Professional Documents
Culture Documents
DOI 10.1007/s10814-009-9032-z
Introduction
In their 1995 introduction to the volume Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State, Arnold and
Gibson (1995) likened the legacy of European Iron Age studies to a mist: a scholarly
mist, blown in through a fragmented approach and the lingering paradigms of
another age. Piccini (1996) also refers to this mist as a metaphor for the public love
T. Thurston (&)
Department of Anthropology, 380 MFAC/Ellicott, State University of New York at Buffalo,
Buffalo, NY 14261, USA
e-mail: tt27@buffalo.edu
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
events and processes unique to each region, or even each local group. This creates
opportunities for comparative and contextual studies, as it is possible to relate changes
in social substrata to other changing conditionspolitical, economic, or sacredand
evaluate the impact on their trajectories. Despite their connections, there are many
cultural singularities, making it highly productive and sometimes more appropriate to
focus on the developments within individual societies. Many authors now attempt
both approaches simultaneously. Overall, the sea change in Iron Age studies is well
described by James (2000, p. 307): The shift it outlines in archaeological
conceptions of the Iron Age (supplementing metalwork, graves and hillforts with
vast numbers of smaller settlements and entire landscapes, and far more sophisticated
interpretative frameworks) is too huge and profound ever to be reversed. Iron Age
Europe began to shed its perceived antiquarian past in the late 1980s, and a larger
audience can now find both interest and utility in current research. This review
contrasts older views with paradigm shifts and recent work over the past 1520 years.
Geographic and temporal boundaries: Where, when, and what was Iron Age
Europe?
Iron Age Europe can be defined in several ways; here we will say that Europe
stretches from Scandinavia to the Mediterranean and from the Atlantic to the
Danube River, a substantial cultural barrier between the Europeans and Scythians.
Western Scythians shared many interactions, and eventually traditions, with
Europeans, but to consider their impact would require a discussion of western
China, Siberia, Iran, and Afghanistan, difficult even within Steppe studies (Hanks
2002; but see Boyle et al. 2002; Sindbk 1999; Wells 2001).
Temporally (Fig. 1), the Iron Age is relatively brief yet includes both prehistoric
and historic cultures. It also is time-transgressive, beginning in Greece in the 12th
123
J Archaeol Res
century B.C., spreading into Italy in the 9th century and central Europe by the 8th
century B.C., and into northern Europe around the 6th century B.C.
I employ the standard temporal concept of the Iron Age: for much of continental
Europe and parts of Britain, it lasted only until conquest by the Romans (Fig. 2),
which decapitated indigenous societies, ending the era somewhat abruptly during
the late 1st century B.C./1st century A.D. The Romans never conquered Ireland,
northern Scotland, Scandinavia, the north European plain, or the Baltic region, but
other interactions created Roman eras even in non-Roman lands, lasting until the
5th century A.D. Culturally, in northern and eastern Europe, a largely prehistoric
Iron Age continued as late as A.D. 1000. The Roman and post-Roman worlds of
these peoples and their interactions with medieval Europe constitutes a subject area
outside the scope of this review.
Of course the Iron Age has something to do with adoption of iron technology.
Unlike bronze, an alloy whose production required the coordination of metals from
disparate sources or long-distance trade in ready-made ingots, iron could be locally
produced, procured, and controlled in many places, leading to distinctly changed
123
J Archaeol Res
Archaeological background
The Iron Age is an era of complex societieschiefdoms or states in standard
terminology. Yet this was not the first time Europe was home to social and political
complexity, and the early Iron Age should be seen as an outgrowth of processes
already in place. During the Mediterranean Bronze Age, eastern Europe saw the
development of stratified societies that lay in areas geographically linking the
Aegean and destinations to the west and north. Traditionally, the development of
socially stratified Bronze Age European societies has been attributed solely to their
interaction and trade with extant polities, such as the Mycenaeans, leading them to
emulate those neighbors, an idea that has recently fallen far out of favor
(Kristiansen 1998; Kristiansen and Larsson 2005).
Archaeologically, most scholars would agree that the roots of the European Iron
Age, and what came to be called Keltoi and Germani by the later Greeks and Romans,
are found not directly in trade with the Mediterranean, but in the opportunistic role of
central Europeans in taking up the bronze trade when their more southerly suppliers
could no longer provide it. A cultural tradition of the late Bronze Age, collectively
called the Urnfield tradition, emerged in central Europe around 1200 B.C., a bronzeworking tradition hypothesized to have filled a gap in the production and crafting of
bronze after the collapse of Southwest Asian and Mediterranean sources that had
previously provided substantial material for trade to as far away as Scandinavia.
During this gap, production and control of bronze for a European market shifted
into Europe itself, providing fuel for further social stratification there.
Eventually, Urnfield-style material culture ranged from Hungary through the
Alps to Germany, France, Italy, and parts of Spain, areas identified by many
archaeologists with later Celts (Cunliffe 1997a, p. 43), leading some to label late
Urnfield cultures between 1300 and 800 B.C. as possible proto-Celts. Others
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
Fig. 3 One of several extant conceptualizations of the extent of Hallstatt and La Te`ne influence
Around 450 B.C., other indigenous groups, first in Switzerland, inland France,
and Germany (although this origin point is disputed by some), developed new
stylistic aesthetics, described as the La Te`ne material culture (45050 B.C.), that
later spread to other regions (Fig. 3). This period is often called the second Iron
Age as it represents many breaks with the Hallstatt era and its links to Bronze Age
traditions. The La Te`ne groups developed agglomerated population centers called
oppida by the Romans as well as enclosed sites of several different types. While
traditions varied, in general, the wagon was replaced by the chariot, burials were
less socially stratified, and an identifiable style developed, involving curvilinear and
spiral motifs, tripartite symbols, vegetation and animals, representations of bearded
male faces or heads, and significant female iconography (Green 1989, 1991, 1992,
1995c). The heartland of La Te`ne culture, equated in part with the area called
Gaul by Caesar, is considered by many to be a true Celtic culture, although the
123
J Archaeol Res
exact nature and extent of these people and what their ethnic affiliations were is
debated: they certainly spoke a Celtic language. Eventually, Iron Age people
indigenous to Italy, expanding ever-outward through conquest and negotiation,
came into conflict with those indigenous groups further afield; the Roman republic,
then empire, emerged from this context. By around 50 B.C., the Roman impact had
altered other indigenous cultures enough to warrant the statement that the European
Iron Age was over.
123
J Archaeol Res
differed, so would most or all others (Wells 2001, p. 115). Caesars first contact was
with people west of the Rhine who had urban centers he called oppida, while those
on the far side had none; he believed this made them substantially different, which
may or may not have been the case. Certainly, many aspects of their cultures, as
described by Caesar, Tacitus, and others, were remarkably similar.
Within each of these broad cultural descriptors, Keltoi and Germani, dozens of
tribal entities are mentioned, leaving us to figure out what this actually might
have meant as opposed to what was understood by the various Classical authors who
wrote about them; one of the culture-historic passions of earlier antiquarians was
trying to tie these entities to specific geographic areas by isolating some supposed
subset of material culture, a pursuit which, for many reasons, has been almost
completely abandoned (but see, for example, Vasic 2004).
123
J Archaeol Res
1994), presenting Celts living across a territory stretching from Ireland to Anatolia
as a coherent people. In the 1980s, Collis (1994, p. 31) offered an unabashed
critique of this approach. He asked scholars to offload the baggage of historic texts
and direct inferences from the Mabinogion and Ulster Cycle, advocating instead the
more objective and more generalizing perspective of processual archaeology. For
the most part, whether due to this call or simply following a generational turnover,
antiquarianism gave way to the new archaeology.
For much of the remaining 20th century, Iron Age societies across Europe
Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Scandinavia, and elsewherewere studied under
a certain set of cross-cultural generalities, as familiar to a Near Easternist or a
Mayanist as they were to Collis and his peers. Elites buried in rich, monumental
graves were interpreted as rulers at the top of a local or regional vertical hierarchy, a
position they jealously defended and reinforced with centralized, coercive control of
things: labor, ideology, and production and/or trade in commodities such as metals,
salt, hides, and amber (Cunliffe 1976). Enclosed hilltop sites characteristic of this
period were labeled military elite central places that housed soldiers or sheltered
people in times of war, and urban centers, the oppida, were the strongholds of elites
that controlled the activities of attached craftspeople and traders (e.g., Cunliffe
1976, 1983, 1984; Wells 1984). In the countryside, peasant farmers produced
surplus to support the elites and their oppida (Grau Mira 2003; Molinos and Ruiz
Rodriguez 1994; Ruiz Rodriguez and Molinos 1993; Ruiz Rodriguez et al. 1991).
Peer polities created competition leading to complexity, as long-distance trade
created centers and peripheries that fueled the rise of marginal elite wannabes with
prestige goods (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978; Haselgrove 1976; Randsborg
1980; Wells 1980b). The organizing principles of these chiefly societies (reified
by the interpretation of Iron Age elites as chiefs or petty kings) were assumed to be
either kinship based or politically based, following the ideas of Service and Fried on
the differences between chiefdoms and states (Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991; Miller
et al. 1989; Renfrew 1986; Rowlands 1987, 1994; Rowlands and Frankenstein 1998;
Rowlands et al. 1987).
Few would dispute that this standard new archaeology or processual interpretation was a vast improvement over what came before, yet in hindsight it seems
oddly in line with older antiquarian notions of what comprises civilization: seeing
hierarchy, centralization, and control, or logical courses toward them, in
everything, from the earliest farming villages to state societies. It was perhaps a
newer, more systematic way of seeking and verifying the same assumptions made
by earlier generations of scholars. No one seriously imagined that the Iron Age
could actually be different than the parameters within which it was conceptualized.
By the end of the 1980s, discourse on the Iron Age was dominated by a small
number of famous names in each region of Europe who favored primarily ecological
and standard processualist interpretations; in some national archaeologies this
continues today. This led to a lengthy suppression of critique, which, when it finally
came, was somewhat explosive. Frustration with these interpretations, and with
regionalized, nationally bounded archaeologies that did not share research agendas,
theoretical views, and neither compared notes nor communicated findings, led to a
spate of great activity, debate, and sometimes passionate reappraisal beginning
123
J Archaeol Res
some 1520 years ago. In the late 1980s, one could detect a few voices calling for a
reassessment; by the mid-1990s, this had become a major movement. Many authors
questioned long-held assumptions, for both broad regions and specific local
traditions, and a number of theoretical perspectives were introduced in order to
investigate new ideas, some strongly revisionist, moving into uncharted territory,
seeking to discover if a different Iron Age did indeed exist (Hill 1993; Hill and
Cumberpatch 1995).
123
J Archaeol Res
national contexts is also seen in recent German volumes, where newer ideas mingle
with older paradigms (Birkhan 2007a; Maier 2000). Several volumes reflect the
continuing French tradition for late prehistory (Audouze and Buchsenschutz 1989,
1992; Rieckhoff-Pauli 2006), proceeding from classical authors and the direct
historical approach into the past in order to understand earlier periods, a paradigm
that is still popular in much of Europe, but which has seen substantial critique (e.g.,
Hill 1989, pp. 1819). A dramatic increase in archaeology related to highway and
commercial development has, however, substantially increased the data from
French Iron Age sites (Milcent 2004). Similarly, the Slavic and Baltic national
traditions of scholarship (e.g., Bailey et al. 1995; Graudonis 1997; Tasic 2004;
Theodossiev 2005; Vasks 1995, 1997; Zoffmann 2000) are mainly culturehistorically oriented and descriptive, with an emphasis on fitting archaeological
material into the contexts of classical texts and linguistic models, although recent
critiques have begun to bring this into a more contemporary context (Cumberpatch
1995a, b). Regardless of theoretical frameworks, the wealth of detailed empirical
data is a valuable offering of such volumes.
Additionally, a number of thematic collections (e.g., Arnold and Wicker 2001;
Biehl et al. 2001; Hamilakis et al. 2002) that include European archaeology contain
important Iron Age chapters. Several encyclopedias have specifically targeted the
Iron Age, Roman, and post-Roman collapse (Bogucki and Crabtree 2004; Crabtree
2000, 2007), through which many Iron Age processes are traditionally modeled.
These reflect primarily traditional perspectives but often include discussions of
current debates.
Important methodological developments parallel general developments in
archaeology worldwide. One is the shift from the site-focused archaeology of the
early 20th century, through the regional archaeology of the centurys last quarter,
and finally to landscape archaeology that incorporates site and region, not only
assessing interactions over geographic space but the meaning imbued into the built
and structured landscape on numerous nested scales. Such projects typically attempt
to integrate data on many social phenomena into the study of long-term change.
This approach has inspired new fieldwork in many parts of Europe and has provided
some escape hatch from the legacy of the overemphasized type site, the artifact
distribution, the baffling variety of named cultures (Fig. 4), and other data classes
that long helped fragment the record. Such research may comprise wholly new
surveys of large areas (Cherry 1994; Crumley 1989; Crumley and Marquardt 1987;
Millett et al. 2000) or be reassessments of prior work through agglomeration and
retheorizing (Corney 2000; Hamilton and Manley 2001; Larsson et al. 1992; Parcero
Oubina et al. 1998). The methodological innovations of the last 15 years, combining
survey, GIS, and landscape analysis have been reviewed elsewhere (for Europeanist
discussions, see Ayala and Fitzjohn 2002; Galaty 2005; Gillings et al. 1999; Lock
and Stancic 1995).
Recent work also underscores some extremely long distance unities, such as the
cultural connections across the Atlantic facade, the Atlantic coast of western Europe
that stretches from Spain and Portugal, along coastal Atlantic France, and then to
Britain, Ireland, and Scandinavia (Cunliffe 2000, 2001; Gonzalez Ruibal 2004). This
archaeological link, which is fairly clear from the Neolithic onwards and is textually
123
J Archaeol Res
Fig. 4 Some traditional named cultures of the European Iron Age, not all contemporary or necessarily
agreed upon
noted for the Iron Age, has recently been supported by genetic studies (McEvoy et al.
2004) that show connections across the entire Atlantic facade as deep as the last Ice
Age. In contrast, closer examination of some neighboring regions (Harding 2006) has
recently emphasized the vast differences in both material culture and probably social
and political organization between southern and northern Britain; they cannot be
analyzed or understood within the same frameworks as in the past because large parts
of the north had a long aceramic era as well as an Iron Age that, as in Scandinavia
and some Slavic regions, lasted well into the first millennium A.D.
123
J Archaeol Res
barbarian Celts, Germans, and Britons, in terms of their reported actions and
organization, were somewhat chaotic. According to modern historiographic
interpretation of the accounts of Caesar, Tacitus, Pliny, and others, the many
related groups had no overarching leaders among their tribes, and rulers frequently
appear to take orders from their subjects. If leadership, as recorded by Roman
writers, was so chaotic, how did the barbarians defeat or withstand the organized
and powerful Romans in so many instances, most notably at the siege of Alesia in
52 B.C. (MacDevitt 2005, pp. 6890) and the later battle of the Teutoburg Forest
(Wells 2003) in A.D. 9, where a group of Germani handily crushed a vast Roman
force? While the Gauls and southern Germans eventually were conquered, the major
portion of Germania, in addition to Scotland and Ireland, never was conquered.
Eventually, barbarian Europe toppled a weak and collapsing Roman Empire over
the course of the 4th and 5th centuries A.D.
Despite the textual evidence for fragile and decentralized leadership, during the
heyday of processual archaeology, chiefs of the Iron Age were uniformly
characterized as autocratically ordering all of society from the top of centralized
hierarchies. What exactly were the roles of pre-Roman Iron Age chiefs?
Beginning in the 1980s, new fieldwork and a look with fresh eyes at extant data
suggested different interpretationsa generalizing but still radically different social
theory for Iron Age Europe. These have revealed that what traditionally have been
recognized as leaders were men primarily in charge of warfare. They had some
religious functions but did not run the religious hierarchy, such as the Druidic
system described by Caesar, and they had both an elected judiciary and an assembly,
where eligible voters gathered at regular intervals to discuss issues and the trajectory
of group life and to vote on actions to be taken. The warlord was limited by their
consensus and could not act without their support. Pan-regional alliances were made
under the authority of an elected paramount when outside enemies threatened but
were dissolved as soon as possible to prevent the emergence of kings. Despite
this decentralized system of power, with its relatively weak elites, in encounter after
encounter they were able to deal masterfully with more organized, complex peoples.
Heterarchy, a term coined in 1945 by neurophysiologist Warren McCulloch to
describe the parallel pathways of neural networks, has found its way into numerous
disciplines and contexts. Archaeologists use it to describe sociopolitical systems in
which several groups or institutions horizontally share power and authority, each
equal and independent yet part of a unified organizational structure. Crumley
introduced heterarchy to archaeologists in her long-term regional work with cultural
landscapes of pre-Roman Iron Age Gaul in Burgundy, France (Crumley 1984, 1995,
2001; Crumley and Marquardt 1987). Subsequently, she used the concept to discuss
the long-term interaction of Rome and Gaul within the paradigm of historical
ecology (Crumley 1994, 2007), characterizing both Celtic and Germanic Iron Age
societies as having at least three free-standing nexuses of power: warlord/warband,
religious specialists, and a group of people eligible to vote in the assembly. This
structure, reported for both groups by Tacitus, Caesar, Pliny, Cassius Dio, and
others, has material aspects that can be detected archaeologically (Hedeager 1992).
Thus the centralized, autocratic elite, heading a hierarchy with power over the rest
of society, based on political or kin relations, has been retheorized to fall more in
123
J Archaeol Res
line with a less powerful and less centralized elite who had to negotiate with other
sectors of society.
Before Crumleys incorporation of heterarchy, scholars repeatedly tried to model
the Celts and Germans as hierarchies and to compare them with Rome. Once these
disorganized groups are modeled as heterarchies, with innate, often superior
(more flexible) organizational qualities, this is far more easily understood, and it is
perhaps a better sociopolitical model for the Iron Age (Dietler 1995a; Ehrenreich
1991; Ehrenreich et al. 1995; Gonzalez-Ruibal 2006; Wailes 1995). Roymans
(1990) has explored such pre-Roman social organization in Gaul and the impact of
Roman conquest on the social milieu. For Celtiberian Spain, older models of the
pre-Roman Iron Age were initially replaced with those highlighting continued
hierarchies and elite power as holdovers from the Bronze Age into the early Iron
Age (Parcero Oubina and Fernandez 2004). However, recently the idea of a more
horizontal, heterarchic society (Fernandez-Posse and Sanchez-Palencia Ramos
1998; Sastre 2002) has been proposed to better explain the contradictory data of
monumental architecture and apparently low social stratification (Parcero Oubina
and Fernandez 2004). Similarly, aspects of the same type of contradictions, as noted
for Britain by Collis (1995b) and Haselgrove (1995), also are less puzzling when
viewed from within a heterarchy model for the Iron Age. If one only looks at
traditional centralizing models, the material record seems significantly askew
(Buchsenschutz 1995), but when considering the constraints that heterarchy puts on
elite attempts at domination, the skew is predictable.
An important component of European heterarchy is evidence for the practice of
fosterage in the Iron Age (Karl 2004a, 2005a; Parkes 2003, 2005, 2006), a form of
fictive kinship common in northern and western Europe (Gerriets 1983) in which the
heads of elite households traded their children, ostensibly to be instructed in adult
ways and expectations, but with an important role as a leveling mechanism and in
assuring that alliances, decentralizing practices, and other cooperative relationships
were not breached. In light of Gosdens (1985, 1989) work on the importance of
kinship-based alliances and gift exchange as structuring principles in northwestern
European societies, this work is adding to a new corpus on social mechanisms that
may have complemented the aggressive behavior of a warrior class. Recently,
similar traditions have been studied in southeastern Europe and the Balkans (Parkes
2004).
Coevolving with the hierarchy/heterarchy framework is a more specific model
dealing with political power, termed the dual-processual continuum of power, or
corporate/network theory (Blanton et al. 1996). Garnering praise from some
European archaeologists (see Shennan 2003), Blanton et al. proposed a continuum
of modes of power, the network end dominated by centralized elite who have
monopolies on power, support that power by creating a network of relationships
with other elites, and advertise their status with all the trappings of wealth and/or
prestige. At the other end lie societies where power is devolved away from
centralizing rulers toward a more equitable distribution among groups or institutions
within society. Such societies are characterized by less elite power, or at least less
emphasis on its appearance, display, and manifestation. Blanton et al. (1996) posit
that most societies are in a constant state of tension between these poles.
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
purposes but were incorporated into later Iron Age features. Iron Age components at
the extensively excavated site of Danebury lack elite residences in any period, and
Iron Age pits of grain, once called storage features, are so small and few that they
are now interpreted offerings to chthonic deities (van der Veen and Jones 2006;
Williams 2003). Many other small pits containing bones also are far too small to
match previous interpretations as food waste buried by garrisons of soldiers. Both
types of pit are now interpreted as ritual offerings (see below, and Fitzpatrick 1997;
Grant 1984, 1989; Hill 1995b, 1996; Poole 1995; Smith 2001; Wilson 1999); large,
single-component heaps of cattle bone in surrounding ditches are interpreted as
deposits from civic or ceremonial feasts (Fitzpatrick 1997; Hill 1989, 1995b, c;
Smith 2001), which had increasingly important political functions in Iron Age
society (Ralph 2007). This suggests that they were not military or governmental
central places but were places for assemblies, feasts, and ceremonies, perhaps for
several communities (Hill 1989, 1995b, c), possibly in roles similar to that of henges
in the Neolithic (Bradley 2003). Recent archaeobotanical work (van der Veen and
Jones 2006) supports this model. Just as importantly, sites with similar features, yet
unwalled and in nonhilltop contexts, are now coming to light in Britain, suggesting
similar purposes yet without the distinctive enclosures that originally defined a class
of site (Wigley 2002). Further work may indicate that some indeed housed rulers or
had other functions altogether. Cunliffe, who carefully excavated at the Danebury
hillfort for many years, long resisted reinterpretation of his initial findings, yet he
too eventually accepted modification of the elite-controlled central place model
(Cunliffe 1992, 1993b, 2000).
Archaeological remains of oppida, the term used by the Romans to describe both
flatland and high-elevation, walled and unwalled population centers in Britain,
France, Germany, Spain, and elsewhere in Europe, also have been reexamined.
Traditionally, oppida were interpreted as relatively uniform, elite-controlled urban
centers, with elite-attached craft specialists, reflecting a centralized political
hierarchy with control of prestige-goods trade. Currently, many (Collis 1995a, b;
Harding 2001; Haselgrove 1995; Kohler 1995; Woolf 1993) express doubt that
oppida form a class of settlement either, as new work confirms they were not
uniform in form or development. Some display urban-like settlement, while others
are lightly infilled and enclose expansive uninhabited areas (Lorrio and Ruiz
lvarez-Sanchs 1999); some were occupied for
Zapatero 2004; Ruiz Zapatero and A
long periods, others very briefly. In the earliest periods, there is little to infer any
social hierarchy within them (Almagro-Gorbea 1995, p. 175). While there is
sometimes later evidence of an upper class (Ralston 2007), none contain palatial
residences. At Manching, in Germany, fragments of funerary-type horse gear and
weaponry were taken as evidence for a resident warrior elite, although burials
themselves are lacking, creating difficulties in interpretation (Sievers 2000; Sievers
et al. 1998). Despite a desire to find elite within the town, it is instead common to
find elite villas or rich farms at the oppidums periphery or in its hinterland
(Arnold 2002; Brunaux and Meniel 1997; Buchsenschutz and Richard 1996; Menez
1997; Ralston 2007). Work at Manching and Bourges has revealed the presence of
religious specialists (Ruffier 1990; Sievers 2000; Sievers et al. 1998) through urban
cultic structures similar to Viereckschanzen, or rural enclosures that sometimes
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
with the remains of large-scale feasting (Back Danielsson 2002; Larsson 2001;
Larsson and Lenntorp 2004). A deposit of nearly 50 spearheads was interpreted as a
votive involving warfare (Helgesson 2004).
While elite wealth is clearly apparent and there is no doubt that leaders were
making attempts to increase their social and political power, other interpretations
are now offered. The founding of such places has been suggested, alternately, as a
parallel for the reinterpreted hillforts in Britain and some oppida on the continent
(Magnusson Staaf 2003), as centers for multiple activities and different types of
actors. Such Scandinavian sites developed when oppida and hillforts were at their
peak, after a long period of more egalitarian conditions following the collapse of
local Bronze Age power structures.
There is little doubt that Nordic groups actively promoted heterarchic principles,
using the assembly and its legislative/judiciary function to counter the power of
rulers, seen through Roman and indigenous textual records, toponyms reflecting
many assembly places, and the lack of detectable centralized political authority until
the beginning of the second millennium A.D. These sites and others like them still
often are interpreted through traditional centralization models (Hardh and Larsson
2003), the data interpreted as proof that one sector (warlord) had co-opted the others
(religious and legislative) (Fabech 1994), as well as completely dominating trade
and production. Others see multiple activities within a single complex as
substantiation for the opposite view. Evidence at Gudme and Uppakra (and many
others) may one day be reexamined in the same way as at Danebury, away from
assertions of chiefly control, and instead toward places that combined warriorcentered displays, rites performed by religious specialists, and community activities.
In Spain, a long-time focus on purely descriptive and taxonomic work has led to a
situation where even though northwestern Iberia has produced the largest number
of excavated settlements, almost nothing is known about hillfort social organization (Ayan Vila 2008, p. 906). Elite-focused centralized hierarchy models continue
to be published (Grau Mira 2003; Parcero Oubina 2000; Parcero Oubina and
Fernandez 2004; Rios Gonzalez and Garcia de Castro Valdes 2001) in which oppida
are ideological expressions of an aristocratic social class that wielded the primary
authority in Iberian society, dividing the landscape into jealously guarded territories
Brunet 1998; Ruiz Rodriguez 1993; Ruiz Rodriguez and Molinos 1993, 1998; Ruiz
Rodriguez et al. 1991) and extracting support from peasants who were tightly
controlled. These interpretations are being challenged (Burillo Mozota 2005).
Extensive field projects over the last two decades can clarify some of the differences
between population centers, political sites, sacred places, and hinterlands by
disentangling elements of the formerly conflated hillfort category. Some are empty
of structures, others are turres or towers, others high-elevation towns, and some are
castros, enclosures containing houses but where no class or status difference can be
detected architecturally or in mortuary treatment. These were often labeled peasant
villages (Burillo Mozota 2005), using a medieval-derived model. Internal organization sometimes diverges from former expectations (Lorrio and Ruiz Zapatero
lvarez-Sanchs 2002), with walls enclosing religious
2004; Ruiz Zapatero and A
statuary and altars and habitations built outside (Lorrio and Ruiz Zapatero 2004;
lvarez-Sanchs 1999).
Ruiz Zapatero and A
123
J Archaeol Res
The material contents and spatial relationships between these dissimilar sites lead
some to now suggest that they were symbolically unifying structures that created
focal points for disparate interacting communities Fernandez-Posse and SanchezPalencia Ramos 1998; Parcero Oubina and Fernandez 2004).
Finally, accumulated data indicate that even densely populated oppida initially
contained little to infer any social hierarchy or presence of powerful rulers
(Almagro-Gorbea 1995, p. 175). Sastre (2002) applied the heterarchy model to the
Castro culture, which stretched from the late Bronze Age to the Late Iron Age,
challenging the ubiquitous concept of a hierarchic society focused on aristocrats.
Instead, theorizing that consensual inequality among relatively horizontal societies
can quickly become institutionalized and involuntary (Bender 1985, 1990; Saitta
1994; Saitta and Keene 1990), she conceptualized Castro as a segmentary agrarian
society in which kin groups and households manipulated social structures and
practices in order to benefit themselvescompletely leaving out the idea of social
class, eliteness, and other traditional explanations for the origins, maintenance, and
elaboration of inequality. For Portugal, Reimao Queiroga (2007) suggests that the
large, walled, house-filled urban centers dating to the early Roman era were in fact
built by or at the behest of Romans, and the local population was encouraged to
move to them as a way to control and acculturate a population previously scattered
in small, autonomous, and more egalitarian castros.
Others approach Iberia from the perspective that its social institutions display
corporate concepts, such as the practice of ritual hospitality (Sanchez Moreno
2001), with an impact on social and political interaction, a perspective in line with
Gosdens much cited (1985, 1989) work that stresses the importance of kinship,
alliance, and strategic gift-giving. Keay (1997) approaches institutionalized
patronage in Iberia, describing mutual obligations between sociopolitical elites
and their clients, rather than strictly autocratic relationships, transformed away from
an indigenous tradition only under Roman influence. Ayan Vila (2008) confirms that
only late in the Iron Age is Roman impact seen in changing social aspects of
architecture, and that new forms were not adopted uniformly across Spain,
representing expediency rather than a changing worldview (Ayan Vila 2008, pp.
965966). Rose (2003) also has examined the way in which Roman technologies
the use of written inscriptionswere similarly incorporated into extant symbolic
systems, becoming imbued with native meanings and inferences that reflect earlier
social concepts.
In eastern Europe, inference based on linguistics and nonarchaeological data,
inspired by idealism, nationalism, and later, communism, posited that the Slavs
originated in swamplands; poor agricultural conditions led to cooperative,
democratic social and political structures that were subject to complexification
only through contact with Rome. For many decades, Slavic archaeologists,
especially under the Soviet regime, attempted to produce work proving this
historical-linguistic confabulation in order to avoid political persecution (Milisauskas 1997a). Depending on shifting political conditions, archaeologists attempted to
play up or diminish regional roles as Roman provinces or satellites. In some cases,
Roman decolonization during Romes collapse was emphasized to correlate with the
ethnic politics of modern states. Such ideas still appear in archaeological works on
123
J Archaeol Res
Slavic origins (Curta 2001a, b). Given this situation and the focus of many
researchers on Paleolithic and Neolithic cultures (Milisauskas 1986), in several
Slavic regional compendia (e.g., Bailey et al. 1995; Dolukhanov 1996) the Iron Age
gets short shrift (but see Bogucki 1990), or accepted paradigms are reiterated.
Slavic frameworks could stand some revision, but such formerly politicized
views are only slowly being deconstructed. In Romania, the post-Roman era has
recently been reinterpreted away from earlier models of depopulation toward
evidence for the continuity of complex society (Ellis 1998). The famous Polish site
of Biskupin, a walled, nucleated settlement from the early Iron Age, ca. 800 B.C.,
might shed further light on social organization in Iron Age eastern Europe. Due to
wet preservation, a remarkable collection of perishable materials was preserved, but
the site was excavated in the 1930s in the context of Nazi conquest and later
associated with a now-discredited concept of an Early Iron Age proto-Slavic culture.
After World War II it became the focus of extreme nationalism, skewing all
interpretations (Piotrowska 1997). Current work is concerned mainly with
preservation issues (Babinski et al. 2004; Ladomersky et al. 2005).
Elite versus community approaches to the Iron Age
Increasing realization during the 1980s that little was known about nonurban or
nonelite settlement has led to a larger corpus on presumably more ordinary places:
nonenclosed towns, villages, and single farms (Gerritsen 2003). This follows a
theoretical trend seen in a wider European context. Often conceptualized as similar to
serflike medieval peasants, some now hypothesize Iron Age people as having
potential for economic and political autonomy. In 1989, Hill (1989, pp. 1920) called
on archaeologists not only to reinterpret the impressive and monumental but the
ordinary place, taking them out of the questionable presentist construction of Iron
Age peasants and into a real examination of what people were doing and why. Gwilt
(1997) presents an everyday landscape of daily life, demonstrating a shift of focus
from outside the household in daily activity areas to the house itself, paralleling a
shift in which settlements began demarcating and distinguishing themselves from
their neighbors. Gwilt hypothesizes a structuration process where changes in practice
reinforced simultaneously shifting social structures, eventually institutionalizing
new forms into new norms. Similarly, Fitzpatrick (1997) convincingly situates us
within the ordinary experience of the farm, relating the social and natural cycles of
life to everyday activities and how these might shape peoples cognition of time,
seasonality, activities, and the harvest in relation to themselves and the supernatural.
As at hillfort sites, various kinds of depositions and the arrangement of domestic
architecture at ordinary farms is now viewed as encoding supernatural beliefs
(Fitzpatrick 1997; Oswald 1997); these small sites may have been contributing
participants to intergroup religious and social activities at hillfort and oppida locales.
Another new focus of research is on the household as a unitnot only of
production but a political unit as well. In traditional models, either the elite strata
or a clan leadership controls power, production, and access to resources. The
house society theory proposed by Levi-Strauss (1987) and newly invigorated
in anthropology and archaeology (Gillespie 2000; Joyce 2000 for general
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
warfare have appeared in recent years with extensive representation of Europe (e.g.,
Bekker-Nielsen and Hannestad 2001; Carman 1997; Gilchrist 2003; Osgood et al.
2000). A new journal established in 2005, The Journal of Conflict Archaeology,
provides a venue for Iron Age scholars. The Iron Age also is represented
substantially in Parker Pearson and Thorpe (2005), with offerings on the
iconography of warrior ideology in Iberia (Freire 2005) and the role of conflict as
an elite strategy in Iron Age society in Spain (Aranda Jimenez and Sanchez Romero
2005). Karl (2003) discusses weaponry and war vehicles, while other authors
(Bishop and Knusel 2005; Craig et al. 2005) discuss the paleopathological and
osteological evidence for Iron Age warfare and the practices such data reflect. Some
authors postulate a high degree of warfare but also note that it can be largely
invisible (Parcero Oubina 1997) and must sometimes be inferred from iconography
and defensive structures. McCartney (2006) interprets changing settlement in Iron
Age France as a distinct, materially visible response to a socialization for fear in a
warlike nonstate society, manifest in house construction, organization, and the type
of access seen within a community through time. Massive votive deposits of wellused weaponry in many Iron Age societies (Ilkjr 2002; Jrgensen et al. 2003) attest
to the fact that social elites were actively engaged in conflicts and provide
opportunities for discussion and analysis. This new spate of publications on ancient
conflict also has drawn some critical thought regarding the reasons behind the
sudden interest in this topic (Gilchrist 2003; Vandkilde 2003), namely, the global
political climate of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.
123
J Archaeol Res
profane, the ritual from the ordinary, or if they did so at all (Bradley 2003;
Fitzpatrick 1992). The unusual patterning of garbage deposition and the arrangement of domestic architecture at ordinary farms is now viewed as encoding
supernatural beliefs (Fitzpatrick 1997; Oswald 1997); Iron Age agriculturalists are
newly imagined as individuals who saw few divisions between ritual and daily
practice, who may have experienced deity in everyday activities, as among many
contemporary peoples (Bradley 2003; Oswald 1997).
A growing sophistication is reflected in the shift from study primarily of
structures or artifacts to identifying the process of ritualization over time
(Bradley 2003, p. 12). Some have argued for a transition between ritual modes: the
co-option of previously open ritual practices and their transformation into elitecontrolled, exclusionary systems. Others argue against this; we have already noted
the reinterpretation of pits and structures within some hillforts. Social theories
surrounding religious syncretism also have been introduced into the study of the
widespread cultural mixing and melding seen throughout the Iron Age.
The archaeology of death
The quest to draw meaning from the rituals surrounding death has long preoccupied
archaeologists. The monumental burial, found in various forms across Iron Age
Europe, with its prominence in the landscape and wealth often contained within,
captured the imagination of earlier generations. Roman descriptions of Celtic
sacrificial practices similarly spawned endless early treatises, as did speculation
about the representation of supernaturals on various artifact classes. While mounds,
grave goods, and bloody druidic rites are perhaps the oldest and stalest topic within
Iron Age archaeology, many new takes on the context and meaning of death and
afterlife ritualsbuilt and natural locales, offerings, sacrifice, funerary feasting, and
othersincorporate a series of new approaches. Several large overviews of Iron
Age religion or its form among the Celts have appeared (Aldhouse-Green 2001a, b;
Brunaux 2000; Marco Simon 2005; Sopena 2005), while others treat more specific
areas or topics.
Parker Pearson (1995) has noted that more traditional archaeologists are now
acknowledging the critique of both functionalist explanations for mortuary ritual as
well as the now-recognized possibility that the rich and powerful can disguise the
status of their dead for social, political, or ideological reason, while the poor may
surround themselves with privileges for the afterlife that were not theirs while
living. Additionally, there may be change in burial practices and in the relationships
between the living and the dead over time, within the same culture (Parker Pearson
1993, 1996; Parker Pearson and Richards 1994). Recently, Whitley (2002b) and
Pitts (2003) have continued the debate over the status of ancestors in past societies.
Whitleys observation that archaeologists disproportionately model ancestor
worship as a structuring mechanism of past societies is reflected in the Iron Age
literature; Pitts notion that it has proved a useful and fertile ground for building
new frameworks is also true. Archaeologists continue to struggle with these issues,
seeking new lines of evidence to test interpretations.
123
J Archaeol Res
The burial mound itself has been removed from the antiquarian realm and is
being used to answer more contemporary questions about kinship and religious
practice and how they interfaced with other aspects of life. The development of
aDNA studies has provided insight on whether groups buried around the primary
chiefly burial in Hallstatt Iron Age mounds were kin groups or political
followings; per traditional interpretations, this would give clues as to whether Iron
Age polities were chiefdoms or states (Arnold 2002; Arnold and Kaestle 2002;
Arnold and Murray 2002). Preliminary results indicate that the osteological sexing
of some burials was in error and that there may have been demographic exchanges
between different Hallstatt regions, perhaps through fosterage, intermarriage, or
slavery (Arnold and Kaestle 2002). Arnold (2002; Arnold and Wicker 2001) has
approached the built landscapes of the dead as mortuary communities that reflect
relationships among the living and between the living and the dead, especially the
shift from small, single-elite mounds to large communal burials for some order of
social unit whose type is as yet unknown. Changes in the location of mound
cemeteries in relation to settlements probably reflect social and political changes.
The ostentatious display of many ancestors in monumental tombs may have been a
keen reminder of past and present relationships as one approached a settlement site
(Arnold 2002, p. 132), much as megalithic avenues might have forced people to see
certain vistas and think about them in particular and intentional ways.
Iron Age materials found inside Neolithic chambered tombs appear to be ritual
substitutions for bones or objects removed from the megalithic context, indicating
that Iron Age people were using or curating objects or remains that had ritual value
(Hingley 1996), perhaps with notions of ancestry. Iron Age burials in Scandinavia
also have been found with anachronistic grave goods taken from earlier contexts,
perhaps to co-opt the power, authority, or mystique of earlier groups, similar to
Hingleys (1996) findings for Britain. This does not necessarily indicate continuity;
the reuse of the ancient or mysterious can simply support or amplify later
unconnected practices. Some changes may be less political and more purely
religious, such as shifts in the conception of how the living interact with those
already in the afterlife, or new burial treatments were developed that may have been
aimed at keeping the dead in their graves and away from haunting or bringing ill
fortune to the living (Arnold 2002, p. 131).
Offerings and sacrifices
Many researchers continue the longtime tradition of studying sacrificial practices
and the deposition of votive or other offeringsobjects, animals, and peoplein
special contexts. Most agree that human subjects were a rare but regularly offered
sacrifice. The most extensive treatment of human sacrifice is perhaps the work of
Aldhouse-Green (2001a, 2005; Green 1998a, b), which uses ethnographic, textual,
and archaeological data to examine such practices across Europe in the later Iron
Age. Unlike many other authors, Aldhouse-Green (2001a) discusses not only Celts,
about whom there are Roman accounts, but various evidence for the Germanic/
Nordic regions, as well as Roman and Greek practices. Brunaux (1988, 2000, 2001)
123
J Archaeol Res
also surveys many topics associated with sacrifice, but largely restricted to Celtic
contexts.
Bog bodies such as Lindow Man, Tollund Man, and Grauballe Man (Briggs
1995; Turner 1996; Turner and Scaife 1995; Van der Sanden 1996) in Scandinavia,
Germany, the Netherlands, and Britainboth Celtic and Germanic regions
display signs of ritual dispatch similar to what classical authors relate. Examples of
decapitated or dismembered bodies are found across Europe (Wait 1995, pp. 494
495) and at Anatolian Gordion, where a Celtic colony is well attested. Gordion
recently yielded several areas with skeletal material from multiple male, female, and
juvenile victims of violence (Selinsky 2005), in manners textually described as in
sacrificial ritual (Dandoy et al. 2002, p. 47): strangulation, beheading, stabbing, and
blunt force, some thrown in pits, others carefully arranged as clusters of human
bones from bodies that had been dismembered. The remains, comingled with animal
bones, were then carefully rearranged, sometimes in symmetrical patterns, on an
outside ground surface with shallow depressions. Similar combinations of bound
or dismembered people of various ages and sexes, animals, and grain have been
found in Britain and France (Aldhouse-Green 2001a, 2004b; Brunaux 2000,
pp. 1418; Cunliffe 1983, 1992, 1993a, pp. 282283; Delattre 2006; du Lesley
2000, pp. 913; Lambot 1998, 2000; Milcent 2004). Conversely, Craig et al. (2005)
examine fragmented human remains, often interpreted as the result of intentional
arrangement or mixing, as perhaps representing the effects of dismemberment in
warfare rather than as a religious rite. Other more local or specific studies of human
offerings and excarnation rites have been made by Carr and Knusel (1997).
There are many archaeological examples of animal sacrifice across Iron Age
Europe (Green 1992; Ross 1995), reflecting feasts, celebrations, or religious
ideologies. Specific beliefs of some kind are represented in some practices such as
the gendering of animals placed in human graves as offerings (Jerem 2003, p. 544)
or the repeated mixing of specific species (Fitzpatrick 1997; Jerem 2003, p. 544).
Many sites display small pit features containing bones of certain animal species
combined in repeated ways, which have been called ABGs, associated bone groups
(Wilson 1999); these features, once interpreted as ordinary trash pits, have now been
reassessed. Many ABG species match textual descriptions of animals important in
Iron Age sacrificial contexts: bulls (Brunaux 1988, p. 15), horses (Aldhouse-Green
2004b; Jerem 1998; Poole 1995; Wilson 1999), and dogs (Aldhouse-Green 2004a;
Cunliffe 1983; Poole 1995; Wilson 1999), especially when compared with pits that
much more clearly resulted from food preparation (Hill 1995b, 1996). Some large
cattle-bone middens at hillforts and other sites of social activity, now interpreted as
resulting from feasting events, are also linked to practices subsequent to animal
sacrifices (Fitzpatrick 1997; Hill 1989, 1995b, c; Ralph 2007; Smith 2001).
Similarly, pits of grain once described as storage features are now interpreted as
offerings to chthonic deities (Cunliffe 1992, 1993a, p. 283; 1993b; van der Veen and
Jones 2006; Williams 2003). Grant (1984, 1989) discusses ABGs appearing within
offerings of grain; many of these, located in structures or sites that appear to have
special purposes, also contain ceramics and other small artifacts thought to be part
of offering rituals (Fitzpatrick 1997; Poole 1995; Smith 2001).
123
J Archaeol Res
Animal sacrifice also has been studied in terms of dispatch based on cutmarks,
breakage, and disarticulation patterns, method of offering (consumption, cremation/
burning, burial, excarnation), and seasonality as an indicator of annual rituals, such
as in the case of red deer sacrifice (Jerem 1998, 2003). Others have studied the
partitioning of animals after death, the use of their remains as deposits in burials and
domestic areas, and their display in sanctuaries and shrines (Grant 1989; Hill 1996;
Jerem 2003; Parker Pearson 1996; Wilson 1999). The persistence of such
depositions, even after Roman rule was established in the provinces, has been
discussed by Fulford (2001). Marco Simon (2005, pp. 317319) offers interesting
discussion of Romano-Celtiberian inscriptions that detail the offerings, the events
they were held at, and to which indigenous deities they were to be given.
Ritual hospitality and feasting are important sociopolitical strategies (Salinas
2001; Sanchez Moreno 2001), often with religious overtones. Alcohol was probably
a primary component of secular displays of generosity necessary for Iron Age leaders
in the maintenance of their roles and their relationship with the community,
important in the performance of sociopolitical feasting (Arnold 1999; Dietler, 1990,
1996, 1999; Dietler and Hayden 2001; Rausing 1997). Alcoholic beverages also were
mind-altering substances used in rites and rituals when religious elites entered the
trance state described by Classical authors and indigenous myths. The equipment for
drinking and beverages is included in elite burials (Witt 1996) and in nonburial ritual
depositions of various types (Pitts 2005), perhaps as dedications to deities.
Many studies concern deposition of weapons, wealth, or status objects in
religious contexts, which for many decades in Europe were classified by type rather
than the context of the finds (Osborne 2004), creating a void in the study of where,
how, and why they were deposited. Much research addresses ritual disposal of
offerings in water or bogs, but sometimes on land, which may be related to afterlife
beliefs or to the presentation of the objects to the gods or ancestors (Bradley 1988,
1990; Cool 2000; Crawford 2004; Hedeager 1999; Pitts 2005; Woodward and
dal weapons sacrifice site,
Woodward 2004). Of note is a study of the Illerup A
dating to around A.D. 200 (Ilkjr 2002). There, through the material (weapons,
booty, some runic inscriptions, and personal effects of defeated soldiers) and its
context, a picture is drawn of Iron Age Scandinavia, of the organization of military
groups, of intergroup relations within the region, religious beliefs, and relationships
between the Roman world and Scandinavia, beyond the Rhineland frontier yet still
within the sphere of interaction. An even more encompassing edited treatment
(Jrgensen et al. 2003) approaches the entire corpus of weapons offerings sites, how
water was conceptualized as a gateway to the supernatural world, and RomanGermanic relations.
Votive objects can be unusual objects or simple domestic materials. Iron Age
deposits in Scandinavian bogs were clearly ritual depositions; some preserve riches
or weapons, but some contain farm tools and wooden plates and bowls that would
have held simple food offerings (Becker 1971; Thurston 2001, p. 104). Other simple
offerings associated with house foundation construction are not often recognized as
such (Paulsson-Holmberg 1997).
Concerned with a need for source criticism, a number of authors have challenged
the status of some reputed hoards and the difficulty of distinguishing votive deposits
123
J Archaeol Res
from wealth repositories and caches of treasure that were unintentionally abandoned
(Aitchison 1988; Fitzpatrick 1992, 2005; Johns 1996). Others have attempted to add
categories, for example, asking whether new cremation rites and urn burials in
Roman Britain constitute votive offerings of the dead themselves (Williams 2003),
perhaps as part of their commemoration. Oestigaard (2000) goes further, suggesting
that different treatments of sacrificed human bodies (raw, cooked, and burnt)
represented the offering of a varied cosmological feast to the deities, related to
social rules on appropriate victims and their presentation to the gods on behalf of the
community.
Buildings, landscapes, and structured religions
Although Celtic, Germanic, and Nordic groups are often understood as holding
rituals at natural places such as groves and lakes (Green 1992; Wilson 1999), this
was not always the case. Evidence for shrines or ritual buildings has recently been
published in Scandinavia (Callmer 2001; Fabech 1994; Larsson 2004), where many
feel that over time religious practice was more and more governed by secular elites
than by religious specialists. This is seen in the transfer of offerings and votives
from long-used natural places to the compounds of political leaders: small
structures with offerings, in the form of depictions of deities pressed from thin
sheets of gold, are often found directly adjacent to elite compounds (Lundqvist et al.
1993; Watt 2004). In a similar vein, for southern Britain, Smith (2001) attempts to
demonstrate that despite reinterpretations of the hillforts themselves, ritual
enclosures in British hillforts represent co-option of ritual by elites as a part of
their ongoing efforts to take control of society. This can be achieved by examining
the builders less obvious intentions of marking religious differences and controlling
the sacred by clearly differentiating it from the everyday (Izzet 2001), perhaps using
the sacred to structure growing social differences within a society that was
becoming more politically complex.
A type of structure once considered to clearly represent ritual architecture,
enclosures called Viereckschanzen, recently has been questioned by some skeptics
(Venclova 1993). These rectangular earthwork enclosures in Germany and
Bohemia, with parallels in France, the Netherlands, and Belgium, were classified
as shrines in the 1960s and 1970s based on limited excavations. Reanalysis indicates
they are less similar than once thought and they appear to have varied functions
(Bradley 2003) such as feasting sites (Murray 1995), elite farms, areas to store food
for redistribution, or even shifting over time from sacred to ordinary uses (Venclova
1993, 1997, 1998). Arnold (2002, p. 132) notes that Viereckschanzen are often
closely associated with earlier mound cemeteries near enclosed hilltop sites. Others
are content to call them special-use structures that were not as separated from daily
life as previously believed (Bradley 2003; Bruck 1999).
This debate hinges on the definition of sacred or ritual space: some archaeologists determine religious activity by an exclusive use of structures or areas for
rituals, accompanied by clear votive objects (Venclova 1993). But as noted above,
recent thought considers the revelation that many societies practice less separation
between ritual and daily life and that a fusion of the ritual and domestic
123
J Archaeol Res
characterizes much Iron Age settlement (Cavers 2006, p. 389); those tending the
offering place also may have lived there and maintained their own households.
While Romans may have later influenced conceptualization of temples or shrines as
places reserved only for special activities, this may be incorrect for much of the
Iron Age (Bradley 2003; Bruck 1999).
The debate over what constitutes sacred space spills over into the question of
who directed activities at such locales. One strategy is to identify them; headdresses,
miniature weapons, and bronze ritual spoons found in British male and female
mortuary contexts as well as hoards may indicate druid burials (Fitzpatrick 2007).
Some authors integrate understandings of how religion functions, both practically
and symbolically within society. One research thread follows the ways in which
ritual practitioners direct participants through landscapes (both built and natural)
that are conceptually integrated with a belief system, a perspective well known in
Neolithic studies, now used for both the Bronze Age and Iron Age (Izzet 2001;
Tilley and Bennett 2001). The study of ritual landscapes ranges from locational
analyses of their organization across space to phenomenological studies of how they
would have been experienced (Newman 2007; Parcero Oubina et al. 1998; Tilley
and Bennett 2001). In addition to religious structures, there is evidence that
cosmology may have played some role in the architectural and structural
organization of chiefly complexes as a whole (Soderberg 2003). Theorists
incorporating embodiment and performance approaches ask: Did they sing and
dance at such places? Did they use public processional performances or private
ceremonies? What do such variations mean about society and does practice change
through time? Work ranges from descriptive analyses of processional materials
(Pare 1989) to phenomenological or cognitive studies of the experience and
meaning of public ritual performances (Newman 2007; Oestigaard 1999; Paasztor
et al. 2000). A recent study of ritual enclosures in French late Iron Age sites (Verger
2000) takes a holistic landscape approach, attempting to identify all parts of a local
sacred landscape and rejecting a more standard French approach using classical
textual sources as a main interpretive tool (e.g., Ralston 2007); Milcent (2001) has
approached regional mortuary data as a funerary landscape (although again, see
Robb [1998] for a critique of the sacred landscape concept).
A research area closely related to phenomenology is that of social memory and
commemoration, the study of how people collectively recognize an agreed-upon
past for their political unit, kin group, faction, or other perceived category, and how
they honor or resurrect the past for many purposesreligious, political, social.
Several archaeologists have examined if and how this phenomenon can be seen
archaeologically in Iron Age Europe (Blake 1998; Bradley 2002; Gosden et al.
1998; Lillios 1999; Prent 2003); they also see a debate as to the use and misuse of
the concept between Last (1998) and Mullin (2001), who suggests that the concept
of social forgetting regularly explored by ethnographers should also be of interest
to archaeologists. Thus studies of the structure and practice of organized religion in
Iron Age societies have become more multifaceted and are no longer hypothesized
as merely a function of competing polities, factions within polities, or as integrative
institutions necessary for the maintenance of newly urban cultures (Izzet 2001).
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
Recent studies in France (Verger 2000) show a similar pattern: in addition to clear
shrine structures normally studied in French sites, there are many indications of
ritual patterning in ordinary communities.
Bradley explains the ritualization of the domestic sphere within the bounds of
ordinary life as reflecting the fact that rituals grew to accompany important events
and emphasized key transactions in ancient social life (Bradley 2003, p. 20) such
as harvest or sharing food; they grew to have religious meanings encompassing
fertility and continuity but were placed in a public sphere and may have included
performances (Bauman 1986; Schechner 2002; Sedgwick and Parker 1995; Turner
1969, 1986).
In the past, the focus on formal processes and places caused researchers to
overlook alternative formats, domestic contexts, and seemingly utilitarian practices
that may conceal ritual meanings. Thus the organization of both more or less
structured religious practices has been studied through new analyses of built
environments, from homestead to temples, shrines, or ritual enclosures, to extensive
mound groups or cemeteries, to whole landscapes, in which ritual and other
elements are studied in an integrated manner.
The huge literature on Roman provincial religion is outside the scope of this article
but a few notes on early interactions are offered. Reflecting the hallmark of the later
Iron Agecolonial and imperial interactions between the Mediterranean and
Europesyncretism has been the focus of much recent writing (Haussler 2001;
Webster 1997), both as created by indigenous people and as used by Rome as a
strategy for integration through interpretatio, or the purposeful pairing of Roman
deities with local supernaturals (Webster 1995a, b). Earlier concepts of syncretism
that assumed a peaceful blending have been rejected, invigorated through study of
historic imperialism in which syncretism masks conflict or helps negotiate unequal
and unsatisfactory sociopolitical conditions (Webster 1996, 1997). Studied through
inscriptions and the iconography of statues, reliefs, and other religious art, syncretism
is seen primarily as an active process controlled by local people more than an
imposition by Rome, despite the existence of the interpretatio policy. Derks (1998)
suggests that while such processes may have played an integrative role in areas closer
to Roman heartlands, in outlying areas such as the northern reaches of the empire, it
may have created a culture of resistance rather than compliance. Romano-Celtic and
Romano-German traditions are further deconstructed by Haussler (2001), who
suggests that all cultic and ritual traditions within Roman Europe were the result of
centuries of amalgamation of various indigenous traditions, interwoven by long-term
contact, and Mediterranean ideas that were the culmination of a mixed culture that
incorporated traditions from all over the empire. Thus early provincial Latin
inscriptions and material culture, often used to interpret pre-Roman beliefs, may be
worthless for understanding anything except their actual cosmopolitan contexts.
Interaction theories
Warfare and conquest, as occurred during the Roman expansion, is one mode of
interaction between neighboring and distant peoples but not its only context. One of
123
J Archaeol Res
the most active areas of research, past, present, and probably future, relates to the
role of various interactions in the development of politically complex societies.
Why did Iron Age Europeans manifest as materially different than the Greek and
Roman state societies in terms of centralized leadership, while displaying evidence,
such as in mortuary practices, for elites who commanded substantial wealth and
influence in their communities? Were they indigenously complex or did they
become so through interaction with outside groups, or some combination of these
factors? Should such ideas, through postcolonial theory for example, be done away
with entirely? These questions have been examined in different ways and with
different means over the last 30 years.
As noted, the ways in which Iron Age people differed from neighboring empires
is in part explained through the heterarchy concept, which illuminates the ways in
which decentralized societies function in relation to rival states, and by corporate/
network theory, which might demonstrate how differences can be characterized
between the internal gestalt of Mediterranean groups on the network end versus
their more corporate counterparts elsewhere in Europe. Yet the clear interaction of
indigenous Europeans with other regions must have had impacts.
In recent years, the drivers of cultural change have been substantially retheorized
away from standard 20th century interaction theories. Core and periphery,
domination and resistance, the prestige-goods economy, and world systems theory,
popular throughout the 1970s and 1980s, continue to find utility but also have seen
substantial critique and are no longer the only perspectives. Many of their
underlying assumptions have been questioned and rejected, creating a new focus on
local developments, continuity, and the selective adoption of new ideas, even under
conditions of colonialism. This shift was ushered in together with the agency
concept, which has permitted archaeologists to theorize not only dominant groups
and empires but independent and/or smaller-scale polities, once seen only as
receptors of more advanced cultural traditions. Many studies focus on groups
(and individuals) within local European frameworks as vigorous actors in the
rejection, acquisition, or merging of cultural repertoires.
The earliest modern archaeological concepts of European interaction with distant
civilizations through trade, diffusion, and migration were those of Childe (1936,
1942). Even in the 1970s, many carryovers from earlier impressionistic studies were
still rife in the literature; for example, the concept of Hellenization, presumably
the process by which non-Greek peoples were made more or less Greek and
acculturated or assimilated into Greek culture and language (Hannestad 1993;
Momigliano 1975; Sherratt 1995, 1999 for reevaluations). For later periods it was
recast and promoted as Romanization in which a type of cultural imperialism, on top
of political imperialism, was assumed, where the adoption of all things Roman at
the expense of all things local was a given, and where the progress of imperialism
was considered a top-down process only (e.g., Fulford 1992).
The revisionist cutting edge of the 1970s and 1980s thus comprised the
application of processual concepts to these interactions. Beginning in the era of the
New Archaeology, many turned to the concept of the prestige-goods economy
(Blanton and Feinman [1984] and Earle [1987] in the general literature;
Frankenstein and Rowlands [1978], Haselgrove [1987], Hedeager [1987, 1992],
123
J Archaeol Res
Shennan [1982], Wells [1980a, b] for European Iron Age examples) to explain the
connections between interregional interaction, wealth, and power. Such models,
with their implicit oppositionscore/periphery and domination/resistance (Champion 1989)characterized the relationship between indigenous Iron Age Europeans
and the Greeks (Dietler 1989) and then Romans as a prestige-goods-dependent
economy (Cunliffe 1988; Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978; Haselgrove 1987;
Rowlands et al. 1987), placing first Hallstatt then La Te`ne groups in the position of
periphery, with their leaders reliant on imports to bolster their primitive or inchoate
political ambitions.
The eras typical economic model for the Late Bronze Age and the Iron Age
hypothesized the development of an administrative hierarchy to control production
of various commodities such as salt and metals (Alexander 1982) or to administer
trade and centralize distribution (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978; Sherratt 1972, p.
535, Wells 1989, 1996a). In terms of interaction with the Romans, G. Woolf (1997,
p. 340) notes that the New Archaeology assumed Romes primary economic goal
was to reduce its own costs while increasing its revenue, an idea rooted in 20th
century capitalism rather than in the expansionist impulses of the ancient world. To
study this, archaeologists typically measured locally made artifacts against imports
from Italy.
Kipp and Schortman (1989, p. 379), using the example of RomanEuropean
interactions, suggested that the intrusion of a marketplace facilitates the consolidation of chiefly power and helps transform it into state power through the creation
of political economies of trade and the coercive force to protect it. The protection of
trade also enables rulers to assemble military forces that can then be used for other
purposes (Hodges 2000). This theory describes the trader initially as the servant or
messenger of an elite. While rare items may initially be controlled through interelite
trade, they often eventually can be bought and sold by anyone with money (Kipp
and Schortman 1989), changing the power of luxury imports to bestow elite status,
but opening the door for elites themselves to become risk-taking entrepreneurs in a
quest for personal wealth rather than prestige (Kipp and Schortman 1989, p. 375).
Such ideas helped build a political economy model that was applied liberally to Iron
Age groups throughout Europe.
G. Woolf (1997, p. 339) points out that like many modern proponents of
globalization, such theorists contended that an impoverished local culture was being
replaced by something new and improved. In Spain, for example, before the 1990s
the complex organization of a robust urbanized society was typically attributed only
to interaction with various entities such as Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans,
although upon examination, the data point to an earlier, already established tradition
(Parcero Oubina and Fernandez 2004).
In the great archaeological tradition of overly direct extradisciplinary pilfering,
much of this new theorizing came from an assumption (G. Woolf 1997) that modern
colonial processes could be used as analogs for those in the ancient world (e.g.,
Bartel 1980; Dyson 1985), and that when Rome began to intrude into neighboring
regions, the anthropologically described process of colonial acculturation was
occurring (Okun 1989). The horizon concept also was liberally, though tacitly,
applied through the notion of self-Romanization, in which local leaders sought out
123
J Archaeol Res
symbols of Roman life to better fit into and take advantage of the Roman hierarchy
(Millett 1990a, b). G. Woolf (1997) notes that these were vast improvements over
earlier ideas but still problematic, mainly due to their assumption, as with earlier
ideas of Hellenization and Romanization, that the era pitted one ethnic group against
another in a cultural conflict: Celts versus Greek or Romans, as if such nationalistic
concepts existed in the ancient world, which today most would hold as unlikely
(G. Woolf 1997, p. 340).
By initially placing barbarians in the role of passive prestige receptors, prestigegoods studies paved the way for the slightly later and highly popular incorporation
of world systems theory (e.g., Schneider 1977; Wallerstein 1974; for European Iron
Age examples, see Bilde and Engberg-Pedersen 1993; Cunliffe 1988; Gunder Frank
and Thompson 2006; Kristiansen 1994; Nash 1987; Wells 1996a). World systems
theory also initially placed barbarians in the periphery/dependency category
(Randsborg 1992) and soon became a primary explanatory model for the interaction
of Europeans with Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans. Early, literal applications and
the subsequent overuse of the concept were followed by more considered and
nuanced interpretations of this theory (Wells 2005). A look at the Greeks
themselves as peripheral to other world systems also has been offered (Morris
1996).
The use of world systems theory, core/periphery, and domination/resistance
models linking the social and political development of European society almost
exclusively to trading interactions has been extensively critiqued, in some cases
self-critiqued by those who had liberally applied them. However, the appearance of
exotic materials far from their origination points can be seen through other lenses. A
major development over the last 15 years has been an increasing incorporation of
perspectives once considered exclusively postmodernthe study of identity,
agency, ethnicity, and the local context and historical contingency of the
recordinto the study of interaction. This represents a substantial shift toward
convergence of scholarly traditions within Europe (Rowley-Conwy 2001) and some
earlier transatlantic divides, at least for North Americans working in Europe.
Alternatives to the prestige-goods model are found in arguments that goods and
raw materials flowing out of Europe and toward the Mediterranean (furs, amber,
metals, cloth, slaves) were as important for the status of Mediterranean elites as
those goods flowing to European leaders were to them. Several authors have argued
that trade in both directions was equal in volume and impact (Briggs 2003; Wells
1996b), especially furs, amber, and precious metals sought by Mediterraneans and
controlled by indigenous groups, e.g., the Tartessians in Spain (Gamito 2005).
Several authors have proposed that Europe was/is peripheral only in Roman eyes
(Sherratt 1993) and that the Celtic and Germanic spheres formed their own
economic cores (Boenke 2005; Briggs 2003; Gunder Frank and Thompson 2006),
which in turn interacted with a Mediterranean core, thus equalizing them in many
ways and explaining why continental Europeans might have been less concerned
with aping the Greeks and Romans and more likely to selectively borrow from
them. Studies at some oppida show that a large portion of trade was local rather than
long distance, even for elite-associated materials (Cumberpatch 1995a; Gebhard
1995; Gebhard et al. 2004; van den Broeke 1995). For France, Dietler (1997a, b)
123
J Archaeol Res
found that while major colonies had a large impact on their immediate regions,
many smaller Mediterranean trade enclaves had lesser impact and different sets of
interactions with locals, introducing the concept of commensality as an alternative
descriptor for the relationship between Iron Age communities and classical cultures
(Dietler 1996, 1999). Some indications of trade with Rome may not in fact represent
interaction at all. The appearance of Roman ornaments in areas later associated with
the Balts, typically purported to show local dependence on foreign prestige items,
has been argued convincingly (Sidrys 2001) as reflecting payments by more
southerly barbarians to those in the north for cheap raw amber materials that were
then fashioned by middlemen into trade goods bound for the Roman market.
One continually evolving and expanding theme is how, in addition to economic
exchanges, variously structured interactions impact not only one but all interacting
groups. Many have introduced evidence that Mediterranean culture was substantially or equally impacted by the cultures of Celts, Celtiberians, Germans, and
Britons. Following a trend seen in general archaeological theory (e.g., Lightfoot and
Martinez 1995; Schortman and Urban 1992), Romans were especially influenced by
outsiders at frontier locations such as trade or military outposts far away from core
regions (Cabrera 1998; Carroll 2001; Freeman 1993; Kurchin 1995; McCarthy
2005; Millett 1990a, b), since their everyday needs (including sexual encounters)
would have been drawn from local contexts (Allison 2006); Wells (2005) review
article addresses this on the Roman Danube frontier. That the individual identities of
Roman soldiers, drawn from all over the empire, from Scotland to Syria, appear to
have often been in contrast to their identities as state representatives is a condition
recently explicated through archaeology and inscriptions (Hope 2003). This
rethinking also has led, in recent years, to a reassessment of the nature of preRoman Italy, indicating that extant groups of the Italian peninsula were already
highly complex and engaged in economic exchanges with northern Europe by the
late Bronze Age. When in the Iron Age the Roman state began to rise, it was in the
context of many already complex urban societies such as the city-states of Etruria
(Biette Sestieri 1997).
Finally, some have proposed that imperial culture not only eventually subsumed
pre-Roman provincial cultures but earlier Roman culture itself (G. Woolf 1997).
Although the spread of Roman culture involved conquest, it also involved
hegemony, leading to a pan-imperial culture that was diverse over its vast extent,
rather than the subjugation of one ethnic group or national community to that of
another (G. Woolf 1997, p. 341). As the empire encompassed more distant exotic
places and ever more foreign ideas, an emergent synthetic tradition spread backward
over the empire to its core, altering or eradicating what earlier Romans would have
recognized as their own traditions. Imperial Rome is here seen as a system of
structured differences varyingly based on region, class, social status, age, and
gender (G. Woolf 1997, p. 341).
Roman impact is not the only interaction being reassessed. Small (1999) points to
unresolved issues of integrating textual and archaeological data among classicists as
the primary obstacle to a better understanding of earlier Greek and Phoenician
interactions in Europe. For Spain, Aubet et al. (1996) have argued that many
communities failed to be integrated into the systems of eastern Mediterranean
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
cultures. The original idea of practice and structure within communities has more
recently been theorized across communities (sterlund and Carlile 2005).
Practice and structuration theories are useful for describing how individuals
shape, and are shaped by, the social worlds they inhabit through a constant recursive
process involving daily life, materiality, and meaning. Agency theory considers the
role of groups (or individuals) who use whatever means they might have to take
actions that influence, provoke, or initiate social change. It thus removes the
assumption that barbarians were passive receptors of a superior Greek or Roman
culture. Instead, as active agents they are now often viewed as having managed
the penetration of people and ideas from other contexts. Recent work on interaction
is based on the realization that individuals display multifaceted identities, each
expressed in different daily contexts, that people and groups can be culturally
ambiguous, and that there can be selective or balanced interactions.
Another inroad to understanding substantive changes in group agency and internal
change and conflict over time has been the incorporation of space and place into both
practice and structuration theories, an approach that originated in the work of
Swedish geographer Hagerstrand (1982, 1985) and was disseminated by Pred (1984,
1986). This work effectively ties the concepts of what archaeologists confront as
artifacts, features, sites, and landscapes to sociological theories of materiality and
meaning. Similarly, changes in landscape use and the maintenance, establishment, or
abandonment of things, places, and other archaeologically observable phenomena
can be interpreted by archaeologists through practice and structuration theory
(Bender 2002; Derks 1999; Gerritsen 2003; Thurston 1999, 2001). Applied to the
Iron Age, this produces a more sophisticated view of how and why people might
incorporate foreign categories of both ideational and material things into their daily
livessome utilitarian, some social or political. The popularity of deconstructing
dependence and theorizing selective adoption and transformation of Mediterranean
culture led to studies indicating that even in terms of style, outside influence was
sometimes minimal (Dietler 1995b; Randsborg 1992, p. 17) and has been
overinterpreted by certain classicists and those using their paradigms.
In the context of interaction between two very different groups, for example, La
Te`ne peoples and Romans, there are many such markers to observe and interpret.
While cultural meaning is impressed onto artifacts and features, these can be
couched within the study of changing site use and shifting landscapes and compared
against differing sociopolitical regimes over time. This provides a way for highly
intangible elements to be linked to the material record: through peoples interactions
with other people and material things, some domains become institutionalized while
others become fluid. Material culture may reflect some of these shifts.
The role of artifacts, imbued with important symbolism and sometimes power, has
recently been explored in this context (Aldhouse-Green 1998b; Gosden 2005).
Objects, and whole classes of objects, can be monitored through time as proxies for
change in the power of particular iconographies and styles or for continuities from
times past, and then they can be interpreted within local and regional contexts, both for
their own messages and the practices, institutions, and belief systems they represent.
Recent studies assert that material evidence tells us there were periods when Iron
Age groups were remarkably declarative of their own traditions, even during
123
J Archaeol Res
periods of intense interactions (Morris 2003; Morris et al. 2002). Wells, who earlier
focused on prestige goods and world systems, has been prolific on this subject
(Wells 1998, 2001). Drawing on the concepts of tribalization (Ferguson and
Whitehead 1992) and agency, he has pointed to the use of material culture as a
proxy for the study of interactions. He suggests that social and political stratification
may have been the result of interaction in the tribal zone (Ferguson and
Whitehead 1992) and the propulsion of weak local elites into positions of more
centralized power through the necessity of dealing with entities like Rome.
Similarly, Roymans models the development of Batavian identity as significantly a
product of interaction with Rome (Roymans 2004). This dovetails with earlier
resistance models from anthropology and other social sciences (Colburn 1989;
Comaroff 1985; Okihiro 1986; Scott 1985, 1990) and its incorporation into
archaeological theory (e.g., Miller et al. 1989).
123
J Archaeol Res
used to account for or explain stylistic differences or sharing. When an art style was
shared, it was an ethnic trait and pointed to an ethnic group; when it differed it was
an ethnic boundary.
While Barths model was undergoing critique among ethnographers, Hodder
(1977, 1978, 1979) was carrying out and publishing the results of his ethnoarchaeological work in the Baringo district of western Kenya, where he studied the use of
material culture among the Tugen, Njemps, and Pokot. Hodder found that there was
little correspondence between language, religion, ethnicity, and material culture.
Within societies, the patterning of artistic motifs or decorative patterns, or even
utilitarian artifact types, is equally likely to represent the communication of internal
differences in the status, age, and gender as any other affiliation. Similarities that
would typically be interpreted archaeologically as clear ethnic markers were equally
or more likely to mark trade, interaction, emulation, or even aesthetic preferences.
These ideas formed a main tenet of Hodders contextual archaeology (Hodder 1977,
1978, 1979, 1982, 1989, 1990; e.g., Kimes et al. 1983) and have been valuable in the
study of many regions (e.g., Madsen and Simms 1998; Stone 2003; Thackeray
1989). They are particularly pertinent to Iron Age studies where there are many
questions about the relatedness of indigenous groups and their interactions with
each other and outsiders.
This work grew parallel to the New Archaeology of the 1970s and 1980s, which
deemed it impossible or unnecessary to seek archaeological evidence for selfdesignated categories like ethnicity and identity (although see Schmidt [1983] and
Schortman [1989] for exceptions). Americans working in Europe remained
concerned with indicators of ecological, economic, and political organization and
change. In Europe, where the new paradigm originated, the archaeological study of
ethnic and other kinds of identity was already being explored in Shennans 1989
edited volume, Archaeological Approaches to Cultural Identity (Shennan 1989) that
included a global array of authors but few North Americans. Approaching issues of
identity theoretically and methodologically, the contributors raised new specters:
what constitutes evidence? Is archaeology any more reliable than indigenous myths?
How can we dodge the dangerous tendency to reconstruct the past in our own
image? These ideas that so irritated American scholars at the time (e.g., Redman
1991; Watson 1990, 1991) generated reviews of major European works that took
either the irate tack or an utterly dismissive approach (e.g., Fotiadis 1998) for many
years. This can be compared with reviews of such works by Europeanists in
America, such as Milisauskas (1998), or Wells (1997), who delivered both critique
and praise in a serious manner (but see Kohl [1998b] for a thoughtful review from a
non-Europeanist). Times have changed: it is no understatement to say that identity
and ethnicity have been topics of much interest to North American archaeologists
over the last decade (Gleason 1983), and studies around the identity and ethnicity of
groups, factions, and even individuals are now fashionable.
For Iron Age Europe, the focus on local and subregional traditions has enlivened
the study of ethnicity and cultural identity within this broadly interacting region.
Ethnicity is so apparent (although often misinterpreted) in Roman textual records
that it cannot be ignored. As noted, the long-enshrined notion of Romanization has
largely been expunged, and more time is dedicated to understanding continuity from
123
J Archaeol Res
pre-Roman into colonial times as well as multiethnic amalgams of the Roman era.
In the 1990s, self-Romanization was a popular incorporation of the horizon or
interaction sphere model, yet it also has been questioned; it assumes that Iron Age
elites valued [glory] mainly for its convertibility into political success with its
consequent material rewards (G. Woolf 1997, p. 340), something that is highly
doubtful in light of current understanding of Iron Age warrior ideologies.
While ethnic identity continues to articulate with the research of many scholars,
social identities within interacting regions also has been an active area. Some of
these comprise gender studies. The hierarchies once supposed to have controlled
Europe were almost exclusively male; these have undergone some revision to
include textual suggestions of matriliny or matrifocal practices in some groups and
the contributions of ordinary and elite women to European societies. Other
important work on identity includes the construction of male gender identities,
alternative genders, age and youth, and the unfree. If the ethnographic literature is to
be a guideline, these groups, long-absent from consideration of the past (Scott
1997), formed powerful blocs as senior sociopolitical arbiters or authorities and as a
huge and well-exploited junior labor force that was also the target of enculturation
and the vehicle of structuration. Finally, we find several new studies of the roles of
the unfree in economic, social, and religious life.
Ethnicity
The three vast cultural groupings long assumed by traditional Iron Age archaeologies, i.e., the Germans, the Celts, and the Romans, were long viewed as coherent
ethnic groups. While the study of Germanic ethnicity was long deemphasized
following World War II, the debate over Celtic identity has been heated. For the
large, continuous areas that Celts were traditionally presumed to have inhabited,
Hodders Baringo studies on the linkages between material culture, ethnicity,
religion, and language would eventually have a tremendous impact. Celtic people
were believed to have originally stretched over much of the continent, while the
Romans were understood to have incorporated much of this Celtdom by the end of
the 1st century A.D.
The Romans were studied through a wealth of texts and the modern acceptance
of ancient propaganda on what it meant to be Roman. It took a long time for
Romanists and Celticists to consider that empires are multiethnic by nature and that
antique authors were subject to historiographic agendas. Today, many classical
archaeologists, philologists, and historians have overcome this deficit, make good
use of the social science literature, and are likely to review archaeological data
separately from textual sources.
On the other hand, the historic and archaeological records of the Iron Age also
were liberally infused with the mythos and mystique of the Celts, built up over
centuries of romanticism and tinged with politics that introduced passionate
emotions over the Celtic consciousness. Both scholars and the public have
contributed to what has been described as Celtomania (Collis 1997a, p. 196;
Pereira-Gonzalez 1999; Sims-Williams 1998), a potent combination deeply
ingrained and perhaps reified to some extent among many Celticists. As opposed
123
J Archaeol Res
to the imperial Romans, who are a dead historical entity by almost any stretch,
the history and prehistory of anyone called Celtic has relevance for many living
Celtic-speaking people or those with Celtic heritage. As has been long debated and
understood, the use, misuse, and manipulation of prehistory by any and all parties,
and the existence of multiple alternative pasts, has tremendous implications for
events and conditions in the present.
In a worldview that was building accretionally throughout the 20th century, by
the mid-1980s there was a general Celticist consensus about a pan-European Celtic
culture that had once dominated Europe (e.g., Ellis 1990). Given the changing
archaeological paradigms then emerging, there was soon a backlash. Partly an
outgrowth of the critique of Celtic identity issues in the disciplinary debates of
literature and history (e.g., Lloyd 1985; Witoczek 2002), it began as a growing
doubt as to whether the Hallstatt horizon, or the later seemingly more distinctly
Celtic La Te`ne phase, actually represented people with shared ethnicity, and if so,
whether that ethnicity was one and the same as the Celtic ethnicity described by the
Greeks and Romans. Additionally, if there had been such a thing as Celts in the preRoman era, was an entity that defined itself as Celtic primarily limited to Gaul, parts
of Iberia, and other regions with which Caesar was familiar? Perhaps the shared
styles, aspects of religious beliefs, and even the Celtic languages that were clearly
widespread were more akin to the conditions around Lake Baringo (Hodder 1977)
than representative of a unitary ethnic identity.
A number of archaeologists began to question Celticity altogether (Champion
1987; Hill 1989; Merriman 1987), proposing that the Greek term Keltoi was merely
an ancient ethnocentrism that describes many different non-Greek and non-Roman
groups under one erroneous rubric. Were the literate Greeks, and later Romans,
simply labeling as the other all Europeans beyond the Mediterranean littoral?
Similarly, in describing their societies, did they do so only within the context of
their own familiar worlds (Champion 1985; Dunham 1989, 1995; Gwilt 1996)?
Even more significantly, archaeologists asked if Celtic style and other supposed
unitary traits really were all that similar over large regions (Parzinger 1995). The
famous Gundestrup cauldron, a Celtic artifact found in Germanic Denmark, has
graced the covers and pages of endless books on Celts. It was once believed to have
shown pre-Roman Celtic deities (Green 1995b, p. 468) but has recently been
reinterpreted as an import of Thracian or even South Asian manufacture (Bergquist
and Taylor 1987; Kaul et al. 1991; Taylor 1992). Some specific stylistic motifs
associated with La Te`ne Celts are shared by Germanic groups of the same era who
have never been considered Celtic (Hulthen 1991). Dietler (1997b), in his summary
of Mediterranean interactions with southern France, noted that this region is
recognizably neither Hallstatt nor La Te`ne during those respective eras.
Archaeologists in Europe had long maintained that there were local variants of
Iron Age material culture: the Villanovan culture of central and northern Italy, the
Castro culture on the Iberian peninsula, the Billendorf, Milograd, and Pomeranian
cultures in eastern Germany, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Ukraine, and
on ad infinitum (Fig. 4). Previously, most of these were considered to be small-scale
packages within the greater trait package imagined as Celtic. Revisionists assert that
a reexamination of material culture in light of new ideas on ethnicity might indicate
123
J Archaeol Res
that previous lumping could benefit from some splitting both temporally and
spatially, proposing that there are differences between people who share a group of
related languages, people who share material culture, and people who self-identify
as an ethnic group with an acknowledged shared history, origin, or traditions.
The discussion of these concerns opened a floodgate of critique. First was the
enormous geographic extent of the traditional Celtic culture area, which stretches
from northwestern Britain and the Atlantic facade through eastern Europe to
Turkey, where in Galatia migrant Gauls did indeed settle in historic times. In the
absence of a Celtic empire, which certainly did not exist, how could such distant
regions, over many centuries, share more than the vaguest of cultural connections,
perhaps only remnants of shared heritage rather than a unified culture? Or, could
Iron Age Europeans, like modern Arabic speakers across the Islamic world or
Spanish speakers in the Old and New Worlds, have shared a language and possibly a
religion for historic reasons yet had different ethnicities, traditions, and local social
and political organization?
As the debate progressed, some more fully embraced the critique (Hill and
Cumberpatch 1995) and rejected the entire idea of Celticity, seeking to embed local
archaeology within local contexts, leaving aside attempts to force all interpretations
of material culture, for example, at the British hillfort, into a mold of Celtic social
structure cobbled together from various sources. Other scholars, while acknowledging difference, still proposed that even in Britain, where Celts were never
described in antiquity, there was some level of conscious Celticity, perhaps as an
effect sometimes referred to as cumulative Celticity (Hawkes 1973) that supposes
an epiphenomenal ethnicity developing in later times rather than a primordial
ethnicity held over from earlier times. Karl (2008) has advised that those more
separatist among Iron Age archaeologists are too reactionary and should step
back from an utter rejection of a Celtic culture in Britain, at least at some level.
Many Celticist archaeologists also now recognize that ethnic boundaries are
fluid, blurred and mutable; language cannot be used to define populations with any
precision; specific artifacts [sic] and settlement types can spread through channels
other than those of their use by ethnically definable groups (Green 1995a, p. 6).
The complexity of Celtic ethnic identity has been well surveyed (Morse 1996).
Taking the broadest possible definition of ethnicity, as it is studied among
contemporary people, Megaw and Megaw state (1994) that the mention of ethnic or
political entities by classical authors must have some basis in reality, and they
examine ethnographic manifestations of ethnicity to assess how prehistoric
identities might be understood. They point out a distinction (Megaw and Megaw
1994) between earlier attempts at analyzing the traits associated with Celtic art and
a new direction of reading it for cultural content. They hope that a clearer
understanding of who the Celts were can be obtained by ceasing to continually
compare La Te`ne artifacts with classical material culture to assess degree of
influence, and by introducing ethnographic analogies that illuminate the various
ways that identity and ethnicity manifest within cultures.
Another argument leaves the ethnicity of people aside but posits a clearly Celtic
system of sociopolitical structure that can be studied (Pittock 1999). Similarly, Karl
(2004b, 2005b, 2006) argues against Celtoskepticism along these lines, stating
123
J Archaeol Res
that too much of political organization and law is shared in common across Iron Age
Europe to be coincidental; this of course can be explained by other than ethnicity,
since similar structures also are shared by Germanic-speaking peoples. One can
argue that this sociopolitical structure exists but is better defined as an Iron Age
structure since it transcends anything narrowly called Celtic (Thurston 2009). Karl
(2005a) also has posited that the widespread elite practice of exchanging their
children and youths may account for similarities in material culture and social
institutions across large, continuous regions.
Others (Megaw 2005; Megaw and Megaw 1994, 1995a, b, 1996, 1997, 1998,
1999) have argued vigorously against what they see as political aspects of an antiCelticity stance, suggesting that English archaeologists are trying to deny and
undermine the identity of modern indigenous people oppressed by English
conquests of Ireland, Wales, and Scotland and to support the suppression of Celtic
minorities in modern Spain and France.
While some view the Celtic debate as a dull squabble among the English and their
neighbors, it in fact reflects an important general question in archaeology of whether
archaeologists continue to misuse various concepts of ethnic identity and whether the
archaeological culture is still a viable concept. Kohl (1998b) questions the utility
of such debates. Although he pioneered the concept of critical theory in archaeology,
he notes that it does not take the archaeologist very far in terms of trying to make
sense of moot and mute material remains and that the emphasis on the imperfect
correlation between identity and material culture does not lead us out of the
interpretive quandary occasioned by this more sophisticated perspective on
ethnicity (Kohl 1998b, p. 173). Due to these and other considerations, many
scholars now make a clear distinction between their discussions of Celtic language
speakers, Celtic materiality, or references to Celtic or other ethnic identities (Koch
2007).
For reasons other than the ethnographically visible issues raised by Baringo, the
issue of whether Iron Age Germanic groups had ever formed a united, selfconscious ethnicity and what that might have comprised had already been explored
and rejected due to the actions taken by the Nazis based on the scholarly findings
of Himmlers Ahnenerbe that linked with the assertions of Kossinna and his peers
(Gamble 2000; Harke 1992, 2000, p. 378). This resulted in a reluctance by most
German archaeologists to deal with the topic at all. Much was published on social
analyses of grave goods, mortuary contexts, and the like, but the goods were
interpreted primarily as marking individual or family social status or wealth and
economic power (Harke 2000). Not until very recently has this begun to change;
German archaeologists (e.g., Burmeister 2000a, b; Siegmund 1999, 2000) have
recently begun to return to the study of regional groups and migration and are
proposing interpretive approaches involving social factors such as kinship, ritual,
and gender in the political process rather than descriptive or quantitative tracts on
artifact types or skeletal material (Harke 2000). Harke (2000, p. 376) suggests that
this was influenced by the work of colleagues in Scandinavia. Scandinavians were
less inhibited by recent European history and conceptualized the Germanic tribes as
something like segmented lineages, where each group saw itself as distinct, but
when threatened by outsiders could quickly link up with others deemed closest to
123
J Archaeol Res
them. When threatened by truly alien elements such as the Romans, they were
hypothesized as able to use a segmentary-like system to overcome almost any
internal divisions and unite against common enemies for short time periods. The
question of how and why this worked was approached more through the paradigm
of structural Marxism (Hedeager 1992) than what was developing in Britain as the
contextual archaeology of Hodder.
The archaeology of ethnicity in areas later inhabited by the Slavs and Balts was
somewhat impacted by the issues the Germans have grappled with; they were more
affected by the long reign of communism in the relevant regions, first by preventing
intellectual cross-fertilization between scholars of different regions and, second, by
the communist imposition of guidelines for what constituted proper socialist
interpretations. Despite almost superhuman efforts by some remarkable scholars to
overcome the system, the creation of a hierarchic bureaucratic structure within
universities and museums effectively suppressed ideas that were contra these
agendas or that simply did not interest or convince those in power (Galaty and
Watkinson 2004; Milisauskas 1986, 1990, 1997a, b).
In eastern Europe, some national schools of archaeology are still debating how one
can clearly and reliably trace modern ethnicity to Iron Age people through direct use
of classical sources like Strabo (e.g., Serb to Illyrian [Vasic 2004]) through material
culture, a practice punctuated by sporadic critiques (e.g., Oana-Marghitu 2003 on
Romanian archaeology). In the Baltic region, much work is critical or revisionist of
similar earlier research traditions (Erdosi 2002; Ilves 2004; Vedru 2004), perhaps due
to their close ties with many theoretically progressive Scandinavian researchers. As
noted previously, the Iron Age, as constructed by scholars in modern Slavic regions,
was initially almost entirely constructed from 19th century linguistic works that
postulated an Iron Age proto-Slavic culture based on place names, Slavic vocabulary,
and (mis)reading of classical authors. Some contemporary linguists (e.g., Matasovic
2005) are still concerned with proving when such languages, and thus cultures, came
into existence in the region. Much Iron Age archaeology from regions that were to
become Slavic in the first millennium A.D. are characterized as prehistoric Slav, and
field data and linguistic assertions must be carefully teased apart.
Again, these seemingly local problems tie in to discussions on the role of the
public in archaeological debates as an undeniable stakeholder in various visions of
the past (Bender 1998). For this large and diverse group, few ideas stemming from
these debates have penetrated or they have made little impact except to provoke a
dismissive stance from self-styled amateur historians and antiquarians, Celtomaniacs, and neopagans that most Iron Age researchers have encountered. The impact
of traditional or fantastic interpretations and the lack of revision in the presentation
of the Iron Age to the public was the subject of Piccinis (1996) critique of the
television and film industry. We may never overcome this tradition; it has already
been with us for several centuries and may outlive us.
Recent insights on ethnicity and identity
Neither critique of naive ethnic constructions nor some adherence to older models
has led to stagnation in the area of ethnicity and identity studies, and authors
123
J Archaeol Res
continue to approach the topic from various perspectives (Jones 1999). One of the
most influential works, in both Europe and elsewhere, has been Jones (1997) The
Archaeology of Ethnicity, which rejects both the characterization of ethnicity as too
complex to study and the idea of ethnicity as merely a functionalist category marked
by a set of objects or symbols. Acknowledging that ethnicity is a highly contingent
phenomenon in which multiple identities overlap, within the context of colonial
encounter between Britain and Rome, Jones advocates study of specific types of
locales, characterizing different social, religious, political, and economic groups,
further analyzed in terms of public and private spheres of activity. The study
demonstrates that Roman culture was differentially adopted and that people
expressed British or Roman identity differently in different contexts.
Along these lines, Siegmund (1999, 2000) asserts that artifacts are the wrong, or
at least not the best, unit of analysis for determining ethnic identity in mortuary
contexts. He instead shifts study to an entire cemetery as a unit of analysis, focusing
on burial ritual as a whole rather than on objects as offerings. Diepeveen-Jansen
(2001) has asserted that unlike most earlier interpretations, late Hallstatt and early
La Te`ne rich burials do not reflect a culturally determined social structure that can
be interpreted for elite roles and relationships; rather they reflect peoples use of
objects to make territorial statements during periods of social transformation. Other
important reconsiderations of the relationship between material culture and identity
are found for Iberia (Daz-Andreu 1998; Daz-Andreu and Tortosa 1999) where, in
revision of or addenda to traditional Spanish culture-historic traditions, attempts are
being made to create a more sophisticated understanding of the links between the
style and decoration of artifacts, cultural identity, and other social categories such as
gender, age, and class.
Recent discussions of ethnicity are not limited to only pre-Roman identity but to
the period of Roman preconquest interaction (e.g., Hingley 1999; Scott and Webster
2003). Wells (1988, 1995) adopts Hodders notion of material culture as an active
bearer of identity and ethnicity, especially the critique of overly simplistic attempts
to link peoples or cultures to distributions of certain classes of archaeological
materials. Especially well suited to the debate over classical descriptions of
barbarian peoples and the material record, this approach is a complement to rather
than a replacement for more pragmatic economic or political studies of interaction.
Wells (1999) also considers local reactions, in both Celtic and Germanic areas, to
the introduction of Roman overlordship. He sees a strengthening of local identities
in the face of Roman hegemony, measured by increasingly marked indigenous
burial customs and continued use of pre-Roman material culture, especially in times
of relative hostility between indigenous Europe and Rome. In contrast to some
classes of Roman material that were quickly integrated into local assemblages, other
forms are accepted into local repertoire but transformed into distinctly barbarian
interpretations.
Similarly, in Mediterranean France, locals were very slow to adopt Roman
culture (Dietler 1997b) and were resistant even after conquest. As they reconsider
the idea of Romanization across the Romano-Celtic world (Hingley 1999; Webster
1995b, 1997), many scholars have noted that acculturation is often uneven;
ethnographically, syncretic art and formal norms are as likely to represent resistance
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
interments. Arnold has used aDNA studies combined with the application of
ethnographic models of male versus female migration patterns (Arnold 2005;
Arnold and Kaestle 2002) to suggest political alliances over long or short distances,
cemented by marriage or concubinage. Alt and Vach (1995) used inherited
odontological traits to discover at least one family mound of the Hallstatt Iron
Age, in which close kinship only along the female line suggests matrilocal
exogamy.
The possibility of female leaders and rulers of what may have been matrilineal
societies in Celtic regions and in Britain has been suggested, especially by Arnold
(1991). Arnold initially questioned earlier interpretations of the chiefly late Hallstatt
burial at Vix as male, leading to its current acceptance as female, and also inspired
others to reassess the correlation of gendered grave offerings with biological sex
(Effros 2000; Vida de Navarro 1992). Arnold also proposes that in certain periods
when local men outmigrated as mercenaries for Mediterranean states, women took
on chiefly roles (Arnold 1991, 1996). A differing but somewhat complementary
analysis of Vix is offered by Knusel (2002), who provides detailed analysis of Vixs
health and age, proposing that Vix was a ritual specialist with substantial social
power, but not necessarily a woman chieftain.
Other work has been concerned with domestic (A. Woolf, 1997) rather than
mortuary evidence. Hingley (1990) considers the role of gender in his work on the
household as a central institution, while Therkorn (1987a, b) attempts to study
gendered activity areas. If one expands the Iron Age for northern Europe and the
Slavic regions a bit further into the first millennium to include the still largely
prehistoric late Roman and early post-Roman eras, this increases the number of
studies significantly, incorporating work that examines the economic, social, and
religious roles of Anglo-Saxon and Viking women through both conventional and
innovative approaches (Jochens 1991, 1995, 1996; Lucy 1997, 1999; Morris 1991;
Stoodley 1999a, b, 2000).
Robb et al. (2001) use paleopathology to test expectations that physical stress
was increased in those with poor or no grave offerings; this work yielded some
unexpected results. Both richly and poorly furnished women suffered equally from
ill health and physical stress, while there was more differentiation among males;
perhaps women of all classes experienced hard lives, while men with warrior status
rarely showed physical trauma of any kind. Perhaps the roles for some elite males
were more symbolic than sometimes modeled, leaving injury and death to soldiers
of lower status. In addition to modeling rich versus poor, for Greece, temporally
shifting relations between male and female gender roles have been surveyed (Morris
1999).
There have been a number of publications that focus on exactly what constituted
male identity in the Iron Age, through reinterpretations of who and what is
represented in rock art (Bevan 2006) and grave offerings (Parcero Oubina 1997;
Potrebica 2001; Vaitkunskien_e 1995; Vida de Navarro 1992; Whitley 2002a), in
some cases including texts (Morris 1999). One may refer to work dealing with the
same subject for the late Bronze Age as relevant to Iron Age studies (e.g., Thorpe
2004; Treherne 1995). Several authors suggest that male gender was differently
conceptualized and negotiated in Iron Age Europe than presentist paradigms have
123
J Archaeol Res
123
J Archaeol Res
look at evidence for age or elderhood in the Iron Age, noting that age must be
equally incorporated into our understanding of social roles, as has gender.
123
J Archaeol Res
References cited
Aitchison, N. B. (1988). Roman wealth, native ritual: Coin hoards within and beyond Roman Britain.
World Archaeology 20: 270284.
Alberro, M., and Arnold, B. (eds.) (2004). The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula, e-Keltoi 6, Center for Celtic
Studies, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Milwaukee.
Aldhouse-Green, M. (2001a). Dying for the Gods: Human Sacrifice in Iron Age and Roman Europe,
Tempus, Stroud.
Aldhouse-Green, M. (2001b). Cosmovision and metaphor: Monsters and shamans in Gallo-British cult
expression. European Journal of Archaeology 4: 203232.
Aldhouse-Green, M. J. (2004a). The Gods of the Celts, Alan Sutton, Gloucester.
Aldhouse-Green, M. (2004b). Chaining and shaming: Images of defeat, from Llyn Cerrig Bach to
Sarmitzegutusa. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 23: 319340.
Aldhouse-Green, M. (2005). Ritual bondage, violence, slavery and sacrifice in later European prehistory.
In Parker Pearson, M., and Thorpe, I. J. N. (eds.), Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory
Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 155163.
Aldhouse-Green, M., and Aldhouse-Green, S. (2005). The Quest for the Shaman: Shape-Shifters,
Sorcerers and Spirit Healers in Ancient Europe, Thames and Hudson, London.
Alexander, J. (1982). The prehistoric salt trade in Europe. Nature 300: 577578.
Allinger, K. (2007). Genderspezifische Aspekte des fruheisenzeitlichen Symbolsystems. In Birkhan, H.
sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, pp. 128.
(ed.), Kelten-Einfalle an der Donau, O
Allison, P. M. (2006). Mapping for gender: Interpreting artefact distribution inside 1st and 2nd century
A.D. forts in Roman Germany. Archaeological Dialogues 13: 120.
Almagro-Gorbea, M. (1995). From hill forts to oppida in Celtic Iberia. In Cunliffe, B., and Keay, S.
(eds.), Social Complexity and the Development of Towns in Iberia: From the Copper Age to the
Second Century A.D., Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 175207.
Alt, K. W., and Vach, W. (1995). Odontologic kinship analysis in skeletal remains: concepts, methods,
and results. Forensic Science International 74: 99113.
Andreeff, A. (2006). Beyond shamans and transvestites? The elusive materiality of queer archaeology.
Paper presented at the European Association of Archaeologists, Cracow, Poland.
Aranda Jimenez, G., and Sanchez Romero, M. (2005). The origins of warfare: Later prehistory in
southeastern Iberia. In Parker Pearson, M., and Thorpe, I. J. N. (eds.), Warfare, Violence and Slavery
in Prehistory, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp 181194.
Armit, I. (1997a). Cultural landscapes and identities: A case study in the Scottish Iron Age. In Gwilt, A.,
and Haselgrove, C. (eds.), Reconstructing Iron Age Societies, Oxbow Monographs, Oxford, pp.
248253.
Armit, I. (1997b). Architecture and the household: A response to Sharples and Parker Pearson. In Gwilt,
A., and Haselgrove, C. (eds.), Reconstructing Iron Age Societies, Oxbow Monographs, Oxford, pp.
266269.
123
J Archaeol Res
Armstrong, N. (2000). Tunanlegg og amfiteatre hypotese om tunanlggenes opprinnelse. Primitive Tider
2000: 102119.
Arnold, B. (1990). The past as propaganda: Totalitarian archaeology in Nazi Germany. Antiquity 64:
464478.
Arnold, B. (1991). The deposed princess of Vix: The need for an engendered European prehistory. In
Willows, N., and Walde, D. (eds.), The Archaeology of Gender, Archaeological Association of the
University of Calgary, Calgary, pp. 366374.
Arnold, B. (1996). Honorary males or women of substance? Gender, status and power in Iron Age
Europe. Journal of European Archaeology 3: 153168.
Arnold, B. (1999). Drinking the feast: Alcohol and the legitimation of power in Celtic Europe.
Cambridge Archaeological Journal 9: 7193.
Arnold, B. (2002). A landscape of ancestors: The space and place of death in iron age west-central
Europe. In Silverman, H., and Small, D. B. (eds.), The Place and Space of Death, Archeological
Papers No. 11, American Anthropological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 129143.
Arnold, B. (2005). Mobile men, sedentary women? Material culture as a marker of regional and supraregional interaction in Iron Age Europe. In Dobrzanska, H., Megaw, V., and Poleska, P. (eds.), Celts
on the Margin: Studies in European Cultural Interaction VIIc BC-Ic A.D.: Essays in Honor of Zenon
Wozniak, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of the Sciences, Krakow,
pp. 1726.
Arnold, B. (2006). Arierdammerung: Race and archaeology in Nazi Germany. World Archaeology 38:
831.
Arnold, B., and Gibson, D. B. (eds.) (1995). Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge.
Arnold, B., and Hassmann, H. (1995). Archaeology in Nazi Germany: The legacy of the Faustian bargain.
In Kohl, P. L. (ed.), Nationalism, Politics and the Practice of Archaeology, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, pp. 7081.
Arnold, B., and Kaestle, F. (2002). A landscape of ancestors: Early Iron Age social organization and
regional interaction in southwest Germany. Paper presented at Biomolecular Archaeology, the
Nineteenth Visiting Scholar Conference, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale.
Arnold, B., and Murray, M. L. (2002). A landscape of ancestors in southwest Germany. Antiquity 76:
321322.
Arnold, B., and Wicker, N. L. (eds). (2001). Gender and the Archaeology of Death, Altamira, Walnut
Creek, CA.
Aubet, M. E., Barcelo, J. A., and Delgado, A. (1996). Kinship, gender and exchange: The origins of
Tartessian aristocracy. In Bietti Sestieri, A. M., and Kruta, V. (eds.), International Union of
Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences: The Iron Age in Europe, ABACO, Forli, Italy, pp. 145159.
Audouze, F., and Buchsenschutz, O. (1989). Villes, villages et campagnes de lEurope celtique, du debut
du II e`me millenaire a` la fin du I er sie`cle av. J.-C., Errance, Paris.
Audouze, F., and Buchsenschutz, O. (1992). Towns, Villages and Countryside of Celtic Europe: From the
Beginning of the Second Millennium to the End of the First Century B.C., Indiana University Press,
Bloomington.
Augier, L., Buchsenschutz, O., Froquet, H., Milcent, P.-Y., and Ralston, I. (2001). The 5th century B.C. at
Bourges, Berry, France: New discoveries. Antiquity 75: 2324.
Ayala, G., and Fitzjohn, M. (2002). Seeing is believing: Questions of archaeological visibility in the
Mediterranean. Antiquity 76: 337338.
Ayan Vila, X. M. (2008). A round Iron Age: The circular house in the hillforts of the northwestern Iberian
peninsula. The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula, e-Keltoi 6: 9031003.
Babic, S. (2002). Princely graves of the central Balkans: A critical history of research. European
Journal of Archaeology 5: 7088.
Babinski, L., Brzezinska, M., Fejfer, M., and Kotowska, U. (2004). Research on some selected parameters
of lying conditions of archaeological wood at site No. 4 in Biskupin. Annals of Warsaw Agricultural
University 55: 1522.
Back Danielsson, I.-M. (2002). (Un)masking gender: Gold foil (dis)embodiments in Late Iron Age
Scandinavia. In Hamilakis, Y., Pluciennik, M., and Tarlow, S. (eds.), Thinking Through the Body:
Archaeologies of Corporeality, Kluwer Academic, New York, pp. 8597.
Bailey, D. W., Panayotov, I., and Alexandrov, S. (1995). Prehistoric Bulgaria, Prehistory Press, Madison,
WI.
123
J Archaeol Res
Balinis teanu, T. (2003). The queen figure in Irish culture. Gender Studies, Revista de Studii de Gen a
Centrului de Studii Feministe al Universitat ii de Vest, Timis oara 2: 6982.
Balmuth, M. S., Gilman, A., and Prados-Torreira, I. L. (eds.) (1997). Encounters and Transformations:
The Archaeology of Iberia in Transition, Sheffield Academic Press, Sheffield.
Banks, M. (1996). Ethnicity: Anthropological Constructions, Routledge, London.
Bartel, B. (1980). Colonialism and cultural responses: Problems related to Roman provincial analysis.
World Archaeology 12: 1126.
Barth, F. (1969). Introduction. In Barth, F. (ed.), Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization
of Cultural Difference, Little, Brown, and Company, Boston, pp. 938.
Bauman, R. (1986). Story, Performance, and Event: Contextual Studies of Oral Narrative, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Becker, C. J. (1971). Mosepotter fra Danmarks jernalder: Problemer omkring mosefunde lerkar og deres
tolkning (Bog pots from Denmarks Iron Age: Problems around ceramic vessels found in bogs and
their interpretation). Arbger for Nordisk Oldkundighead og Historie, pp. 560.
Bekker-Nielsen, T., and Hannestad, L. (eds.) (2001). War as a Cultural and Social Force, Det Kongelige
Danske Videnskabernes Selskab, Copenhagen.
Bender, B. (1985). Emergent tribal formations in the American Midcontinent. American Antiquity 50:
5262.
Bender, B. (1990). The dynamics of nonhierarchical societies. In Upham, S. (ed.), The Evolution of
Political Systems. Sociopolitics in Small-Scale Sedentary Societies, Cambridge Univerisity Press,
Cambridge, pp. 247263.
Bender, B. (1998). Stonehenge: Making Space, Berg, Oxford.
Bender, B. (2002). Time and Landscape. Current Anthropology 43: S103S112.
Berger, J. (1980). About Looking, Pantheon, London.
Berger, J. (1981). Pig Earth, Pantheon, London.
Berger, J. (1982). Another Way of Telling, Pantheon, London.
Berger, J. (1990). Lilac and Flag, Pantheon, London.
Berger, J. (1999). Once in Europa, Bloomsbury, London.
Bergquist, A., and Taylor, T. (1987). The origin of the Gundestrup cauldron. Antiquity 61: 1024.
Bevan, L. (2006). Worshippers and Warriors: Reconstructing Gender and Gender Relations in the
Prehistoric Rock Art of Naquane National Park, Valcamonica, Brescia, Northern Italy, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Biehl, P. F., Bertemes, F., and Meller, H. (eds.) (2001). The Archaeology of Cult and Religion,
Archaeolingua Foundation, Budapest.
Bietti Sestieri, A. M. (1992). Iron Age Community of Osteria Dellosa: A Study of Socio-Political
Development in Central Tyrrhenian Italy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Bietti Sestieri, A. M. (1997). Italy in Europe in the Early Iron Age. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society
63: 371402.
rhus
Bilde, P., and Engberg-Pedersen, T. (eds.) (1993). Centre and Periphery in the Hellenistic World, A
rhus.
University Press, A
Bintliff, J. L. (1991). The contribution of an Anna/iste/structural history approach to archaeology.
In Bintliff, J. L (ed.), The Annales School and Archaeology, Leicester University Press, London,
pp. 133.
sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Birkhan, H. (ed.). (2007a). Kelten-Einfalle an der Donau, O
Wien.
Birkhan, H. (2007b). Sprachliche Befunde zu body art und Einschmieren im britannischen und
sterreichische
festlandkeltischen Altertum. In Birkhan, H. (ed.), Kelten-Einfalle an der Donau, O
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, pp. 2938.
Bishop, N. A., and Knusel, C. J. (2005). A palaeodemographic investigation of warfare in prehistory.
Parker Pearson, M., and Thorpe, I. J. N. (eds.), Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory,
Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 201216.
Blain, J., and Wallis, R. J. (2000). The ergi seidman: Contestations of gender, shamanism and sexuality
in northern religion past and present. Journal of Contemporary Religion 15: 395411.
Blake, E. (1998). Sardinias nuraghi: Four millennia of becoming. World Archaeology 30: 5971.
Blanco, R., Manana, P., and Ayan, X. (2003). Archaeology of architecture: Theory, methodology and
analysis from landscape archaeology. In Blanco, R., and Manana, P. (eds.), Archaeotecture:
Archaeology of Architecture, BAR International Series 1175, British Archaeological Reports,
Oxford, pp. 1739.
123
J Archaeol Res
Blanton, R., and Feinman, G. M. (1984). The Mesoamerican world system. American Anthropologist 86:
673682.
Blanton, R., Feinman, G., Kowalewski, S., and Peregrine, P. (1996). A dual-processual theory for the
evolution of Mesoamerican civilization. Current Anthropology 37: 114.
Boenke, N. (2005). Organic resources at the Iron Age Durnberg salt-mine (Hallein, Austria): Longdistance trade or local sources? Archaeometry 47: 471483.
Bogucki, P. (1990). A glimpse of Iron-Age Poland. Archaeology 43: 7477.
Bogucki, P., and Crabtree, P. (eds.) (2004). Ancient Europe 8000 BC-1000 A.D.: An Encyclopedia of The
Barbarian World, Charles Schribner Sons, New York.
Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of the Theory of Practice, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Bowden, M., Payne, A., and Winton, H. (2005). Oldbury Castle, Wiltshire: Reinterpreting a great Iron
Age hill fort. In Wilmott, T. (ed.), Research News: Newsletter of the English Heritage Research
Department, English Heritage, Portsmouth, UK, pp. 69.
Boyden, J., and de Berry, J. (eds.) (2004). Children and Youth on the Frontline: Ethnography, Armed
Conflict and Displacement, Berghahn Books, Oxford.
Boyle, K., Renfrew, C., and Levine, M. (2002). Ancient Interactions: East and West in Eurasia,
McDonald Institute Monographs, Cambridge.
Bradley, M. Z. (1983). The Mists of Avalon, Knopf, New York.
Bradley, R. (1988). Hoarding, recycling and the consumption of prehistoric metalwork: Technological
change in western Europe. World Archaeology 20: 249260.
Bradley, R. (1990). The Passage of Arms: An Archaeological Analysis of Prehistoric Hoards and Votive
Deposition, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Bradley, R. (2002). The Past in Prehistoric Societies, Routledge, London.
Bradley, R. (2003). A Life Less Ordinary: The ritualization of the domestic sphere in later prehistoric
Europe. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 13: 523.
Briggs, C. S. (1995). Did they fall or were they pushed? Some unresolved questions about bog bodies. In
Turner, R. C., and Scaife, R. G. (eds.), Bog Bodies: New Discoveries and New Perspectives, British
Museum Press, London, pp. 168182.
Briggs, D. N. (2003). Metals, salt and slaves: Economic links between Gaul and Italy from the eighth to
the late sixth centuries B.C. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22: 243259.
Brown, S. (2006). Tiocfaidh ar la: Introduction to the special issue. Journal of Strategic Marketing 14:
19.
Bruck, J. (1999). Ritual and rationality: Some problems of interpretation in European archaeology.
European Journal of Archaeology 2: 313344.
Brunaux, J.-L. (1988). The Celtic Gauls: Gods, Rites and Sanctuaries, Seaby, London.
Brunaux, J.-L. (2000). Les religions gauloises: Nouvelles approches sur les rituels celtiques de la Gaule
independante, Errance, Paris.
Brunaux, J.-L. (2001). Gallic blood rites. Archaeology 54: 5457.
Brunaux, J.-L., and Meniel, P. (1997). La residence aristocratique de Montmartin (Oise) du IIIe au IIes
av J.-C., Editions de la Maison des Sciences de lHomme, Paris.
Brunet, T. C. (1998). Iron Age Iberian sculptures as territorial markers: The Cordoban example
(Andalusia). European Journal of Archaeology 1: 7190.
Buchsenschutz, O. (1995). The significance of major settlements in European Iron Age society. In Arnold,
B., and Gibson, D. B. (eds.), Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
pp. 5363.
Buchsenschutz, O., and Ralston, I. B. M. (1986). En relisant la guerre des Gaules. Aquitania
Supplemental Series 1: 383387.
Buchsenschutz, O., and Richard, H. (eds.) (1996). Bibracte: Lenvironnement du Mont Beuvray, Centre
archeologique Europeen du Mont Beuvray, Glux-en-Glenne.
Burgers, G. J. (2005). Western Greeks in their regional setting: Rethinking early Greek-indigenous
encounters in southern Italy. In Tsetskhladze, G. R. (ed.), Ancient West and East, Brill, Leiden, pp.
252282.
Burillo Mozota, F. (2005). Celtiberians: Problems and debates. The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula,
e-Keltoi 6: 411480.
Burmeister, S. (2000a). Geschlecht, Alter und Herrschaft in der Spathallstattzeit Wurttembergs,
Waxmann, Munster.
Burmeister, S. (2000b). Archaeology and migration: Approaches to an archaeological proof of migration.
Current Anthropology 41: 539567.
123
J Archaeol Res
Cabrera, P. (1998). Greek trade in Iberia: The extent of interaction. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 17:
191206.
Callmer, J. (1986). To stay or to move: Some aspects of settlement dynamics in southern Sweden.
Meddelanden fran Lunds Universitets Historiska Museum 198586: 167208.
Callmer, J. (1991). Territory and dominion in the Late Iron Age in southern Scandinavia. In Jennbert, K.,
Larsson, L., Petre, R., and Wyszomirska-Werbart, B. (eds.), Regions and Reflections: In Honour of
Marta Stromberg, Almqvist & Wiksell International, Lund, pp. 257273.
Callmer, J. (2001). Extinguished solar systems and black holes: Traces of estates in the Scandinavian Late
Iron Age. In Hardh, B. (ed.), Uppakra: Centrum och Smmanhang, Almqvist & Wiksell International,
Stockholm, pp. 109138.
Carman, J. (1997). Material Harm: Archaeological Studies of War and Violence, Cruithne Press,
Glasgow.
Carr, G. (2005). Woad, tattooing and identity in later Iron Age and early Roman Britain. Oxford Journal
of Archaeology 24: 273292.
Carr, G., and Knusel, C. (1997). The ritual framework of excarnation by exposure as the mortuary
practice of the Early and Middle Iron Ages of central southern Britain. In Gwilt, A., and Haselgrove,
C. (eds.), Reconstructing Iron Age Societies, Oxbow Monographs, Oxford, pp. 167173.
Carroll, M. (2001). Romans, Celts and Germans: The German Provinces of Rome, Tempus, London.
Cavers, G. (2006). Late Bronze and Iron Age lake settlement in Scotland and Ireland: The development of
the crannog in the north and west. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 25: 389412.
Champion, T. C. (1985). Written sources and the study of the European Iron Age. In Champion, T. C.,
and Megaw, J. V. S. (eds.), Settlement and Society: Aspects of West European Prehistory in the First
Millennium B.C., Leicester University Press, Leicester, pp. 922.
Champion, T. C. (1987). The European Iron Age: Assessing the state of the art. Scottish Archaeological
Review 4: 98108.
Champion, T. C. (ed.) (1989). Centre and Periphery, Unwin Hyman, London.
Champion, T. C. (1996). The Celt in Archaeology. In Brown, T. (ed.), Celticism, Rodopi, Amsterdam, pp.
6178.
Chase-Dunn, C., and Hall, T. (eds.) (1991). Core/Periphery Relations in Precapitalist Worlds, Westview
Press, Boulder, CO.
Cherry, J. F. (1994). Regional survey in the Aegean: The new wave(and after). In Kardulias, P. N. (ed.),
Beyond the Site: Regional Studies in the Aegean Area, University Press of America, Lanham, MD,
pp. 91112.
Childe, V. G. (1936). Man Makes Himself, Watts, London.
Childe, V. G. (1942). What Happened in History, Penguin, Hermondsworthe.
Cohen, A. P. (ed.) (1974). Urban Ethnicity, Tavistock, London.
Cohen, A. P. (1994a). Boundaries of consciousness, consciousness of boundaries: Critical questions for
anthropology. In Vermeulen, H., and Govers, C. (eds.), The Anthropology of Ethnicity: Beyond
Ethnic Groups and Boundaries Het Spinhuis, Amsterdam, pp. 5980.
Cohen, A. P. (1994b). Self Consciousness: An Alternative Anthropology of Identity, Routledge, London.
Cohen, R. (1978). Ethnicity: Problem and focus in anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology 7:
379403.
Colburn, F. D. (1989). Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, M. E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY.
Collet, S., and Flouest, J.-L. (1997). Activites metallurgiques et commerce avec le monde Mediterraneen
au Ve sie`cle avant J.-C. a` Bragny-sur-Saone (Saone-et-loire). In Brun, P., and Chaume, B. (eds.), Vix
et les epheme`res principautes Celtiques. Les VIe-Ve sie`cles avant J.-C. en Europe centreoccidentale, Errance, Paris, pp. 165172.
Collis, J. (1994). Reconstructing Iron Age society. In Kristiansen, K., and Jensen, J. (eds.), Europe in the
First Millennium B.C., J. R. Collis Publications, Sheffield, pp. 3139.
Collis, J. (1995a). The first towns. In Green, M. A. (ed.), The Celtic World, Routledge, London, pp. 159175.
Collis, J. (1995b). States without centers? The Middle La Te`ne period in temperate Europe. In Arnold, B.,
and Gibson, D. B. (eds.), Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp.
7580.
Collis, J. (1997a). Celtic myths. Antiquity 71: 195201.
Collis, J. (1997b). The European Iron Age, Routledge, New York.
Collis, J. (1997c). Dynamic, descriptive and dead-end models: Views of an ageing revolutionary. In
Gwilt, A., and Haselgrove, C. (eds.), Reconstructing Iron Age Societies, Oxbow, Oxford,
pp. 297302.
123
J Archaeol Res
Comaroff, J. (1985). Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance: The Culture and History of a South African
People, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Cool, H. E. M. (2000). The significance of snake jewelry hoards. Britannia 31: 2940.
Corney, M. (2000). Characterising the landscape of Roman Britain: A review of the study of Roman
Britain 19752000. In Hooke, D. (ed.), Landscape: the Richest Historical Record, Society for
Landscape Studies, Exeter, pp. 3245.
Crabtree, P. (ed.) (2000). An Encyclopedia of Medieval Archaeology, Garland, New York.
Crabtree, P. (ed.) (2007). The Encyclopedia of Society and Culture in the Medieval World, Facts on File,
New York.
Craig, R., Knusel, C. J., and Carr, G. (2005). Fragmentation, mutilation and dismemberment: An
interpretation of human remains on Iron Age sites. In Parker Pearson, M., and Thorpe, I. J. N. (eds.),
Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 165180.
Crawford, S. (2004). Votive deposition, religion and the Anglo-Saxon furnished burial ritual. World
Archaeology 36: 87102.
Crawford, S., and Shepherd, G. (eds.) (2007). Children, Childhood and Society, BAR S1696,
Archaeopress, Oxford.
Creighton, J. (1995). Visions of power: Imagery and symbols in Late Iron Age Britain. Britannia 26:
285301.
Crumley, C. (1984). A diachronic model for settlement and land use in southern Burgundy. In Biddick, K.
(ed.), Archaeological Approaches to Medieval Europe, Western Michigan University Press,
Kalamazoo, pp. 239244.
Crumley, C. L. (1989). Regional analytic strategies for late Iron-Age Europe. American Journal of
Archaeology 93: 265265.
Crumley, C. L. (1994). The ecology of conquest: Contrasting agropastoral and agricultural societies
adaptation to climatic change. In Crumley, C. L. (ed.), Historical Ecology, School of American
Research Press, Santa Fe, NM, pp. 183201.
Crumley, C. L. (1995). Heterarchy and the analysis of complex societies. In Ehrenreich, R. M., Crumley,
C., and Levy, J. E. (eds.), Heterarchy and the Analysis of Complex Societies, Archeological Papers
No. 6, American Anthropological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 16.
Crumley, C. L. (2001). Communication, holism and the evolution of sociopolitical complexity. In Haas, J.
(ed.), From Leaders to Rulers, Kluwer Academic, New York, pp. 1936.
Crumley, C. L. (2007). Historical ecology: Integrated thinking at multiple temporal and spatial scales. In
Hornborg, A., and Crumley, C. (eds.), The World System and the Earth System: Global
Socioenvironmental Change and Sustainability Since the Neolithic, Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek,
CA, pp. 1528.
Crumley, C. L., and Marquardt, W. (1987). Regional Dynamics: Burgundian Landscapes in Historical
Perspective, Academic Press, New York.
Cumberpatch, C. G. (1995a). Production and society in the Later Iron Age of Bohemia and Moravia. In
Hill, J. D., and Cumberpatch, C. G. (eds.), Different Iron Ages: Studies on the Iron Age in Temperate
Europe, BAR International Series 602, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 6794.
Cumberpatch, C. G. (1995b). Settlement and economy in late Iron Age Slovakia, southern Poland and
trans-Danubian Hungary. In Hill, J. D., and Cumberpatch, C. G. (eds.), Different Iron Ages: Studies
on the Iron Age in Temperate Europe, BAR International Series 602, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp.
195212.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1976). The origins of urbanization in Britain. In Cunliffe, B. W., and Rowley, T. (eds.),
Oppida: The Beginning of Urbanization in Barbarian Europe, BAR Supplementary Series 11,
Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 135162.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1982). Settlement hierarchy and social change in southern Britain in the Iron Age. In
Bakels, C. C., Th. de Grooth, M. E., Louwe Kooijmans, L. P., and Verwers, G. J. (eds.), Prehistoric
Settlement Patterns around the Southern North Sea, Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia XV,
University of Leiden, Leiden, pp. 161181.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1983). Danebury: Anatomy of an Iron Age Hillfort, Batsford, London.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1984). Danebury, an Iron Age Hillfort in Hampshire, Volumes 1 and 2, Council for
British Archaeology, London.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1988). Greeks, Romans and Barbarians: Spheres of Interaction, Batsford, London.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1991). Iron Age Communities in Britain, Routledge, London.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1992). Pits, preconceptions and propitiation in the British Iron Age. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 11: 6983.
123
J Archaeol Res
Cunliffe, B. W. (1993a). Danebury: The anatomy of a hillfort re-exposed. In Bogucki, P. (ed.), Case
Studies in European Prehistory, CRC Press, Boca Raton, FL, pp. 259286.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1993b). Fertility, Propitiation and the Gods in the British Iron Age, Vijftiende KroonVoordracht: Gehouden voor de Stichting Nederlands Museum voor Anthropologie en Praehistorie,
Amsterdam.
Cunliffe, B. W. (1997a). The Ancient Celts, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Cunliffe, B. W. (ed.) (1997b). The Oxford Illustrated Prehistory of Europe, Oxford University Press,
Oxford.
Cunliffe, B. W. (2000). Brittany and the Atlantic rim in the later first millennium B.C. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 19: 367386.
Cunliffe, B. W. (2001). Facing the Ocean: The Atlantic and Its Peoples, 8000 B.C.-A.D. 1500, Oxford
University Press, Oxford.
Cunliffe, B. W., and Keay, S. J. (eds.) (1995). Social Complexity and the Development of Towns in Iberia:
From the Copper Age to the Second Century A.D., British Academy/Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Curta, F. (2001a). The Making of the Slavs: History and Archaeology of the Lower Danube Region, ca.
500700, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Curta, F. (2001b). Pots, Slavs and imagined communities: Slavic archaeologies and the history of the
early Slavs. European Journal of Archaeology 4: 367384.
Dandoy, J. R., Selinsky, P., and Voigt, M. M. (2002). Celtic sacrifice. Archaeology 55: 4449.
Daverio, J. (1998). Schumanns Ossianic manner. 19th-Century Music 21: 247273.
De Angelis, F. (2003). Equations of culture: The meeting of natives and Greeks in Sicily (ca. 750450
B.C.). Ancient West and East 2: 1950.
Delattre, V. (2006). Les rituels des Celtes: silos, cadavres et os secs. Archeologia 436: 4861.
Derks, H. (1993). Geschlechtsspezifische Bestattungssitten: Ein archaologischer Befund und ein
ethnoarchaologischer Ansatz. Ethnographisch-Archaologische Zeitschrift 34: 340353.
Derks, H. (1997). Alter und Geschlecht: Biologische Parameter als Instrument sozialer Differenzierung in
der alteren Romischen Kaiserzeit Norddeutschlands? Ethnographisch-Archaologische Zeitschrift
38: 531550.
Derks, T. (1998). Gods, Temples, and Ritual Practices: The Transformation of Religious Ideas and
Values in Roman Gaul, Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam.
Derks, T. (1999). Between daily existence and the divine order: The landscapes of Roman Gaul. In
Fabech, C., and Ringtved, J. (eds.), Settlement and Landscape, Jutland Archaeological Society,
Moesgard, pp. 351360.
Diaz-Andreu, M. (1998). Ethnicity and Iberians: The archaeological crossroads between perception and
material culture. European Journal of Archaeology 1: 199218.
Diaz Andreu, M., and Keay, S. (eds.) (1997). The Archaeology of Iberia: The Dynamics of Change,
Routledge, London.
Daz-Andreu, M., and Tortosa, T. (1999). Gender, symbolism and power in Iberian societies. In Funari, P.
P., Hall, M., and Jones, S. (eds.), Historical Archaeology: Back from the Edge, Routledge, London,
pp. 99121.
Diepeveen-Jansen, M. (2001). People, Ideas, and Goods: New Perspectives on Celtic Barbarians in
Western and Central Europe (500250 B.C.), Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam.
Dietler, M. (1989). Greeks, Etruscans, and thirsty barbarians: Early Iron Age interaction in the Rhone
basin of France. In Champion, T. C. (ed.), Centre and Periphery: Comparative Studies in
Archaeology, Unwin Hyman, London, pp. 127141.
Dietler, M. (1990). Driven by drink: The role of drinking in the political economy and the case of Early
Iron Age France. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 9: 352406.
Dietler, M. (1995a). Early Celtic sociopolitical relations: Ideological representation and social
competition in dynamic comparative perspective. In Arnold, B., and Gibson, D. B. (eds.), Celtic
Chiefdom, Celtic State, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 6471.
Dietler, M. (1995b). The cup of Gyptis: Rethinking the colonial encounter in Early Iron Age western
Europe and the relevance of world systems models. Journal of European Archaeology 3: 89111.
Dietler, M. (1996). Feasts and commensal politics in the political economy: Food, power, and status in
prehistoric Europe. In Wiessner, P., and Schiefenhovel, W. (eds.), Food and the Status Quest: An
Interdisciplinary Perspective, Berghahn Books, Oxford, pp. 87125.
Dietler, M. (1997a). Consumption, cultural frontiers, and identity: Anthropological approaches to Greek
colonial encounters. In Confini e frontiera nella Grecita` dOccidente, Atti del XXXVII Convegno di
Studi sulla Magna Grecia, rte Tipographica, Taranto, Naples, pp. 475501.
123
J Archaeol Res
Dietler, M. (1997b). The iron age in Mediterranean France: Colonial encounters, entanglements, and
transformations. Journal of World Prehistory 11: 269358.
Dietler, M. (1999). Rituals of commensality and the politics of state formation in the princely societies
of Early Iron Age Europe. In Ruby, P. (ed.), Les princes de la Protohistoire et lemergence de letat,
Cahiers du Centre Jean Berard, Institut Francais de Naples, Naples, pp. 135152.
Dietler, M., and Hayden, B. (2001). Digesting the feast: Good to eat, good to drink, good to think: An
introduction. In Dietler, M., and Hayden, B. (eds.), Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic
Perspectives on Food, Politics, and Power, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, DC, pp. 120.
Dobratz, B. A. (2001). The role of religion in the collective identity of the white racialist movement.
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 40: 287302.
Dolukhanov, P. M. (1996). Archaeology and nationalism in totalitarian and post-totalitarian Russia. In
Atkinson, J. A., Banks, I., and OSullivan, J. (eds.), Nationalism and Archaeology: Scottish
Archaeological Forum, Cruithne, Glasgow, pp. 200213.
Dommasnes, L. H., and Wrigglesworth, M. (eds.) (2008). Children, Identity, and the Past, Cambridge
Scholars Publishing, Cambridge.
Dowson, T. A. (ed.) (2000). Queer archaeologies. World Archaeology 32(2).
du Lesley, G. F. (2000). Limage du trophee, larcheologue. Archeologie Nouvelle 46: 913.
Dunham, S. (1989). Greek and Roman descriptions of Iron-Age Europe. American Journal of
Archaeology 93: 265265.
Dunham, S. (1995). Caesars perception of Gallic social structures. In Arnold, B., and Gibson, D. B.
(eds.), Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 110115.
Durkheim, E. (1995). The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, The Free Press, New York.
Dyer, G. (ed.) (2001). John Berger: Selected Essays, Bloomsbury, London.
Dyson, S. L. (ed.) (1985). Comparative Studies in the Archaeology of Colonialism, BAR International
Series 233, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Earle, T. K. (1987). Chiefdoms in archaeological and ethnohistoric perspective. Annual Review of
Anthropology 16: 279308.
Eckardt, H., and Crummy, N. (2006). Roman or native bodies in Britain: The evidence of Late Roman
nail-cleaner strap-ends. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 25: 83103.
Effros, B. (2000). Skeletal sex and gender in Merovingian mortuary archaeology. Antiquity 74: 632639.
Ehrenreich, R. M. (1991). Metalworking in Iron Age Britain: Hierarchy or heterarchy? In Ehrenreich, R.
M. (ed.), Metals in Society: Theory Beyond Regional Analysis, MASCA, University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, pp. 6980.
Ehrenreich, R. M., Crumley, C. L., and Levy, J. E. (eds.) (1995). Heterarchy and the Analysis of Complex
Societies, Archeological Papers No. 6, American Anthropological Association, Washington, DC.
Eliade, M. (1964). Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.
Eliade, M. (1965). The Two and the One, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Eliade, M. (1969). The Quest: History and Meaning in Religion, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Eliade, M. (1978). A History of Religious Ideas, vol. I: From the Stone Age to the Eleusinian Mysteries,
University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Ellis, L. (1998). Terra deserta: Population, politics, and the [de]colonization of Dacia . World
Archaeology 30: 220237.
Ellis, P. B. (1990). The Celtic Empire, Constable, London.
Epstein, A. L. (1978). Ethnos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity, Tavistock, London.
Erdosi, P. (2002). Attempts to define cultural heritage in Hungary. Regio - Minorities, Politics, Society
(English edition) 1: 112128.
Eriksen, T. H. (2002). Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives, Pluto Press, London.
Evans, J. A., Chenery, C. A., and Fitzpatrick, A. P. (2006). Bronze Age childhood migration of
individuals near Stonehenge, revealed by strontium and oxygen isotope tooth enamel analysis.
Archaeometry 48: 309321.
Fabech, C. (1994). Reading society from the cultural landscape: South Scandinavia between sacral and
political power. In Nielsen, P. O., Randsborg, K., and Thrane, H. (eds.), The Archaeology of Gudme
and Lundeborg, Universitetsforlag i Kbenhavn, Copenhagen, pp. 169183.
Fagan, B. M. (1989). People of the Earth, Scott, Foresman, Glenview, IL.
Fagan, B. M. (2007). People of the Earth, Pearson Prentice Hall, Saddle River, NJ.
Ferguson, R. B., and Whitehead, N. L. (1992). The violent edge of empire. In Ferguson, R. B., and
Whitehead, N. L. (eds.), War in the Tribal Zone: Expanding States and Indigenous Warfare, School
of American Research Press, Sante Fe, NM, pp. 130.
123
J Archaeol Res
Fernandez-Posse, M. D., and Sanchez-Palencia Ramos, F. J. (1998). Las comunidades campesinas en la
cultura castrexa. Trabajos de Prehistoria 55: 127150.
Firstbrook, P. L. (2003). Surviving the Iron Age, BBC Worldwide Books, London.
Fitzjohn, M. (2007). Equality in the colonies: Concepts of equality in Sicily during the eighth to six
centuries B.C. World Archaeology 39: 215228.
Fitzpatrick, A. P. (1992). The Snettisham, Norfolk, hoards of Iron-Age torques: Sacred or profane.
Antiquity 66: 395398.
Fitzpatrick, A. P. (1997). Everyday life in Iron Age Wessex. In Gwilt, A., and Haselgrove, C. (eds.),
Reconstructing Iron Age Societies, Oxbow Monographs, Oxford, pp. 7386.
Fitzpatrick, A. P. (2005). Gifts for the golden gods: Iron Age hoards of torques and coins. In Haselgrove,
C., and Wigg-Wolf, D. (eds.), Iron Age Coinage and Ritual Practices, Philipp von Zabern, Mainz,
pp. 157182.
Fitzpatrick, A. P. (2007). Druids: Towards an archaeology. In Gosden, C., Hamerow, H., de Jersey, P.,
and Lock, G. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, pp. 287315.
Fotiadis, M. (1998). Untitled review of Time, Culture and Identity: An Interpretive Archaeology by
Julian Thomas. American Antiquity 63: 357358.
Frankenstein, S., and Rowlands, M. J. (1978). The internal structure and regional context of Early Iron
Age society in south-western Germany. Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology 15: 72112.
Freeman, P. W. (1993). Romanisation and Roman material culture. Journal of Roman Archaeology 6:
438445.
Freire, J. (2005). Weaponry, statues and petroglyphs: The ideology of war in Atlantic Iron Age Iberia. In
Parker Pearson, M., and Thorpe, I. J. (eds.), Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory,
Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 195200.
Fulford, M. (1992). Territorial expansion and the Roman Empire. World Archaeology 23: 294305.
Fulford, M. (2001). Links with the past: Pervasive ritual behaviour in Roman Britain. Britannia 32:
199218.
Galaty, M. L. (2005). European regional studies: A coming of age? Journal of Archaeological Research
13: 291336.
Galaty, M. L., and Watkinson, C. (2004). Archaeology Under Dictatorship, Kluwer Academic/Plenum,
New York.
Gamble, C. (2000). Archaeology: The Basics, Routledge, London.
Gamito, T. J. (2005). The Celts in Portugal. The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula, e-Keltoi 6: 571605.
Gebhard, R. (1995). The Celtic oppidum of Manching and its exchange system. In Hill, J. D., and
Cumberpatch, C. G. (eds.), Different Iron Ages: Studies on the Iron Age in Temperate Europe, BAR
International Series 602, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 111120.
Gebhard, R., Bott, R., Distler, N., Michlek, J., Riederer, J., Wagner, F. E., and Wagner, U. (2004).
Ceramics from the Celtic oppidum of Manching and its influence in central Europe. Hyperfine
Interactions 154: 199214.
Gebuhr, M. (1997). The Holsteinian housewife and the Danish diva: Early Germanic female images in
Tacitus and cemetery evidence. Norwegian Archaeological Review 30: 113122.
Genin, M., and Lavendhomme, M.-O. (1997). Rodumna (Roanne, Loire), le village gallo-romain:
evolution des mobiliers domestiques, Editions de la Maison des sciences de lhomme, Paris.
Gent, H. (1983). Centralised storage in later prehistoric Britain. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society
49: 243267.
Gent, H., and Dean, C. (1986). Catchment analysis and settlement hierarchy: A case study from preRoman Britain. In Grant, E. (ed.), Central Places, Archaeology and History, University of Sheffield,
Sheffield, pp. 2736.
Gero, J., and Conkey, M. (eds.) (1991). Engendering Archaeology: Women and Prehistory, Basil
Blackwell, Oxford.
Gerriets, M. (1983). Economy and society: Clientship according to Irish laws. Cambridge Medieval Celtic
Studies 6: 4386.
Gerritsen, F. (1999a). To build or to abandon: The cultural biography of late prehistoric houses and
farmsteads in the southern Netherlands. Archaeological Dialogues 6: 78114.
Gerritsen, F. (1999b). The cultural biography of Iron Age houses and the long-term transformation of
settlement patterns in the southern Netherlands. In Fabech, C., and Ringtved, J. (eds.), Settlement
and Landscape, Jutland Archaeological Society, Moesgard, pp. 139148.
123
J Archaeol Res
Gerritsen, F. (2003). Local Identities, Landscape, and Community in the Late Prehistoric Meuse-DemerScheldt Region, Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam.
Giddens, A. (1979). Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social
Analysis, University of California Press, Berkeley.
Giddens, A. (1984). The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration, University of
California Press, Berkeley.
Gilchrist, R. (2003). Introduction: Towards a social archaeology of warfare. World Archaeology 35: 16.
Giles, M. (2007). Making metal and forging relations: Ironworking in the British Iron Age. Oxford
Journal of Archaeology 26: 395413.
Gillespie, S. D. (2000). Rethinking ancient Maya social organization: Replacing lineage with house.
American Anthropologist 102: 467484.
Gillings, M., Mattingly, D. J., and van Dalen, J. (1999). Geographical Information Systems and
Landscape Archaeology, Oxbow Books, Oxford.
Gilmour, S., and Cook, M. (1998). Excavations at Dun Vulan: A reinterpretation of the reappraised Iron
Age. Antiquity 72: 327337.
Gimbutas, M. (1970). Proto-Indo-European culture: The Kurgan culture during the fifth, fourth and third
millennia B.C. In Cardona, G., Hoenigswald, H. M, and Senn, A. (eds.), Indo-European and IndoEuropeans, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, pp. 155198.
Gleason, P. (1983). Identifying identity: A semantic history. Journal of American History 69: 910931.
Gonzalez-Ruibal, A. (2004). Facing two seas: Mediterranean and Atlantic contacts in the north-west of
Iberia in the first millennium B.C. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 23: 287317.
Gonzalez-Ruibal, A. (2006). House societies vs. kinship-based societies: An archaeological case from
Iron Age Europe. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 25: 144173.
Goody, J. (1990). Religion and ritual: The definition problem. In Hamilton, P. (ed.), Emile Durkheim,
Routledge, London, pp. 264286.
Gosden, C. (1985). Gifts and kin in Early Iron-Age Europe. Man 20: 475493.
Gosden, C. (1989). Debt, production and prehistory. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 8: 355387.
Gosden, C. (2005). What do objects want? Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 12: 193211.
Gosden, C., Lock, G., Bradley, R., and Williams, H. (1998). Prehistoric histories. World Archaeology 30:
112.
Gowland, R. L. (2006). Ageing the past: Examining age identity from funerary evidence. In Gowland, R.
L., and Knusel, C. (eds.), Social Archaeology of Funerary Remains, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp.
143154.
Grant, A. (1984). Survival or sacrifice? A critical appraisal of animal burials in Britain in the Iron Age. In
Grigson, C., and Clutton-Brock, J. (eds.), Animals and Archaeology, BAR International Series 202,
Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 221227.
Grant, A. (1989). Animals and rituals in early Britain: The visible and the invisible. Anthropozoologica:
lanimal dans les pratiques religieuses: les manifestations materielles 3: 7986.
Grau Mira, I. (2003). Settlement dynamics and social organization in eastern Iberia during the Iron Age
(eighth-second centuries B.C.). Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22: 261279.
Graudonis, J. (1997). Ethnic processes in Latvia in the Early Metals Age (1500-0 B.C.). Humanities and
Social Sciences, Latvia 6: 419.
Green, M. J. (1989). Symbol and Image in Celtic Religious Art, Routledge, London.
Green, M. J. (1991). Triplism and plurality: Intensity and symbolism in Celtic religious expression. In
Garwood, P. (ed.), Sacred and Profane: Proceedings of a Conference on Archaeology, Ritual and
Religion, Institute of Archaeology, Oxford, pp. 100108.
Green, M. J. (1992). Animals in Celtic Life and Myth, Routledge, London.
Green, M. J. (1995a). Introduction: Who were the Celts? In Green, M. J. (ed.), The Celtic World,
Routledge, New York, pp. 37.
Green, M, J. (1995b). The gods and the supernatural. In Green, M. J. (ed.), The Celtic World, New York,
Routledge, pp. 465488.
Green, M. J. (1995c). Celtic Goddesses: Warriors, Virgins and Mothers, British Museum Press, London.
Green, M. J. (1998a). Humans as ritual victims in the later prehistory of western Europe. Oxford Journal
of Archaeology 17: 169189.
Green, M. J. (1998b). Vessels of death: Sacred cauldrons in archaeology and myth. Antiquaries Journal
78: 6384.
Green, M. J. (1998c). Crossing the boundaries: Triple horns and emblematic transference. European
Journal of Archaeology 1: 219240.
123
J Archaeol Res
Grimm, O., and Stylegar, F.-A. (2004). Court sites in southwest Norway: Reflection of a Roman period
political organisation? Norwegian Archaeological Review 37: 111133.
Gunder Frank, A., and Thompson, W. R. (2006). Early Iron Age economic expansion and contraction
revisited. In Gills, B., and Thompson, W. R. (eds.), Globalization and Global History (Rethinking
Globalizations), Routledge, London, pp. 139162.
Gwilt, A. (1996). Ageing structures and shifting ideologies. Antiquity 70: 699702.
Gwilt, A. (1997). Popular practices from material culture: A case study of the Iron Age settlement at
Wakerly. In Gwilt, A., and Haselgrove, C. (eds.), Reconstructing Iron Age Societies, Oxbow
Monographs, Oxford, pp. 153165.
Hagerstrand, T. (1982). Diorama, path and project. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie
73: 323339.
Hagerstrand, T. (1985). Time-geography: Focus on the corporeality of man, society and environment. In
Aida, S. (ed.), The Science and Praxis of Complexity: Contributions to the Symposium held at
Montpellier, France, 911 May, 1984, The United Nations University Press, Tokyo, pp. 193216.
Hall, J. (2004). How Greek were the early western Greeks? In Lomas, K. (ed.), Greek Identity in the
Western Mediterranean: Papers in Honour of Brian Shefton, Brill, Leiden, pp. 3554.
Hamilakis, Y., Pluciennik, M., and Tarlow, S. (eds.) (2002). Thinking through the Body: Archaeologies of
Corporeality, Kluwer Academic/Plenum, New York.
Hamilton, S., and Manley, J. (2001). Hillforts, monumentality and place: A chronological and
topographic review of first millennium B.C. hillforts of south-east England. European Journal of
Archaeology 4: 742.
Hanks, B. K. (2002). The Eurasian steppe nomadic world of the first millennium B.C.: Inherent
problems within the study of Iron Age nomadic groups. In Boyle, K., Renfrew, C., and Levine, M.
(eds.), Ancient Interactions: East and West in Eurasia, McDonald Institute Monographs,
Cambridge, pp. 183197.
Hannestad, L. (1993). Greeks and Celts: The creation of a myth. In Bilde, P., and Engberg-Pedersen, T.
rhus University Press, A
rhus, pp. 1538.
(eds.), Centre and Periphery in the Hellenistic World, A
Hardh, B. (2000). Uppakra: A centre in south Sweden in the 1st millennium A.D. Antiquity 74: 640648.
Hardh, B., and Larsson, L. (eds.) (2003). Centrality Regionality: The Social Structure of Southern
Sweden during the Iron Age, Lund University, Lund.
Harding, A. F. (2000). European Societies in the Bronze Age, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Harding, D. W. (2001). Later prehistory in south-east Scotland: A critical review. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 20: 355376.
Harding, D. W. (2006). Redefining the northern British Iron Age. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 25:
6182.
Harke, H. (1992). All quiet on the western front? Paradigms, methods and approaches in west German
archaeology. In Hodder, I. (ed.), Archaeological Theory in Europe: The Last Three Decades,
Routledge, London, pp. 187222.
Harke, H. (2000). Social analysis of mortuary evidence in German protohistoric archaeology. Journal of
Anthropological Archaeology 19: 369384.
Haselgrove, C. (1976). External trade as a stimulus to urbanization. In Cunliffe, B. W., and Rowley, T.
(eds.), Oppida: The Beginning of Urbanization in Barbarian Europe, BAR Supplementary Series
11, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 2550.
Haselgrove, C. (1987). Culture process on the periphery: Belgic Gaul and Rome during the late republic
and early empire. In Rowlands, M., Larsen, M., and Kristiansen, K. (eds.), Centre and Periphery in
the Ancient World, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 104124.
Haselgrove, C. (1990). Later Iron Age settlement in the Aisne Valley: Some current problems and
hypotheses. Revue Archeologique de LOuest Supplement 3: 249259.
Haselgrove, C. (1995). Late Iron Age society in Britain and northwest Europe: Structural transformation
or superficial change? In Arnold, B., and Gibson, D. B. (eds.), Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 8187.
Haselgrove, C. (1996a). Roman impact on rural settlement and society in south Picardy. In Roymans, N.
(ed.), From the Sword to the Plough. Three studies on the Earliest Romanisation of Northern Gaul,
Amsterdam Archaeological Studies, Amsterdam, pp. 127189.
Haselgrove, C. (1996b). La Romanisation de lhabitat rural dans le Vallee de lAisne dapres les
prospections de surface et les fouilles recentes. Revue Archeologique de Picardie, special no. 11:
109120.
123
J Archaeol Res
Haussler, R. (2001). Fusion and resistance in native religion in Gallia Narbonensis and Britain. Veleia
1819: 79116.
Hawkes, C. (1931). Hill-forts. Antiquity 5: 6097.
Hawkes, C. (1973). Cumulative Celticity in pre-Roman Britain. Etudes Celtiques 13: 607628.
Hedeager, L. (1987). Empire, frontier and the barbarian hinterland: Rome and northern Europe from A.D.
1-400. In Rowlands, M., Larsen, L., and Kristiansen, K. (eds.), Centre and Periphery in the Ancient
rhus University Press, A
rhus, pp. 125140.
World, A
Hedeager, L. (1992). Iron Age Societies: From Tribe to State in Northern Europe, 500 B.C. to A.D. 700,
Blackwell, Oxford.
Hedeager, L. (1997). Odins offer: Skygger af en shamanistisk tradition i nordisk folkevandringstid. Tor
29: 265278.
Hedeager, L. (1999). Sacred topography: Depositions of wealth in the cultural landscape. In Gustafsson,
A., and Karlsson, H. (eds.), Glyfer och arkeologiska rum - en vanbok till Jarl Nordbladh, Goteborgs
universitet, Goteborg, pp. 229252.
Helgesson, B. (2004). Tributes to be spoken of sacrifice and warriors at Uppakra. In Larsson, L. (ed.),
Continuity for Centuries: A Ceremonial Building and Its Context at Uppakra, Southern Sweden,
Almqvist & Wiksell International, Stockholm, pp. 223239.
Hill, D. (2000). The Interdependence of the Urban and Rural Economic Spheres in Eastern Norway A.D.
1000-A.D. 1350: Central Place Theory, Taxation, Tenure and Settlement, Centre for Viking and
Medieval Studies, University of Oslo, Oslo.
Hill, J. D. (1989). Re-thinking the Iron Age. Scottish Archaeological Review 6: 1624.
Hill, J. D. (1993). Can we recognise a different European past? A contrastive archaeology of later
prehistoric settlements in southern England. Journal of European Archaeology 1: 5775.
Hill, J. D. (1995a). The pre-Roman Iron Age in Britain and Ireland (ca. 800 B.C. to A.D. 100): An
overview. Journal of World Prehistory 9: 4798.
Hill, J. D. (1995b). How should we understand Iron Age societies and hillforts? A contextual study from
southern Britain. In Hill, J. D., and Cumberpatch, C. G. (eds.), Different Iron Ages: Studies on the
Iron Age in Temperate Europe, BAR International Series 602, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 4566.
Hill, J. D. (1995c). Ritual and Rubbish in the Iron Age of Wessex, BAR British Series 242, Archaeopress,
Oxford.
Hill, J. D. (1996). The identification of ritual deposits of animals: A general perspective from special
animal deposits from the southern English Iron Age. In Anderson, S. (ed.), Ritual Treatment of
Human and Animal Remains, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 1732.
Hill, J. D. (1997). The end of one kind of body and the beginning of another kind of body? Toilet
instruments and Romanization in southern England during the first century A.D. In Gwilt, A., and
Haselgrove, C. (eds.), Reconstructing Iron Age Societies, Oxbow Monographs, Oxford, pp. 96107.
Hill, J. D., and Cumberpatch, C. G. (eds). (1995). Different Iron Ages: Studies on the Iron Age in
Temperate Europe, BAR International Series 602, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Hingley, R. (1990). Domestic organisation and gender relations in Iron Age and Romano-British
households. In Ross, S. (ed.), The Social Archaeology of Houses, Edinburgh University Press,
Edinburgh, pp. 125148.
Hingley, R. (1995). The Iron Age in Atlantic Scotland: Searching for the meaning of the substantial
house. In Hill, J. D., and Cumberpatch, C. G. (eds.), Different Iron Ages: Studies on the Iron Age in
Temperate Europe, BAR International Series 602, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 185194.
Hingley, R. (1996). Ancestors and identity in the later prehistory of Atlantic Scotland: the reuse and
reinvention of Neolithic monuments and material culture. World Archaeology 28: 231243.
Hingley, R. (1999). The imperial context of Romano-British studies and proposals for a new
understanding of social change. In Funari, P. P., Hall, M., and Jones, S. (eds.), Historical
Archaeology: Back from the Edge, Routledge, London, pp. 137150.
Hingley, R. (2005). Globalizing Roman Culture: Unity, Diversity And Empire, Routledge, London.
Hodder, I. (1977). The distribution of material culture items in the Baringo district, western Kenya. Man
(new series) 12: 239269.
Hodder, I. (1978). The maintenance of group identities in the Baringo district, west Kenya. In Green, D.,
Haselgrove, C., and Springs, M. S. (eds.), Social Organization and Settlement, BAR International
Series (Supplementary) 47, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 4773.
Hodder, I. (1979). Economic and social stress and material culture patterning. American Antiquity 44:
446454.
Hodder, I. (1982). Symbols in Action, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
123
J Archaeol Res
Hodder, I. (1989). The Meanings of Things: Material Culture and Symbolic Expression, Unwin Hyman,
London.
Hodder, I. (1990). Style as historical quality. In Conkey, M., and Hastorf, C. (eds.), The Uses of Style in
Archaeology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 4451.
Hodges, R. (2000). Towns and Trade in the Age of Charlemagne, Duckwork, London.
Hofeneder, A. (2005). Die Religion der Kelten in den antiken literarischen Zeugnissen: Sammlung,
sterreichisUbersetzung und Kommentierung, Band I, Von den Anfangen bis Caesar, Verlag der O
chen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien.
Hope, V. M. (2003). Trophies and tombstones: Commemorating the Roman soldier. World Archaeology
35: 7997.
Hulthen, B. (1991). Notes on Scandinavian finds of anthropomorphic heads and masks from pre-Roman
and Roman Iron Age. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia (Series in 8) 20: 169176.
Ilkjr, J. (2002). Illerup Adal: Archaeology as a Magic Mirror, Moesgard, Hjbjerg.
Ilves, K. (2004). The seamans perspective in landscape archaeology: Landing sites on the maritime
cultural landscape. Estonian Journal of Archaeology 8: 163180.
Izzet, V. E. (2001). Form and meaning in Etruscan ritual space. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 11:
185200.
James, S. (1999). The Atlantic Celts: Ancient People or Modern Invention? British Museum Press,
London.
James, S. (2000). A reply to Amy Hale. Folklore 111: 307313.
Jensen, J. (1982). The Prehistory of Denmark, Methuen, New York.
Jerem, E. (1998). Iron Age horse burial at Sopron-Krautacker (NW-Hungary): Aspects of trade and
religion. In Anreiter, P., Bartosiewicz, L., Jerem, E., and Meid, W. (eds.), Man and the Animal
World: Studies in Archaeozoology, Archaeology, Anthropology and Palaeolinguistics in Memorium
Sandor Bokonyi, Archaeolingua, Budapest, pp. 319334.
Jerem, E. (2003). Animal sacrifice and ritual deposits of the Iron Age: Ritual treatment of animals: A case
study from Sopron-Krautacker, NW Hungary. In Jerem, E., and Raczky, P. (eds.), Morgenrot der
Kulturen Fruhe Etappen der Menscheitsgeschichte in Mittel- und Sudosteuropa, Festschrift fur
Nandor Kalicz zum 75, Archaeolingua, Budapest, pp. 541565.
Jochens, J. (1991). Old Norse magic and gender: attr orvalds ins vforla. Scandinavian Studies 63:
305317.
Jochens, J. (1995). Women in Old Norse Society, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY.
Jochens, J. (1996). Old Norse Images of Women, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia.
Johns, C. (1996). Hacked, broken or chopped? A matter of terminology. Antiquaries Journal 76:
228230.
Jones, S. (1997). The Archaeology of Ethnicity: Constructing Identities in the Past and Present,
Routledge, London.
Jones, S. (1999). Historical categories and the praxis of identity: The interpretation of ethnicity in
historical archaeology. In Funari, P. P., Hall, M., and Jones, S. (eds.), Historical Archaeology: Back
from the Edge, Routledge, London, pp. 219232.
Jonuks, T. (2005). Archaeology of religion: Possibilities and prospects. Estonian Journal of Archaeology
IX: 3259.
Joyce, R. A. (2000). Heirlooms and houses: Materiality and social memory. In Joyce, R. A., and Gillespie,
S. D. (eds.), Beyond Kinship: Social and Material Reproduction in House Societies, University of
Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, pp. 189212.
Joyce, R. A. (2005). Archaeology of the body. Annual Review of Anthropology 34: 139158.
Jrgensen, L., Storgaard, B., and Thomsen, L. G. (2003). The Spoils of Victory: The North in the Shadow
of the Roman Empire, Nationalmuseet, Copenhagen.
Kamp, K. A. (2001). Where have all the children gone? The archaeology of childhood. Journal of
Archaeological Method and Theory 8: 134.
Kamp, K. A. (2005). Dominant discourses; lived experiences: Studying the archaeology of children and
childhood. In Baxter, J. (ed.), Children in Action: Perspectives on the Archaeology of Childhood,
Archeological Papers No. 15, American Anthropological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 115
122.
Karl, R. (2003). Iron Age chariots and medieval texts: A step too far in breaking down boundaries?
e-Keltoi 5: 129.
Karl, R. (2004a). Guardian and ward: Age and gender as strange social attractors in the Celtic Iron Age.
Ethnographisch-archaologische Zeitschrift 45: 467481.
123
J Archaeol Res
Karl, R. (2004b). Celtoscepticism: A convenient excuse for ignoring non-archaeological evidence? Sauer,
E. W. (ed.), Archaeology and Ancient History: Breaking Down the Boundaries, Routledge, London,
pp. 185199.
Karl, R. (2005a). Master and apprentice, knight and squire: Education in the Celtic Iron Age. Oxford
Journal of Archaeology 24: 255271.
Karl, R. (2005b). Society and law in continental Celtic Europe. In Birkhan, H. (ed.), Bausteine zum
Studium der Keltologie, Edition Prasens, Wien, pp. 377383.
Karl, R. (2006). *Butacos, *wossos, *geistlos, *ambactos: Celtic socio-economic organisation in the
European Iron Age. Studia Celtica 40: 2141.
Karl, R. (2008). Random coincidences? Or: The return of the Celtic to Iron Age Britain. Proceedings of
the Prehistoric Society 74: 6978.
Kaul, F., Marazov, I., Best, J., and De Vries, N. (1991). Thracian Tales on the Gundestrup Cauldron,
Najde Press, Amsterdam.
Keay, S. (1997). Urban transformation and cultural change. In Diaz Andreu, M. (ed.), The Archaeology of
Iberia: The Dynamics of Change, Routledge, London, pp. 192210.
Keeley, L. H. (1996). War Before Civilization, Oxford University Press, New York.
Kimes, T., Haselgrove, C., and Hodder, I. (1983). A method for the identification of the location of
regional cultural boundaries. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 1: 113131.
Kipp, R., and Schortman, E. M. (1989). The political impact of trade in chiefdoms. American
Anthropologist 91: 370385.
Knapp, A. B. (1992). Archaeology and annales: Time, space, and change. In Knapp, A. B. (ed.),
Archaeology, Annales, and Ethnohistory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 121.
Knusel, C. J. (2002). More Circe than Cassandra: The princess of Vix in ritualized social context.
European Journal of Archaeology 5: 275308.
Koch, J. T. (2007). Mapping Celticity, mapping Celticization. In Gosden, C., Hamerow, H., de Jersey, P.,
and Lock, G. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, pp. 263286.
Kohl, P. L. (1998a). Nationalism and archaeology: On the constructions of nations and the reconstructions
of the remote past. Annual Review of Anthropology 27: 223246.
Kohl, P. L. (1998b). Rhetoric and reality: Discourses from the divan. Current Anthropology 39: 171174.
Kohler, M. (1995). Understanding the oscillating nature of hillfort settlement in Hallstatt Thuringia. In
Hill, J. D., and Cumberpatch, G. (eds.), Different Iron Ages: Studies on the Iron Age in Temperate
Europe, BAR International Series 602, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 195212.
Kolb, M. J., and Speakman, R. J. (2005). Elymian regional interaction in Iron Age western Sicily: A
preliminary neutron activation study of incised/impressed tablewares. Journal of Archaeological
Science 32: 795804.
Kristiansen, K. (1994). The emergence of the European world system in the Bronze Age: Divergence,
convergence and social evolution during the first and second millennia B.C. in Europe. In
Kristiansen, K., and Jensen, J. (eds.), Europe in the First Millennium B.C., J. R. Collis Publications,
Sheffield, pp. 730.
Kristiansen, K. (1998). Europe Before History, Cambridge Unversity Press, Cambridge.
Kristiansen, K., and Larsson, T. B. (2005). The Rise of Bronze Age Society: Travels, Transmissions and
Transformations, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Kurchin, B. (1995). Romans and Britons on the northern frontier: A theoretical evaluation of the
archaeology of resistance. In Rush, P. (ed.), Theoretical Roman Archaeology: Second Conference
Proceedings, Aldershot, Avebury, pp. 124131.
Ladomersky, J., Pradzynski, W., Hroncova, E., Waliszewska, B., and Puskajler, J. (2005). Analysis of
sediments, soils and archaic artifacts by XRF method. In Pradzynski, W. (ed.), Badania i
konserwacja drewna archeologicznego, Wydawnictwo AR, Poznan, pp. 1322.
Lambot, B. (1998). Les morts dAcy Romance (Ardennes) a` La Te`ne Finale: pratiques funeraires, aspects
religieuses et hierarchie sociale. In Bayard, D., and Bonenfant, P.-P. (eds.), Etudes et documents
fouilles 4: les celtes rites funeraires en Gaule du Nord entre le vie et le 1er sie`cle avant Jesu-Christ,
Ministe`re de la Region Wallonne, Namur, pp. 7587.
Lambot, B. (2000). Victimes, sacrificateurs et dieux. In Guichard, V., and Perrin, F. (eds.), Les druides,
Hors Serie No. 2, LArcheologue, Paris, pp. 3036.
Larsson, L. (2001). A building for ritual use at Uppakra, southernmost Sweden. Antiquity 75: 679680.
Larsson, L. (ed). (2004). Continuity for Centuries: A Ceremonial Building and Its Context at Uppakra,
Southern Sweden, Almqvist & Wiksell International, Stockholm.
123
J Archaeol Res
Larsson, L., and Lenntorp, K.-M. (2004). The enigmatic house. In Larsson, L. (ed.), Continuity for
Centuries: A Ceremonial Building and Its Context at Uppakra, Southern Sweden, Almqvist &
Wiksell International, Stockholm, pp. 348.
Larsson, L., Callmer, J., and Stjernquist, B. (1992). The Archaeology of the Cultural Landscape: Field
Work and Research in a South Swedish Rural Region, Almqvist & Wiksell International, Stockholm.
Last, J. (1998). Books of life: Biography and memory in a Bronze Age barrow. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 17: 4353.
Lavendhomme, M.-O., and Guichard, V. (1997). Rodumna (Roanne, Loire), le village gaulois, Editions
de la Maison des Sciences de lHomme, Paris.
Leighton, R. (2005). Later prehistoric settlement patterns in Sicily: Old paradigms and new surveys.
European Journal of Archaeology 8: 261287.
Levi-Strauss, C. (1987). Anthropology and Myth: Lectures 19511982, Blackwell, Oxford.
Lightfoot, K. G., and Martinez, A. (1995). Frontiers and boundaries in archaeological perspective. Annual
Review of Anthropology 24: 471492.
Lillehammer, A. (1999). Farm and village: The problem of nucleation and dispersal of settlement - seen
from a Norwegian perspective. In Fabech, C., and Ringtved, J. (eds.), Settlement and Landscape,
Jutland Archaeological Society, Moesgard, pp. 131137.
Lillehammer, G. (1989). A child is born: The childs world in an archaeological perspective. Norwegian
Archaeological Review 22: 89105.
Lillios, K. T. (1999). Objects of memory: The ethnography and archaeology of heirlooms. Journal of
Archaeological Method and Theory 6: 235262.
Lindstrm, T. C., and Kristoffersen, S. (2001). Figure it out! Psychological perspectives on perception
of migration period animal art. Norwegian Archaeological Review 34: 6584.
Lloyd, D. (1985). Pap for the dispossessed: Seamus Heaney and the poetics of identity. Boundary 13:
319342.
Lock, G. R. (2007). Wessex hillforts after Danebury. In Gosden, C., Hamerow, H., de Jersey, P., and
Lock, G. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, pp. 341356.
Lock, G. R., and Stancic, Z. (eds.) (1995). Archaeology and GIS: A European Perspective, Taylor and
Francis, London.
Lorrio, A. J., and Ruiz Zapatero, G. (2004). The Celts in Iberia: An overview. The Celts in the Iberian
Peninsula, e-Keltoi 6: 167254.
Lucy, S. (1999). The Early Anglo-Saxon burial rite: Moving towards a contextual understanding. In
Rundkvist, M. (ed.), Grave Matters: Eight Studies of First Millennium A.D. Burials in Crimea,
England and Southern Scandinavia, BAR International Series 781, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 3340.
Lucy, S. J. (1997). Housewives, warriors and slaves? Sex and gender in Anglo-Saxon burials. In Moore,
J., and Scott, E. (eds.), Invisible People and Processes: Writing Gender and Childhood into
European Archaeology, Leicester University Press, London, pp. 150168.
Lundqvist, L., Rosengren, E., and Callmer, J. (1993). En fyndplats med guldgubbar vid Sloinge, Halland.
Fornvannen 88: 6570.
MacDevitt, W. A. (2005). Caesars Commentaries: On the Gallic War and on the Civil War, Norte Press,
El Paso, TX.
Madsen, D. B., and Simms, S. R. (1998). The Fremont complex: A behavioral perspective. Journal of
World Prehistory 12: 255336.
Magnusson Staaf, B. (2003). Places in our minds: Transformation and tradition in Early Iron Age
settlements. In Larsson, L., and Hardh, B. (eds.), Centrality-Regionality: The Social Structure of
Southern Sweden During the Iron Age, Almqvist & Wiksell International, Stockholm, pp. 311321.
Maier, B. (2000). Die Kelten, Beck, Munchen.
Maier, B. (2006). The religion of the Celts as an object for the comparative study of religions. In
Rieckhoff-Pauli, S. (ed.), Celtes et Gaulois: larcheologie face a lhistoire, Centre Archeologique
Europeen du Mont Beuvray, Glux-en-Glenne, pp. 5762.
Marco Simon, F. (2005). Religion and religious practices of the ancient Celts of the Iberian peninsula.
The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula, e-Keltoi 6: 287345.
Matasovic, R. (2005). Toward a relative chronology of the earliest Baltic and Slavic sound changes.
Baltistica XL: 147157.
Mays, S. (2000). The archaeology and history of infanticide, and its occurrence in earlier British
populations. In Sofaer Derevenski, J. (ed.), Children and Material Culture, Routledge, New York,
pp. 180190.
123
J Archaeol Res
Mays, S. (2001). Sex identification in some putative infanticide victims from Roman Britain using ancient
DNA. Journal of Archaeological Science 28: 555559.
Mazurana, D., and McKay, S. (2001). Child soldiers: What about the girls? Bulletin of the Atomic
Scientists 57 (5): 3135.
McCarthy, J., and Hague, E. (2004). Race, nation, and nature: The cultural politics of Celtic
identification in the American west. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 94:
387408.
McCarthy, M. (2005). Social dynamics on the northern frontier of Roman Britain. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 24: 4771.
McCartney, M. (2006). Finding fear in the Iron Age of southern France. Journal of Conflict Archaeology
2: 99118.
McEvoy, B., Richards, M., Forster, P., and Bradley, D. G. (2004). The longue duree of genetic ancestry:
Multiple genetic marker systems and Celtic origins on the Atlantic facade of Europe. American
Journal of Human Genetics 75: 693702.
Megaw, J. V. (1985). Meditations on a Celtic hobby-horse: Notes towards a social archaeology of Iron
Age art. In Champion, T. C., and Megaw, J. V. (eds.), Settlement and Society: Aspects of West
European Prehistory in the First Millennium B.C., Leicester University Press, Leicester, pp.
161191.
Megaw, J. V. (2005). The European Iron Age with - and without - Celts: A bibliographical essay.
European Journal of Archaeology 8: 6574.
Megaw, J. V., and Megaw, M. R. (1995a). The prehistoric Celts: Identity and contextuality. In Kuna, M.,
and Venclova, N. (eds.), Whither Archaeology? Papers in Honour of Evzen Neustupny, Institute of
Archaeology, Praha, pp. 230245.
Megaw, J. V., and Megaw, M. R. (1995b). Paper tigers, tilting at windmills and the Celtic Cheshire cats:
A reply to Tim Taylor. Scottish Archaeological Review 9/10: 248252.
Megaw, J. V., and Megaw, M. R. (1996). Ancient Celts and modern ethnicity. Antiquity 70: 175181.
Megaw, J. V., and Megaw, M. R. (1997). Do the ancient Celts still live? An essay on identity and
contextuality. Studio Celtica 31: 107123.
Megaw, J. V., and Megaw, M. R. (1998). The mechanism of (Celtic) dreams?: A partial response to our
critics. Antiquity 72: 432435.
Megaw, M. R., and Megaw, J. V. (1994). Through a window on the European Iron Age darkly: Fifty years
of reading early Celtic art. World Archaeology 25: 287303.
Megaw, M. R., and Megaw, J. V. (1999). Celtic connections past and present: Celtic ethnicity, ancient
Maolalaigh, R. (eds.), Celtic Connections: Proceedings
and modern. In Black, R., Gillies, W., and O
of the Tenth International Congress of Celtic Studies, vol. 1: Language, Literature, History, Culture,
Tuckwell Press, East Linton, pp. 1981.
Menez, Y. (1997). Une ferme de larmorique gauloise: Le Boisanne a Plouer-sur-Rance (CotesdArmor), Maison des Sciences de lHomme, Paris.
Merriman, N. (1987). Value and motivation in prehistory: The evidence for Celtic spirit. In Hodder, I. (ed.),
The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 111116.
Milcent, P.-Y. (2001). Le paysage funeraire: Analyse de levolution des pratiques funeraires. In Batardy,
C., Buchsenschutz, O., and Dumasy, F. (eds.), Le berry antique: atlas 2000, Revue Archeologique
du Centre de la France, Tours, pp. 9599.
Milcent, P.-Y. (2004). Le premier age du fer en France centrale, Memoires de la Societe Prehistorique
Francaise, Rennes.
Milisauskas, S. (1986). Selective survey of archaeological research in eastern Europe. American Antiquity
51: 779798.
Milisauskas, S. (1990). Peoples revolutions of 1989 and archaeology in eastern Europe. Antiquity 64:
283285.
Milisauskas, S. (1997a). Archaeology in the Soviet bloc. American Anthropologist 99: 390392.
Milisauskas, S. (1997b). Observations on Polish archaeology 19451995. Archaeologia Polona 35:
223236.
Milisauskas, S. (1998). Review article: Explanations, interpretations, and stories of the European
Neolithic. American Journal of Archaeology 102: 421423.
Milisauskas, S. (2002). European Prehistory: A Survey, Kluwer Academic, New York.
Miller, D., Rowlands, M., and Tilley, C. (eds.) (1989). Domination and Resistance, Routledge, London.
Millett, M. (1990a). The Romanization of Britain: An Essay in Archaeological Interpretation, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
123
J Archaeol Res
Millett, M. (1990b). Romanization: Historical issues and archaeological interpretation. In Blagg, T. F.,
and Millet, M. (eds.), The Early Roman Empire in the West, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 3541.
Millett, M., Queiroga, F., Strutt, K., Taylor, J., and Willis, S. (2000). The Ave Valley, northern Portugal:
An archaeological survey of Iron Age and Roman settlement. Internet Archaeology 9 (http://
intarch.ac.uk/journal/issue9/millet_index.html).
Molinos, M., and Ruiz Rodriguez, A. (1994). Sociedad y territorio en el alto Guadalquivir entre los siglos
10 s VI y IV A. C. Huelva Arqueologica 14: 1129.
Momigliano, A. (1975). Alien Wisdom: The Limits of Hellenization, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge.
Moore, H. (1994). A Passion for Difference, Blackwell, Oxford.
Moore, J., and Bevan, L. (2004). Ageism in Archaeology and the Archaeologies of Ageing, University of
Glasgow, Glasgow, Scotland.
Moore, J., and Scott, E. (eds.) (1997). Invisible People and Processes: Writing Gender and Childhood
into European Archaeology, Leicester University Press, London.
Morgenroth, U. (1999). Southern Iberia and the Mediterranean trade-routes. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 18: 395401.
Morris, I. (1996). Negotiated peripherality in Iron Age Greece: Accepting and resisting the east. Journal
of World Systems Research 2(12): 110.
Morris, I. (1999). Archaeology and gender ideologies in early Archaic Greece. Transactions of the
American Philological Association 129: 305317.
Morris, I. (2003). Mediterraneanization. Mediterranean Historical Review 18(2): 3055.
Morris, I., Jackman, T., Blake, E., and Tusa, S. (2002). Stanford University excavations on the acropolis
of Monte Polizzo, Sicily, II: Preliminary report on the 2001 season. Memoirs of the American
Academy in Rome 47: 153198.
Morris, K. (1991). Sorceress or Witch? The Image of Gender in Medieval Iceland and Northern Europe,
University Press of America, Lanham, MD.
Morse, M. A. (1996). Whats in a name? The Celts in presentations of prehistory in Ireland, Scotland,
and Wales. Journal of European Archaeology 4: 305328.
Mullin, D. (2001). Remembering, forgetting, and the invention of tradition: Burial and natural places in
the English Early Bronze Age. Antiquity 75: 533537.
Munch, G. S., Johansen, O. S., and Roesdahl, E. (eds.) (2003). Borg in Lofoten: A Chieftains Farm in
North Norway, Tapir Academic Press, Trondheim.
Murray, M. L. (1995). Viereckschanzen and feasting: Socio-political ritual in Iron Age central Europe.
Journal of European Archaeology 3: 125152.
Nash, D. (1987). Imperial expansion under the late Republic. In Rowlands, M., Larsen, M., and
Kristiansen, K. (eds.), Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, pp. 87103.
Nash Briggs, D. (2003). Metals, salt, and slaves: Economic links netween Gaul and Italy from the eighth
century to the late sixth centuries B.C. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22: 243259.
Newman, C. (2007). Procession and symbolism at Tara: Analysis of tech midchuarta (the banqueting
hall) in the context of the sacral campus. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 26: 415438.
Nielsen, P. O., Randsborg, K., and Thrane, H. (eds.) (1994). The Archaeology of Gudme and Lundeborg,
Akademisk Forlag, Copenhagen.
Oana-Marghitu, S. (2003) The Cernavoda III-Boleraz phenomenon: After 30 years. European
Archaeology Online, www.archaeology.ro/so_cernav_eng.htm.
Oestigaard, T. (1999). Cremations as transformations: When the dual cultural hypothesis was cremated
and carried away in urns. European Journal of Archaeology 2: 345364.
Oestigaard, T. (2000). Sacrifices of raw, cooked, and burnt humans. Norwegian Archaeological Review
33: 4158.
Oestigaard, T., and Goldhahn, J. (2006). From the dead to the living: Death as transactions and
re-negotiations. Norwegian Archaeological Review 39: 2748.
Okihiro, G. Y. (1986). In Resistance: Studies in African, Caribbean, and Afro-American History,
University of Massachusetts Press, Amherst.
Okun, M. L. (1989). The Early Roman Frontier in the Upper Rhine Area: Assimilation and Acculturation
on a Roman Frontier, BAR International Series 547, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Olivier, L. (1999). The Hochdorf princely grave and the question of the nature of archaeological
funerary assemblages. In Murray, T. (ed.), Time and Archaeology, Routledge, London, pp. 109138.
123
J Archaeol Res
Ortner, S. B. (1984). Theory in anthropology since the sixties. Comparative Studies in Society and
History 26: 126166.
Osborne, R. (2004). Hoards, votives, offerings: The archaeology of the dedicated object. World
Archaeology 36: 110.
Osgood, R., Monks, S., and Toms, J. (2000). Bronze Age Warfare, Stroud, Sutton.
Oswald, A. (1997). A doorway on the past: Practical and mystic concerns in the orientation of roundhouse
doorways. In Gwilt, A., and Haselgrove, C. (eds.), Reconstructing Iron Age Societies, Oxbow,
Oxford, pp. 8795.
sterlund, C., and Carlile, P. (2005). Relations in practice: Sorting through practice theories on
knowledge sharing in complex organizations. The Information Society 21: 91107.
Paasztor, E., Roslund, C., Nasstrom, B.-M., and Robertson, H. (2000). The sun and the Rosaring
ceremonial road. European Journal of Archaeology 3: 5767.
Parcero Oubina, C. (1997). The invisible warrior: Warfare and archaeology in the Indoeuropean Iron Age.
In Criado, F., and Parcero Oubina, C. (eds.), Trabajos en arqueologa del paisaje (TAPA) 2:
Landscape, Archaeology, Heritage, Grupo de Investigacion en Arqueologa del Paisaje, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, Santiago de Compostela, pp. 3539.
Parcero Oubina, C. P. (2000). Tres para dos: las formas de poblamiento en la Edad del Hierro del noroeste
iberico. Trabajos de Prehistoria 57: 7595.
Parcero Oubina, C., and Fernandez, I. C. (2004). Iron Age archaeology of the northwest Iberian peninsula.
The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula, e-Keltoi 6: 172.
Parcero Oubina, C., Boado, F. C., and Estevez, M. S. (1998). Rewriting landscape: Incorporating sacred
landscapes into cultural traditions. World Archaeology 30: 159176.
Pare, C. (1989). From Dupljaja to Delphi: The ceremonial use of the wagon in later prehistory. Antiquity
63: 80100.
Parker Pearson, M. (1993). The powerful dead: Archaeological relationships between the living and the
dead. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 3: 203229.
Parker Pearson, M. (1995). Regional approaches to mortuary analysis. Antiquity 69: 10461048.
Parker Pearson, M. (1996). Food, fertility and front doors in the first millennium B.C. In Champion, T.,
and Collis, J. (eds.), The Iron Age in Britain and Ireland: Recent Trends, J. R. Collis Publications,
Sheffield, pp. 117132.
Parker Pearson, M., and Richards, C. (1994). Ordering the world: Perceptions of architecture, space and
time. In Parker Pearson, M., and Richards, C. (eds.), Architecture and Order: Approaches to Social
Space, Routledge, London, pp. 137.
Parker Pearson, M., and Thorpe, I. J. (eds.) (2005). Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory,
Archaeopress, Oxford.
Parker Pearson, M., Sharples, N., and Mulville, J. (1996). Brochs and Iron Age society: A reappraisal.
Antiquity 70: 5767.
Parker Pearson, M., Sharples, N., and Mulville, J. (1999). Excavations at Dun Vulan: A correction
(response to S. Gilmour and M. Cook). Antiquity 73: 149152.
Parkes, P. (2003). Fostering fealty: A comparative analysis of tributary allegiances of adoptive kinship.
Comparative Studies in Society and History 45: 741782.
Parkes, P. (2004). Milk kinship in southeast Europe: Alternative social structures and foster relations in
the Caucasus and the Balkans. Social Anthropology 12: 341358.
Parkes, P. (2005). Fosterage, kinship, and legend: When milk was thicker than blood? Comparative
Studies in Society and History 46: 587615.
Parkes, P. (2006). Celtic fosterage: Adoptive kinship and clientage in northwest Europe. Comparative
Studies in Society and History 48: 359395.
Parzinger, H. (1995). The beginning of La Te`ne culture in central Europe. In Hill, J. D., and
Cumberpatch, C. G. (eds.), Different Iron Ages: Studies on the Iron Age in Temperate Europe, BAR
International Series 602, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 95110.
Paulsson-Holmberg, T. (1997). Iron Age building offerings: A contribution to the analysis of a die-hard
phenomenon in Swedish preindustrial agrarian society. Fornvannen 92(34): 163175.
Pereira Gonzalez, F. (1999). O mito Celta na historia. Revista de Guimaraes (Volume Especial) 1:
157177.
Piccini, A. (1996). Filming Through the Mists of Time: Celtic constructions and the documentary.
Anthropology in Public, Special Issue of Current Anthropology 37(Supplement 1): S87S111.
Piotrowska, D. (1997). Biskupin 19331996: Archaeology, politics and nationalism. Archaeologia
Polona 35: 255285.
123
J Archaeol Res
Pittock, M. G. (1999). Celtic Identity and the British Image, Manchester University Press, Manchester.
Pitts, M. (2003). Dont knock the ancestors. Antiquity 77: 172178.
Pitts, M. (2005). Pots and pits: Drinking and deposition in Late Iron Age south-east Britain. Oxford
Journal of Archaeology 24: 143161.
Poole, C. (1995). Study 12: Pits and propitiation. In Cunliffe, B. W. (ed.), Danebury: An Iron Age Hillfort
in Hampshire, Council for British Archaeology, London, pp. 249275.
Porsmose, E. (1981). Den Regulerede Landsby: Studier Over bebygglesudviklingen pa Fyn i Tiden fra ca
1000 til ca 1700 e. Kr. Fdsel, Odense University Studies in History and Social Sciences, Odense.
Possamai, A. M. (2002). Cultural consumption of history and popular culture in alternative spiritualities.
Journal of Consumer Culture 2: 197218.
Potrebica, H. (2001). Some aspects of the warrior concept in the eastern Hallstatt circle. Prehistoria
2000(1): 6281.
Pred, A. (1984). Place as historically contingent process: Structuration and the time geography of
becoming places. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 74: 279297.
Pred, A. (1986). Place, Practice and Structure, Barnes and Noble, New York.
Prent, M. (2003). Glories of the past in the past: Ritual activities at palatial ruins in Early Iron Age Crete.
In Van Dyke, R., and Alcock, S. (eds.), Archaeologies of Memory, Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 81103.
Price, T. D., Grupe, G., and Schroter, P. (1998). Migration in the Bell Beaker period of central Europe.
Antiquity 72: 405411.
Price, T. D., Knipper, C., Grupe, G., and Smrcka, V. (2004). Strontium isotopes and prehistoric human
migration: The Bell Beaker period in central Europe. European Journal of Archaeology 7: 940.
Puhvel, M. (1978). Snow and mist in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight: Portents of the Otherworld?
Folklore 89: 224228.
Ralph, S. (2007). Feasting and Social Complexity in Later Iron Age East Anglia, Oxbow, Oxford.
Ralston, I. (2006). Celtic Fortifications, Tempus, Stroud.
Ralston, I. (2007). Bourges in the earlier Iron Age. In Gosden, C., Hamerow, H., de Jersey, P., and Lock,
G. R. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe, Oxford University
Press, Oxford, pp. 217239.
Randsborg, K. (1980). The Viking Age in Denmark: The Formation of a State, Duckworth, London.
Randsborg, K. (1990). Beyond the Roman Empire: Archaeological discoveries in Gudme on Funen,
Denmark. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 9: 355366.
Randsborg, K. (1992). Barbarians, classical antiquity, and the rise of Western Europe: An archaeological
essay. Past and Present 137: 824.
Rausing, G. (1997). The wheeled cauldrons and the wine. Antiquity 71: 994999.
Redman, C. L. (1991). Distinguished lecture in archaeology: In defense of the seventies the adolescence
of New Archaeology. American Anthropologist 93: 295307.
Reimao Queiroga, F. M. (2003). War and Castros: New Approaches to the Northwestern Portuguese Iron
Age, BAR International Series 1198, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Reimao Queiroga, F. M. (2007). The late Castro culture of northwest Portugal. In Gosden, C., Hamerow,
H., de Jersey, P., and Lock, G. R. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry
Cunliffe, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 169177.
Renfrew, C. (1986). Introduction: Peer polity interaction and socio-political change. In Renfrew, C., and
Cherry, J. F. (eds.), Peer Polity Interaction and Socio-Political Change, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, pp. 118.
Ridderspore, M. (1988). Settlement site - village site: Analysis of the toft-structure in some medieval
villages and its relation to Late Iron Age settlements: A preliminary report and some tentative ideas
based on Scanian examples. Geografisk Annaler 70B(1): 7585.
Ridderspore, M. (2003). Large farms and ordinary villages: Perspectives from Uppakra. In Larsson, L.,
and Hardh, B. (eds.), Centrality-Regionality: The Social Structure of Southern Sweden During the
Iron Age, Almqvist & Wiksell International, Stockholm, pp. 139156.
Rieckhoff-Pauli, S. (ed.) (2006). Celtes et gaulois: larcheologie face a lhistoire, Centre Archeologique
Europeen du Mont Beuvray, Glux-en-Glenne.
Rindel, P. (1999). Development of the village community 500 B.C.100 A.D. in west Jutland, Denmark.
In Fabech, C., and Ringtved, J. (eds.), Settlement and Landscape, Jutland Archaeological Society,
Moesgard, pp. 7999.
Rios Gonzalez, S., and Garcia de Castro Valdes, C. (2001). Observaciones en torno al poblamiento
castreno de la Edad del Hierro en Asturias. Trabajos de Prehistoria 58(2): 89107.
123
J Archaeol Res
Robb, J. G. (1998). The ritual landscape concept in archaeology: A heritage construction. Landscape
Research 23: 159175.
Robb, J., Bigazzi, R., Lazzarini, L., Scarsini, C., and Sonego, F. (2001). Social status and biological
status: A comparison of grave goods and skeletal indicators from Pontecagnano. American Journal
of Physical Anthropology 115: 213222.
Roesdahl, E. (1982). Viking Age Denmark, Colonnade, London.
Rose, F. A. (2003). Text and image in Celtiberia: The adoption and adaptation of written language into
indigenous visual vocabulary. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22: 155175.
Ross, A. (1995). Ritual and the Druids. In Green, M. (ed.), The Celtic World, Routledge, London, pp.
423444.
Rowlands, M. J. (1987). Europe in prehistory: A unique form of primitive capitalism. Culture and History
1: 6378.
Rowlands, M. (1994). From the gift to market economies: The ideology and politics of European Iron
Age society. In Kristiansen, K., and Jensen, J. (eds.), Europe in the First Millennium B.C., J. R.
Collis Publications, Sheffield, pp. 15.
Rowlands, M., and Frankenstein, S. (1998). The internal structure and regional context of Early Iron Age
society in south-western Germany. In Kristiansen, K., and Rowlands, M. (eds.), Social
Transformations in Archaeology: Global and Local Perspectives, Routledge, London, pp. 334374.
Rowlands, M. J., Larsen, M., and Kristiansen, K. (ed). (1987). Centre and Periphery in the Ancient
World, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Rowley-Conwy, P. (2001). Science, theory, and archaeology in Britain: A minimalist view of the debate.
Archaeologia Polona 39: 1736.
Roymans, N. (1990). Tribal Societies in Northern Gaul: An Anthropological Perspective, Albert Egges
van Giffen Instituut voor Prae- en Protohistorie, Universiteit van Amsterdam, Amsterdam.
Roymans, N. (2004). Ethnic Identity and Imperial Power: The Batavians in the Early Roman Empire,
Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam.
Ruffier, O. (1990). Loperation archeologique de la rue de la Nation a` Bourges: urbanisme monumental
gallo-romain et occupation protohistorique. Cahiers dArcheologie et dHistoire du Berry 103:
2941.
Ruiz Rodriguez, A. (1993). Present panorama of Spanish archaeology. In Martinez Navarrete, M. E. (ed.),
Theory and Practice of Prehistory: View from the Edges of Europe, Universidad de Cantabria,
Santander, pp. 307325.
Ruiz Rodriguez, A., and Molinos, M. (1993). Los iberos: analisis arqueologico de un proceso historico,
Critico, Barcelona.
Ruiz Rodriguez, A., and Molinos, M. (1998). The Archaeology of the Iberians, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.
Ruiz Rodriguez, A., Molinos, M., and Castro, M. (1991). Settlement and continuity in the territory of the
Guadalquivir Valley (6th century B.C. 1st century A.D.). In Barker, G., and Lloyd, J. (eds.),
Roman Landscapes: Archaeological Survey in the Mediterranean Region, British School at Rome,
London, pp. 2936.
lvarez-Sanchs, J. R. (1999). Ulaca: la Pompeya vettona. Revista de
Ruiz Zapatero, G., and A
Arqueologa 216: 3647.
lvarez-Sanchs, J. R. (2002). Etnicidad y arqueologa: tras la identidad de los
Ruiz Zapatero, G., and A
vettones. Spal 11: 253275.
Saitta, D. J. (1994). Agency, class, and archaeological interpretation. Journal of Anthropological
Archaeology 13: 201227.
Saitta, D. J., and Keene, A. S. (1990). Politics and surplus flow in prehistoric communal societies. In
Upham, S. (ed.), The Evolution of Political Systems: Sociopolitics in Small-Scale Sedentary
Societies, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 203224.
lvarez, M. P.
Salinas, M. (2001). Fides, hospitium y clientela en Hispania. In Villar, F., and Fernandez A
(eds.), Religion, lengua y cultura prerromanas de Hispania, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca,
Salamanca, pp. 241255.
Sanchez-Moreno, E. (2001). Cross-cultural links in ancient Iberia: Socio-economic anatomy of
hospitality. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 20: 391414.
Sastre, I. (2002). Forms of social inequality in the Castro culture of north-west Iberia. European Journal
of Archaeology 5: 213248.
Sayers, W. (1985). Fergus and the cosmogonic sword. History of Religions 25: 3056.
Schechner, R. (2002). Performance Studies: An Introduction, Routledge, New York.
123
J Archaeol Res
Schmidt, P. R. (1983). An alternative to a strictly materialist perspective: A review of historical
archaeology, ethnoarchaeology, and symbolic approaches in African archaeology. American
Antiquity 48: 6279.
Schneider, J. (1977). Was there a precapitalist world-system? Peasant Studies 6: 2029.
Schortman, E. M. (1989). Interregional interaction in prehistory: The need for a new perspective.
American Antiquity 54: 5265.
Schortman, E. M., and Urban, P. A. (1992). Current trends in interaction research. In Schortman, E. M.,
and Urban, P. A. (eds.), Resources, Power, and Interregional Interaction, Plenum, New York, pp.
235255.
Schwartzman, H. B. (2005). Materializing children: Challenges for the archaeology of childhood. In
Baxter, J. (ed.), Children in Action: Perspectives on the Archaeology of Childhood, Archeological
Papers No. 15, American Anthropological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 123131.
Scott, E. (1991). Animal and infant burials in Romano-British villas: A revitalization movement. In
Garwood, P., Jennings, D., Skeates, R., and Toms, J. (eds.), Sacred and Profane: Proceedings of a
Conference on Archaeology, Religion, and Ritual, Oxford, 1989, Institute of Archaeology, Oxford,
pp. 115121.
Scott, E. (1993). Images and contexts of infants and infant burials: Some thoughts on cross-cultural
evidence. Archaeological Review from Cambridge 11: 7792.
Scott, E. (1997). Introduction: on the incompleteness of archaeological narratives. In Moore, J., and Scott,
E. (eds.), Invisible People and Processes: Writing Gender and Childhood in European Archaeology,
Leicester University Press, Leicester, pp. 112.
Scott, J. C. (1985). Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, Yale University Press,
New Haven, CT.
Scott, J. C. (1990). Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts, Yale University Press,
New Haven, CT.
Scott, S. A., and Webster, J. (eds.) (2003). Roman Imperialism and Provincial Art, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.
Sedgwick, E. K., and Parker, A. (eds.) (1995). Performativity and Performance, Routledge, New York.
Selinsky, P. (2005). Human skeletal material from Gordions lower town area. In Kealhofer, L. (ed.), The
Archaeology of Midas and the Phrygians, University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia, pp.
117123.
Sharples, N., and Parker Pearson, M. (1997). Why were brochs built? Recent studies in the Iron Age of
Atlantic Scotland. In Gwilt, A., and Haselgrove, C. (eds.), Reconstructing Iron Age Societies,
Oxbow Monographs, Oxford, pp. 254265.
Shennan, S. (1982). Exchange and ranking: The role of amber in the earlier Bronze Age of Europe. In
Renfrew, C., and Shennan, S. (eds.), Ranking, Resource, and Exchange, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, pp. 3345.
Shennan, S. J. (ed.) (1989). Archaeological Approaches to Cultural Identity, Routledge, London.
Shennan, S. (2003). Review essay. European Journal of Archaeology 6: 9197.
Sherratt, A. G. (1972). Socio-economic and demographic models for the Neolithic and Bronze Ages of
Europe. In Clarke, D. L. (ed.), Models in Archaeology, Methuen, London, pp. 477542.
Sherratt, A. G. (1993). Who are you calling peripheral? Dependence and independence in European
prehistory. In Scarre, C., and Healy, F. (eds.), Trade and Exchange in Prehistoric Europe, Oxbow,
Oxford.
Sherratt, A. G. (1995). Fata morgana: Illusion and reality in Greek-barbarian relations. Cambridge
Archaeological Journal 5: 139153.
Sherratt, A. G. (1999). Greece, Anatolia and Europe: Cultural interrelations during the Early Iron Age.
American Journal of Archaeology 103: 556557.
Shilling, C. (1993). The Body and Social Theory, Sage, London.
Shkala, H.-L. (1990). Singing of incantations in the Nordic tradition. In Ahlback, T. (ed.), Old Norse and
bo, pp. 191205.
Finnish Religions and Cultic Place-names, Donner Institute, A
Sidrys, R. V. (2001). Roman imports among the west Balts: Commerce or beads for the natives? In
Butrimus, A. (ed.), Baltic Amber, Vilnius Academy of Fine Arts, Vilnius, pp. 157169.
Siegmund, F. (1999). Als Franke sterben: Ethnizitat und Lebensraum der sudlichen Nachbarn der Sachsen
nach archaologischen Quellen. Studien zur Sachsenforschung 12: 209222.
Siegmund, F. (2000). Alemannen und Franken: Archaologische Studie zu Ethnien und ihren
Siedlungsraumen in der Merowingerzeit, de Gruyter, Berlin.
123
J Archaeol Res
Sievers, S. (2000). Vorbericht uber die Ausgrabungen 19981999 im Oppidum von Manching. Germania
(Mainz) 78: 355394.
Sievers, S., Manhart, H., Trappe, M., Gebhard, R., Ziegaus, B., Hahn, E., Kuster, H., and Leicht, M.
(1998). Vorbericht uber die Ausgrabungen 19961997 im Oppidum von Manching. Germania
(Mainz) 76: 619672.
Sims-Williams, P. (1998). Celtomania and Celtoscepticism. Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 36: 135.
Sindbk, S. M. (1999). A Magyar occurrence: Process, practice and ethnicity between Europe and the
steppes. Acta Archaeologica 70: 149164.
Small, D. B. (1999). The tyranny of the text: Lost social strategies in current historical period archaeology
in the classical Mediterranean. In Funari, P. P., Hall, M., and Jones, S. (eds.), Historical
Archaeology: Back from the Edge, Routledge, London, pp. 122136.
Smith, A. (2001). The Differential Use of Constructed Sacred Space in Southern Britain, from the Late
Iron Age to the 4th Century A.D., Archaeopress, Oxford.
Smith, M. E. (1992). Braudels temporal rhythms and chronology theory in archaeology. In Knapp, A. B.
(ed.), Archaeology, Annales, and Ethnohistory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 2334.
Soderberg, B. (2003). Integrating power: Some aspects of a magnates farm and presumed central place in
Jarrestad, south-east Scania. Acta archaeologica Lundensia (Series in 8) 40: 283310.
Sofaer Derevenski, J. (2000). Children and Material Culture, Routledge, New York.
Solberg, B. (2002). Courtyard sites north of the polar circle: Reflections of power in the late Roman and
Migration period. In Hardh, B., and Larsson, L. (eds.), Central Places in the Migration and the
Merovingian Periods, Lund University, Lund, pp. 219229.
Solli, B. (1997). Odin the queer: Om det skeive i norrn mytologi. Universitetets Oldsaksamling Arbok
98: 742.
Solli, B. (1999). Odin the queer? On ergi and shamanism in Norse mythology. In Gustafsson, A., and
Karlsson, H. (eds.), Glyfer och arkeologiska rum: en vanbok till Jarl Nordbladh, Goteborgs
Universitet, Goteborg, pp. 341349.
Sopena, G. (2005). Celtiberian ideologies and religion. The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula, e-Keltoi 6:
347410.
Srensen, M. L. S. (1987). Material order and cultural classification: The role of bronze objects in the
transition from Bronze Age to Iron Age in Scandinavia. In Hodder, I. (ed.), The Archaeology of
Contextual Meaning, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 90102.
Stalbom, U. (1997). Waste or what? Rubbish pits or ceremonial deposits at the Pryssgarden site in the
Late Bronze Age. Lund Archaeological Review 1997: 2136.
Stilborg, O., Olsson, S., and Hakansson, H. (1997). Shards of Iron Age Communications: A
Ceramological Study of Internal Structure and External Contacts in the Gudme-Lundeborg Area,
Funen during the Late Roman Iron Age, Keramiska Forskningslaboratoriet, Lunds Universitet,
Lund.
Stone, T. (2003). Social identity and ethnic interaction in the western Pueblos of the American Southwest.
Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 10: 3167.
Stoodley, N. (1999a). The Spindle and the Spear: A Critical Enquiry into the Construction and Meaning
of Gender in the Early Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite, BAR British Series 288, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Stoodley, N. (1999b). Burial rite, gender and the origins of kingdoms: The evidence from seventh-century
Wessex. Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History 10: 99107.
Stoodley, N. (2000). From the cradle to the grave: Age organization and the Early Anglo-Saxon burial
rite. World Archaeology 31: 456472.
Storli, I. (2000). Barbarians of the north: Reflections on the establishment of courtyard sites in north
Norway. Norwegian Archaeological Review 33: 81103.
. (1990). Personal piety in Nordic heathenism. In Ahlback, T. (ed.), Old Norse and Finnish
Strom, A
bo, pp. 374380.
Religions and Cultic Place-names, Donner Institute, A
Tangherlini, T. R. (1990). Some Old Norse hang-ups: Ritual aspects of Havamal 134. Mankind Quarterly
31: 87108.
Tasic, N. (2004). Historical picture of development of Early Iron Age in the Serbian Danube Basin.
Balcanica 35: 722.
Taylor, T. (1992). The Gundestrup cauldron. Scientific American March: 8489.
Taylor, T. (2001). Believing the ancients: Quantitative and qualitative dimensions of slavery and the slave
trade in later prehistoric Eurasia. World Archaeology 33: 2743.
Thackeray, A. I. (1989). Changing fashions in the Middle Stone Age: The stone artefact sequence from
Klasies River main site, South Africa. African Archaeological Review 7: 3357.
123
J Archaeol Res
Theodossiev, N. (2005). Celtic settlement in north-western Thrace during the late fourth and third
centuries B.C.: Some historical and archaeological notes. In Dobrzanska, H., Megaw, V., and
Poleska, P. (eds.), Celts on the Margin: Studies in European Cultural Interaction VII c B.C. I c
A.D.: Essays in Honor of Zenon Wozniak, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy
of the Sciences, Krakow, pp. 8592.
Therkorn, L. (1987a). The inter-relationships of materials and meanings: Some suggestions on housing
concerns within Iron Age Noord-Holland. In Hodder, I. (ed.), The Archaeology of Contextual
Meanings, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 102110.
Therkorn, L. (1987b). The structures, mechanics and some aspects of inhabited behaviour. Assendelver
Polders Papers 1: 177224.
Thorpe, N. (2004). Being old in the European Bronze Age. Paper presented at the Theoretical
Archaeology Group 2004, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, Scotland.
Thrane, H. (ed.) (1985). Gudme Problemer (Gudme Problems), Odense University Press, Odense.
Thrane, H. (1988). Import, affluence and cult - interdependent aspects? Consideration caused by recent
and old discoveries at Gudme on Funen, Denmark. In Hardh, B., Larsson. L., Olausson, D., and
Petre, R. (eds.), Trade and Exchange in Prehistory: Studies in Honour of Berta Stjernquist, Lunds
Universitets Historiska Museum, Lund, pp. 187196.
Thrane, H. (1994). Centres of wealth in northern Europe. In Kristiansen, K., and Jensen, J. (eds.), Europe
in the First Millennium B.C., J. R. Collis Publications, Sheffield, pp. 95110.
Thurston, T. L. (1999). The knowable, the doable and the undiscussed: Tradition, submission, and the
becoming of rural landscapes in Denmarks Iron Age. Antiquity 73: 661671.
Thurston, T. L. (2001). Landscapes of Power, Landscapes of Conflict: State Formation in the Danish Iron
Age, Kluwer Academic/Plenum, New York.
Thurston, T. L. (2009). Bitter arrows and generous gifts: What was a king in the European Iron Age? In
Price, T. D., and Feinman, G. M. (eds.), Pathways to Power in the Past, Springer, New York.
Tilley, C., and Bennett, W. (2001). An archaeology of supernatural places: The case of West Penwith.
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 7: 335362.
Treherne, P. (1995). The warriors beauty: The masculine body and self-identity in Bronze Age Europe.
Journal of European Archaeology 3: 105144.
Tringham, R. (1991). Households with faces: The challenge of gender in prehistoric architectural remains.
In Gero, J. M., and Conkey, M. W. (eds.), Engendering Archaeology: Women and Prehistory,
Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 93131.
Turner, B. (1984). The Body and Society, Blackwell, Oxford.
Turner, R. C. (1996). Lindow Man: The body in the bog. In Aldhouse-Green, S. (ed.), Art, Ritual and
Death in Prehistory, National Museums and Galleries of Wales, Cardiff, pp. 3435.
Turner, R. C., and Scaife, R. (eds.) (1995). Bog Bodies: New Discoveries and New Perspectives, British
Museum Press, London.
Turner, V. W. (1969). The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure, Walter de Gruyter, New York.
Turner, V. W. (1986). The Anthropology of Performance, PAJ Publications, New York.
Ullen, I. (1994). The power of case studies: Interpretation of a Late Bronze Age settlement in central
Sweden. Journal of European Archaeology 2: 249262.
Ullen, I. (1996). Horse and dog in the Swedish Bronze Age: A close-up study of the relation of horse and dog
to man in the Bronze Age settlement of Apalle. Archaologische Korrespondenzblatt 26: 145166.
Vaitkunskien_e, L. (1995). The formation of warrior elite during the Middle Iron Age in Lithuania. In
Kazakevicius, V., and Sidrys, R. V. (eds.), Archaeologia Baltica, Lithuanian Institute of History,
Vilnius, pp. 94106.
van den Broeke, P. (1995). Iron Age sea salt trade in the Lower Rhine area. In Hill, J. D., and
Cumberpatch, C. G. (eds.), Different Iron Ages: Studies on the Iron Age in Temperate Europe, BAR
International Series 602, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 149162.
van der Sanden, W. (1996). Through Nature to Eternity: The Bog Bodies of Northwest Europe, Batavian
Lion International, Amsterdam.
van der Veen, M., and Jones, G. (2006). A re-analysis of agricultural production and consumption:
Implications for understanding the British Iron Age. Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 15:
217228.
Vander Linden, M. (2007). What linked the Bell Beakers in third millennium B.C. Europe? Antiquity 81:
343352.
Vandkilde, H. (2003). Commemorative tales: Archaeological responses to modern myth, politics, and
war. World Archaeology 35: 126144.
123
J Archaeol Res
Vasic, R. (2004). Beleske o Glasincu: Autarijati (Notes on Glasinac: The Autariatae). Balcanica 35:
3549.
Vasks, A. (1995). New data on Early Iron Age settlement in southeastern Latvia. In Kazakevicius, V., and
Sidrys, R. V. (eds.), Archaeologia Baltica, Lithuanian Institute of History, Vilnius, pp. 5780.
Vasks, A. (1997). The cultural and ethnic situation in Latvia during the Early and Middle Iron Age
(1st8th century A.D.). Latvian Ethnic History 3(16): 4974.
Vedru, G. (2004). People on river landscapes. Estonian Journal of Archaeology 8: 181200.
Venclova, N. (1993). Celtic shrines in central Europe: A skeptical approach. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 12: 5566.
Venclova, N. (1997). On enclosures, pots and trees in the forest. Journal of European Archaeology 5:
131150.
Venclova, N. (1998). Msecke Zehrovice in Bohemia: Archaeological Background to a Celtic Hero 3rd
2nd Century B.C., Kronos, Prague.
Verger, S. (ed). (2000). Rites et espaces en pays Celte et Mediterraneen: etude comparee a` partir du
sanctuaire dAcy-Romance, Ecole Francaise de Rome, Rome.
Vida de Navarro, M. C. (1992). Warriors and weavers: sex and gender in Early Iron Age graves from
Pontecagnano. Accordio Research Papers 3: 6799.
Wailes, B. (1995). A case study of heterarchy in complex societies: Early Medieval Ireland and its
archeological implications. In Ehrenreich, R. M., Crumley, C., and Levy, J. E. (eds.), Heterarchy
and the Analysis of Complex Societies, Archeological Papers No. 6, American Anthropological
Association, Washington, DC, pp. 5570.
Wait, G. A. (1995). Burial and the otherworld. In Green, M. J. (ed.), The Celtic World, British Museum
Press, London, pp. 489511.
Wallerstein, I. (1974). The Modern World System, Academic Press, New York.
Watson, R. A. (1990). Ozymandias, king of kings: Postprocessual radical archaeology as critique.
American Antiquity 55: 673689.
Watson, R. A. (1991). What the New Archaeology has accomplished. Current Anthropology 32:
275291.
Watt, M. (2004). The gold-figure foils (Guldgubbar) from Uppakra. In Larsson, L. (ed.), Continuity for
Centuries: A Ceremonial Building and Its Context at Uppakra, Southern Sweden, Almqvist &
Wiksell International, Stockholm, pp. 167221.
Webster, J. (1995a). Sanctuaries and sacred places. In Green, M. J. (ed.), The Celtic World, Routledge,
London, pp. 445464.
Webster, J. (1995b). Interpretatio: Roman word power and the Celtic gods. Britannia 26: 153161.
Webster, J. (1996). Ethnographic barbarity: Colonial discourse and Celtic warrior societies. In Webster,
J., and Cooper, N. (eds.), Roman Imperialism: Post-Colonial Perspectives, Leicester Archaeological
Monographs, Leicester, pp. 111124.
Webster, J. (1997). Necessary comparisons: A post-colonial approach to religious syncretism in the
Roman provinces. World Archaeology 25: 324338.
Wells, P. S. (1980a). Culture Contact and Culture Change: Early Iron Age Central Europe and the
Mediterranean World, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Wells, P. S. (1980b). Contact and change: An example on the fringes of the classical world. World
Archaeology 12: 110.
Wells, P. S. (1984). Farms, Villages, and Cities: Commerce and Urban Origins in Late Prehistoric
Europe, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY.
Wells, P. S. (1988). Material symbols and the interpretation of cultural change. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 4: 917.
Wells, P. S. (1989). Intensification, entrepreneurship, and cognitive change in the Bronze-Iron Age
transition. In Srensen, M. L., and Thomas, R. (eds.), The Bronze Age - Iron Age Transition in
Europe: Aspects of Continuity and Change in European Societies c. 1200500 B.C., BAR
International Series 483, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 173183.
Wells, P. S. (1995). Identities, material culture, and change: Celts and Germans in Late Iron Age
Europe. Journal of European Archaeology 3: 169185.
Wells, P. S. (1996a). Production within and beyond imperial boundaries: Goods, exchange, and power in
Roman Europe. Journal of World Systems Research 2(13): 126.
Wells, P. S. (1996b). Location, organization, and specialization of craft production in late prehistoric
central Europe. In Wailes, B. (ed.), Craft Specialization and Social Evolution: In Memory of V.
Gordon Childe, University Museum Press, Philadelphia, pp. 8598.
123
J Archaeol Res
Wells, P. S. (1997). Untitled review of Cultural Identity and Archaeology: The Construction of
European Communities by Paul Graves-Brown, Sian Jones, and Clive Gamble. American Journal
of Archaeology 101: 404405.
Wells, P. S. (1998). Identity and material culture in the later prehistory of central Europe. Journal of
Archaeological Research 6: 239298.
Wells, P. S. (1999). The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples Shaped Roman Europe,
Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.
Wells, P. S. (2001). Beyond Celts, Germans and Scythians: Archaeology and Identity in Iron Age Europe,
Duckworth, London.
Wells, P. S. (2003). The Battle that Stopped Rome: Emperor Augustus, Arminius, and the Slaughter of the
Legions in the Teutoburg Forest, W. W. Norton, New York.
Wells, P. S. (2005). Creating an imperial frontier: Archaeology of the formation of Romes Danube
borderland. Journal of Archaeological Research 13: 4988.
Wenke, R. J. (1980). Patterns in Prehistory: Mankinds First Three Million Years, Oxford University
Press, Oxford.
Whitehouse, R. (1998). Introduction. In Whitehouse, R. (ed.), Gender and Italian Archaeology:
Challenging the Stereotypes, University College London, London, pp. 18.
Whitley, J. (2002a). Objects with attitude: Biographical facts and fallacies in the study of Late Bronze
Age and Early Iron Age warrior graves. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 12: 217232.
Whitley, J. (2002b). Too many ancestors. Antiquity 76: 119126.
Wigley, A. (2002). Touching the void: Iron Age landscapes and settlement in the West Midlands. Paper
commissioned for the West Midlands Regional Research Framework for Archaeology, Institute of
Archaeology and Antiquity, University of Birmingham, Birmingham.
Wilkes, J. (2007). Sailing to the Britannic Isles: Some Mediterranean perspectives on the remote
northwest from the sixth century B.C. to the seventh century A.D. In Gosden, C., Hamerow, H., de
Jersey, P., and Lock, G. R. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry
Cunliffe, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 314.
Williams, M. (2003). Growing metaphors: The agricultural cycle as metaphor in the later prehistoric
period of Britain and North-western Europe. Journal of Social Archaeology 3: 223255.
Wilson, B. (1999). Displayed or concealed? Cross cultural evidence for symbolic and ritual activity
depositing Iron Age animal bones. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 18: 297305.
Witoczek, N. (2002). All that is airy solidifies: The prolonged agony of Romantic Ireland. Textual
Practice 16: 345363.
Witt, C. (1996). Drinking and death in Iron Age Europe: Mediterranean imports and early Celtic style.
American Journal of Archaeology 100: 389.
Woodward, P., and Woodward, A. (2004). Dedicating the town: Urban foundation deposits in Roman
Britain. World Archaeology 36: 6886.
Woolf, A. (1997). At home in the Long Iron Age: Dialogue between households and individuals in
cultural reproduction. In Moore, J., and Scott, E. (eds.), Invisible People and Processes: Writing
Gender and Childhood into European Archaeology, Leicester University Press, London, pp. 6878.
Woolf, G. (1993). Rethinking the oppida. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 12: 223234.
Woolf, G. (1997). Beyond Romans and natives. World Archaeology 28: 339350.
Woolf, G. (1998). Becoming Roman: The Origins of Provincial Civilization in Gaul, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Wright, R. (ed.) (1996). Gender and Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia.
Zoffmann, K. (2000). Anthropological sketch of the prehistoric population of the Carpathian Basin. Acta
Biologica Szegediensis 44: 7579.
123
J Archaeol Res
Copley, M. S., Berstan, R., Dudd, S. N., Straker, V., Payne, S., and Evershed, R. P. (2005). Dairying in
antiquity, I: Evidence from absorbed lipid residues dating to the British Iron Age. Journal of
Archaeological Science 32: 485503.
Cottam, G. L. (2001). Plated Iron Age coins: Official issues or contemporary forgeries. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 20: 377390.
Craddock, P. T. (1995). Early Metal Mining and Production, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh.
Dietler, M. (1989). Greeks, Etruscans, and thirsty barbarians: Early Iron Age interaction in the Rhone
Basin of France. In Champion, T. C. (ed.), Centre and Periphery: Comparative Studies in
Archaeology, Unwin Hyman, London, pp. 127141.
Ehrenreich, R. M. (1995). Early metalworking: A heterarchical analysis of industrial organization. In
Ehrenreich, R. M., Crumley, C., and Levy, J. E. (eds.), Heterarchy and the Analysis of Complex
Societies, Archeological Papers No. 6, American Anthropological Association, Washington, DC, pp.
3339.
Ferdie`re, A. (2005). Lartisanat en Gaule romaine. In Actes du Congre`s de Blois, 58 mai 2005, Societe
Francaise dEtude de la Ceramique Antique en Gaule, Marseille, pp. 714.
Feugere, M. (2006). Les transformations des productions manufacturees: traditions et innovations In:
Rieckhoff-Pauli, S. (ed.), Celtes et Gaulois: larcheologie face a` lhistoire 5, la romanisation et la
question de lheritage celtique. Actes de la table-ronde de Lausanne, 1718 juin 2005, Glux-enGlenne, France, pp. 163166.
Foxhall, L., Jones, M., and Forbes, H. (2007). Human ecology and the classical landscape. In Alcock, S.,
and Osborne, R. (eds.), Classical Archaeology, Blackwell, Malden, MA, pp. 89117.
Gebhard, R. (1995). Industry in Celtic oppida - Aspects of high temperature processes. In Morteani, G.,
and Northover, P. (eds.), Prehistoric Gold in Europe. Proceedings of the Advanced Nato Workshop,
Seeon 1993. Nato ASI Series, Series E: Applied Science Volume 280, Kluwer, Dordrecht, pp. 261
272.
Gruel, K., and Haselgrove, C. (2007). British potins abroad: A new find from central France and the Iron
Age in southern England. In Gosden, C., Hamerow, H., de Jersey, P., and Lock, G. (eds.),
Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe, Oxford University Press,
Oxford, pp. 240262.
Gunder Frank, A., and Thompson, W. R. (2006). Early Iron Age economic expansion and contraction
revisited. In Gills, B. K., and Thompson, W. R. (eds.), Globalization and Global History, Routledge,
London, pp. 139161.
Henderson, J. (1992). Industrial specialization in late Iron Age Britain and Europe. The Archaeological
Journal 148: 104148.
Hingley, R. (1997). Iron, ironworking and regeneration: A study of the symbolic meaning of
metalworking in Iron Age Britain. In Gwilt, A., and Haselgrove, C. (eds.), Reconstructing Iron Age
Societies, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 918.
Jrgensen, A. N. (2003). Fortifications and the control of land and sea traffic in the pre-Roman and
Roman Iron Age. In Jrgensen, L., Storgaard, B., and Thomsen, L.G. (eds.), The Spoils of Victory:
The North in the Shadow of the Roman Empire, National Museum, Copenhagen, pp. 194209.
Luley, B. P. (2008). Coinage at Lattara: Using archaeological context to understand ancient coins.
Archaeological Dialogues 15: 174195.
Milcent, P.-Y. (ed.) (2007). Leconomie du fer protohistorique: de la production a` la consommation du
metal, Federation Aquitania, Pessac.
Moore, T. O. (2007). Perceiving communities: Exchange, landscapes and social networks in the later Iron
Age of Western Britain. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 26: 79102.
Nash Briggs, D. (2007). Home truths from travellers tales: On the transmission of culture in the
European Iron Age. In Gosden, C., Hamerow, H., de Jersey, P., and Lock, G. R. (eds.), Communities
and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 1529.
Olivier, L., and Kovacik, J. (2006). The Briquetage de la Seille (Lorraine, France): Proto-industrial salt
production in the European Iron Age. Antiquity 80: 558566.
Pydyn, A. (1998). Universal or relative? Social, economic and symbolic values in central Europe in the
transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. In Bailey, D. W. (ed.), The Archaeology of Value:
Essays on Prestige and the Processes of Valuation, BAR International Series 730, Archaeopress,
Oxford, pp. 97105.
Quesada, F. (1998). From quality to quantity: Wealth, status and prestige in the Iberian Iron Age. In
Bailey, D. W. (ed.), The Archaeology of Value: Essays on Prestige and the Processes of Valuation,
BAR International Series 730, Archaeopress, Oxford, pp. 7096.
123
J Archaeol Res
Roos, A. M. (2008). Magic coins and magic squares: The discovery of astrological sigils in the
Oldenburg Letters. Notes and Records of the Royal Society 62: 271288.
Sadori, L., and Susanna, F. (2005). Hints of economic change during the late Roman Empire period in
central Italy: A study of charred plant remains from La Fontanaccia, near Rome. Vegetation
History and Archaeobotany 14: 386393.
Scheidel, W. (2005). From monetization to culture change. Archaeological Dialogues 12: 3537.
Schortman, E. M., and Urban, P. A. (2004). Modeling the roles of craft production in ancient political
economies. Journal of Archaeological Research 12: 185226.
Stollner, T., Aspock, H., Boenke, N., Dobiat, C., Gawlick, H. J., Groenman-Van Waateringe, W., Irlinger,
W., Von Kurzynski, K., Lein, R., and Lobisser, W. (2003). The economy of Durrnberg-bei-Hallein:
An Iron Age salt-mining centre in the Austrian Alps. The Antiquaries Journal 83: 123194.
Taylor, J. (2001). The Isle of Portland: An Iron Age port-of-trade. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 20:
187205.
Trott, K., and Tomalin, D. (2003). The maritime role of the island of Vectis in the British pre-Roman Iron
Age. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 32: 158181.
Venclova, N. (1995). Settlement area, production area and industrial zone. In Kuna, M., and Venclova, N.
(eds.), Whither Archaeology? Papers in Honour of Evzen Neustupny, Institute of Archaeology,
Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Prague, pp. 161169.
Wellington, I. (2001). Iron Age coinage on the Isle of Wight. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 20: 3957.
Westerdahl, C. (2008). Boats apart: Building and equipping an Iron-Age and early-medieval ship in
northern Europe. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 37: 1731.
Williams, J. (2008). Coinage and identity in pre-conquest Britain: 50 B.C.A.D. 50. In Howgego, C.,
Heuchert, V., and Burnett, A. (eds.), Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces, Oxford
University Press, New York, pp. 6978.
123