second, this criterion can't only include the
monuments which are on the ground, but also those historical monuments which are under
the ground, or whose foundations can be seen under the new constructions of the erected
monuments, and this can be proven by archaeological and historical studies. And these are
monuments of a civilization from which the Albanian people derives. This should be also
respected in the historical criteria for the division of Kosova, but I doubt very much that this
would lead towards a satisfactory political solution.

For these reasons, I am sceptical towards the idea of the division of Kosova.

9 March 1995 (END)

SOROS

ORGANIZED PRODUCTION OF THE ENEMY

by BOJANA OPRIJAN ILIC / AIM/ Belgrade

In the past several weeks, the campaign against SOROS Foundation, has been continuously
going on. SOROS is the old aim of the regime hunters, because it is personalized as "enemy
of the Serbian people" and "branch of the foreign agencies".

It is not the first time this year that SOROS Foundation is targeted by the "newly-composed
Serb Patriots". The same thing happened last year, but the impression the was that it was a
restricted attack. This recent attack is not that clear in the sense of who are the initiators and
what is the final purpose.

Before all, because it started in times of Milosevic's "peaceful policy", when every comma in
his statements was followed carefully, and also because of the author and the initiators of the

- 18 -
accusations against SOROS Foundation. In fact, these are heads of institutions under state
protection - of different areas- starting from the University of Belgrade and up to the Medical
Clinical Center.

The dilemma is even bigger knowing that these accusations first appeared (and then
continued day by day) in regime's "BORBA", after it got under state control.

According to statal "Borba", SOROS has done a lot of harm in many institutions. The "real"
people were asked about SOROS, and the impression is that their replies should convince
people not to believe in what they see or feel, but just accept the "served" statements of the
"authorities". For example, the Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dragutin Velickovic,
declared proudly that "he was the first to reject the assistance of Soros" (offered to students of
the last year, to go on study trips to Chigago), because this is "a simple way to buy people in a
perfidious way". Velickovic concludes: "My opinion is that Soros should be stopped, because
it could be said that it is an enemy of our people".

A man of politics, Ratko Krsmanovic, Chairman of the Communist League - Movement for
Yugoslavia, a party which is in fact headed by Mirjana Markovic, President Milosevic's wife,
joined the persecutors of SOROS, presenting a series of serious accusations.

A person, whose profession is humanism, is especially infuriated with SOROS. Dr. Milivoje
Stamatovic, Director of the Clinical Center of Serbia, explained to regime's Borba, that he
needs no old clothes, bread, salt and peppers - "I didn't even want to hear about that
assistance".

"The Clinical Center of Serbia awards SOROS Foundation in Yugoslavia for the
humanitarian assistance in medicines, sanitary material and other needs to treat the injured
and ill citizens" - signed by Dr. Milivoje Stamatovic. Dated: November 10, 1993.

Soros Foundation, along with many other documents and proofs in writing, showed the
mentioned award to he participants of the public debate on the activities of SOROS. It was a
special file distributed to the journalists, so they can see and become convinced what is this
private, non-governmental, non-profitable and apolitical institution doing in the Former
Yugoslavia. Sonja Licht, chairman, and her assistants, offered a face to face encounter, but
non of the accusers appeared, nor did they ask any questions in this meeting. Instead, the ones
who got the Foundation's assistance, and the ones who support SOROS, spoke about it.

In three years' activity in FRY, SOROS Foundation gave out more then 170 tons of medicine
in 232 medical institutions, and after waiting six months, it is expected that the first delivery
of medical equipment will be distributed to hospitals. In 76 refugees collective centers, a total
of 175 tons of food, about 12 thousand pairs of shoes and 5 thousand pairs of clothes were
distributed.

The Foundation made it possible for 400 medical and natural sciences experts to attend
international conferences, it assisted 50 media (the majority of local character), it equipped
University laboratories, it hosted foreign professors. It also published school books, organized
educative programs, refugee camps, summers camps and gave scholarships to students
attending the Central European University and the American University in Bulgaria.

We ask, say the people in Belgrade's Foundation, did these facts incite the persecution of our

- 19 -
work and the beneficiaries of our assistance. Now people who received our assistance claim
the opposite. Some of them even go that far and claim that they haven't cooperated with us at
all, even though we have the proof which documents the contrary. Asked about whose
interest would it be to deceive the public, people from the Foundation reply: "of all those who
are happy with the fact that the world isolated this state, of the ones who dream of the strong
hand and one-mindedness, of the ones who support the war-inciting lobby, of the ones ready
to sacrifice even half of their own people for their personal interests".

Forecasting the creation of a new coalition, because both left and right totalitarianism are
withdrawing, Sonja Licht announced that the Foundation will sue all those who have in any
way discredited it.

The SOROS foundation functions in all former Yugoslav republics. A similar posture
towards SOROS is noticed in Croatia, but there have been no campaigns of accusations, says
Sonja Licht. At the beginning, in times of the organization of the Foundation, it was very
hard, because people were sceptical how things would develop. The essential message of the
attack, is opposing the open society, is in essence the same: in Croatia, the personal interests
are understood otherwise, the ways are more subtle even though it is clear that one should not
do oneself a 'bad service". There is the posture of non accepting, but not of this kind,
therefore for the time being the existence of the Foundation is not being questioned.

There were similar problems in Bosnia, where it was criticized by the local newspaper
Oslobodjenje, and it has faced similar problems in Slovenia and Macedonia.

EMPLOYMENT

LIBYA AGAIN

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI/ Prishtina

Are the Kosova Albanians ready to take any job offered to them, regardless of the employer
and the place? There are many cases which could positively answer this question. At least this
is proven by many ads, where different agencies offer employment in Southern Africa, or
secure employment of women in any Western European country. It is well known what it is
like to travel with the red passports, and what authorizations can tourist agencies have.

We ave recently experienced several example of people, often unverified, who come and
march down Kosova offering jobs and a lot of money, but first asking the interested to pay a
"small" amount of money for the visa and other documents expenses. These offers have
become often, while the most "attractive" are the offers coming from Libya.

This happened three years ago. The rumour was that Libya was willing to employ another
1500 people from Kosova. It was even said that this arrangement was done directly between
he authorities of Libya and the Republic of Kosova, and thus was Kosova's statehood
recognized. The rumour was that a protocol of cooperation was signed, but it was all a lie,
because no one found a job in Libya, and nor were there attempts for the employment of
people on the other side of the Mediterranean. The ultimate result were the elaboration the list
containing 1500 names and the repeated protests of the Independent Trade Unions, claiming

- 20 -
that no one else but the TU had the right to sign any contracts, and that Kosova shouldn't be
left without certain categories of experts, especially in times of danger. This issue was still
not forgotten when new offers came: to gain a lot of money if Albanians go to Yakutsk,
Russia. In a winter day, a tea-shop in Ferizaj was crowded. All of them were Albanians, but
the one who was making the list, known as Misa, from Shtërpcë. Then he had declared that he
had all the documents which allow the Albanians who used to work in construction
enterprises in Macedonia and who were dismissed, go to work to Central Siberia. He claimed
that he was authorized by Macedonian enterprises to establish contact with their former
employees and elaborate the lists, and that the whole job was completely legal, for the
installed Serbian government in Kosova knew about it. The Kosova Albanian government,
nor the TU branches knew anything about this. Miso made the lists, but took no one to
Yakutsk, and fortunately he had not taken a cent from the interested.

And Libya again. This time it "came" through Ohër. Iseini Xhemail - Xhemo, a Macedonian
citizen, came on taxi to "Velania" travel agency. He came saying that he was representative of
a Swiss-Libyan enterprise which can provide employment for many interested persons of
different profiles, and that it is willing to pay up to 2.600 US$ a month, an amount to be paid
in US currency and no local one. The word spread out very fast, and the list of 300 people
willing to pay the visa and travel expenses was made - they could hardly wait to go to Libya.

However, there was something strange about this character, who didn't ask the tourist agency
to charge the interested for the visa and other fares, however, often sought money from them
in direct contact. He caused many problems, and he continued his filthy game in other towns
of Kosova. There are grounded doubts that he is connected with the Serbian police, because
no one persecutes him, he is free to move and his ultimate goal is to take as much money as
possible from the "needy".

No one knew about Xhemo and his machinations, including the government and the UITUK.
In a press conference, Hajrullah Gorani declared that when these actions are analyzed, it
comes out that they are tragic in appearance and contents, and that it is very hard to define
who is involved in the business and who not. UITUK has no information about this case,
however Gorani declared that he had visited Libya and our workers there, and ascertained
their difficult living and working conditions. He was told by Libyan authorities that their
intention was to decrease the number of workers from Kosova, and not increase it.

Avni Bunjaku, former head of the Employment Office of Prishtina (municipality) wrote an
open letter to the public, appealing it not to fall into the traps set by tourist agencies and
individuals. "It is intolerable to have a tourist agency make the list of the interested people to
go to Libya to work. It is evident that no one can go to Libya without a visa and even less find
a job without the permit of the authorities of that state. We must not forget the relations Libya
has with the Former Yugoslavia, especially in the area of employment. The biggest tragedy of
all is that the small number of Kosovan workers in Libya have been dismissed. Individuals
and tourist agencies are not authorized by anyone to employ anyone abroad, but their main
activity is the transport of passengers in tourist arrangements, and not employment, because
they have no contracts to do so, nor do they have the qualified staff for this".

Finally, the Libyan Embassy in Belgrade reacted to these games. It categorically denied the
fact that the Libyan state has engaged anyone to mediate in the employment of certain cadres,
and what is more, it needs no more new workers. But, if the need arises, then this will be
done legally and people with full authorizations.

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This finally proved that Xhemo had found a very suitable terrain in Kosova to deceive people.
He found many collaborators in this sense. Even though the people at the "Velania" travel
agency claim that their intention was not to trick anyone, nevertheless, they very easily
accepted Xhemo's offer, without consulting anyone who might know more about Libya and
employment there.

What if tomorrow new Misas and Xhemos appear? The employment of Albanians abroad is
under no one's control. Albanian is Kosova, pressured by unemployment and scarcity, very
easily accept any offer given to them, despite how tricky they might seem at first sight. On the
other hand, the Government and TU are not managing to restrict the activity space of many
abusers wandering in Kosova. They are lacking a effective activity and full information on the
issue.

Yesterday it was Xhemo, the day before Miso, and who will it be tomorrow...?

MACEDONIA

IN SEARCH OF THE "BLACK SHEEP"

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

Both the position and opposition in Macedonia suffer from the daily memory syndrome!
Remembering circumstances of over 15 years ago are not original. Thus the issue of the
University of Tetova, together with the emotional tensions, on both sides, which
"definitively" should destroy the state from the inside, has been forgotten these days,
compared to the speculations what was achieved from the University or what has been
reached in direct conversations between Macedonia and Greece. The information, usually
coming from the side, mainly from "Nova Makedonija's" correspondent from Athens, and
according to what the Greek press publishes, a Macedonian-Greek deal is announced in
solving the problems between Greece and its northern neighbor, which is serving as a
tampon-zone with its "good neighbor" - Serbia! True or invented, God knows, it seems that
the agreement contains solutions for "small" problems as is the Macedonian flag, some
articles of the Constitution. There are also other issues, but they are outside this package.

It all started with the publication of the information from the correspondent in Athens, in
which it is said that the Greek and Macedonian sides (governments or authorized
representatives, it is the same), reached an agreement to solve their misunderstandings in
direct conversations. The Macedonian public was informed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
in a communique, since the port-parole of the Government wouldn't come out with a public
statement on the issue concerned.

And then, came the communique of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, stating the following: "In
regard to the new statements on the continuation of the conversations between Greece and
Macedonia, published in some media, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Macedonia evaluates
as positive, the agreement to have direct conversations with the mediation of Cyrus Vance".
And the continuation of the communique is that it is good that there are direct conversations,
because this is the only way neighbors can talk to one-another", that the "posture of
Macedonia is clear about the name", however any other issue can be discussed, etc. In this

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short and contradicting communique it remains unclear how did the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs get the information that the Government is in direct talks with Greece through the
media, even though it was its suggestion that conversations should be direct and take place in
the presence of a mediator!

The same day when the communique was published, another information sent from the
correspondent of "Nova Makedonija" from Athens, whose news are 24 hours late because he
usually transmits news from the Greek media, and he does hide this fact, was published. This
one referred to the fact that "there will be direct conversations in New York, the latest in the
first ten days of the next month". There are no dilemmas whether there will be conversations
or not, the only thing which is not certain is the level. It could be at the level of ministers or
maybe deputies, but by all means it would be with Vance's mediation. The conversation can
be divided, and there "might be parallel talks about the name".

What is ridiculous in thisa case is that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has found out from the
"media" that the RM's government has given its approval for direct conversations! The other
logical question is how wide is the space in which the Macedonian foreign policy is created.
Since the first elections in 1989, the election of the speaker of the Sobranja (Parliament), the
creation of the government of experts and its down-fall, it was clear that foreign affairs,
defense and internal affairs departments are not in the hands of the prime-minister, but the
President of the Republic. And this is a continuance which can not be disputed. The closed
circles of people who know everything and who decide about everything, can be an alibi for
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In "critical" moments the Minister was either home or busy
with other matters abroad, and no new knew what was he doing abroad and his closest
collaborators, poorly informed, as if didn't know what the topic of conversation would have
been. How is it possible that the Macedonian public has been getting information on the
relations with the southern neighbor only through the Greek media, which has become the
task for Nova Makedonija's correspondent in Athens?

Macedonian journalists are of the opinion that both Macedonian Foreign Ministers worked in
deep conspiracy, because they claimed that "secret information was leaking into the press".
Contrary to this opinion, which has cost the positions to many people dealing with this
activity, the conviction is that everything important for the Macedonian state, is always
decided by a small group of people, including these three areas in the hands of the President.
All the others, according to this scenario, are politicians in the margins. Thus, it is easy to
believe that Macedonians don't trust their own public, and that the Government and ministries
believe in the Greek media more than the local ones!

Crvenkovski's statement after his return from visits to New York, Washington and Paris,
claiming that he had agreed with Vance to have direct conversations with the Greek, as if
proved these speculations. He said that a date was not set yet, and that in order to have a good
and successful meeting many things had to be prepared well, and that he believed that such a
meeting would not take place soon. On this occasion, the minister denied the information on
the reached agreement, about the eventual concessions of both sides about the flag,
Constitution and embargo.

However absurd it might sound, the alleged agreement between the two states, is in fact an
expression of the deterioration of the internal policy in relation to (Macedonia's) Albanians!

The change of the strategy in the region, in relation with Albanians - a scheme discussed for a

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long time, has not proved it.

The recent events in Macedonia, which have shaken the credibility of this state abroad, are
closely linked with the created relations towards "local" Albanians. Albanians, as the region's
troublemakers, have their "natural" enemies at the north and south of Macedonia. The
harshening of the political course towards Albanians, according to some well informed
circles, is due to a secret agreement between Macedonia and Greece, as a crusade of
Albanophobia in the region.

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