Maney Publishing

Andean Diaspora: The Tiwanaku Colonies and the Origins of South American Empire by Paul
Goldstein
Review by: Chris Dayton
Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 30, No. 4 (Winter, 2005), pp. 474-476
Published by: Maney Publishing
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40025568 .
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474

BookReviews

Schick,Robert
1998 "Palestinein the EarlyIslamic Period: LuxuriantLegacy,"
Near EasternArchaeologist
6 1 : 74- 108 .
Stern,Ephraim,editor
Excavationsin the
1993 The New Encyclopedia
of Archaeological
HolyLand. New York:Simon and Schuster.
Whitcomb,Donald
1998 "Islamand the Socio-culturalTransitionof Palestine- Early IslamicPeriod (638-1099 CE),"in ThomasE. Levy,ed.,
TheArchaeology
of Societyin theHolyLand. London: Leicester UniversityPress,488-501.
Vroom, Joanita
2003 AfterAntiquity:Ceramicsand Societyin theAegeanfrom the
7th to the20th CenturyA.C. A CaseStudyfromBoeotia,Central Greece.Leiden: LeidenUniversity.

moreheterogeneousandfarless centralizedthanhas been

presumed"[p. 327].
Thisbook arrivesduringanexcitingperiodin Tiwanaku
scholarship,joininga relativetorrentof high-quality,datarichworksaboutTiwanaku,its precursors,and its neighbors (e.g., Kolata 2003; Stanish2003; Janusek2004).
Whilethis handfulof booksmaynot soundlike a torrent,
one hasto keepin mind thatthe archaeologyof Tiwanaku
has laggedbehindthat of othermajorprehistoriccivilizations andhasonly recentlyentereda "spiritedadolescence"
[p. 2] of rigorouslyempirical,theoreticallyinformedstudies that reachbeyondthe monumentalcapital.
concentratedalmost
Previousgenerationsof researchers
site
the
Tiwanaku
on
itself, an understandable
exclusively
central
focal point given its massive
platformmound,
Andean Diaspora: The Tiwanaku Colonies
andclear
monolithicsculptures,fine masonryarchitecture,
and the Origins of South American Empire
overallplanning.Someinterpretations,
however,wereperdesolatesurhapsoverlyinfluencedby the city'sapparently
its
monuments.
of
sheer
paul Goldstein. 403 pages, 121 figures,6 tables,endand
the
impressiveness
roundings
havedemonstrated
notes, bibliography,index. Gainesville:UniversityPress Althoughin recentdecadesresearchers
of Florida,2005. $59.95 cloth. ISBN 0-8130-2774-8.
thatTiwanakufarmersadaptedand innovatedto produce
altimassivequantitiesof food in the harsh,unpredictable
Reviewed by Chris Dayton, Departmentof Archaeolo- planoenvironment(e.g., Kolata1986), earlyinvestigators
gy, Boston University, 675 Commonwealth Avenue, interpretedthe site as an emptyceremonialcenter,simply
too cold andtoo high- at nearly4000 m in elevation- to
Boston, MA 02215.
supporta significanturbanpopulation(Squier1877; BenPaul Goldstein'sAndeanDiasporais an innovativeex- nett 1934). Even as more modernarchaeological
projects
aminationof the far-flungcoloniesof Tiwanaku,the enig- such as CarlosPonce Sangines'Centrode Investigaciones
maticstatethat developedon the frigidBolivianaltiplano Arqueologicas en Tiwanaku (1950s-1960s) and the
(high plain) in the 1st millenniuma.d. Goldstein'scrisp ProyectoWilaJawiradirectedby AlanKolataand Oswalsummariesof previousTiwanakuresearch,discussionsof
do Rivera Sundt (1980s-1990s) studied the Tiwanaku
difficultconceptssuch as the ayllu(an exasperatingly
fluid phenomenonin a more systematicway, the bulk of reAndeankin collective),and synthesesof broadertheoreti- searchresourcesremainedconcentratedat the centerwith
cal issueswill appealto studentsandlay readers,while his
some notable exceptions(e.g., Bermann1994). Another
well-organizedpresentationof originalsurveyand excava- importantissue is the power of nationalistsentiment,
tion datawill appealto specialists.He ties all of these ele- which has reinforcedthe site'sunique stature(e.g., Posmentstogetherwith a theme that is sureto incite debate, nansky1945; Ponce1972). In the midstof Bolivia'sperento say the least. Contraryto "globalists"and "neoevolu- nial economic hardshipsand politicalturmoil,Tiwanaku
tionists"who concentratetoo much,he says,on economic hasbecomethe centerpieceof the nation'sculturalheritage
andpoliticalcentralization,GoldsteininterpretsTiwanaku and a particularlypotent symbol to the indigenousAyas a "consensualconfederation"of diversepeople seeking mara,who makeup the majorityof the Bolivianpopulato incorporateaspectsof Tiwanakuideology and material tion (andwho areindeedprobablydescendedfromthe Ticultureinto theiridentities,a processhe calls"ethnicityin
wanaku).Given these factors,it is perhapsnot surprising
motion"[p. 1], AlthoughGoldsteindecrieswhathe seesas thatthe dominantview of Tiwanaku,fromGoldstein'speruncriticalapplicationof cross-cultural
termssuchas"state" spective,continuesto be that of a centralized,expansive
and "empire,"
he does not rejectcomparativestudiesand state with agriculture,craftproduction,and religiousacclassificationoutright.Instead,he uses an agency-focused, tivitiesdirectedby elitesat the capital.Hereit mustbe notor bottom-upapproach"to celebrateTiwanakuas an oped thatotherrecentbookssuchas those by Stanish(2003)
and Janusek(2004) contain updatesand nuancedchalportunityto test the limits of evolutionarytypology"[p.
310], hoping to demonstratethat "earlystatesin the An- lengesto this notion, but as Goldsteinadmitswith regret
des, and probablythroughoutthe ancientworld, were far in AndeanDiaspora,manuscriptdeadlinespreventedhim

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Journal of Field Archaeology[Vol. 30, 2005

from fully incorporating these new works into his own

analysis.
When Goldstein carried out his dissertation studies in
the 1980s at Omo, a Tiwanaku colony in the arid Moquegua Valley of southern Peru, he applied a site-centered
excavationframeworksimilar to that carriedout in the Tiwanaku homeland. He initially interpreted Omo's temple
platform, modeled on much larger originals in the capital,
as evidence of a centralized altiplano authority consolidating annexed territorythrough state ceremonies. One of the
strengths of Andean Diaspora,however, is Goldstein's candor about the intellectual process; he describes how his
thinking has evolved along with his dataset, which now includes a full-coverage settlement survey over most of the
Moquegua Valley.
After his first "globalise"analysisat Omo, Goldstein began to look more closely at individual and group identities,
inspired by informal observations of present-day altiplano
migrants in Moquegua and by the famous Andean "vertical archipelago"model proposed by John Murra (1985).
The vertical archipelagois a mode of socioeconomic organization-described in other mountainous areas but particularly influential in Andean studies- in which a single
community (variously defined) maintains a demographic
presence in several resource zones, often at dramatically
different elevations. Since the vertical archipelagomodel is
sometimes criticized for excessive vagueness, Goldstein
tightens the definition by adding two key conceptual ingredients: the idea of "diaspora"to capture a longing for
the homeland and a lack of assimilation into host communities, and the ayllu, a much-debated Andean socioeconomic group based on real and mythical kin connections.
According to Goldstein, Andean archipelagos"areayllus in
diaspora"[p. 42]. Members of these archipelagoscontinually redefine their identities (thus "ethnicityin motion") in
opposition to the other groups they encounter away from
the homeland.
Goldstein proposes four archaeological correlates for
Tiwanakuayllus in diaspora. First, he says, there should be
large, permanentsettlements outside the original core area.
Second, the material culture of diaspora communities
should closely resemble that of the homeland, indicating
maintenance of everyday expressions of identity. Third,
Goldstein says there should be evidence of "structuralreproduction" of internal social divisions similar to those of
homeland populations. Fourth, there should be evidence
of multiethnicity, groups of people with different material
cultures and apparently different traditions living side by
side without assimilation. Of course, only the first and second of these correlatesare truly materialcorrelates- in the
sense that they refer directly to physical evidence and not

475

to an inferred explanation for its patterning- and only the

first is uncontroversial. Nevertheless, Goldstein makes a
persuasive argument that the archaeological record of the
Tiwanaku colonies, and of the Moquegua Valley in particular, contains evidence that fits within these categories and
supports his explanation. He presents survey and excavation data from four major contexts: agrarian settlement
patterns, household archaeology, burials, and public ritual
architecture. Conclusions relevant to the correlates above
are briefly summarized below.
The settlement patterns of Tiwanaku colonists, who arrived in Moquegua in the mid-lst millennium A.D., are
markedly different from the local population, known as
Huaracane. While dozens of small Huaracane settlements
dotted the river'snarrow floodplain more or less uniformly, Tiwanaku established four large clusters of permanent
settlements and irrigatedfields (correlate one) at previously unoccupied sites, a pattern that also occurred in the Lake
Titicaca basin during Tiwanaku's initial rise to power.
Moreover, differences among the settlement clusters- for
example, overlap between distinct ceramic styles dubbed
Omo and Chen Chen- seem to correspond to divisions in
the Tiwanaku homeland populations, satisfying correlates
three and possibly four. Additional evidence for correlate
four is provided by an apparent lack of interaction with
other occupants of the valley, the indigenous Huaracane
and the contemporary colony established further up the
valley by the usually militaristicWaristate of the centralPeruvian highlands. The Wari chose a remarkable natural
fortress- the towering mesa of Cerro Baiil- for their main
settlement, but there is no evidence of warfarebetween the
colonies, even though the heavy demands of Wari'suppervalley irrigation projects may have left Tiwanaku farmers
without sufficient water for their own fields (Williams and
Nash 2002).
Examining the archaeology of Tiwanaku households in
Moquegua, Goldstein posits a "uniquelyTiwanakuhabitus
in ways of cultivation, cuisine, couture, craft, and cult" [p.
236], fulfilling correlate two. The colonists either carefully
reproduced homeland styles or imported them directly
from the capital, particularlyin the case of fine ceramics.
Again, the Omo-Chen Chen distinction appears, possibly
indicating different ayllus or divisions within an overall ayllu.
Mortuary contexts provide more evidence for Goldstein's first, second, and third correlates.The sheer number
of burials- perhaps over 20,000- suggests sizeable permanent settlement. East-facing interment and distinctive
highland clothing suggest adherence to homeland burial
customs. While the precise patterning has not been fully established, there are trends in cranialdeformation practices

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476

BookReviews

that seem to indicatesocialdivisions,althoughit must be

saidthat the sametype of deformationwas used by Omo
and ChenChenpopulations.
Goldstein'sfinal categoryof materialevidence, ritual
public architecture,focuses primarilyon the temple at
Omo, whichhe excavatedbeforethe largersurveyproject.
verAs before,he interpretsthe complexas a smaller-scale
at
sion of the centralmound, platforms,and courts Tiwanakuitself,satisfyingcorrelatetwo. The maindifference
between his previous "globalist"interpretationand the
currentmodel seems to be the inclusionof phenomenologicalconsiderationsof the templeprecinctas a seriesof
gatewaysand carefullyalignedspacesto be experiencedin
a procession.WhereasGoldsteininitiallysawthe templeas
a sign that ritualactivitywas controlledby the state, discoveriesof dedicatorycachesand accoutrementsof ceremonialfeastingin homesindicatethatmanyritualsinstead
took placein private.
Unfortunately,none of thesecategoriesof evidenceis so
clear-cutthatGoldstein'sbottom-upmodelemergesas the
only logicalexplanation;a centralizedstatecould stillhave
beencallingthe shots.Furthermore,therearesome particularlyknottyproblemslatein the 1st millenniuma.d., near
the end of the Tiwanakucolonialoccupationandof the Tiwanakustateitself.For instance,some structureswere reconfiguredto follow the orientationof the temple,storage
facilitieswere built to stockpileincreasingquantitiesof
craftitemsandfood, andperhapsmost mysteriouslyof all,
razedby unknownasChenChensitesweresystematically
sailants.It is not entirelyfair to demand answersfrom
Goldstein;his model,afterall,is primarilyaboutTiwanaku
expansionratherthandecline.
In sum, Goldsteinprovidesa veryreadablesynthesisof
the archaeologyof Tiwanaku,with specialemphasison its
expansioninto peripheralareas.His provocative"agencyorientedalternativeto globalistmodels"[p. 49] is compellingfor its humanismand for the challengeit presents
to traditionaltop-down notions of archaicstates.Regardless of whetheror not all readersareconvincedby his arguments,Goldstein'sengagingstylewill guaranteethatthe
book is widelyreadand discussed.
Bennett,WendellC.
1934 Excavationsat Tiahuanaco.AnthropologicalTapersof the
AmericanMuseumofNaturalHistory34. New York:American Museum of NaturalHistory.
Bermann,Marc
1994 Lukurmata:HouseholdArchaeologyin PrehispanicBolivia.
Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress.
Janusek,John W.
2004 Identityand Powerin the AncientAndes: TiwanakuCities
throughTime.London: Routledge.

Kolata,Alan L.
1986 "The AgriculturalFoundationsof the TiwanakuState: A
View from the Heartland," American Antiquity 51:
748-762.
Alan
L., editor
Kolata,
andPaleoecology
2003 TiwanakuandItsHinterland:Archaeology
of
an Andean Civilization,Vol. 2: Urbanand RuralArchaeology.Washington,D.C.: SmithsonianInstitutionPress.
Murra,John V
1985 C"E1
ArchipelagoVertical'Revisited,"in S. Masuda,I. Shimada,and C. Morris,eds.,AndeanEcologyand Civilization:
onAndeanEcological
An Interdisciplinary
ComplePerspective
mentarity.Tokyo:Universityof TokyoPress,3-14.
Ponce Sangines,Carlos
1972 Tiwanaku:Espacio,Tiempo,y Cultura. La Paz: Academia
Nacional de Cienciasde Bolivia.
Posnansky,Arthur
1945 Tiahuanacu:TheCradleofAmericanMan, Vols. 1, 2. New
York:J. J. Augustin.
Squier,EphraimG.
in theLandoftheIn18 77 Peru:IncidentsofTravelandExploration
cas.New York:HarperBrothers.
Stanish,Charles
2003 Ancient Titicaca:TheEvolutionof ComplexSocietyin SouthernPeruand NorthernBolivia.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress.
Williams,PatrickR., and Donna J. Nash
2002 "ImperialInteractionin the Andes: Huari andTiwanakuat
Cerro Baul,"in WilliamH. Isbell and Helaine Silverman,
I: Variationsin Sociopolitical
Orgaeds.,AndeanArchaeology
nization.New York:KluwerAcademic/PlenumPublishers,
243-265.

The Safford Valley Grids: Prehistoric

Cultivation in the Southern
Arizona Desert
WILLIAM E. DOOLITTLEAND JAMESA. NEELEY,editors.

Papersofthe UniversityofArizonaNo. 70.

Anthropological
191 pages, 93 figures,36 tables,2 color plates,2 appendices, references,index. Tucson,AZ: Universityof Arizona Press,2004. $16.95 paper.ISBN 0-8165-2428-9.
Reviewed by Michael W. Diehl, Desert Archaeology
Inc., 3975 N. TucsonBlvd., Tucson,AZ 85716.
The SaffordValleyin se Arizonahas numerousridges
coveredwith stone-borderedrectangulargrids of prehistoricvintage.Firstdocumentedby FrankRussellin 1908,
it has been commonlyassumedthatthesegridswererelated to food procurementor production- probablywater
managementof surfacerunofffromprecipitationandsome
form of agriculture.As the authorsnote, however,in the

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