Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Vol. 25_2013_01
in 2008.
2. Introduction
(Fig.2).
but also hundreds of its kind; not only in New York but
Fig.1 The price for a questionable amenity: Maybe unintentionally, the shift towards the floor area ratio (FAR) system, aiming at the creation of new downtown open spaces, legitimised the proliferation of high-rises in urban Japan
002
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Fig.2 The POPS Symposium in Tokyo brought together international public space researchers with eminent Japanese planning experts
comparative agenda.
(Fig.1, 4, 5).
activities?
003
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Part I
agreements.
Part II
adaptations.
However,
commonsensical,
difference.
light and air that may result from the grant of extra
on
closer
it
sight,
and
becomes
clear
somehow
that
the
004
networks do matter.
Vol. 25_2013_01
Part III
[REFERENCES]
Towards
Borders:
Academy Press.
Theory
International
of
Uneven
Exchange
Geographical
and
Planning
Fig.5 Are these spaces really worth the deal? Nobody in Tokyo monitors the quality and usability of the city's countless POPS; design and management remain mostly in the discretion of the developers
005
Greater Santiago
641 km2 *
5,428,590 people *
84.6 people/ha *
* Santiago de Chiles gure
Seattle City
Aachen City
Bangkok City
217 km
620,778 people
28.4 people/ha
1,213 km
8,244,910 people
105.2 people/ha
161 km
260,454 people
16.2 people/ha
1,568 km2
8,280,925 people
53.0 people/ha
AACHEN
SEATTLE
NEW YORK
SANTIAGO
50km
Taipei City
Tokyo Metropolis
Metropolitan Melbourne
1,104 km
7.026,400 people
64.6 people/ha
272 km
2,650,968 people
96.0 people/ha
2,189 km
13,227,730 people
60.4 people/ha
8,806 km2
4,170,000 people
15.7 people/ha
TOKYO
HONGKONG
BANGKOK
TAIPEI
MELBOURNE
Vol. 25_2013_01
Japan today, the more a building was set back from the
Fig.1 On the website of the New York City Department of City Planning the map showing the locations of all of the
city's existing POPS is easily accessible; the note "to report suspected violations within a Public Plaza, please call the
City of New York at 311" actively encourages the citizens to become stewards of these urban assets
008
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made good plazas work and bad plazas fail. For that,
5. Research-induced Changes
for two official reports titled New Life for Plazas (1975)
Fig.2 Genealogy of New York City's privately owned public spaces from their introduction in 1961 until the latest zoning amendment in 2009
009
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magazines.
streets.
Fig.3 Different concepts of POPS in New York (above) and Tokyo (below):
While spaces are explicitly required to be inviting amenities and signs
state this openly at the entrance, Tokyos POPS welcome visitors with a
list of prohibited activities in a jargon not understanable to casual visitors
010
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for discourse.
POPS
[References]
citizen can easily use the site to find the good, the bad
[Figure References]
pops/pops_inventory.shtml
011
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neighbouring
possible
Chilean debate.
spaces themselves.
lots.
Discussions
about
2. Introduction
street space.
012
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passageways.
the surroundings.
POPS.
different qualities.
of users.
users that are in the space and the way the space is
Fig.5 Smile, we are watching you!: Private control of space and use
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Fig.7 Passing through and staying in a highly concurred space in Providencia (Each dot representing one person staying for 5 minutes)
Fig.6 Passing through and staying in a space from the first phase;
completed in 1980
014
Fig.6 Passing through and staying in a space from the first phase;
completed in 1980
Vol. 25_2013_01
conditions.
Acknowledgement
[References]
6. Conclusion
Elke/
Vicua,
Magdalena.
2011.
015
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of the city) is about two km2 in area and was laid out in
weekly in Melbourne.
016
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festival).
projects.
and,
five
spaces.
street.
who can and can not access the space. Lastly, the
importantly,
management
of
these
017
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Fig. 2 Federation Square is one of Melbournes most prominent publicly usable spaces
Melbournes CBD.
[References]
relative project.
Public Spaces
018
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daytime population.
019
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centre.
case, the owner did not allow anybody to use it. Some
Bangkok.
fear to use it. The space does not match the activity,
but are ultimately too hot, or too far away from public
transport terminals.
020
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property.
021
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centres.
Tuen Mun and Sha Tin in the New Territories and Kwun
culture.
022
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Fig.3 Two signs from an outdoor POPS in Hong Kong displaying the
opening hours, property ownership details and regulations. Interestingly,
although the English naming is identical, the Chinese writing differs.
amenity.
buildings.
023
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guards.
Kong
public spaces.
to disperse non-customers.
024
Fig.7 Public protest against exclusion from the POPS at Times Square,
Hong Kong in 2008
Fig.8 Hong Kong residents protesting against Dolce & Gabbana at Canton
Road, Hong Kong in 2012
Vol. 25_2013_01
[References]
www.devb.gov.hk/en/publications_and_press_
hk.apple.nextmedia.com/template/apple/art_main.
releases/publications/index.html
php?iss_id=20120105&sec_id=4104&subsec_
id=11866&art_id=15954668
cuhk.edu.hk
hdl.handle.net/10722/29067
Hong Kong.
urban life.
wsj.com/scene/2012/01/09/dolce-gabbana-photo-
ban-sparks-protest/
Mingpao Weekly.
hku.hk/handle/10722/50280
htm
http://www.thelinkreit.com/EN/assets/Pages/Aim-
Objective.aspx
7. Conclusion
legco.gov.hk/yr07-08/english/panels/plw/papers/
dev0531cb1-1752-7-e.pdf
Press.
[Figure References]
hk/pland_en/tech_doc/hkpsg/full/ch4/ch4_text.
Fig.6
htm#1.8
timessquare.com.hk)
Fig.7
b5/8/3/25/n2057595.htm
dedicated_areas.html
Floor
Picture
plan
from
adapted
from:
http://www.
http://www.epochtimes.com/
legco/pfpd.htm
025
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condition.
026
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guidelines.
without teeth.
Fig.3 Interior POPS on the fourth floor of the 101 Tower; since the number "4" connotes to death in Chinese
culture, often public facilities are allocated in the fourth floor, which is otherwise difficult to rent out
027
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Fig.4 Citizen organisations are protesting against additional FAR incentives for public parking lots in Taipei
028
Fig.5 The Urban Regeneration Station URS21 was an old warehouse, which is now temporarily used for creative co-working spaces and exhibitions
Vol. 25_2013_01
here.
NGOs. (*1)
that has been imported from New York and Japan has
The other case was URS21, where the land was owned
[Notes]
*1 For details refer to see LIEN Chen-Yu and SHIH
Social Realm
[Figure References]
029
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1. Background
(regulation)?
030
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Fig.3 Layer "Rights": Who is property owner? Who has further rights?
Fig.4 Layer "Regulation": Who regulates use? Who sets rules for users? Who has domestic right?
Fig.5 Layer "Production": Who has produced the space? Who maintains it? Who upgrades it?
031
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Which kind of urban spaces can benefit from coproduction, and what role do they play in the network
city would carry the costs. In their view, the stores and
the caf on the plaza were rented out for years even
[Notes]
spaces.
032
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[References]
BERDING U., A. HAVEMANN, J. PEGELS, B. PERENTHALER
I.2011 www.planung-neu-denken.de
2010: 510.
4245.
033
II
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Fig.1 Mostly unplanned urban growth led to extreme densities in large Japanese cities and a quantitative lack of public spaces such as sidewalks, parks, promenades, or squares
1. Introduction Part II
Nagoya, or Sapporo.
quality.
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Fig.2 LeCorbusier's modernist logic of the "Tower in the Park" applied to Japan: Instead of a dense network of vernacular street spaces, planning
regulations came to incentivise the production of large open spaces and slender high-rise buildings
2. Background
one that covers only 1/4 of the site 20 stories tall. Open
contestations of space.
pave them and turn them into parking lots. One year
use. For the POPS that predicated the bonus FA, certain
037
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Fig.3 Example for POPS bonus coefficients in Yokohama City: One square
meter of these respective kinds of POPS generates different FAR bonuses
bonuses (Fig.3).
plazas (Fig.3).
038
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Fig.4 Overview of planning tools that incentivise the private production of public spaces in Japan, exemplified for Tokyo:
Although these numbers differ between cities in Japan, the ratio between the use of the different tools is similar elsewhere
039
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developers.
in Osaka).
community.
capital improvement.
Fig.6 A significant part of the POPS at the Wacoal headquarters building has been designed and managed as community garden, bicycle parking facility,
disaster prevention and evacuation area and civic plaza; elementary school students have chosen the name 'You You Park' for it
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7. Discussion
As seen above, incentive zoning in Japan started as a
system that would reward exceptional design quality
of buildings and open spaces.
The burden was on the developer to prove that his
plans would contribute to a betterment of grave
environmental conditions in urban Japan. Only then
would he be rewarded with a FA bonus or waivers of
building form regulations.
In subsequent years the menu of bonusable amenities
grew ever bigger, now including disaster prevention
(storage of disaster prevention gear or fire water), social
(community or day care centres), cultural (theatres,
museums) and parking facilities, historical landmark
preservation, access to subway stations and downtown
housing. The underlying philosophy was thus diluted.
Additionally the operation of incentive zoning
became standardised and design-criteria abstracted in
quantitative parameters. In essence an inversion of the
initial ideas occurred. Whereas only design excellence
of POPS entitled to exceptional planning benefits, later
Fig.9 Citizen Green Space 'Sendagi Community Forest': While Bunkyo ward pays for the maintenance costs, the surrounding community engages in the
actual upkeep of this patch of dense urban forest in the middle of Tokyo; between 9:00 and 17:00 the space is open to the general public
Group.
spaces.
2002.
Tokyo
Metropolitan
Commented
[References]
ISHIDA, Yorifusa. 1988. "Chronology on Urban Planning
in Tokyo 1868 - 1988." In Tokyo: Urban Growth and
[Figure References]
University Press.
mukete.
City.
Development: http://www.toshiseibi.metro.tokyo.jp
Design
Special
System
established
by
the
041
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2. Introduction
Fig.1 Every dot represents one POPS: The comparison shows that POPS in Manhattan are much more concentrated than in Tokyo, where they have materialised over a far wider area
042
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off-street
parking;
encouraging
the
Strengthening
disaster
resilience;
providing
043
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Based
on
the
1969
Redevelopment
Act,
housing-type was newly created and the older urbanhousing-type was revised in order to further induce
the provision of rental residential space in central city
locations through conditional bonus FAR.
As a consequence of a growing accumulation of office
functions in the central area, another bonus was
introduced for creating mixed-use developments,
containing housing and non-office related business
and retail functions. Since a revision in 1991, this bonus
that would add up to 75% of the standard FAR but
at most to an extra FAR of 3, could be utilised within
the Ring Road 6 and Arakawa River as well as within
designated downtown housing restoration zones.
Since 1996, further FAR bonuses are being granted for
developments with over 75% housing and housing
support facilities. This could double the zoning standard
FAR as bonus, with a maximum extra FAR of 4, if plots
are larger than 1,000m and developments located
within Ring Road 6. Along with these new standards,
the bonuses for several POPS types were also amended.
While one square meter of sidewalk/ sidewalk
widening-type POPS earned for example 1.3m bonus
FA, this was changed to 2.0m if the sidewalk was
longer than 100 meters and the development located
within the 530 hectare designated central city and
sub-centre zone. Within the wider central area, marked
by Ring Road 6, the bonus would be 1.8m and in all
other areas of Tokyo 1.7m. Shorter sidewalks would
Fig.3 Distribution of POPS in Tokyo central 23 wards: The darker the shade of the underlying map, the higher the disaster risk of the area, and the lower
the ratio of public park area per capita, sidewalks and other open spaces
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Fig.4 Since 2007 a small collection of best and worst practice examples
is offered to developers of projects who will create POPS; compared to
New York City where comparable guidelines have been offered since the
mid-1970s, Tokyo's collection is only 13-pages thin and hard to find on
website of the metropolitan planning department
Fig.5 Since 2007 developers of large-scale projects "have to consider" the surrounding network of public spaces; as much as this is a step in the right direction, the map is too macroscopic in scale to achieve more meaningful results
045
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and where the fewest people live, while very few POPS
residential areas(Fig.3).
Fig.6 One of the city's most spectacular recent developments is Tokyo Midtown, where a big park-like POPS (front, right) forms an integrated open space
together with the municipally owned and managed Hinokicho Park; this unified design was mandated by a redevelopment-type district plan that was
legislated before the previously public land was auctioned off to the private development consortium
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Fig.7 Similar to North American BID schemes, area management associations are curating events that take place across property boundaries: On the
roadway of Naka avenue in Marunouchi and on the adjacent public sidewalks temporary events are frequently carried out
Fig.8 Marunouchi Park Building marks the apex of recent POPS design in Tokyo: framed by a replica of the historical Mitsubishi No.1 building that
contains a museums, on one side, and, restaurants on the other, this space offers ample green, public art, as well as movable chairs and tables
[Figure References]
New York.
Group.
Commented
2002.
Tokyo
Metropolitan
047
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municipal
internal teamwork.
grass-roots democracy.
Fig.1 Mayor Asukata's 1965 blueprint for a new Yokohama also formally marked a fresh beginning: clean visuals and easy explanations
invited ordinary citizens into the planning process, and, by that, broadened the public sphere
048
administration.
With
unprecedented
Vol. 25_2013_01
Fig.3 Section of privately created open spaces along the Yamashita Park promenade, with the white dotted line showing the property boundary; the
open spaces created on the private building plots are part of an integrated public realm that spans across property lines; for a uniied appearance the
city provided the paving materials to the private landowners
haphazard
development,
municipal
these
conditions
through
internal
Fig.4 Machizukuri Council District (MCD) in the vicinity of Yamashita Park and Nihon dori; informal administrative guidance by the city commenced
here in the early 1970s in order to convince landowners to provide much needed pedestrian circulation space near this park of citywide importance
The UEDS would also add to the citys open space stock,
Height caps and low FAR values meant also that more
influence.
plans.
049
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Fig.6 Detailed study of an MCD north-west of Yokohama Station, where 29 POPS materialised in close proximity and contribute to a widening of the otherwise narrow public sidewalks; beyond facilitating circulation, these spaces contribute little to invite more meaningful public activities
050
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Fig.7 Many downtown POPS are small and good for little more but pedestrian circulation
Fig.8 In the Minato Mirai 21 redevelopment area many large and spectacular POPS can be found: This indoor through-block connection passes
through the corporate showroom of the Nissan headquarters building
[References]
[Figure References]
Somu Kyoku
051
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the new Building Standards Act and all POPS were still
Fig.2 Two types of POPS in the Semba area (Semba Center Building)
052
Fig.1 The Semba Building Line designates different wall setbacks from
the property line and mandates the creation of street corner squares
Vol. 25_2013_01
landowners(Fig.7+8).
spaces.
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Fig.10+11 In order to preserve the important visual access to the Tsuyu no Ten Shrine in Kita ward the developer designed a throughblock-type POPS
Community
religious facilities.
Sanno, Tokyo.
Fig.9 Illegal bicycle parking on sidewalks and privately owned public spaces is one of the gravest public space management problems in
metropolian Japan
054
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government: http://www.city.osaka.lg.jp/
government
Fig.7+8 Based on Nishi-Umeda Redevelopment District
Fig.14 More than half of the building plot of Shin-Umeda City is occupied
by privately owned public spaces that offer a rich program to visitors
Fig.15 A large chunk of Shin-Umeda City's privately owned public space is occupied by an urban farm that was inspired by Japanese satoyama
landscapes and is cultivated by students of nearby elementary schools and kindergardens
055
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Concourse
located here.
city therefore spends over 190 million US$ per year for
station
already
settings (Fig.6).
zoning is 8.0).
shopping
networks
had
under
At
and
that
time,
several
buildings
were
056
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Provision
centre.
change.
[Figure Reference]
city.sapporo.jp/keikaku/toshikei/chikukeiichiran/
(Fig.8).
chikuichiran.html
057
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2003: 49).
3. Planning Process
hotels (Fig.1).
Fig.1 The area development council, made-up of all landowners, public authorities and the urban design coordinator, drew up a comprehensive scheme in which POPS are complementing an integrated public space network
058
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Spaces
realm and, until now, there has been little need for local
[References]
[Figure References]
SHIGAICHISEIBI-BU.
weekends.
(2002).
Shiodome
Land
Fig.2 Adjacent POPS complement a park and form a unified public realm
059
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can be distinguished:
development.
To make this point clear, the study did not look at POPS
prohibited.
060
3. Research Object
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Fig.3 Location of case study Urban Living Spaces in relation to large outdoor POPS
management costs.
needs.
061
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parks are the preferred venue for leisure and the new
perception,
expectations;
their
attitudes
and
of global-style POPS.
1. Background
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Fig.2 Global-style, generic POPS at the bottom of condominium towers remain unused despite high density area
Fig.3 Vernacular POPS along narrow alleys are more responsive to the needs of the local community
while walking by. This isnt the case with the wider
5. Discussion
by most.
districts identity.
positive or negative.
social landscape.
063
III
Vol. 25_2013_01
Chen-Yu Lien (National Taiwan University) + Pei-Yin Shih (Classic Landscape Design and Environmental Planning)
owners who agreed to beautify their properties, and
three synthetic plans that targeted a comprehensive
redesign of important public spaces.
The eight series of strategic interventions sought to:
(1) create more open public spaces around landmark
buildings;
(2) regenerate the urban environment and reduce the
number of dilapidated buildings and waste;
(3) create a good location with a new look: cleaning
and decorating external blind walls;
(4) create attractive shops with beautifully designed
signboards;
(5) create friendly school campuses with bright and
welcoming fencing;
Fig.1 Citizens claimed more publicly usable greenery spots for Taipei City in 2010
of Taipei City
066
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flexible
open
spaces
serve
complex
Fig.2 Taipei Beautiful Series (2) created 74 temporary green spots during the run-up to the International Flora Exposition in 2010; dark markers represent
temporary green spaces on public land; lighter markers represent those located on private property
space.
public spaces.
067
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public spaces.
educational function.
Fig.3+4 Before (above) and after (below) urban renewal: This old house
from the Japanese colonial period had long laid dormant before the site
was turned into the Rain Water Garden green spot
068
Fig.5 Map of the Green Life Axis along Taipeis Roosevelt Road, where
numous temporary POPS have been created
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Fig.7 Happy Farm is adopted by local residents, who cultivate vegetables here
Fig.9 Reading at Starry Night was a creative idea from the Willow Den
Independent Bookstore Alliance
Fig.10 Kids enjoy interacting with the greenery cart art installations
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Fig.1 Since 1968, 310 "kids squares" have been created in Kyoto: 66 of these were created on the premises of privately owned temples or shrines, 91 were on other privately owned plots, 153 were located on publicly owned land
1. Background
Kyoto, one notices that there was only one major park,
the city.
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Fig.2 During the Gion festival public streets in front of community-owned neighbourhood houses turn into temporary common spaces
Fig.3 During the Jizo-bon festival many old communities in Kyoto decorate neighbourhood streets with lanterns and gifts for children
structure in Kyoto.
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Fig.4-7 Design ideas for the renovation of Shutoku Park: Partents and kids group (top, left), elderly group (top, right), neighbourhood association (bottom, left), and other citizens living in the administrative district (bottom, right)
community.
suggested
Clarence
072
Perry
(1929=1998)
once
Vol. 25_2013_01
Fig.8-9 As a condition for waiving the 45m building-height limit stipulated by zoning, and for allowing a 60m high tower structure, the
developer of Kyoto Hotel provided a pocket park (below), sidewalk widenings, a sunken garden (above), benches, and public art objects
Proceedings, 647-648.
historic cityscape.
7. Conclusion
[Figure References]
Fig.4-7 Adapted fromSHUTOKU. 2000. The Park
[References]
online
syutoku_HP/syutoku_image/koho/koho/koho42.pdf
from:
http://kyoto-machisen.jp/chiiki_hp/
073
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(Kayden 2000).
Fig.1 The High Line in New York City was developed and operated by the nonprofit Friends of High Line
074
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other cities.
A. Community Gardens
075
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Fig.4 With support from the Parks and Green Spaces Levy, local residents led the renovation of the International Childrens Park in Seattle and continued to organise events to activate the space
groups worked with the city staff to put new tax levies
development,
those places.
and
environmental
stewardship,
pocket parks.
C. Parks Levy
076
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D. Independent Projects
beyond.
[Notes]
*1 See http://www.centralparknyc.org/about/inside-
*2 See http://www.seattle.gov/dpd/Research/
Population_Demographics/Overview/default.asp
*3 See http://www.seattle.gov/neighborhoods/
ppatch/ (accessed April 29, 2012).
*4 See http://www.seattle.gov/parks/proparks/
default.htm (accessed March 15, 2012).
[References]
planning process.
the New York City Experience. New York: John Wiley &
Sons, Inc.
077
IV
Vol. 25_2013_01
there, yet local histories, planning cultures, actornetworks and spatial conditions have played a crucial
role for the ways these abstract, imported planning
ideas materialised in space and how they were received
by local societies. This volume contributed therefore to
de-centring dominating planning theory debates by
emphasising mutual learning processes with no clear
centre in North America or Europe. Taipei planners
have been equally inspired by incentive zoning in
New York and Tokyo. Santiagos system developed
independently from New York and was only influenced
by it in later years. Cities like Yokohama and Sapporo
drew up distinctly local public space policies and
Osaka has incentivised the production of public space
through private actors since the 1930s. Interestingly,
the new affordances of social media now allow the
instant exchange of ideas between public space
advocates worldwide as well.
3. Public Space Visions and the Role of Planners
Furthermore, we have seen that in Santiago de Chile
and Yokohama, strong planner personalities were
central. Committed individuals like German Bannen in
Santiago, Akira Tamura in Yokohama, or Robert Adams
in Melbourne played a crucial role in developing
comprehensive and far-reaching public space visions.
Private developers would only be rewarded with
additional floor area if they agreed to provide public
urban spaces of superior design quality that would
complement these envisioned public space networks.
The example of Osaka has also shown that as early as
the 1930s the city collaborated with local landowners
in order to create an elaborate system of sidewalks,
promenades and corner squares in the Semba area.
In many other of the cities discussed here, no such
visions for integrated pedestrian-friendly public spaces
Fig.1 Discretionary urban design review, a strong planning vision, as well as the adjacency of a public park: all these important factors contributed to the
successful design of Tokyo Midtown's well integrated privately owned public space
080
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Fig.2 The negotiation processes near Yamashita Park in Yokohama in the early 1970 marked the beginning of the citys collaborative planning culture
Particular
POPS.
local
histories
have
created
path
Lower Expectations
081
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particular cases.
Fig.4 Not only lacking design vision contribute to the failure of many
POPS but also a lack of proper post-occupancy monitoring that ensures
that spaces remain usable and accessible
082
public resources.
Vol. 25_2013_01
[Figure References]
International Collaboration
Village Press.
http://www.spur.org/publications/library/report/
secretsofsanfrancisco_010109.
public
knowledge,
periodic
Fig.5 The guide map of the San Francisco Planning and Urban Research
Association (SPUR) shows where the citys 68 POPS can be found and in
which activities citizens can engage there
Fig.7+8 The printable, double sided map of the #whOWNSpace project serves as a spatial visualisation tool that helps citizens to locate privately owned
open spaces in New York and to compare governing bodies of public and private control.
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Editorial Team
Christian Dimmer, Urban Conversation Unit, RCAST Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo (contact: chr.dimmer@gmail.com)
with
Takefumi Kurose, Laboratory of Urban Design, Department of Urban Engineering, The University of Tokyo (contact: kurose@ud.t.u-tokyo.ac.jp)
Chie Kodama (assistant editor and mapping) Laboratory of Urban Design, Dept. of Urban Engineering, The University of Tokyo (contact: kodama@ud.t.u-tokyo.ac.jp)
Contributors
Sakrapat Anurakpradorn, Urban Conservation & Regeneration Lab, Dept. of Urban & Regional Planning, Chulalongkorn University (contact: josh2859@gmail.com)
Yoshihiko Baba, Ritsumeikan University (contact: babayoshihiko@mac.com)
Ulrich Berding, Planning Theory and Urban Development Unit, Faculty of Architecture, RWTH Aachen University (contact: berding@pt.rwth-aachen.de)
Beau Beza, Planning and Sustainability Discipline, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology, (contact: beau.beza@rmit.edu.au)
Antje Havemann, Co-founder planning consultancy stadtforschen.de Aachen/Essen (contact: havemann@stadtforschen.de)
Jefrey Hou, Chair in Landscape Architecture, University of Washington, Seattle (contact: jhou@u.washington.edu)
Yen-hsing Hsu, Deputy Chief Engineer of Urban Regeneration Office, Taipei City Government; National Taiwan Normal University (contact: hsu.yenhsing@gmail.com)
Chen-yu Lien, Graduate Institute of Building and Planning, National Taiwan University; Classical Landscape Architecture Consultants (contact: chenyu.lien@gmail.com)
Ayane Maekawa, City & Regional Planning Division, Nihon Sekkei Inc. (contact: maekawa-a@nihonsekkei.co.jp)
Juliane Pegels, Co-founder planning consultancy stadtforschen.de Aachen/Essen (contact: pegels@stadtforschen.de)
Elke Schlack Fuhrmann, CITU - Centro de Investigaciones Territoriales y Urbana, Facultad de Arquitectura, Arte y Diseo (contact: eschlack@unab.cl)
Pei-yin Shih, Project Executive at Classical Landscape Architecture Consultants (contact: classicdesign015@gmail.com)
Mireille Tchapi, The University of Tokyo, Laboratory of Urban Design, Department of Urban Engineering (contact: mireille.tchapi@gmail.com)
Natalie Xing, School of Design, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University (contact: Natalie.Xing@connect.polyu.hk)
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sur@csur.t.u-tokyo.ac.jp
Christian Dimmer
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