KESZTHELY-FENKPUSZTA

IM KONTEXT
SPTANTIKER KONTINUITTSFORSCHUNG
ZWISCHEN
NORICUM UND MOESIA

CASTELLUM PANNONICUM PELSONENSE

Vol. 2

Redigunt
A Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia Rgszeti Intzete
(Archologisches Institut der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften)
Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum
Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e. V.
Balatoni Mzeum (Balatoni-Museum)

Budapest Leipzig Keszthely Rahden/Westf.

2011

KESZTHELY-FENKPUSZTA
IM KONTEXT
SPTANTIKER KONTINUITTSFORSCHUNG
ZWISCHEN
NORICUM UND MOESIA

Herausgegeben von

Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska

728 Seiten, 253 Schwarz-Weiss-Abbildungen, 16 Farbabbildungen, 37 Tabellen, 25 Tafeln, 1 Farbbeilage

Gedruckt mit Untersttzung des

Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrums Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e.V.
und der
Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft

Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Heinrich-Tamska, Orsolya (Hrsg.):
Keszthely-Fenkpuszta im Kontext sptantiker
Kontinuittsforschung zwischen Noricum und Moesia.
(Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense, Bd. 2)
Budapest/Leipzig/Keszthely/Rahden Westf. 2011.
ISBN 978-3-89646-152-0

2011

Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH

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Umschlagentwurf: Anita Mezei, Zalaegerszeg

Umschlagvignette: 3D-Rekonstruktion und Grundriss der Befestigung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta (vorne)
Grak: Szabolcs Schunk, Zsolt Vasros, Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska; Rekonstruktion des Sdtores der
Festung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta (hinten) Grak: Natascha Vogt, LVR-LandesMuseum Bonn
Satz und Layout: Anita Mezei
Scans und Bildbearbeitung: Ulrike Grimm, Sylvia Hipp, Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska, Krisztin Kolozsvri
Redaktion: Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska, Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur
Ostmitteleuropas e. V. Internet: www.uni-leipzig/gwzo
bersetzung: Pter Tamska, Katarina Urbantat (englisch), Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska (deutsch)
Druck und Produktion: druckhaus kthen GmbH, Friedrichstr. 11-12, D-06366 Kthen

Vorwort

Der vorliegende Band prsentiert die Beitrge einer internationalen Tagung, die vom 1. bis zum 4. Oktober 2010 unter demselben Titel wie es dieses
Buch trgt, im Balatoni-Museum Keszthely stattgefunden hat. Sie stellte den
Abschluss eines von der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (Projektnr. LU
380/11-1) und der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften nanzierten
Forschungsprojekts mit dem Namen Kontinuitt und Migration in und um
Keszthely-Fenkpuszta von der Sptantike bis zum 9. Jahrhundert dar. Das
Projekt wurde in Kooperation zwischen dem Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas (GWZO) und dem Archologischen Institut der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (UAW) vom
Oktober 2006 bis zum Ende des Jahres 2009 durchgefhrt. An dieser Stelle gilt
mein Dank den Projektleitern, Prof. Dr. Christian Lbke (GWZO) und Prof.
Dr. Csand Blint (Arch. Inst. UAW), sowie Dr. Matthias Hardt (GWZO) und
Dr. Tivadar Vida (Arch. Inst. der Etvs Lornd-Universitt Budapest), die
sich der Idee dieses Projektes fr die Antragstellung annahmen und das Vorhaben ber den gesamten Zeitraum hinweg bereitwillig untersttzten.
Die Zusammenarbeit zwischen den beteiligten Wissenschaften und Wissenschaftlern des Projektes mit unterschiedlichen Standorten in Budapest,
Keszthely und Leipzig erforderte einen intensiven und regelmigen Austausch. Dieser wurde nicht nur durch Korrespondenz und Gastwissenschaftleraufenthalte, sondern auch durch regelmige Arbeitstreffen smtlicher
Projektmitarbeiter gewhrleistet; eine Zwischenbilanz prsentierte ein im
Februar 2008 am GWZO in Leipzig veranstalteter Workshop.
Das Projekt war in zwei Hauptbereiche untergliedert: in einen, der sich
der siedlungsarchologischen, historischen und palokologischen Rekonstruktion des Fundortes widmete, und einen zweiten, der sich anhand der
Grabfunde und -befunde mit den Lebensbedingungen und den soziokulturellen Hintergrnden beschftigte. Die Bearbeitung des umfangreichen
und vielseitigen Quellenmaterials machte die Kooperation mit Kollegen aus
verschiedenen Fachrichtungen notwendig, fr deren begeisterte Teilnahme
und das fristgerechte Arbeiten ebenfalls an dieser Stelle ein groer Dank
ausgesprochen werden soll. Ebenso sei smtlichen ehemals in KeszthelyFenkpuszta ttigen Ausgrbern (ganz besonders Dr. Istvn Erdlyi und Dr.
Rbert Mller) dafr gedankt, dass sie die Bearbeitung ihrer Ausgrabungsdokumentation im Rahmen des Projektes ermglichten.
Fr die Rekonstruktion der Umweltverhltnisse in und um Keszthely-Fenkpuszta konnte die Mitarbeit von Prof. Dr. Pl Smegi und seinem Arbeitsteam von der Universitt Szeged gewonnen werden. Sie brachten wertvolle
Erfahrungen im Bereich der Erforschung des Balaton in das Projekt ein. Die
Bearbeitung der makrobotanischen Reste bernahm Prof. Dr. Ferenc Gyulai
von der Universitt Gdll. Seine persnlichen Beziehungen zum Museum

Vorwort

in Keszthely und seine Materialkenntnis stellten ebenfalls einen groen Gewinn dar. Die anthropologischen Analysen wurden in Zusammenarbeit von
Dr. Erzsbet Fthi vom Naturhistorischen Museum Budapest und Dr. Mike
Schweissing von der Staatssammlung fr Anthropologie und Paloanatomie
in Mnchen durchgefhrt.
Schlielich sind hier mehrere Kollegen aus der Archologie zu nennen,
von deren Fachwissen und wissenschaftlichen Erfahrungen das Projekt protierte. Die Ergebnisse von Dr. Rbert Mller (Balatoni-Museum, Keszthely) sind bereits im Rahmen des ersten Bandes dieser Reihe vorgelegt worden. Seine unermdliche Arbeitskraft und sein Interesse an der Erforschung
Keszthely-Fenkpusztas boten wichtige Impulse. Ebenfalls grundlegend waren die Vorkenntnisse und Recherchen von Dr. Gbor Kiss (Dir. der Komitatsmuseen Vas = VMMI) und Pter Straub (Dir. der Komitatsmuseen Zala =
ZMMI) zu den Fragen der Keszthely-Kultur und zur Forschungsgeschichte
von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta. Die vielen Archologen mhsam erscheinende
Arbeit der Keramikbearbeitung bernahm mit Dr. Friderika Horvth vom
Archologischen Institut der UAW eine ausgezeichnete Spezialistin fr dieses
Fachgebiet. Unser Team rundeten meine Kollegin Sylvia Hipp die als Doktorandin am GWZO am Projekt beteiligt war fr den Bereich der Geographie sowie Jens Henker ab, der im ersten Jahr bedeutend an der Erfassung der
Grabungsdokumentation und dem Aufbau der Datenbank mitwirkte. Nicht
zuletzt mchte ich hier auch die Studentinnen und Studenten der Universitten Leipzig und Budapest erwhnen, die in verschiedenen Projektphasen
die Arbeit mit groem Einsatz untersttzten: Rozalia Bajkai, Klaus Cappenberg, Ulrike Grimm, Katrin Hesse, Zsa Masek, Undine Ott, Marco Roner,
Emese Szab, Aline Wacke und Gyngyi Zulauf.
Das Projekt brachte der Leitung und den Mitarbeitern des Balatoni-Museums in Keszthely in erster Linie eine Menge zustzlicher Arbeit ein, die sie
immer hilfsbereit und kompetent bernahmen. Fr die Untersttzung und
Kooperationsbereitschaft mchte ich vor allem dem Direktor, Blint Havasi,
danken und ebenso Dr. Lszl Vndor (ZMMI), der unserem Vorhaben gleichermaen hilfreiche Dienste leistete.
Der vorliegende Band ist in zwei Teile gegliedert, die neben den Projektergebnissen jeweils auch Beitrge externer Kollegen enthalten, welche die
Tagung in Keszthely mit ihren Vortrgen bereicherten. Es musste lediglich
auf die Beitrge von Pter Tomka und Franz Glaser verzichtet werden, da
die Genannten ihre vorgetragenen Ergebnisse andernorts publiziert haben.
Der Vortrag Rbert Mllers ber die Grberfelder vor der Sdmauer der Befestigung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta ist bereits als erster Band dieser Reihe
vorgelegt worden. Es konnten jedoch zustzliche Studien gewonnen werden,
so jene von Dieter Quast, Gian Pietro Brogiolo, Jnos Gbor dor und Volker
Bierbrauer.
Die sptrmische Kontinuitt erfhrt in der historisch-archologischen
Forschung eine stndige Neubelebung, das Thema scheint jede Forschergeneration aufs Neue zu begeistern. Es zeigt sich aber auch, dass durch Ausgrabungen und die Einbindung naturwissenschaftlicher Methoden neue Ergebnisse erzielt und auf dieser Grundlage weitere Fragestellungen entwikkelt werden knnen. Keszthely-Fenkpuszta mit seiner ber hundert Jahre
alten Forschungstradition eignet sich bestens dafr, diese Entwicklung aufzuzeigen und immer wieder Neues zu prsentieren.

Vorwort

Den ersten Teil des Bandes leitet der Aufsatz von Matthias Hardt ein, der
anhand eines geschichtlichen berblicks den Kontext aufzeigt, in den das
Keszthely-Kultur-Projekt eingebettet war. Es folgen die auf die sptrmische
Zeit Pannoniens ausgerichteten Studien Lszl Borhys und dm Szabs
(u. a.) sowie drei weitere Beitrge, die sich bereits der Kontinuittsfrage am
Beispiel einzelner Fundgruppen (Pter Prohszka, Mnzver) oder Fundorte
(Miroslava Mirkovi, Sirmium und Dieter Quast, Velem) widmen.
Anschlieend wird ein Blick auf die Nachbarprovinzen gewagt: Die Gebiete von Noricum ber Italien bis nach Dalmatien und im Osten Moesien
und Dakien geraten in den Fokus. Die Studien Peter Scherrers und Alois
Stuppners analysieren die Entwicklung im norisch-pannonischen Raum,
Zvezdana Modrijan und Mihalo Milinkovi verschaffen mit ihren Beitrgen
einen Einblick in das Phnomen der Hhensiedlungen im Ostalpen- und Balkanraum, Rajko Brato und Florin Curta greifen das Thema des frhen Christentums als Kontinuittstrger aus verschiedenen Blickwinkeln auf. Weitere
Aufstze widmen sich ausgewhlten Fundorten: Yuri A. Marano und Gian
Pietro Brogiolo zeichnen die Stadtentwicklung in Norditalien unter dem
Kontinuittsaspekt nach, Galena Radoslavova, Gerda von Blow und Soja
Petkovi stellen wichtige Fundorte von der unteren Donau vor (Romuliana,
Abritus), die als die bedeutendsten sptrmischen Parallelen zu KeszthelyFenkpuszta gelten.
Im zweiten Teil des Bandes steht der Fundort Keszthely-Fenkpuszta
selbst im Mittelpunkt. Es werden, der Struktur des Projektes gem, einerseits die Ergebnisse der Grberarchologie und andererseits die der Umwelt- beziehungsweise Siedlungsarchologie vorgestellt. Der erste Block
widmet sich, ausgehend von Peter Straubs Analyse des ostgermanischen
Grberfeldes von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta, dem barbarischen Fundhorizont
des 5. Jahrhunderts in Pannonien am Beispiel eines Fundortes (Jnos dor)
sowie aus methodologischer Sicht (Volker Bierbrauer). Ebenfalls auffllige
Parallelen zu Keszthely-Fenkpuszta thematisiert der Artikel Lszl Schillings, der einen berblick ber Bestattungspltze in Tc zwischen dem 4.
und 8. Jahrhundert bietet.
In den Studien Tivadar Vidas (mit Beitrgen von Adrien Psztor und Erzsbet Fthi), Mike Schweissings (u. a.) und Bla M. Szkes stehen erneut die
Nekropolen von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta im Vordergrund: Tivadar Vida legt
eine detaillierte Neuanalyse des bedeutenden Keszthely-Kultur-Grberfeldes
neben dem Horreum vor, Mike Schweissing (u. a.) prsentiert die Ergebnisse der Strontium- und Radiokarbonanalysen, die im Rahmen des Projektes
erzielt wurden, und Bla M. Szke bewertet die karolingerzeitlichen Bestattungen im Kontext des zeitgleichen Fundmaterials. Den Abschnitt ber die
Grberfelder komplettieren schlielich die Studie von Gbor Kiss ber den
Stand der Auswertung der Altfunde der Keszthely-Kultur (Nachlass Lipp)
sowie jene von Hans Losert ber die frhen Slawen in Pannonien, die von
der Nekropole von Regensburg-Groprfening ausgeht.
Der letzte Block des Buches umfasst die Beitrge jener Kollegen, die sich
im Rahmen des Projektes mit Fragen der Umwelt- und Besiedlungsrekonstruktion auseinandersetzten; bereichert wird dieser Teil noch durch die
Studie Hansjrg Ksters, der sich in methodischer Hinsicht mit dem Thema
befasst. Die Artikel Pl Smegis (u. a.) und Ferenc Gyulais bieten wichtige
neue Erkenntnisse ber die Vernderungen in der Landnutzung und der

Vorwort

Landschaftsstruktur, die fr die archologische Forschung von groem Nutzen sind. Am Ende des Bandes werden schlielich die ersten Ergebnisse der
Aufarbeitung der Keramik und der Auswertung der Befunde in Studien von
Friderika Horvth und von mir vorgelegt.
Jeder Beitrag stellt eine eigenverantwortliche Auseinandersetzung mit
der Frage nach Kontinuitt und Diskontinuitt am bergang von der Sptantike zum Frhmittelalter dar. Die redaktionell-sprachliche Bearbeitung der
Texte entstand in einem Dialog mit den Autoren, der zu unterschiedlichen
Lsungen fhren musste. Den Verfassern sei fr ihre Beitrge gedankt, die,
ausgehend von der vorgegebenen Themenstellung, einen reprsentativen
berblick ber den Stand der Kontinuittsforschung in den behandelten Regionen ergeben.
Nicht zuletzt sei den Kollegen gedankt, die bei der redaktionellen Bearbeitung behilich waren und das Sprachlektorat bernahmen: fr die deutschen Texte Undine Ott und Daniela Ohrmann (Univ. Leipzig) und fr die
englischen Katarina Urbantat (Univ. Leipzig) und Dr. Andrew Lawrence
(Univ. Bern).
Leipzig, Januar 2011

Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska

INHALT
5

VORWORT

TEIL I: SPTANTIKE KONTINUITT UND DISKONTINUITT

PANNONIA
15

MATTHIAS HARDT
Pannonien im Spannungsfeld zwischen Rmer- und Vlkerwanderungszeit
eine geschichtliche Einfhrung

29

LSZL BORHY
Die letzten Jahrzehnte der Erforschung des sptrmisch-pannonischen
Limes seit Sndor Sopronis Die letzten Jahrzehnte Ein berblick

47

DM SZAB, ORSOLYA HEINRICH-TAMSKA

Eine sptrmische Innenbefestigung in Krnye

61

PTER PROHSZKA
Bemerkungen zum sptrmischen und frhvlkerwanderungszeitlichen
Goldmnzverkehr in Pannonia I und Valeria

87

MIROSLAVA MIRKOVI
Kontinuitt und Diskontinuitt bei der Entwicklung der Stadt Sirmium

97

DIETER QUAST
Eine vlkerwanderungszeitliche Hhensiedlung in Velem Szentvid?

NORICUM, DALMATIA, VENETIA ET HISTRIA

103

PETER SCHERRER
Noricum in der Sptantike Zu den Forschungen des vergangenen
Jahrzehnts. Mit einem Beitrag von BERNHARD SCHRETTLE, Neue Forschungen
in Rannersdorf und auf dem Frauenberg zur Sptantike im Umfeld von
Flavia Solva

129

ALOIS STUPPNER
Zur Kontinuitt in der Sptantike am norisch-pannonischen Limes in
Niedersterreich

157

ZVEZDANA MODRIJAN
Continuity in Late Antiquity Slovenian fortied hilltop settlements

173

YURI ALESSANDRO MARANO

The towns of the central and eastern Venetia in the Ostrogothic period

195

GIAN PIETRO BROGIOLO

From ancient to early mediaeval town: reections starting from the case of
Verona

10
211

RAJKO BRATO
Die kirchliche Organisation in Westillyricum (vom spten 4. Jh. bis um 600)
Ausgewhlte Fragen

MOESIA, DACIA
249

GALENA RADOSLAVOVA
Abritus eine sptrmisch-byzantinische Stadt in Moesia Secunda

257

GERDA VON BLOW

Archologische Evidenzen zum bergang von der Sptantike zum frhen
Mittelalter an der unteren Donau

267

SOFIJA PETKOVI
Late Roman Romuliana and Mediaeval Gamzigrad from the end of 4th to 11th
centuries AD

285

MIHAILO MILINKOVI
Hhensiedlungen des 6. und 7. Jahrhunderts in Serbien

303

FLORIN CURTA
New remarks on Christianity beyond the 6th and early 7th century frontier of
the Roman Empire

TEIL II: KESZTHELY-FENKPUSZTA UND SEINE BEZIEHUNGEN

GRBER UND GRBERFELDER (4.9. JH.)
325

PTER STRAUB
Angaben zum hunnenzeitlichen ostgermanischen Fundhorizont in
Sdtransdanubien ausgehend von der Nekropole in KeszthelyFenkpuszta

347

JNOS GBOR DOR

The 5th-century cemetery and settlement at Mzs (Tolna County, Hungary)
some issues concerning the East-Germanic period in Transdanubia

361

VOLKER BIERBRAUER
Zum pannonischen Ostgotenreich (456/457473) aus archologischer Sicht

381

LSZL SCHILLING
Bestattungen und Grberfelder von der Sptantike bis zum Frhmittelalter
in und um die sptrmische Befestigung von Tc/Gorsium (4.8. Jh.)

397

TIVADAR VIDA
Das Grberfeld neben dem Horreum in der Innenbefestigung von
Keszthely-Fenkpuszta. Mit Beitrgen von ADRIEN PSZTOR, Auswertung der
Perlen aus dem Grberfeld Keszthely-Fenkpuszta, Horreum und ERZSBET
FTHI, Anthropologische Analyse des Skelettmaterials aus den Grbern
neben dem Horreum und in der II. frhchristlichen Basilika von KeszthelyFenkpuszta

11
457

ORSOLYA HEINRICH-TAMSKA, MIKE SCHWEISSING

Strontiumisotopen- und Radiokarbonuntersuchungen am
anthropologischen Fundmaterial von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta: Ihr
Aussagepotenzial zur Fragen der Migration und Chronologie

475

HANS LOSERT
Das Brandgrberfeld von Regensburg-Groprfening und die frhen
Slawen in Pannonien in Gedenken an Marek Dulinicz, Warschau ( 2010)

491

GBOR KISS
Die Entstehung und Anwendung des Keszthely-Kultur-Begriffs aus
forschungsgeschichtlicher Sicht

509

BLA MIKLS SZKE

Beziehungen zwischen Keszthely-Fenkpuszta und Mosaburg/Zalavr
in der Karolingerzeit

UMWELT- UND SIEDLUNGSFORSCHUNG

541

PL SMEGI, ORSOLYA HEINRICH-TAMSKA, TNDE TRCSIK, GUSZTV JAKAB,

PTER POMZI, PTER MAJKUT, GERGELY DVID PLL, GERG PERSAITS,
ELVIRA BODOR
Reconstruction of the environmental history of Keszthely-Fenkpuszta

573

HANSJRG KSTER
Bemerkungen zur Klima- und Landschaftsrekonstruktion ab der Rmerzeit
bis zum Mittelalter in Mitteleuropa

581

FERENC GYULAI
Pannonische Panzenbaukultur am Beispiel der Makroreste von KeszthelyFenkpuszta in memoriam Mikls (Frech) Fzes

597

FRIDERIKA HORVTH
Das sptantike Keramikspektrum in Keszthely-Fenkpuszta erste
Ergebnisse

653

ORSOLYA HEINRICH-TAMASKA
Die sptrmische Innenbefestigung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta: Innere
Chronologie und funktioneller Wandel

703

FARBTAFEL

721

BILDNACHWEIS

725

AUTORENVERZEICHNIS

From ancient to early mediaeval town: reections starting

from the case of Verona
Gian Pietro Brogiolo

INTRODUCTION
Resuming some of the themes I have approached in my previous contributions1, I will consider here, on the basis of the archaeological data,
the transformation process of the classical city
and the urban models of newly founded towns.
This issue has been the object of important studies that have mainly focussed on the transformation of ancient cities2. However, a synthesis
on Early Mediaeval Italian towns based on archaeological data, is still lacking.
In suggesting an image of the wider context
and of the general issues, I will focus on Verona for a series of reasons. In the context of the
reorganisation of urban hierarchies in northern
Italy during the 5th and the 6th centuries, Verona
was one of the most successful towns of the region (g. 1). Royal seat of the Ostrogothic and
Lombard kings Theoderic and Alboin, Verona
maintained its pre-eminence during the Carolingian period and under the German emperors.
Verona was directly connected to the Adriatic
Sea through the Adige River, a fact remarked by
Paul the Deacon when he was referring to the
ight of Rosmunda and Elmechi. After the assassination of Alboin they had swiftly reached
Ravenna on a boat offered by the Byzantine prefect Longinus. Because of its direct link to the
Adriatic and Byzantine centres of the coast, the
town might be considered an exemplary channel for Byzantine goods to reach the Lombard
1
2

BROGIOLO/GELICHI 2009; BROGIOLO 2006a; 2006b.

Among the works in the last ten years are BROGIOLO/
WARD-PERKINS 1999; BROGIOLO/GAUTHIER/CHRISTIE 2000;
LIEBESCHUETZ 2001; HAUG 2003; ORTALLI/HEINZELMANN
2003; WICKHAM 2005; SARADI 2006; AUGENTI 2006; OLMO
ENCISO 2008.

mainland. Excavations carried out in Venice

and Comacchio have indicated traces of an uninterrupted ow of Mediterranean commodities
during the Early Middle Ages. The importation
of these goods to the mainland and, in a wider
perspective to the heart of the successor kingdoms, is at the core of the European historiographic debate3.
Due to a series of recent publications on excavations that have been carried out since 1982,
Verona is one of the better investigated Italian
towns4. Along with that on Brescia, the case
study on Verona initiated, in the middle of the
1980s, a debate on the transformation of urbanism between Late Antiquity and the Early
Middle Ages in Italy5. General interpretations
on the transformation of this city, suggested on
the basis of the rst stratigraphic excavations,
were simple, and I claimed the necessity of at
least twenty years of research to clarify the detected phenomena. Although data of every region of the Mediterranean and Europe is at our
disposal, the interpretations are still divergent,
in a historiographical game fuelled by a deconstructionist approach that is moving us away
from a rational use of sources.

URBAN

IDEAL-TYPES IN THE IMAGINATION OF

CONTEMPORARIES

The iconographic sources of the period between the 6th and the 9th centuries that are consi3
4

For an overview see MCCORMICK 2001; WICKHAM 2005.

BRUNO/CAVALIERI MANASSE 2003; CAVALIERI MANASSE
2008.
For a commentary on the debate see WARD-PERKINS
1997, 157176.

196

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

Fig. 1

Plan of Verona during the Gothic period with walls dating to the end of the 5th and the
beginning of the 6th c.

dered here, always depict a walled town, inside

of which there are monumental buildings of the
Roman period, such as public areas, temples
and spectacle buildings, streets with porticoes
and Christian places of worship progressively
inserted into the landscape of the classical city.
These images are often stereotyped, as in the 8thcentury mosaics which decorated churches in
Jordan where it is difcult to recognize a direct
link with reality. In some cases, on the contrary,
the picture appears realistic. The mosaic of Madaba (Jordan) represents the city of Jerusalem
as the Church capital of Palestine encircled by
its dependent seas. It is shown with walls and
crossed by a colonnaded street, beginning in the
square inside the Damascus Gate with a celebrative column in the middle. The image also includes the forum, the church of the Holy Sepulchre,
and the countless places of worship that, in the
6th century, dot the town (g. 2)6.
A representation of Verona, the Iconographia
Rateriana named after the bishop Raterius, who
received a copy of it in the mid-10th century,
shows two wall circuits, indicated by two dif-

ferent colours, the arena, the theatre, the palace

built by Theoderic on St. Pietro hill, on the left
bank of the Adige, the porticoes of the forum,
the Horreum, the stone bridge on the Adige, and some churches (g. 3)7. In these sources, the social and cultural message is implicit
and requires further interpretation by modern
scholars: in the case of Jerusalem, the mosaic of
Madaba celebrates the role of the city as a Christian metropolis, while the Iconographia Rateriana rhetorically recalls the ancient glories and the
monuments of Verona, along with its Christian
topography renewing the image and the ideology of the town.
The same view is shared by literary sources,
although they refer more directly to urban society. For instance, two poems, the Versum de Mediolano Civitate (c. 739) and the Versus de Verona,
praising the classical past of the two towns8 like
the Iconographia Rateriana, should be compared.
Both poems mention not only the monuments
and the infrastructures of the ancient town, but
also the churches and the tombs of the martyrs
7

SARADI 2006 119144.

MARANO 2007.
PIGHI 1960; HYDE 1966.

From ancient to early mediaeval town: reections starting from the case of Verona

197

THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CLASSICAL CITY

Fig. 2

Mosaic of Madaba representing the city

of Jerusalem.

ringing and protecting it, as well as its walls,

and the civil and religious authority within the
defences. Moreover, the Versum de Mediolano
Civitate explicitly mentions the economic and
commercial activities of the town, which receives goods from different areas of production9.
The iconographic and literary sources are an
expression of the fact that the same ecclesiastic
milieu is producing them. They suggest an urban ideal that is the product of a selective process where only those aspects of urbanism are
ltered that are congenial to the ruling lites
of the time. This ideal shows a town protected
and separated from the countryside by its walls,
and reclaiming its ancient origins through its
monuments; a town that in the 6th century had
been christianised through a network of worship places and buildings, distributed in its
quarters and suburbium. These sources are not
interested in describing the urban landscape of
the lower classes, attested by poor houses, production activities implanted in the town centre,
and the waste heaps discarded in the public
and private spaces, which, having lost their
original function, were either abandoned or
converted into cultivated areas. These aspects
of early mediaeval urbanism, are clearly highlighted by archaeological excavations carried
out in the successor kingdoms of the West and
in the Byzantine East. Archaeology has also demonstrated that the architectural quality of the
surviving Roman monuments was inferior to
that suggested by the iconographic and literary
sources.

The archaeological data, now available either

in the publication of single excavations or in general summaries, allows the identication of a
plurality of indicators through which the transformation of the classical city might be evaluated. These parameters, operative in the period
between the end of the 3rd and the end of the
6th centuries, might be clustered into three different processes. These processes are rst the construction of new structures, second the destructuration, refunctionalisation or/and demolition
of ancient monuments and infrastructures, and
third the transformation of others10.
Late antique cities include buildings and
spaces of Christian topography probably existing in the East from the end of the 3rd century11,
but established only after the Edict of Constantine in 31312 , palaces of the new autocratic authorities, which replaced civic magistracies, and
productive and artisanal activities, previously
relegated to the suburban areas.
The most prominent aspect in the sources is
either the strengthening of the already existing
defences in towns as happened at Aquileia, Verona (g. 3), Mantua, Brescia, etc., or the erection of new walls, in those places which saw a
noticeable urban expansion such as Milan and
Ravenna13. Expensive alterations, often motivated by emergency situations such as the use
of ancient public or funerary monuments at Verona (g. 4), Milan, Mrida, Barcelona, Arles
should not be referred to as an embellishment
of the most important towns14. As traditional
scholarship afrmed, they appear instead to
have been built because of the barbarian menace
and because of internal political instability15. The
erection of walls had important consequences
for the mobilisation of signicant resources, but
also in the accentuation of strategic and military
functions of urban centres. In this context, the
regression of some towns into simple fortied
strongholds, protecting only a fraction of the in10
11
12
13

14
9

PIGHI 1960; HYDE 1966.

15

BROGIOLO/WARD-PERKINS 1999.
CHAVARRA ARNAU 2009.
MONFRIN 2002.
Overview on urban fortications in DEMEGLIO 1992;
BROGIOLO/GELICHI 2009.
FERNANDEZ-OCHOA/MORILLO 2005.
HEATHER 2005.

198

Fig. 3

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

Iconographia Rateriana depicting the city of

Verona.

habited quarters, for example at Oderzo, Aquileia, Trieste, Bologna, Pollenzo, to mention only
a few northern Italian cases, should be stressed.
These were less dramatic changes in comparison with the complete disappearance of towns
in southern Piedmont and in the northern Adriatic arch. Towns such as Altinum and Concordia are among those who disappeared; others
such as Thuri in Calabria, where the episcopal
centre and a great part of the settlement moved
into a new castle, built on a rise near the ancient
town shifted to a hill that was easier to defend16.
The process of destructuration, refunctionalisation and/or demolition affected fundamental monuments and the infrastructure of the
classical town, no longer indispensable for various reasons. As a consequence of progressive
Christianisation which was concluded between
the 5th and 6th centuries, but varied from region to region, the rst monuments to lose their
function were obviously the pagan temples. A
longer lasting decline was that of the fora and
of the civic magistracy buildings abandoned
parallel to the shift of the seat of power17. The
destructuration of basic infrastructure such as
roads, aqueducts and drains, with the consequent instability of public and private oor levels is also well-documented. This phenomenon
has numerous local variants. In some towns, the
aqueducts remained in use, as did the four in
Rome, whose maintenance between the end of
the 8th and the 9th centuries is reported in the Liber Ponticalis, and that in Brescia, a branch of

which was diverted for the water supply of the

monastery of St. Salvatore in 76118. Aqueducts
were mainly used for baths and the habit of bathing survived, although it was restricted to the
lay and religious aristocracies, and to the occasional baths offered to the poor by the Church.
Utilitarian buildings such as the horrea were
treated differently. Their function never ceased,
but was expressed in less monumental architectural forms, such as in buildings with their
oors supported by pillars, i. e. the structure in
via Alberto Mario at Brescia (Gothic period)19.
Spectacle and recreational buildings underwent a selection and abandonment process,
well testied by written sources and abundant
material evidence. In terms of new data from
northern Italy, on the other hand, only a hut
discovered on the terraces in the amphitheatre
at Pollenzo20, traces of metallurgical activities
and a lime-kiln, associated with buildings of the
poor and a burial in the theatre at Brescia, could
be brought to light21. This is very fragmentary
evidence if compared to 6th century habitation
quarters discovered in the theatres of Cartagena
and Leptis Magna22.
After their defunctionalisation, public monuments might simply have been closed, for a period of uncertain length, as is the case with the
capitolium at Brescia. This was unused for more
than 150 years until its rededication for craft activities (production of lime and pottery) in the
Lombard period23. The end of the capitolium in
Verona, between the end of the 4th and beginning of the 5th centuries, is marked by accretion
layers accumulating in the area, representing a
clear hint of abandonment and minor activity.
In the rst decades of the 6th century, the building was demolished so that its bricks could be
used in new constructions, possibly in the walls
and/or the monuments that Anonymous Valesianus attributes to Theoderic24. This suggests
that the capitolium was part of a public property,
a situation attested by several hints for a later
18
19
20
21
22

16
17

NOY 2006.
SARADI 2006; LAVAN 2007.

23
24

Rome: Liber Ponticalis I, 504; Brescia: BROGIOLO 1993.

BROGIOLO 1993.
MICHELETTO 2006.
BROGIOLO 1993
Cartagena: RAMALLO ASENSIO 2000; Leptis Magna: CAPUTO 1990.
BROGIOLO 2006a.
ANONIMUS VALESIANUS 71.

From ancient to early mediaeval town: reections starting from the case of Verona

Fig. 4

Wall of Verona with a pentagonal tower (5th century) and the fortication of Theoderic.

period (g. 6). If this hypothesis is correct, the

productive activities, attested by the llings of
the despoliation trenches of the temple, among
which remains of a glass furnace and crucibles
have been discovered in the layers of the rst
half of the 6th century, could also have been publicly controlled.
On the other hand, not only the destruction
of the capitolium radically changed the image of
the forum of Verona. The paving in the western
portico (Piazza Erbe 27) was stripped off during
the 5th century and covered by layers on which,
in the 6th century, a wooden building was built.
The latter was destroyed by a re in 589/590,
mentioned by Paul the Deacon. This catastrophic event which is archaeologically proven,
ruined a great number of buildings in town.
After the re, a layer of dark earth, ranging up
to 2 metres in depth, contains the rubble of the
monuments in the forum and indicates the conversion into an orchard or a garden of at least a
part of the area25.
After the demolition of the capitolium, the
cryptoporticus survived until its collapse between the second half of the 7th and the beginning of the 8th centuries, in a landscape dotted

by the remains of ancient monuments and many

heaps of architectural elements26.
This image of the early mediaeval town is
also supported by other urban excavations, and
resembles the 18th-century drawings by Piranesi more than the monumental picture of the
Iconographia Rateriana. Its landscape was dominated by inhabited islands alternating with
either uncultivated or abandoned areas and either urban gardens, elds, or pastures27. In Italy,
the best known examples of this landscape are
in Brescia, where the great part of the eastern
sector of the town is covered by dark layers28,
and in Rome, where the excavations in the forum of Caesar have documented that an area of
20002500 m2, 1000 of which have already been
accurately investigated, was used for agricultural activities. After the stripping of the stone
paving slabs, parallel trenches were dug for the
cultivation of cabbages, spices, and herbs. After
several decades, a vineyard was planted on an
earth dump: the presence of vines is attested by
a series of parallel trenches, 60 cm wide, ranging
in depth from 60 and 100 cm, and ve meters
26
27

25

HUDSON 1989.

199

28

CAVALIERI MANASSE 2008.

BROGIOLO 1993.
BROGIOLO 1993.

200

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

Fig. 5

Verona, Detail of the wall from the age of Theoderic.

distant from each other. In this case, this was a

real urban eld, whose dimensions and functions differ from those of private gardens surrounding the houses29.
In this new urban landscape, new housing
models make their appearance along with the
end of peristyle domus, the last examples of
which date to 6th century and, in some cases,
to the 7th century30. These new buildings differ
qualitatively, but are generally of poor quality. The process is well documented in Verona,
where, in via Vescovado, a domus with a wide
bath, dating to the Ostrogothic period, survived
down to the Lombard period, while another, in
via Adua-vicolo Monachine, east of the forum,
has opus sectile oors, one of which is plausibly
of the 6th century, and remained in use in the 7th
century31 (g. 7). By contrast, the domus at the
Ufci Giudiziari-western side (Cortile del Tribunale), refurbished between the end of the 4th
and the 5th centuries, was affected by a marked
decay in the second half of the 5th6th centuries
and later abandoned after the re in 589/590
(g. 8). In the course of the 7th century several
graves with grave goods were dug in the dark
layers accumulated in the area, while in the 8th
century (as attested by a coin of Leo III of 732
735) the structures of the house were despoiled.
A similar development has been detected in
29
30
31

SANTANGELI VALENZANI/MENEGHINI 2004.

Continuity of domus in Rome: FONTANA et al. 2004.
BRUNO/CAVALIERI MANASSE 2003.

Vicenza, where a recent but still unpublished

excavation investigated the seat of collegia. Between the 5th and the 7th centuries, some the oors
were stripped and replaced by beaten earth surfaces. Timber houses, associated with smelting
activities, were implanted in the courtyard and
in the southern sector of the building. A great
re made an end to the smelting activities, and a
dark organic soil deposit reveals the existence of
either an orchard or a garden in the central area
of the block, with eight inhumations.
In the towns of the Lombard kingdom, evidence related to the quality of housing is more
occasional and from later periods. These structures are referred to either as domus, an older
term, or as casae solaratae more recently that
indicated buildings with an upper oor (solarium). In Brescia, these houses, considered solaratae because of their mortared walls, have been
dated to between the 8th and the 10th centuries32.
Five masonry houses have been discovered close to the faade of the Basilica and along the
new street crossing the square that faces the latter Basilica itself. Another two-storey masonry
house has been discovered in via Musei, in front
of the theatre. Not far away, in via Piamarta, the
facade of the xenodochium of St. Salvatore can be
found. A stone round arch and part of its masonry are still preserved with brick courses alternating to opus incertum33.
32
33

BROGIOLO 2009, 223.

BROGIOLO 1993.

From ancient to early mediaeval town: reections starting from the case of Verona

Fig. 6

Capitolium of Verona: despoliation trenches.

Evidence from Byzantine territories is much

more abundant. At Classe, several two-storey
buildings, set around a courtyard, are attested:
the upper oor was used as a living space, while
the ground oor was a multifunctional space34.
From an archaeological point of view, the best
known and most signicant examples of this
kind of structure are those excavated in the last
15 years in Rome which could be completely
uncovered up to their upper oor. They were
buildings from the 7th until the 9th centuries with
foundations in tufa and peperino blocks taken
from Roman structures, and an upper oor
also built with reused blocks and bricks (opus
incertum)35.
A last noteworthy phenomenon of the transformation of ancient urbanism is the introduction of burials in city centres (intra muros), with
the concomitant contemporary presence of different rituals, such as the Christian type, that of
Germanic tradition, and the deposition of the
dead next to residential buildings, with the implicit abandonment of the space for public functions and ceremonies. The phenomenon, which
some modern scholars consider to be a symptom of the decay of urban life36, and others as
the result of the Christianisation of the town37, is
much more complex. Contingencies, social and
cultural traditions, different death-rituals and
34
35
36
37

CIRELLI 2008.
SANTANGELI VALENZANI/MENEGHINI 2004.
CANTINO WATAGHIN/LAMBERT 1998.
GALINI/ZADORA RIO 1996.

201

religion are all factors concurring in modifying,

the ancient custom to bury the dead in spaces
other than those meant for civic life. The moving of burials into the city centre is attested all
over the West, although with varied intensity,
depending on the attention paid by archaeological research to this theme. In northern Italy,
the phenomenon is particularly well known in
a variety of forms and places. However, only a
few cases, such as Verona, Brescia, Cividale and
Trento38 have been studied extensively. Besides
the burials next to places of worship, associated
with houses and abandoned spaces, suburban
cemeteries were still in use, and martyrial and
funerary Christian basilicas rose on them, as
well as on the tombs of the martyrs and of the
rst bishops.

THE NEW EARLY MEDIAEVAL TOWNS

The towns founded during the Early Middle
Ages show features which appear characteristic
of a new urban canon: a fortication circuit, a few
road axes, a water supply system, based mainly
on cisterns rather than on imposing aqueducts,
church seats, with a plurality of places of worship, and administrative, scal and military
authorities, with their residences. These towns
might have had artisanal and commercial quarters and a harbour, in some cases located close
to the headquarters of the authorities, in others,
as in the emporia, being the economic core of
the urban community. On the other hand, there was no space either for luxurious domus, as
could be found in the classical town, or for baths
and spectacle buildings. Such a situation is attested in the towns founded by the Byzantines in
the 6th century for propagandistic reasons , such
as the emblematic Iustiniana Prima39 and those
founded by the Visigoths, such as Recpolis
and El Tolmo de Minateda40. Although on a less
monumental level, the same characteristics recur in the castra, erected in several regions during the 5th century, on state initiative, to face
the external menace of the Barbarians and for
38
39
40

CANTINO WATAGHIN/LAMBERT 1998.

BAVANT 2007.
For these sites see OLMO ENCISO 2008; ABAD CASAL et al.
2008 respectively.

202

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

Fig. 7

Domus in via Adua-vicolo Monachine in Verona with 6th c. opus sectile oors.

internal insecurity, as in the case of urban defences41. The biggest and most important castra,
controlling an independent territory, became
the seats of administrative and religious authorities, perhaps also having markets and hosting
a sizeable number of inhabitants. So resided,
for example, in the Lombard period a iudex, at
Sirmione and Garda42, in the countryside of Verona and sometimes a bishop, as at Grado and
Sabiona, more frequently a baptismal church ad
at Castelseprio and on the Isola Comacina43.
Reduced towns and castles, with a growing
population and an independent territory, converge in a hybrid urban ideal, as revealed by
the lexical uncertainty of written sources. Cassiodorus dened Squillace indifferently as both
a villa urbana and a civitas ruralis44. Paul the Deacon mentions Cividale sometimes as a castrum
and sometimes as civitas45. The same oscillation
interests Grado, according to the desire to either
lessen or emphasise their importance.

41
42
43
44
45

BROGIOLO/GELICHI 1996; BROGIOLO/POSSENTI 2007.

BROGIOLO/GELICHI 1996.
BROGIOLO/CAGNANA 2005.
CASSIODORUS, Variae XII, 15.
PAULUS DIACONUS, Hist. Lang. II, 9.

TOWNS AND ECONOMY

BETWEEN THE 6TH AND THE 9TH CENTURIES
The above mentioned urban ideals, expressed by religious lites between the 6th and
the 9th centuries, are not illusory, but simply
mark the special charisma of towns, due to
their Roman origins, a charisma reected in
the monuments of the town. Archaeological
sources, on the other hand, allow us to frame
a more complex reality, in which the lower
classes are also present. They were involved in
productive activities, sometimes taking place in
de-functionalised buildings within city centres,
because of the available space. These activities were often arranged by representatives of
the Church (the bishops and the monasteries)
and by civil authorities (royal and ducal). The
7th century phases of the Crypta Balbi in Rome,
the monastery of St. Lorenzo de Pallacinis46, and
the curtis regia at Brescia are examples of this.47
This production testies to the economic role of
towns in the Early Middle Ages. Unfortunately,
some of these mechanisms, essential to dene
the economic level of an urban centre, cannot
46
47

SAGU 2002.
BROGIOLO 2006a.

From ancient to early mediaeval town: reections starting from the case of Verona

Fig. 8

Cortile del Tribunale in Verona: remains of early mediaeval buildings.

be evaluated quantitatively. It is only possible

to draw an approximate estimation in relation
to the Mediterranean and interregional trade
uxes and to the production carried out either
in the urban centres or in the territories administratively or politically controlled. This evaluation should be extended to the share of resources between the provincial capital and the main
towns of the territory, in light of the real control
capacity of the different centres and their different hierarchies48.
Archaeology has documented the continuity
of exchanges between the Byzantine Mediterranean and the successor kingdoms. In northern
Italy, the presence of the soapstone quarried in
the Alps which was controlled by the Lombards,
is attested in the Byzantine towns of the coasts,
while slip-wares and amphorae were reaching
some towns and castles in the 7th century49. More
recently, targeted research in the Byzantine area
of the lagoons, and namely excavations of the
site of Comacchio, offered a quite nuanced image of international trade. A great number of
amphorae and small double-handed amphorae of
light fabric were probably locally-made from
the 8th and 9th centuries and were supposed to
be destined for a network of exchanges connecting the Mediterranean with the Lombard mainland, have been brought to light50. The problem
is not understanding the exchange mechanisms,
described in detail by a famous document (the
48

49
50

203

For the Lombard period: the king, the dukes, the bishops, the great monasteries, and the aristocracies.
NEGRELLI 2008.
GELICHI 2007; 2009.

commercial agreement signed with the milites of

Comacchio by king Liutprand in 715), but their
economic signicance. For instance, the small
amphorae of light fabric, made in Comacchio, are
copiously found in the 8th century levels in the
monastery of Nonantola, but so far they have
not been discovered in the other important town
excavations, such as in Brescia and Verona. The
case of Verona demonstrates the paucity of attestations for 7th8th centuries amphorae. While
the imports still varied between the end of the 5th
and the beginning of the 6th century, they generally decreased in quantity51. A further reduction
took place after the Lombard conquest. The pottery nds are dominated by local productions,
although some selected imports must still have
been reaching Verona, possibly as the result of
non-commercial transactions. A Keay 8B, perhaps non-residual, is attested among at least
two big amphorae Keay 61 and Keay 62; about
twenty little spatheia; a fragment of an amphora
51

BRUNO 2008a; 2008b; BIONDANI 2008. At Verona there

are: the Palestinian LRA4 and LRA4a amphorae of the
late 4th5th century; the 6th century variants of LRA4a,
b1, b2 with a tapered body; a very few examples of
Aegean/Eastern LRA1 amphorae (mostly the Kellia
169 type of the 5th6th c.); LRA2a (mid 5thmid 6th c.);
LRA3, drastically reduced in the 6th c.; sporadic presence of the amphorae of the type Cistern of Samos and
of African productions; spatheia, perhaps attested until the second half of the 6th century (Keay 35, Keay
62Q, 55a, of the mid-/end of the 5th6th c.). As for the
slip-wares, in the destruction levels of the Tribunale
(end of the 6th c.) the following shapes were found:
Hayes 99, 104A and C, 97, 50, 61B (imitations?), and
lamps Atlante VIII, XA1, XB1; Atlante X, HIIB, typical
of the late 6th7th c.

204

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

Fig. 9

Plan of the church of St. Stefano at Verona from the 5th century.

of the Castrum Perti type, with an umbilicated

bottom, and another piece that can be attributed to Keay 8A. Among the slip-wares there are
(still) 7th century forms (H105, 106, 109). For the
8th and 9th centuries, only a few amphorae reveal
the arrival of Mediterranean goods.
This frame of progressive reduction of Mediterranean imports is similar to that of Brescia52
and to that proposed for Gaul and Hispania. In
mainland Gaul, at Bordeaux, the chief harbour
along the maritime route leading to Britain, there
are (still) slip-wares (Hayes 90B, 105, 109), and
amphorae (Keay 61 and 62) of the 7th century53.
Besides some slip-wares and lamps of the second half of the 6th centuries (Hayes 104C, Atlante X) , there are Keay 61 D (6th and the rst half of
the 7th century), Keay 61A/D (central decades of
the 7th century), Keay 61 (perhaps dating to the
7th century), a late variant of Keay 61 and a Type
3 spatheion (mid or second half of the 7th century)
in Hispania, at Recpolis, the town founded by
king Leovigild in 578. At Cartagena the same associations are also attested in contexts of the end
of the 7th or beginning of the 8th centuries (late
variants of Keay 61 and Keay 8A)54.
52
53
54

BROGIOLO 1999.
BERTHAULT 1999.
BONIFAY/BERNAL CASASOLA 2008.

On the basis of archaeological evidence (excluding all perishable products, from the spices
to the slaves, mentioned by written sources)55,
African and Eastern imports, although in reduced quantities in comparison with the coastal
regions, were still arriving in the mainland of
the successor kingdoms. The great amphorae
possibly contained oil, not only for culinary use,
but also for lighting (when the containers are
pitch-lined their lling could not be consumed
as foodstuff). The little spatheia (usually pitchlined) transported wine, garum, preserves, and
ointments. These goods reached the mainland
selectively, according to strategies still to be
claried, although most modern scholars afrm
they were aimed at the seats of the lay and religious aristocracies, as was a spatheion discovered in the village at Gozquez, near Madrid56.
For pottery, a rst phase, covering the period from the 5th to the end of the 7th centuries, is
marked by the diffusion of regional productions
(in the case of Verona and Brescia, glazed and
Lombard stamped pottery, common and coarse
wares57), progressively supplanting the imports.
On the whole, these artefacts were used for the
storage, preparation, and consumption of food.
55
56
57

MCCORMICK 2001.
VIGIL ESCALERA 2006.
HUDSON 2008.

From ancient to early mediaeval town: reections starting from the case of Verona

Fig. 10

205

Plan of the church of St. Procolo at Verona from the 6th century.

This situation, suggesting quite a socially articulated consumption of pottery, clashes with
the contemporary urban and architectural disruption of urban life. In one word, housing and
infrastructure (whose quality required higher
investments to be maintained) were affected by
faster changes than the food consumption habits. Further proof of such an evolution, over a
long period of time from the 7th until the middle of the 12th centuries is again offered by the
evidence of Brescia and Verona58. This phase
was characterised by a marked impoverishment
of pottery classes limited to coarse wares and
globular amphorae until the 8th and 9th centuries
and shapes, reduced almost exclusively to kitchen wares. Evidently, the tableware represented
mainly consisted of wooden vessels. A recovery
of pottery classes and shapes is attested for the
13th15th centuries, with the diffusion of glazed
pottery, becoming signicant only at the end
of Middle Ages59. This pattern of evolution imposes caution on the interpretation of pottery
as an economic indicator: in the rst phase, the
risk is an overestimation of the importance of
ceramics, if they are not compared with other
indicators, such as urbanism and architecture;
on the other hand, in the last segment of the
second phase and at the beginning of the third
one (from the 11th to the mid 13th centuries), the
depressed image offered by pottery clearly contrasts with that of architecture.
The conclusion is that, in evaluating the
overall economic level of a town, pottery does

not represent a sufcient indicator, at least not

at Verona and in the rest of the Po valley. Archaeology will never have at its disposal quantitative data on perishable commodities, representing the most important component of trade,
and it is obliged to evaluate economic trends on
the basis of building activity, towards which the
productive surplus was diverted.
The realization of high quality buildings involved the functioning of a cycle of the different
phases of production, transport, and construction, each necessitating very complex systems in
proportion to the grandeur and height of the dimensions and the quality of the building itself.
It is not only a question of building techniques,
but also one of quantitative aspects of production and complexity of the work organisation,
presupposed by the latter. Moreover, it is also
worth mentioning that the churches and palaces
erected in the 4th6th centuries were sufcient to
full the exigencies of many early mediaeval
towns. At Verona, for example, the walls, the
palace, and the great early Christian churches
have survived60. Unfortunately, archaeological
data relates only to the episcopal complex, the
martyrial and funerary churches. In the episcopal complex, during the 8th century, the lavishly decorated northern hall, entirely covered
by mosaics, was reduced by the construction
of a small apsed basilica61. Among the suburban churches, the elevation of St. Stefano is still
entirely standing (g. 9): built at the beginning
of the 5th century near the theatre, the church

58

60

59

HUDSON 2008.
HUDSON 2008.

61

As demonstrates the Iconographia Rateriana (see note 7).

LUSUARDI SIENA et al. 1989.

206

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

had a cruciform plan with great windows in its

sides62. An excavation has documented the plan
of the funerary church of St. Procolo (g. 10),
probably erected in the 6th or 7th century on a
funerary area west of the town63.
In the Lombard period, the majority of the
most prestigious churches did not introduce
new building techniques, or the rst phase of
the construction cycle, that is the quarrying64.
However, the repetitiveness of techniques, representing an evolution from those used in the
Roman period, is matched on the one hand with
62
63
64

LUSUARDI SIENA et al. 1989.

HUDSON 1988.
CAGNANA 2008.

Sources
Anonimus Valesianus
Anonimi Valesiani pars posterior, hrsg. v. Th.
Mommsen. In: Chronica minora saecc. IV., V.,
VI., VII. MGH Auctores antiquissimi 9 (Hannover 1892, Ndr. Mnchen 1981).
CASSIODORUS, Variae
Cassiodorus Senator, Variae, hrsg. v. Th.
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Von der sptantiken zur frhmittelalterlichen Stadt:

Bemerkungen am Beispiel von Verona

Der Groteil der bisherigen Studien ber die

Transformation der Stdte zwischen Sptantike
und frhem Mittelalter in Norditalien konzentrierte sich vor allem auf die Vernderungen
der stdtischen Topographie, eine zusammenfassende Darstellung ber die frhmittelalterliche Stadt auf der Grundlage archologischer
Ergebnisse liegt jedoch bis heute nicht vor. In
diesem Aufsatz wurde, neben Verweisen auf
die allgemeine Situation, das Fallbeispiel Verona behandelt. Nach der Umgestaltung der Stadt
im 5. und 6. Jahrhundert, die parallel mit den
Vernderungen in der Hierarchie der nordita-

lischen Stdte verlief, wurde Verona als Hauptstadt des gotischen Knigs Theoderich und des
Langobardenknigs Alboin zu einer der wichtigsten Stdte, und auch in karolingischer und
ottonischer Zeit behielt sie diese Position.
Aufgrund der vielen Ausgrabungen, die hier
seit 1982 stattfanden, zhlt Verona zu den am
besten erforschten italienischen Stdten. Es ist
kein Zufall, dass die Debatte ber die Stadtentwicklung am bergang von der Sptantike
zum Frhmittelalter Mitte der 1980er Jahre am
Beispiel von Verona und Brescia begann. Die Interpretationen, die nach den ersten Ausgrabun-

210

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

gen vorgeschlagen wurden, waren noch recht

undifferenziert, und ich hatte gemutmat, dass
noch mindestens zwanzig Jahre kontinuierliche
Forschung ntig sein werden, um ber genauere Vorstellungen verfgen knnen. Aufgrund
neuerer Daten und Vergleiche wird jetzt das
wirtschaftliche Potenzial des frhmittelalterlichen Verona deutlich, einer Stadt, die eine besondere Stellung im Knigreich der Langobarden einnahm.

Verona verfgte ber einen direkten Anschluss an die Adria und damit ber eine Verbindung zu den byzantinischen Ksten. Jngste
Ausgrabungen in Venedig und Comacchio belegen diesen Zustrom an mediterranen Gtern
whrend des frhen Mittelalters. Veronas Fall
demonstriert aber exemplarisch, wie diese Waren durch den Transport auf der Etsch auch das
Hinterland erreichten.

BILDNACHWEIS
Aufstze
361380 Bierbrauer, V.: Abb. 1 KISS 1996a, Abb. 1; Abb. 2,19 KISS 1996a, Abb. 16,18, 10; Abb.
2,1011 BIERBRAUER 1991, Abb. 20,46; Abb. 3,14 KISS 1984b, Abb. 4; Abb. 3,56 Ebd., Abb.
5,9; Abb. 3,711 BIERBRAUER 1991, Abb. 7; Abb. 3,1213 MENGHIN u. a. 1988, 206, Nr. V,23a;
Abb. 4 KISS 1996b, Abb. 68; Abb. 5,14 DOMBAY 1956, Tab. XVII; Abb. 5,514 DAX 1980, Abb.
5; 7; 11; Abb. 6,12 BIERBRAUER 1991, 22,4; Abb. 6,39 BIERBRAUER 2010, Abb. 811; 9,13; Abb.
6,1015 KISS 1995, Abb. 8; 12; Abb. 7 BIERBRAUER, 2008, Abb. 17; Abb. 8,112 KISS 1995, Abb.
13; Abb. 8,1317 TEJRAL 2002b, Abb. 4,26; Abb. 9 KISS 2001, Abb. 57.
2946

Borhy, L.: Abb. 1 umgearbeitet von O. Heinrich-Tamska und S. Hipp nach den Vorlagen
von SOPRONI 1985, Beilagen 12; Abb. 2 umgearbeitet von O. Heinrich-Tamska und S. Hipp
nach der Vorlage von GRF/GRH 1997; Abb. 3 GRF/GRH 19981999, 106, Abb. 2; Abb. 4
Ebd., 108, Abb. 4; Abb. 5a Ebd., 110, Abb. 5a,1/ac; Abb. 5b Ebd., 111, Abb. 5b,2/ac; Abb.
5c Ebd., 111, Abb. 5c,3; Abb. 6 GRH 2001, 23, Abb. 3; Abb. 7ab umgearbeitet nach GRH
2000, 32, Abb. 1; Abb. 8 MRV 2003, 93, Abb. 13; Abb. 9 MRV 2009, 16, Abb. 19.

211248 Brato, R.: Abb. 1, Anhang 13: Autor.

195210 Brogiolo, G. P.: Fig. 1 CAVALIERI MANASSE 2008, tav. 1; Fig. 2 after SARADI 2006, g. 11; Fig.
3 after MARANO 2007, 184, g. 23; Fig. 4 by G. P. Brogiolo; Fig. 5 and 8 by Soprintedenza
archeologica del Veneto; Fig. 6 after CAVALIERI MANASSE 2008, 79, g. 10; Fig. 7 BRUNO/
CAVALIERI MANASSE 2003, 54, g. 8; Fig. 910 by R. Benedetti.
257266 Blow, G. von: Abb. 15 Krivina, Archiv; Abb. 6 Arch. Inst. Beograd; Abb. 7 PETKOVI/IVI
2006b, Abb. 2; Abb. 8 Autorin.
303321 Curta, F.: Fig. 1 Data after GARAM 1993; Fig. 2 Data after the studies cited in notes 7, 8, and
10; Fig. 3 Data after STADLER 2005; Fig. 4 Data after the studies cited in note 19; Fig. 5 Data
after STADLER 2005; Fig. 6 Data compiled from SOMOGYI 1997; 2008; CURTA 2001, 180, g. 12;
WOOSZYN 2005; MILITK 2009; Fig. 7 Data compiled from SOMOGYI 1997; 2008; CURTA 2001,
179, g. 910; 180, g. 11; WOOSZYN 2005; GNDIL 2009; HUNKA 2009; MILITK 2009; WINTER
2009; Fig. 8 Data after the studies cited in notes 28, 29, and 31; Fig. 9 Data after DIACONESCU
1995 and the studies cited in notes 41 and 42.
581595 Gyulai, F.: Abb. 12 anhand der durch den Autor gelieferten Daten erstellt von O.
Heinrich-Tamska; Abb. 3, Tab. 14 Autor; Abb. 45 Fotos und Grak: . Kenz.
653702 Heinrich-Tamska. O.: Tab. 1 Autorin; Abb. 1 Fldmrsi s Tvrzkelsi Intzet,
Budapest 1980-279-1930 (1000 m); Abb. 23 umgezeichnet nach TTH 2009, Taf. 1,
1112, 14, Abb. 2, 6; Abb. 4 Civertan GmbH; Abb. 512.1; 1314.1; 15.1; 1617; 19 Autorin,
technische Bearbeitung: S. Hipp und K. Kolozsvri; 12.2ab Grabungsphotos: K. Sgi 1973;
12.2c, 18ab Grabungsphotos: R. Mller 2002 (Archiv d. Balatoni-Mus. Keszthely); Abb.
14.2ab Grabungsphotos: L. Barkczi 1960 (Archiv d. Arch. Inst. d. Ung. Akad. d. Wiss.).
457474 Heinrich-Tamska, O./Schweissing, M.: Tab. 13 zusammengestellt von O. HeinrichTamska auf der Grundlage der von M. Schweissing und MLLER 2010 ermittelten Daten;
Tab. 4 zusammengestellt von O. Heinrich-Tamska auf der Grundlage der von M.
Schweissing ermittelten Daten; Tab. 5 zusammengestellt von O. Heinrich-Tamska auf der
Grundlage der Daten aus Wien.

722

Bildnachweis

597652 Horvth, F.: Abb. 1 O. Heinrich-Tamska; Abb. 220,13 Zeichnung, Foto,

Tafelzusammenstellung: Autorin; Abb. 20,4 nach SALAMON/BARKCZI 1970, Abb. 15,2; Abb.
20,5 nach BNA 1993, Abb. 20; Tab. 16 Autorin.
491507 Kiss, G.: Tab. 1 nach HAMPEL 1894; 1905; Tab. 2 nach KISS 1999, 8588; Tab. 3 nach KISS 1992b,
245; Abb. 1ac Fotoarchiv Balatoni Mus., Keszthely; Abb. 2 LIPP 1885b, Abb. 361; Abb. 3 nach
HEINRICH-TAMSKA 2002, Abb. 2; Abb. 4 nach KISS 2009a, Abb. 33b; Abb. 5a nach HAMPEL 1905,
III, Taf. 166; Abb. 5b nach FETTICH 1951, Taf. XLII; Abb. 5c nach KISS in Vorbereitung; Abb.
6a nach HAMPEL 1905, III, Taf. 168; Abb. 6b nach FETTICH 1951, Taf. XL; Abb. 6c nach KISS in
Vorbereitung; Abb. 7 Grak: Autor.
573579 Kster, H.: Abb. 1 Autor.
475489 Losert, H.: Abb. 1 Landesamt fr Denkmalpege Regensburg, mit Ergnzungen des
Autors; Abb. 2a Foto: Eichinger; Abb. 2b Foto: Scherbaum; Abb. 2c Foto: Scherbaum; Abb.
3,17; Abb. 5,14; Abb. 6,16; Abb. 7,17 Zeichnung und Foto: Losert; Abb. 4 Kartierung:
Losert; Abb. 8 BRATHER 2003, Abb. 69, mit Ergnzungen: Enns/Lauriacum und RegensburgGroprfening; Abb. 9 Kartierung: Guido Apel, Bamberg.
173194 Marano, Y. A.: Fig. 1 from SENA CHIESA/LAVIZZARI 1998, 1; Fig. 2 from GHEDINI/BUENO/
NOVELLO 2008, 24 f.; Fig. 34 from GHEDINI/BUENO/NOVELLO 2008, g. 21 and 18; Fig. 5 from
BERTACCHI 1980, g. 216; Fig. 6 from VILLA 2004, g. 17; Fig. 7 from BONETTO/VILLA 2003, g.
12; Fig. 8 from BOWDEN 2003, g. 5,5; Fig. 9 redrawn from BORZACCONI/COLUSSA 2001, g. 7;
Fig. 1011 from LUSUARDI SIENA et al. 1989, g. 113.
285302 Milinkovi, M.: Abb. 1 nach MILINKOVI 2010, Abb. 282; Abb. 2 Foto: G. Toi; Abb. 3, 6a, 12
Foto: Autor; Abb. 4 nach PREMOVI 1989; Abb. 5 Autor, unverff.; Abb. 6b nach MILINKOVI
1983, Taf. I; Abb. 7 nach IVANIEVI 1990, Abb.1; Abb. 8 Dokumentation Nationalmus.
aak, ergnzt durch M. Milinkovi und M. Petrainovi; Abb. 9 nach MILINKOVI 1986,
Taf. I, ergnzt durch RADIEVI 2006, Taf. I; Abb. 10a Dokumentation Nationamus. aak,
unverff. Ausgrabung Djukni und Vukadi; Abb. 10b nach MILINKOVI 1995, b.18ab; Abb.
11 Dokumentation Nationalmus. abac, unverff. Ausgrabung Vasiljevi und Popovi;
Abb. 1314, 15ab nach MILINKOVI 2010, Abb. 286, 293, 46, Taf. XII,7; Abb. 16 nach
MILINKOVI 2010, Abb. 284.
8796

Mirkovi, M.: Abb. 1 nach POPOVI 1987, Abb. 6; Abb. 2 Ebd., Abb. 5; Abb. 3 nach POPOVI
1982, Abb. 9.

157171 Modrijan, Z.: Fig. 1 Cartography: M. Belak (Inst. of Arch., SRC SASA); Fig. 2,1 MILAVEC
2009, pl. 1,4; Fig. 2,2 Ibid., pl. 1,5; Fig. 2,3 Ibid., pl. 2,2; Fig. 2,4 Ibid., pl. 2,1; Fig. 2,5 Ibid.,
pl. 2,3; Fig. 2,6 CIGLENEKI 2008, g. 22,2; Fig. 2,8 Ibid., g. 2,1; Fig. 2,9 Ibid., g. 22,10; Fig.
2,11 Ibid., g. 22,11; Fig. 2,12 Ibid., g. 22,27; Fig. 2,7, 10; 3; 4,13, 56; 5,16; 6 Drawing: D.
Knic Lunder (Inst. of Arch., SRC SASA); Fig. 4,4 CIGLENEKI 2005, g. 10; Fig. 4,6 CIGLENEKI
2008, Abb. 23,16.
347359 dor, J.: Fig. 13, 9 Maps by author, realisation: A. Mezei; Fig. 47, 10 Drawing by A.
Csiszr.
267283 Petkovi, S.: Fig. 1 Gradient Map: T. Schler (Arch. Landesamt Thringen, Documentation
of Arch. Inst., Beograd); Fig. 2ad; 3a; 11ab; 12b Photo: S. Petkovi (Arch. Inst., Beograd);
Fig. 3b Photo: M. ivi (National Mus., Zajear, Documentation of Arch. Inst., Beograd);

Bildnachweis

723

Fig. 4ad; 8a; 9b; 12a; 14 ab, d Photo: N. Bori (Arch. Inst., Beograd); Fig. 5ab; 6; 10;
13 Plan: A. Kapuran (Documentation of Arch. Inst., Beograd); Fig. 7 Photo and Plan: G.
von Blow (DAI, RGK, Documentation of Arch. Inst., Beograd); Fig. 8b; 9a; 14c Photo: R.
Milojevi (National Mus., Zajear, Documentation of Arch. Inst., Beograd).
6186

Prohszka, P.: Abb. 18 Autor, technische Bearbeitung: Cs. Tth, Ung. Nationalmus.;
Anhang 12 Autor.

97101

Quast, D.: Abb. 1 zusammengestellt auf der Grundlage der Vorlagen von SZAB/
GUILLAUMET/CSERMNYI 1994, Abb. 23 und Google maps 2010; Abb. 2,13a, 412 MISKE 1908,
Taf. 43,50.53; 45,2223.38.43; 46,22.2526; 70,3.2425; Abb. 2,3b MISKE 1898, 143, Abb. 32.

249256 Radoslavova, G.: Abb. 1 IVANOV/STOJANOV 1985, g. 8; Abb. 2 zusammengestellt nach den
Grundrissplnen von IVANOV 1980, g. 10, IVANOV/STOJANOV 1985, g. 41, und RADOSLAVOVA
2010, g. 1; Abb. 3 IVANOV/STOJANOV 1985, g. 48; Abb. 4 RADOSLAVOVA/DZANEV 2003, g. 47;
Abb. 5 RADOSLAVOVA 2010, g. 2; Abb. 6 RADOSLAVOVA/DZANEV 2007, g. 1.
103127 Scherrer, P.: Abb. 1 berarbeitet nach SCHERRER/SEDLMAYER 2006; Abb. 2 nach UBL 2008; Abb.
3 nach FISCHER 2002a, Abb. 52; Abb. 4 nach WEBER 2008; Abb. 5 nach SCHERRER 2004a; Abb.
6 nach SCHRETTLE 2008; Abb. 7 erstellt von B. Schrettle; Abb. 8 berarbeitet nach MODRIJAN
1953.
381396 Schilling, L.: Abb. 12 Fotos und Ergnzungen: L. Schilling.
325345 Straub, P.: Abb. 1 J. Bicskei nach der Vorlage von O. Heinrich-Tamska; Abb. 2 Fotos: J.
Bicskei (Zala Megyei Mz. Ig.); Abb. 3 Zeichnung: G. Barta (satrs Kft.) und Zs. Czabarka
(Csongrd Megyei Mz. Ig.); Taf. 16 Zeichnung und technische Bearbeitung: J. Bicskei und
Zs. Czabarka.
129156 Stuppner, A.: Abb. 1 nach FISCHER 2002, 42, Abb. 45; Abb. 2 Ebd., 142, Abb. 211; Abb. 3 und
10C,ac Inst. fr Ur- u. Frhgesch. Univ. Wien, Archiv; Abb. 4 nach FRIESINGER/KRINZINGER
1997, 231, Abb. 84; Abb. 5 nach UBL 1986, 315, Abb. 21; Abb. 6,1 nach KRONBERGER 2005, 324,
Taf. 26,612; Abb. 6,2 nach POLLAK 1992, 151, Taf. 10,89100, 157, Taf. 13,136140; Abb. 7
nach GUGL/KASTLER 2007, 493, Abb. 184; Abb. 8 nach DUEK 1992, 77, Abb. 25; Abb. 9 nach
CHINELLI 2007, 232, Taf. 1,1a1m; Abb. 10AB Grak: B. List, Czernin Verlag Wien; Abb.
10C,d Grak: S. Schwarz, Bruck/Lafnitz; Abb. 11 nach LIPPERT 1986, Abb. 6 und 13; Abb.
12,1,af, 2,a ,3,a Autor; Abb. 12,1,gh nach POLLAK 1980, Taf. 154,34; Abb. 12,2,b und 12,3,b
nach KASTNER/MITSCHA-MRHEIM 1932, Taf. 1,89.
541572 Smegi, P. et al.: Tab. 12, g. 18 P. Smegi, T. Trcsik, G. Jakab, P. Pomzi, P. Majkut,
G. D. Pll, G. Persaits, E. Bodor.
4759

Szab, ./Heinrich-Tamska, O.: Abb. 1 nach . Szab (unverff. Grabungsdok.) und dem
Fundplatzkataster (SZAB in Vorbereitung) zusammengestellt von O. Heinrich-Tamska
und S. Hipp; Abb. 2a, 3ab, 4 Fotos: A. Radnti; Abb. 2b Foto: K. Posztczy; Abb. 3c
Zeichnung: A. Radnti (Archiv Ungarisches Nationalmus./Krnye); Abb. 3c, 56 Fotos: .
Szab.

509540 Szke, B. M.: Abb. 1 ergnzt nach MLLER 2010, Verbreitungskarte 6; Abb. 2, 6, 11
zusammengestellt von B. M. Szke auf der Grundlage von MLLER 2010; Abb. 3
zusammengestellt und umgezeichnet von B. M. Szke nach TRK 1973 und Ergebnissen
eigener Ausgrabungen; Abb. 4, 7, 10 unpubl. Ausgrabung B. M. Szkes; Abb. 5

724

Bildnachweis

zusammengestellt und umgezeichnet von B. M. Szke nach MLLER 2010, TRK 1973
und Ergebnissen eigener Ausgrabungen; Abb. 8 zusammengestellt und umgezeichnet
von B. M. Szke nach TRK 1973; Abb. 9 zusammengestellt nach SZKE 1992b; Tab. 15
zusammengestellt von B. M. Szke auf der Grundlage der Angaben von MLLER 2010.
397455 Vida, T.: Abb. 1 umgearbeitet von O. Heinrich-Tamska nach HEINRICH-TAMSKA im Druck,
Abb. 4a; Abb. 2,1 Taf. 18,1 dieses Bandes; Abb. 2,23 MILETI 1970, 120158; Taf. IIIII;
MILETI 1975, 180 f., Taf. II,12; Taf. II,32, Taf. XIV,12; Abb. 2,4 BOLTA 1981, 52, Taf. 12,4; Abb.
2,5 MLLER 2010, 243, 296, Taf. 49,9; Abb. 3, 5, 811 Zeichnung: Z. Tth und V. Szinyei; Abb.
4,1 WAMSER 2004, 338; 4,23 DUVAL/JEREMI 1984, 144, g. 152,1, 152,2; Abb. 4,4 MILINKOVI
2010, 135, Abb. 163; Tab. 13,3; Abb. 4,5 Taf. 2,6 dieses Bandes; Abb. 6,1 GIAGKAKE 2004,
200 f.; Abb. 6,2 ELBERN 1986, Abb. 17, 13; Abb. 7,1 BULI 1902, 200, tav. XII, 1; Abb. 7,23
CORRIAS/COSENTINO 2002, 303, g. 150151. Taf. 117,2628, Taf. 18,30 Grabzeichnungen:
Umzeichnung nach der Publikation BARKCZIS 1968 bzw. der Grabungsdokumentation
durch Z. Tth, Fundzeichnungen: Z. Tth, Fotos (Perlen) nach BARKCZI 1968, Taf. 17,3335,
Taf. 18,32; Taf. 19 nach STRAUB 1999a, Abb. 24; Taf. 119 Tafelzusammenstellung: Zs. Rti;
Tab. 12 Adrien Psztor; Tab. 3 Erszbet Fthi.

Farbtafeln
703720 berschrift: (Grak: Sz. Schunk, Zs. Vasros und O. Heinrich-Tamska); Taf. IIII;
VII; XIVXVI O. Heinrich-Tamska, technische Bearbeitung: U. Grimm, S. Hipp, K.
Kolozsvri, A. Mezei; Taf. IV nach den Vorlagen von TTH 2000, Abb. 4, und . Szab
(unverff. Grabungsdok.) zusammengestellt von O. Heinrich-Tamska und S. Hipp
(vgl. den Beitrag von . Szab/O. Heinrich-Tamska); Taf. V U. Wulf-Rheidt (vgl. den
Beitrag von G. von Blow); Taf. VI L. Schilling (vgl. den Beitrag von L. Schilling); Taf. VIII
Ungarisches Geolog. Inst., Budapest; Taf. IX nach der Vorlage von A Balaton Krnyknek
ptsfldtani trkpsorazata (Budapest 1985), Geormorfolgiai trkp (3) erstellt von
S. Hipp; Taf. X auf der Grundlage der Datenerhebung von P. Smegi u. a. erstellt von U.
Grimm und A. Mezei; XI Fotos: O. Heinrich-Tamska, zusammengestellt von K. Kolozsvri
(vgl. den Beitrag von A. Psztor); Taf. XII Fotos: E. Horvth, zusammengestellt von K.
Kolozsvri (vgl. den Beitrag von T. Vida); Taf. XIII O. Heinrich-Tamska, technische
Bearbeitung: S. Hipp und K. Kolozsvri (vgl. den Beitrag O. Heinrich-Tamska).

berschriften
13

Teil I: Tabula Peutingeriana (http://www.hs-augsburg.de/~harsch/Chronologia/Lspost03/

Tabula/tab_pe06.html).

323

Teil II: Ignc Mller, Mappa, Geographica novissima, Regni Hungariae (Wien 1769),
Ungarisches Geolog. Inst., Budapest, bearbeitet von K. Kolozsvri.
3D-Rekonstruktion der Innenbefestigung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta

Beilage
O. Heinrich-Tamska, technische Bearbeitung: U. Grimm und K. Kolozsvri.

AUTORENVERZEICHNIS
Volker Bierbrauer
Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
- Kommission zur vergleichenden Archologie rmischer Alpen- und Donaulnder Alfons-Goppel-Str. 11
D-80539 Mnchen
Elvira Bodor
Magyar llami Fldtani Intzet
Stefnia t 14
H-1143 Budapest
Lszl Borhy
Etvs Lrnd Tudomnyegyetem
- Rgszettudomnyi Intzet Mzeum Krt. 4/B
H-1088 Budapest
Rajko Brato
Universa v Ljubljani
- Filozofska Fakulteta Akereva 2
SLO-1000 Ljubljana
Gian Pietro Brogiolo
Universit degli Studi di Padova
- Dipartimento di Archeologia Piazza Capitaniato 7
I-35139 Padova
Gerda von Blow
Rmisch-Germanische Kommission d. DAI
Palmengartenstr. 10-12
D-60325 Frankfurt/M.
Florin Curta
University of Florida
- Department of History PO Box 117320
USA-Gainesville, FL 32611
Erzsbet Fthi
Magyar Termszettudomnyi Mzeum
- Embertani Tr Ludovika tr 2-6
H-1083 Budapest
Ferenc Gyulai
Szent Istvn Egyetem
- Krnyezet- s Tjgazdalkodsi Intzet Pter Kroly t 1
H-2103 Gdll
Matthias Hardt
Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum
Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas (GWZO)
Reichsstr. 4-6
D-04109 Leipzig

726

Autorenverzeichnis

Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska
Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum
Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas (GWZO)
Reichsstr. 4-6
D-04109 Leipzig
Friderika Horvth
Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia
- Rgszeti Intzet ri u. 49
H-1014 Budapest
Gusztv Jakab
Tessedik Smuel Egyetemi Kzpont
Szabadsg t 1-3
H-5540 Szarvas
Gbor Kiss
Vas Megyei Mzeumok Igazgatsga
Kisfaludy Sndor u. 9
H-9700 Szombathely
Hansjrg Kster
Leibniz Universitt Hannover
- Institut fr Geobotanik Nienburger Str. 17
D-30167 Hannover
Hans Losert
Otto-Friedrich-Universitt Bamberg
Zentrum fr Mittelalterstudien
- Lehrstuhl fr Archologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit Am Kranen 10
D-96045 Bamberg
Pter Majkut
Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem
- Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6
H-6722 Szeged
Yuri Alessandro Marano
Via Saldini 38
I-20133 Milano
Mihailo Milinkovi
Univerzitet u Beogradu
Filozofski fakultet
Cika-Ljubina 18-20
RS-11000 Beograd
Miroslava Mirkovi
Univerzitet u Beogradu
Filozofski fakultet
Cika-Ljubina 18-20
RS-11000 Beograd

Autorenverzeichnis

Zvezdana Modrijan
Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti
Znanstvenoraziskovalni center
- Intitut za arheologijo Novi trg 2
SLO-1000 Ljubljana
Jnos Gbor dor
Wosinsky Mr Megyei Mzeum
Szent Istvn tr 26
H-7100 Szekszrd
Gergely Dvid Pll
Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem
- Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6
H-6722 Szeged
Adrien Psztor
Nemzeti Innovcis Hivatal
Neumann Jnos u. 1/c
H-1117 Budapest
Gerg Persaits
Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem
- Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6
H-6722 Szeged
Soja Petkovi
Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti
- Arheoloki institut Knez Mihailova 35/IV
RS-11000 Beograd
Pter Pomzi
Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem
- Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6
H-6722 Szeged
Pter Prohszka
Jzsef Attila tr 2
H-2500 Esztergom
Dieter Quast
Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz
Ernst-Ludwig-Platz 2
D-55116 Mainz
Galena Radoslavova
Historisches Museum Razgrad
Apr. Vystanie 70
BG-7200 Razgrad
Peter Scherrer
Karl-Franzens-Universitt Graz
- Institut fr Archologie Universittsplatz 3/II
A-8010 Graz

727

728

Autorenverzeichnis

Lszl Schilling
Magyar Nemzeti Mzeum
- Nemzeti rksgvdelmi Kzpont Darczi utca 3
H-1113 Budapest
Bernhard Schrettle
Karl-Franzens-Universitt Graz
- Institut fr Archologie Universittsplatz 3/II
A-8010 Graz
Mike Schweissing
Staatssammlung fr Anthropologie und Paloanatomie
Karolinenplatz 2a
D-80333 Mnchen
Pter Straub
Zala Megyei Mzeumok Igazgatsga
Batthyny u. 2
H-8900 Zalaegerszeg
Alois Stuppner
Universitt Wien
- Institut fr Ur- und Frhgeschichte Franz-Klein-Gasse 1
A-1190 Wien
Pl Smegi
Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem
- Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6
H-6722 Szeged
dm Szab
Magyar Nemzeti Mzeum
Mzeum krt. 14-16
H-Budapest 1088
Bla Mikls Szke
Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia
- Rgszeti Intzet ri u. 49
H-1014 Budapest
Tnde Trcsik
Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem
- Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6
H-6722 Szeged
Tivadar Vida
Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia
- Rgszeti Intzet ri u. 49
H-1014 Budapest