Cuba Embargo Affirmative - DDI 2013 CM

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Inherency
The Cuban embargo facilitates Castros regime
Bandow 12
(Doug Bandow- Doug Bandow is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute. He is a former
special assistant to President Ronald Reagan and the author of several books, including Foreign Follies:
Americas New Global Empire, Time to End the Cuba Embargo, National Interest, December 11, 2012, p.
http://nationalinterest.org/print/commentary/the-pointless-cuba-embargo-7834?page=1) KS
The U.S. government has waged economic war against the Castro regime for half a
century. The policy may have been worth a try during the Cold War, but the embargo has failed to liberate
the Cuban people. It is time to end sanctions against Havana. Decades ago the Castro brothers lead a revolt against a
nasty authoritarian, Fulgencio Batista. After coming to power in 1959, they created a police state, targeted U.S. commerce,
nationalized American assets, and allied with the Soviet Union. Although Cuba was but a small island nation, the Cold War magnified
its perceived importance. Washington reduced Cuban sugar import quotas in July 1960. Subsequently U.S. exports were limited,
diplomatic ties were severed, travel was restricted, Cuban imports were banned, Havanas American assets were frozen, and almost
all travel to Cuba was banned. Washington also pressed its allies to impose sanctions. These various measures had no evident effect,
other than to intensify Cubas reliance on the Soviet Union. Yet the collapse of the latter nation had no impact on U.S. policy. In 1992,
Congress banned American subsidiaries from doing business in Cuba and in 1996, it penalized foreign firms that trafficked in
expropriated U.S. property. Executives from such companies even were banned from traveling to America. On occasion Washington
relaxed one aspect or another of the embargo, but in general continued to tighten restrictions, even over Cuban Americans.
Enforcement is not easy, but Uncle Sam tries his best. For instance, according to the Government Accountability Office, Customs and
Border Protection increased its secondary inspection of passengers arriving from Cuba to reflect an increased risk of embargo
violations after the 2004 rule changes, which, among other things, eliminated the allowance for travelers to import a small amount of
Cuban products for personal consumption. Three years ago, President Barack Obama loosened regulations on Cuban Americans, as
well as telecommunications between the United States and Cuba. However, the law sharply constrains the president's discretion.
Moreover, UN Ambassador Susan Rice said that the embargo will continue until Cuba is free. It is far past time to end the embargo.
During the Cold War, Cuba offered a potential advanced military outpost for the Soviet Union. Indeed, that role led to the Cuban
missile crisis. With the failure of the U.S.-supported Bay of Pigs invasion, economic pressure appeared to be Washingtons best
strategy for ousting the Castro dictatorship. However, the end of the Cold War left Cuba strategically irrelevant. It is a poor country
with little ability to harm the United States. The Castro regime might still encourage unrest, but its survival has no measurable impact
on any important U.S. interest.
The regime remains a humanitarian travesty, of course. Nor

are Cubans the only victims: three years ago the regime jailed a State Department
contractor for distributing satellite telephone equipment in Cuba. But Havana is
not the only regime to violate human rights. Moreover, experience has long demonstrated that it is
virtually impossible for outsiders to force democracy. Washington often has used sanctions and the Office of Foreign Assets Control
currently is enforcing around 20 such programs, mostly to little effect. The policy in Cuba obviously has failed. The regime remains in
power. Indeed, it has consistently used the embargo to justify its own mismanagement, blaming poverty on America. Observed
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton: It is my personal belief that the Castros do not want to see an end to the embargo and do not want
to see normalization with the United States, because they would lose all of their excuses for what hasn't happened in Cuba in the last
50 years. Similarly, Cuban exile Carlos Saladrigas of the Cuba Study Group argued that keeping the embargo, maintaining this
hostility, all it does is strengthen and embolden the hardliners. Cuban human rights activists also generally oppose sanctions. A
decade ago I (legally) visited Havana, where I met Elizardo Sanchez Santa Cruz, who suffered in communist prisons for eight years.
He told me that the "sanctions policy gives the government a good alibi to justify the failure of the totalitarian model in Cuba."
Indeed, it is only by posing as an opponent of Yanqui Imperialism that Fidel Castro has achieved an international reputation. If he had
been ignored by Washington, he never would have been anything other than an obscure authoritarian windbag. Unfortunately,
embargo supporters never let reality get in the way of their arguments. In 1994, John Sweeney of the Heritage Foundation declared
that the embargo remains the only effective instrument available to the U.S. government in trying to force the economic and
democratic concessions it has been demanding of Castro for over three decades. Maintaining the embargo will help end the Castro
regime more quickly. The latters collapse, he wrote, is more likely in the near term than ever before. Almost two decades later, Rep.
The sanctions
on the regime must remain in place and, in fact, should be strengthened, and not
be altered. One of the best definitions of insanity is continuing to do the same
thing while expecting to achieve different results. The embargo survives largely because of Floridas
Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, chairwoman of the House Foreign Relations Committee, retains faith in the embargo:
political importance. Every presidential candidate wants to win the Sunshine States electoral votes, and the Cuban American
community is a significant voting bloc. But the political environment is changing. A younger, more liberal generation of Cuban
Americans with no memory of life in Cuba is coming to the fore. Said Wayne Smith, a diplomat who served in Havana: for the first
time in years, maybe there is some chance for a change in policy. And there are now many more new young Cuban Americans who
support a more sensible approach to Cuba. Support for the Republican Party also is falling. According to some exit polls Barack
Obama narrowly carried the Cuban American community in November, after receiving little more than a third of the vote four years
ago. He received 60 percent of the votes of Cuban Americans born in the United States. Barack Obama increased his votes among
Cuban Americans after liberalizing contacts with the island. He also would have won the presidency without Florida, demonstrating
that the state may not be essential politically. Today even the GOP is no longer reliable. For instance, though Republican vicepresidential nominee Paul Ryan has defended the embargo in recent years, that appears to reflect ambition rather than conviction.
Over the years he voted at least three times to lift the embargo, explaining:
The embargo doesnt work. It is a
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failed policy. It was probably justified when the Soviet Union existed and posed a
threat through Cuba. I think its become more of a crutch for Castro to use to
repress his people. All the problems he has, he blames the American embargo.
There is essentially no international support for continuing the embargo. For instance,
the European Union plans to explore improving relations with Havana . Spains Deputy Foreign Minister Gonzalo de Benito explained
that the EU saw a positive evolution in Cuba. The hope, then, is to move forward in the relationship between the European Union and
Cuba. The administration should move now, before congressmen are focused on the next election. President Obama should propose
legislation to drop (or at least significantly loosen) the embargo. He also could use his authority to relax sanctions by, for instance,
granting more licenses to visit the island. Ending the embargo would have obvious economic benefits for both Cubans and Americans.
The U.S. International Trade Commission estimates American losses alone from the embargo as much as $1.2 billion annually.
Expanding economic opportunities also might increase pressure within Cuba for
further economic reform. So far the regime has taken small steps, but rejected
significant change. Moreover, thrusting more Americans into Cuban society could help undermine the ruling system.
Despite Fidel Castros decline, Cuban politics remains largely static. A few human rights activists have been released, while Raul
Castro has used party purges to entrench loyal elites. Lifting the embargo would be no panacea. Other countries invest in and trade
with Cuba to no obvious political impact. And the lack of widespread economic reform makes it easier for the regime rather than the
people to collect the benefits of trade, in contrast to China. Still, more U.S. contact would have an impact. Argued trade specialist Dan
American tourists would boost the earnings of Cubans who rent rooms,
drive taxis, sell art, and operate restaurants in their homes. Those dollars would
then find their way to the hundreds of freely priced farmers markets, to
carpenters, repairmen, tutors, food venders, and other entrepreneurs. The
Castro dictatorship ultimately will end up in historys dustbin. But it will continue
to cause much human hardship along the way. The Heritage Foundations John Sweeney complained
Griswold,
nearly two decades ago that the United States must not abandon the Cuban people by relaxing or lifting the trade embargo against
the communist regime. But the dead hand of half a century of failed policy is the worst breach of faith with the Cuban people.
Lifting sanctions would be a victory not for Fidel Castro, but for the power of free
people to spread liberty. As Griswold argued, commercial engagement is the best way to
encourage more open societies abroad. Of course, there are no guarantees. But lifting the
embargo would have a greater likelihood of success than continuing a policy
which has failed. Some day the Cuban people will be free. Allowing more contact
with Americans likely would make that day come sooner.
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Plan
Plan: The United States federal government should substantially
increase economic engagement toward Cuba by removing all sanctions
of the Cuban embargo.
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Advantage 1 is Human Rights

Status quo Cuban embargo policies violate basic human rights
Amnesty International Publications, 2007 [part of the UN] [Amnesty International, THE US
EMBARGO AGAINST CUBA http://www.amnesty.org/es/library/asset/AMR25/007/2009/es/51469f8b-73f847a2-a5bd-f839adf50488/amr250072009eng.pdf] [MN]

For the past 14 years, the UN Secretary-General has documented the negative impact of
the
US embargo on Cuba. In her last report to the Human Rights Council, the Personal
Representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of human
rights in Cuba described the effects of the embargo on the economic, social and
cultural rights of the Cuban people as disastrous. 33 The adverse consequences of
economic sanctions on the enjoyment of human rights, a study prepared by Marc Bossuyt for the SubCommission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, concluded that the US embargo violates
human rights law in two distinct ways. Firstly, the fact that the United States is the major
regional economic power and the main source of new medicines and technologies
means that Cuba is subject to deprivations that impinge on its citizens human
rights. Secondly, by passing legislation that tries to force third-party countries
into embargoing Cuba as well the 1992 Torricelli Act the US government attempted to turn a
unilateral embargo into a multilateral embargo through coercive measures, the only effect of which will be
to deepen further the suffering of the Cuban people and increase the violation of their human rights.
The Cuban embargo imposes suffering and destroys the moral integrity
of innocent populations its a systemic impact
Rmy Herrera, 10/11/03, economist, is a CNRS researcher (Centre national de la Recherche
scientifique, National Centre for Scientific Research) at the University of Paris, [Economic and Political
Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 41 (Oct. 11-17, 2003), pp. 4310-4311, US Embargo against Cuba: Urgent Need to Lift
It, http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/4414129.pdf?acceptTC=true] [MN]
The US embargo against Cuba is condemned by an ever larger and by now

overwhelming majority of members of the UN General Assembly. However, it
continues to be imposed by the US government's isolated but stub- born will, in
spite of the UN's repeated injunctions, notably its resolution 56/9 of November 27, 2001. This
embargo deserves to be condemned in the strongest terms for the violation of law
it represents and for its total lack of legitimacy. These measures of arbitrary
constraint are tantamount to a US undeclared act of war against Cuba; their
devastating economic and social effects deny the people to exercise their basic
human rights, and are unbearable for them. They directly subject the people to the
maximum of suffering and infringe upon the physical and moral integrity of the
whole population, and in the first place of the children, of the elderly and of
women. In this respect, they can be seen as a crime against humanity.l Imposed since
1962. the US embargo was reinforced in October 1992 by the Cuban Democracy Act (or 'Torricelli Law'),
which aimed to restrain the development of the Cuban economy's new driving forces by hitting the inflow
of funds and goods by: (i) the strict limitations of the transfers of foreign currencies by the families in exile,
(ii) the six-months ban to enter US harbours of all ships that had anchored in a Cuban port, (iii) sanctions
against firms doing commerce with the island even though under the jurisdiction of a third state. The
embargo was systematised by the Cuban Liberty and Democracy Solidarity Act ('H elms Burton Law')
of March 1996, aimed to harden the 'international' sanctions against Cuba . Its Title I
generalises the ban on import of Cuban goods, demanding, for example, that exporters
give proof that no Cuban sugar has been integrated in their products, as was
already the case with nickel. It conditions the authorisation of currency transfers to the creation on the
island of a private sector including employment of salaried staff. Still more enterprising, Title II fixes the
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modalities of a transition to a 'post-Castro' power, as well as the nature of the relationship to have with the
US. Title III grants US tribunals the right to judge demands for damage and interest
made by a civil and moral person of US nationality that considers having been
injured by the loss of property in Cuba due to nationalisation, and claims
compensa- tion from the users or beneficiaries of this property. At the request of the old
owners, any national (and family) of a third state, having made transactions with
these users or beneficiaries, can be sued in the US. The sanctions incurred are set out in
Title IV, which provides, interalia, for the refusal of the State Department to give US en- trance visas to
these individuals and their families. The normative content of this embargo - specially the
extraterritoriality of its rules, which intend to impose on the international

community unilateral sanctions by the US, or the denial of the right of
nationalisation, through the concept of 'traffic' - is a violation of the spirit and
letter of the UN Charter and of the Organisation of American States, and of the
very fundamentals of international law. This excessive extension of the territorial
jurisdiction of the US is contrary to the principle of national sovereignty and to
that of non-intervention in the internal choices of a foreign state - as recognised
in the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice. It is opposed to the Cuban
people's rights to auto-determination and to development. It also contradicts strongly
the freedom of trade, navigation and movement of capital, all that the US
paradoxically claims everywhere else in the world. This embargo is moreover
illegitimate and immoral because it attacks the social benefits realised by Cuba
since years and imperils their successes - recognised by many international independent
observers (in particular those of the WHO, UNESCO. UNICEF and many NGOs). They are its public systems
of education, research, health or culture, in plain exercise of human rights. Further- more, the threat
that this coercive operation poses for US nationals and for foreigners extends the
practical impact of the embargo to domains completely or partially excluded from
the texts, such as food, medicines or medical equipment and exchanges of
scientific information.
Comprehensive sanctions arent morally justifiable

Robert W McGee, 2004, Associate Professor Fayetteville State University School of Business and
Economics [Commentaries on Law & Public Policy Volume 2, TRADE SANCTIONS AS A TOOL OF
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, pp. 107] [MN]
As was previously mentioned, the rights approach overcomes the defects inherent in any utilitarian
approach. One must merely ask the question: Are anyone's rights violated ? If the
answer is yes, then the sanction cannot be morally justified. If this rule were applied, it
is likely that all sanctions would fail to pass the moral test. Sanctions necessarily
involve coercion and the violation of someone's right to contract, property or
association, not to mention life and the pursuit of happiness. It could be argued that
this difficulty could be overcome if only the "guilty" parties could be targeted.
That is the very idea behind the concept of "smart" sanctions.195 Only the guilty
parties are targeted, the parties whose behavior needs to be changed (in the opinion
of the politicians in the sanctioning country).
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Scenario 1 is racism
Economic effects of the embargo hinder social movements which in turn
exacerbates racism
Naomi Glassman 6/21/11, [Naomi Glassman, Swarthmore College, Council on Hemispheric Affairs -
Trujillo, Peru] [Council on Hemispheric Affairs, Revolutionary Racism in Cuba,

http://www.coha.org/revolutionary-racism-in-cuba/] [MN]
The Special Period, the difficult decade following the fall of the Soviet Union, caused
economic hardships for all Cubans. The government stopped numerous social
services and the country struggled with widespread shortages. During this period, the
structural legacy of racism meant that Afro- Cubans faced a greater brunt of the
economic challenges. Many of the economic reforms passed to bring the Cuban
economy out of its deep recession served only to exacerbate these racial
inequalities. When faced with an economic stagnation, the Revolutions
commitment to social justice lost ground to the need for economic recovery, especially given
the official belief that racism was no longer an issue, the racist implications of
economic reforms were not an issue for the Castro government. Without Soviet
sugar subsidies, Cubas economic development shifted to the growing tourist
trade. While the tourist industry is currently the most profitable sector because of the availability
of USD, it is also the industry with the greatest racial disparity in employment
opportunities: Afro- Cubans hold only five percent of jobs in the tourist sector.[xv] The
tourist resorts hire primarily whites, drawing on the structural legacy of racism
and the pervasive cultural belief that white is superior. Jobs in the tourist sector
require less education and skills, meaning that Afro- Cuban advances in education
in the early years of the Revolution no longer translate to economic success.
Remittancestransfers of money into Cuba from Cubans living and working abroad are a new
source of unregulated USD in the Cuban economy. Remittances primarily benefit
white Cubans, because the majority of Cubans who emigrated after the Revolution
were white or lighter-skinned mestizo. Statistically speaking, 83.5 percent of Cuban
immigrants living in the US identify themselves as whites. Assuming that dollar
remittances are evenly distributed among white and non-white exiles and that they stay, roughly,
within the same racial group of the sender, then about 680 out of the 800 million dollars that
enter the island every year would end up in white hands.[xvi] Cuba has limited data on the quantity and
distribution of remittances, but a 2000 survey in Havana found that although income levels were fairly
even across racial groups before remittances, white households outspent black households
in dollar stores and in the purchase of major household appliances.[xvii] Both in the
sending and consumption of goods, remittances provide greater economic benefit to white
Cuban households. The Castro government began legalizing personal enterprises

for profit during the Special Period. Since then, more and more Cubans have opened
their own restaurants or repair shops. However, in 2000, the Havana Survey found that 77
percent of the self- employed were white, and that these white entrepreneurs were
more economically successful in comparison to their Afro- Cuban counterparts.[xviii]
Once again, blacks face disadvantages because they lack the capital in USD from
tourism and remittances: it often takes an initial investment, such as a bicycle for deliveries, or real
estate that could be used as a storefront or neighborhood restaurant to start up a new business.
Afro-Cubans are also disadvantaged when it comes to the development of paladares, or small restaurants
run out of the home. The quality of housing was not addressed in the original anti-discriminatory reforms,
and Afro- Cubans are still concentrated in overcrowded and dilapidated housing
areas, limiting their opportunities for owning and opening paladares.
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Emigration of white Cubans enabled by the embargo facilitates racism

Sarah A. Blue, 09/2007, [Blue is a [former] professor of geography at Northern Illinois University, now at
Texas State University - Transnational Migration Race, Gender, Socio-Economic Inequality] [Latin American
Politics and Society, The Erosion of Racial Equality in the Context of Cuba's Dual Economy,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/30130810] [MN]
The encouragement of remittances was a key element in the 1993-95 restructuring
of the Cuban economy (Blue 2004; Monreal 1999b). In spite of its positive
macroeconomic effects, the racially disproportionate nature of Cuban emigration
has resulted in a direct connection between the Cuban state's dependence on

remittances from abroad and rising racial inequality. While the white population in Cuba is
commonly estimated to be around 35 percent (with 65 percent black and mulatto), 84 percent of the more
than one million Cubans in the United States considered themselves white in the 2000 U.S. census (InterUniversity Program for Latino Research 2004). This racial disparity helps determine which
groups receive remittances and, in turn, which groups have direct access to the
dollar economy.9 To measure remittances' impact on material inequality by race, this study tabulated
which households receive remittances by race and then analyzed how this distribution translates into
income differences and access to the dollar economy. Table 16 indicates the unequal receipt of remittances
by race in Havana.10 A little more than one-third (51) of the 137 black and mulatto households in the total
surveyed population had relatives living abroad. Many more white and mixed-race households had family
members abroad: 64 and 51 percent, respectively. Thirty-four percent of all households surveyed received
cash remittances. Breaking these numbers down according to race, a significant difference
emerges in regard to which families received remittances and which did not. While
44 percent of the white and 35 percent of the mixed households received remittances,
only 23 percent of the black households did. Relatives of black households who
had migrated were also slightly less likely to have sent remittances than were
relatives of white or mixed households. As shown in table 16, while 69 percent of the white
households received money from their relatives abroad, 68 percent of mixed households and 61 percent of
black households received money. The smaller percentage of black emigrants who sent money home may
reflect their more recent emigration; 83 percent of the emigrants from black households in the sample left
between 1980 and 2000, compared to 74 percent of emigrants from white households over the same
period.11 Given what we know about the small percentage of black and mulatto
Cuban emigrants in the United States (10-15 percent), the report that even 23 percent of
black households in the 2000 Havana Survey receive money from abroad may seem high.
These numbers reflect a bias among the surveyed population toward recent
emigrants. (Seventy percent of emigrants reported in this sample left Cuba after 1980, compared to an
estimated 37 percent of the total emigrants in the United States.) This is perhaps due to the tendency for
early emigrants eventually to reunite their entire families abroad.12 While it reflects a slow trend of
increasing black and mulatto migration since 1980, the emphasis on family unification by both the U.S. and
Cuban governments and a lack of migrant networks for Cuban blacks and mulattos have
sustained this uneven outmigration by race. The data presented here confirm that black
Cuban households are disadvantaged in their access to this easy and direct form
of supplemental family income. Tables 17 and 18 illustrate the contribution of remittances to
income inequalities by race. Among the 334 households surveyed, there were no great differences in
income (excluding remittances) by race (table 17). Both black and white households had incomes that
were similarly distributed throughout all five income categories, with a slightly higher percentage of white
households (13 percent) than black households (7 percent) in the highest income category.13
Racism is the root cause of all violence.

Foucault '76 [Michel, Society Must be Defended: Lectures at the College de France, 1975-1976, p.
254-257 Trans. David Macey]
What in fact is racism? It is primarily a way of introducing a break into the domain of
life that is under power's control: the break between what must live and what must
die. The appearance within the biological continuum of the human race of races, the distinction
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among races, the hierarchy of races, the fact that certain races are described as good and that others,
in contrast, are described as inferior: all this is a way of fragmenting the field of the biological that
power controls. It is a way of separating out the groups that exist within a population. It is, in short, a
way of establishing a biological type caesura within a population that appears to be a biological
domain. This will allow power to treat that population as a mixture of races, or to be more accurate, to
treat the species, to subdivide the species it controls, into the subspecies known, precisely, as races.
That is the first function of racism: to fragment, to create caesuras within the biological continuum
addressed by biopower. Racism also has a second function. Its role is, if you like, to allow the
establishment of a positive relation of this type: "The more you kill, the more deaths you will cause" or
"The very fact that you let more die will allow you to live more." I would say that this relation ("If you
want to live, you must take lives, you must be able to kill") was not invented by either racism or the
modern State. It is the relationship of war: "In order to live, you must destroy your enemies." But
racism does make the relationship of war-"If you want to live, the other must die" - function in a way
that is completely new and that is quite compatible with the exercise of biopower. On the one hand,
racism makes it possible to establish a relationship between my life and the death of
the other that is not a military or warlike relationship of confrontation, but a biological-type
relationship: "The more inferior species die out, the more abnormal individuals are
eliminated, the fewer degenerates there will be in the species as a whole , and the more
Ias species rather than individual-can live, the stronger I will be, the more vigorous I will be. I will be
able to proliferate." The fact that the other dies does not mean simply that I live in the sense that his
death guarantees my safety; the death of the other, the death of the bad race, of the inferior race (or
the degenerate, or the abnormal) is something that will make life in general healthier: healthier and
purer. This is not, then, a military, warlike, or political relationship, but a biological relationship. And
the reason this mechanism can come into play is that the enemies who have to be done away with are
not adversaries in the political sense of the term; they are threats, either external or internal, to the
population and for the population. In the biopower system, in other words, killing or the imperative to
kill is acceptable only if it results not in a victory over political adversaries, but in the elimination of the
biological threat to and the improvement of the species or race. There is a direct connection between
the two. In a normalizing society, race or racism is the precondition that makes killing
acceptable. When you have a normalizing society, you have a power which is, at least superficially,
in the first instance, or in the first line a biopower, and racism is the indispensable
precondition that allows someone to be killed, that allows others to be killed. Once the State
functions in the biopower mode, racism alone can justify the murderous function of the State. So you
can understand the importance-I almost said the vital importance-of racism to the exercise of such a
power: it is the precondition for exercising the right to kill. If the power of normalization wished to
exercise the old sovereign right to kill, it must become racist. And if, conversely, a power of
sovereignty, or in other words, a power that has the right of life and death, wishes to work with the
instruments, mechanisms, and technology of normalization, it too must become racist. When I say
"killing," I obviously do not mean simply murder as such, but also every form of indirect murder: the
fact of exposing someone to death, increasing the risk of death for some people, or, quite simply,
political death, expulsion, rejection, and so on. I think that we are now in a position to understand a
number of things. We can understand, first of all, the link that was quickly-I almost said immediatelyestablished between nineteenth-century biological theory and the discourse of power. Basically,
evolutionism, understood in the broad sense-or in other words, not so much Darwin's theory itself as a
set, a bundle, of notions (such as: the hierarchy of species that grow from a common evolutionary
tree, the struggle for existence among species, the selection that eliminates the less fit) naturally
became within a few years during the nineteenth century not simply a way of transcribing a political
discourse into biological terms, and not simply a way of dressing up a political discourse in scientific
clothing, but a real way of thinking about the relations between colonization, the necessity for wars,
criminality, the phenomena of madness and mental illness, the history of societies with their different
classes, and so on. Whenever, in other words, there was a confrontation, a killing or the risk of death,
the nineteenth century was quite literally obliged to think about them in the form of evolutionism. And
we can also understand why racism should have developed in modern societies that function in the
biopower mode; we can understand why racism broke out at a number of .privileged moments, and
why they were precisely the moments when the right to take life was imperative. Racism first
develops with colonization, or in other words, with colonizing genocide. If you are functioning in
the biopower mode, how can you justify the need to kill people, to kill populations, and to kill
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How can one not

only wage war on one's adversaries but also expose one's own citizens to war, and
let them be killed by the million (and this is precisely what has been going on since the
nineteenth century, or since the second half of the nineteenth century), except by activating the
theme of racism? From this point onward, war is about two things: it is not simply a matter of
civilizations? By using the themes of evolutionism, by appealing to a racism. War.
destroying a political adversary, but of destroying the enemy race, of destroying that [sort] of
biological threat that those people over there represent to our race. In one sense, this is of course no
more than a biological extrapolation from the theme of the political enemy. But there is more to it than
that. In the nineteenth century-and this is completely new-war will be seen not only as a way of
improving one's own race by eliminating the enemy race (in accordance with the themes of natural
selection and the struggle for existence), but also as a way of regenerating one's own race. As more
and more of our number die, the race to which we belong will become all the purer.
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Scenario 2 is patriarchy
Sanctions disproportionately affect women
KIM RICHARD NOSSAL et al, 1998, Nossal, LORI BUCK, and NICOLE GALLANT January
1998 Report by Review of internaitional studies, Nossal is Director at the Centre for
International and Defence Policy and the Sir Edward Peacock Professor of International
Relations at Queen's University in Kingston, Ontario [, Review of International Studies,
Sanctions as a gendered instrument of statecraft: the case of Iraq,
http://journals.cambridge.org/download.php?file=
%2F12582_80AF3920483C21CABF4A73FB36B23263_journals__RIS_RIS24_01_S02602105980
00692a.pdf&cover=Y&code=b9a8d30d2e1f381d892e95a86818a91c] [MN]
Yet despite the attempts to look more carefully at the impact of sanctions, and despite the
increasing concerns about the impact of sanctions on women being expressed by
international organizations, gender was not a category explored in the scholarly
literature. This silence can in part be explained by the links between the sanctions
literature and the broader IR literature of which it is a subset . Scholarship on
sanctions has always been informed by the IR literature, which tended to focus on how large and
aggregated constructsstates and societiesrelated to one another, and which was
relatively uninterested in examining how international processes and actions made
themselves felt on specific individuals or groups within those societies.17 This
applied with particular force to the role of gender. Until relatively recently,18 the IR
literature tended to be silent on gender, resisting, in J. Ann Tickners words, the
introduction of gender into its discourse, and basing its explanations almost
entirely on the activities and experiences of men.19 It is perhaps not surprising that an
adjunct literature that developed in tandemthat on international sanctions should reflect that larger
silence. Second, it is possible that the absence of an analysis of the gendered impact of
sanctions has been the result of the dominant modes of analysis in international
politics. Drawing on a perspective that is well established in sociology and has also been reflected for a
quarter-century in the women-in-development literature, some have noted that the state, the foremost
unit of analysis in IR, is constructed with a gender bias that privileges an androcentric
and masculinized perspective of the political.20 The modern state, it is argued,
tends to relegate women to the private and domestic realm based on socially
constructed and socially defined gender roles,21 with the dichotomous separation
of public and private spheres. The roles of women and men are assumed to be equally
dichotomous, with women assigned reproductive roles and men assigned productive roles. Moreover,
critics note that public and productive activity is usually framed as occurring in a
market context, and usually informed by assumptions of rationality. If

international sanctions are analysed using such assumptions, it is easy to see how
they might be constructed as purely state activities involving only public effects .
The actual impact of these measures, hidden from view as mere private impacts,
is overlooked or ignored. Moreover, the assumptions of rationality that underlie the
theory of sanctions, and the market-based indicators that are used to assess their effectiveness,
might not always be appropriate. As Tickner has observed, Much of womens work in the provision of basic
needs takes place outside the market.22 In short, we can see how state-centric assumptions
promote the invisibility of women in most discussions of sanctions.
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The very nature of all embargos are patriarchal due to economic

hardships caused by the embargo, women are forced to the private
sphere reversing decades of advancement of womens rights; removing
the embargo is an ethical imperative
1998 Report by Review of internaitional studies, Nossal is Director at the Centre for
Relations at Queen's University in Kingston, Ontario [, Review of International Studies,
But it can be argued that some effects were felt more keenly by women. First, evidence
from a survey conducted by Bela Bhatia and her colleagues,59 UN reports, and newspaper accounts,
suggests that the challenge of actually dealing with the disruptions caused by
sanctions fell overwhelmingly to women rather than men.60 The vast majority of
respondents to the Bhatia survey claimed that they were responsible for health and
sanitation within their families; it was also their responsibility to care for sick
children, to do all household chores, and to acquire water. Moreover, as supplies of
gas and electricity were disrupted, women were frequently expected to gather
fuel, according to Manal al-Alusy, the head of the Iraqi Womens Federation.61 Most of the women
interviewed in the Bhatia survey62 indicated that their household duties had increased since the onset of
crisis, even though their husbands had in many cases lost their jobs because of the collapse of the
economy. Men were freed from the need to deal with the day-to-day deprivations
caused by sanctions, because of the widespread belief that household work is a

degradation of manhood.63 (Indeed, two respondents reported that their unemployed husbands
remained at home or spent time at coffee shops, responding to suggestions that they might look for work
more aggressively by threatening to take a second wife.64) It should be noted, however, that most of
the women interviewed by Bhatia and her colleagues believed that it was only natural that
such household responsibilities fell to women. Disruptions in the supply of food also had
differential effects. As Bhatia and her colleagues reported, food-related worries had become
the main subject of interaction between women. This is because the management of food
within the household is womens main responsibility. Their helplessness weighs heavily on them.65
Likewise, the survey confirmed the expectation that women would be fed last and
fed least: women were unanimous in the view that the children would be fed first. Often mothers
reported that they went hungry and gave their share . . . to the children. Priority to pregnant
women was given in very few cases. The decline in economic activity produced by
sanctions after 1990 also had an impact on what appears to be the sizeable number
of Iraqi women who worked in the formal sector.67 But even in the absence of hard data, we
can surmise that dramatic contractions in the formal sector would have roughly similar effects on working
women in Iraq to those that were reported after the IranIraq War: as the demand for employment
began to rapidly outstrip the supply of jobs, it is likely that women were driven out of
the formal labour market before men. In the informal sector, there is anecdotal evidence that
the sanctions had a negative impact on those women who headed households and
relied on work in the informal sector to sustain their families. According to the Bhatia
survey, before the conflict it was possible for a single woman to earn an income by selling vegetables,
sewing clothes, or baking bread; these avenues were closed by sanctions. For example, one respondent, a
widow, reported that prior to the conflict she had supported her sons as a seamstress; after 1990, demand
fell and eventually she sold her sewing machine in order to purchase food for her family.68
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Patriarchy fuels war and environmental destruction Solving patriarchy

is key to preserve life on earth.
Warren and Cady 96 Assistant Professor of Philosophy at Macalester University; and Assistant
Professor of Philosophy at Hamline University [Karen and Duane, Bringing peace home: feminism, violence,
and nature, p. 12-13]
Operationalied, the evidence of patriarchy as a dysfunctional system is found in the behaviors to
which it gives rise, (c) the unmanageability, (d) which results. For example, in the United States, current
estimates are that one out of every three or four women will be raped by someone she knows; globally,
rape, sexual harassment, spouse-beating, and sado-massochistic pornography are examples of behaviors
practices, sanctioned, or tolerated within patriarchy. In the realm of environmentally destructive
behaviors, strip-mining, factory farming, and pollution of the air, water, and soil are instances
of behaviors maintained and sanctioned within patriarchy. They, too, rest on the faulty beliefs that
it is okay to rape the earth, that it is mans God-given right to have dominion (that is, domination) over
the earth, that nature has only instrumental value, that environmental destruction is the acceptable price
we pay for progress. And the presumption of warism, that war is a natural, righteous, and ordinary
way to impose dominion on a people or nation, goes hand in hand with patriarchy and leads to
dysfunctional behaviors of nations and ultimately to international unmanageability. Much of
the current unmanageability of contemporary life in patriarchal societie s, (d), is then viewed as
a consequence of a patriarchal preoccupation with activities, events, and experiences that
reflect historically male-gender-identified beliefs, values, attitudes, and assumptions. Included
among these real-life consequences are precisely those concerns with nuclear proliferation, war,
environmental destruction, and violence towards women, which many feminists see as the logical
outgrowth of patriarchal thinking. In fact, it is often only through observing these dysfunctional
behaviorsthe symptoms of dysfunctionalitythat one can truly see that and how patriarchy
serves to maintain and perpetuate them. When patriarchy is understood as a dysfunctional system,
this unmanageability can be seen for what it isas a predictable and thus logical consequence of
patriarchy. The theme that global environmental crises, war, and violence generally are
predictable and logical consequences of sexism and patriarchal culture is pervasive in ecofeminist
literature. Ecofeminist Charlene Spretnak, for instance, argues that a militarism and warfare are
continual features of a patriarchal society because they reflect and instill patriarchal values and fulfill
needs of such a system. Acknowledging the context of patriarchal conceptualizations that feed
militarism is a first step toward reducing their impact and preserving life on Earth. Stated in
terms of the foregoing model of patriarchy as a dysfunctional social system, the claims by Spretnak and
other feminists take on a clearer meaning: Patriarchal conceptual frameworks legitimate impaired
thinking (about women, national and regional conflict, the environment) which is manifested
in behaviors which, if continued, will make life on earth difficult, if not impossible. It is a stark
message, but it is plausible. Its plausibility lies in understanding the conceptual roots of various womannature-peace connections in regional, national, and global contexts.
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Scenario 3 is democracy
Cuban democracy improving now, but removal of the embargo is key
Washington Post 2/7/13 (Katrina vanden Heuvel, July 02, 2013, The U.S. should end the Cuban
embargo http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-07-02/opinions/40316090_1_embargo-limited-privateenterprise-odebrecht)
During more than 50

years corrupted by covert actions, economic sabotage, travel bans and unending embargo, the United
States managed to make Castro and Cuba an international symbol of proud
independence. Intent on isolating Cuba, Washington has succeeded only in isolating itself in its own hemisphere. Intent on
displacing Fidel Castro, the U.S. enmity only added to his nationalist credentials. A recent visit reveals a Cuba
that is already beginning a new, post-Castro era. That only highlights the inanity
of the continuing U.S. embargo, a cruel relic of a Cold War era that is long gone. Cuba is beginning a
new experiment, driven by necessity, of trying to build its own version of market socialism in one country. Just as populist
movements in the hemisphere looked to Castro and Cuba for inspiration, now Cuba is learning from its allies
as it cautiously seeks to open up its economy. A former minister of the economy spoke of how Cuba is
Is there a greater example of utter folly than Americas superannuated policy toward Cuba?
committed to fostering private coops and businesses, and is beginning a push to make more state enterprises make their own way.
Large sanctions like the Cuban embargo disproportionately affect

innocent citizens and are ineffective in coercing governments
1998 [Report by Review of internaitional studies, Nossal is Director at the Centre for
Relations at Queen's University in Kingston, Ontario] [, Review of International Studies,
Those who employ gender analysis in international politics frequently argue that traditional approaches are
based on what Marysia Zalewski has called the myth . . . that gender has nothing to do with
international processes and events.3 This tendency is evident in the literature and
discourse on international sanctions as it evolved over the last twenty years. The
most significant works in the late 1970s and early 1980s included Gary Clyde Hufbauer and Jeffrey J.
Schotts compendium of sanctions episodes; David A. Baldwins examination of economic statecraft,
which sought to recast the way in which we think about the success or failure of sanctions; and Margaret
Doxeys survey of sanctions in both a multilateral and bilateral context.4 To this list we could add a number
of other books,5 as well as a developing journal literature.6 These works on sanctions were
highly heterogeneous on a number of dimensions: the scope and range of their

analyses, their arguments and the assumptions on which they were based, and
the conclusions they reached. But these studies had two important commonalities. First, they
tended to be state-centric in their analysis, focusing on the aggregate impact of
economic sanctions. Second, and related to this, little reference was made to what
impact sanctions had on particular groups and individuals in societies targeted by
sanctions.7 Sanctions remained a popular instrument after the end of the Cold War, perhaps because of
the contribution these measures appeared to have made to the collapse of apartheid.8 Multilateral
sanctions were imposed against Iraq in 1990; Haiti in 1991; a disintegrating Yugoslavia in 1991 and then
Serbia and Montenegro in 1992; and four African states between 1992 and 1995: Somalia, Libya, Liberia,
and Rwanda. The upsurge in sanctions episodes in the 1990s was marked by increasing attention to the
effects of these measures on the target society. Reports by the media, non-governmental organizations,
and international organizations began to focus on the negative impact of sanctions. From
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Haiti and Iraq came reports of increases in infant mortality, sickness, and
malnutrition in children.9 Reports from Serbia indicated that senior citizens were
being affected by hypothermia from fuel shortages, by hyperinflation that
eliminated personal savings, and by chronic malnutrition;10 other reports focused
on deaths caused by shortages of medical supplies.11 In Haiti, economic
disruptions and the collapse of economic security were identified as the prime
reasons why so many people were trying to flee to the United States by seaand
drowning in large numbers.12 International organizations such as the United Nations Childrens
Fund (UNICEF) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) started reporting on the
humanitarian impact of sanctions, lending legitimacy to the media reports.13
Moreover, as we shall see below, international organizations frequently expressed
concern about the impact of sanctions on women who were pregnant or lactating,
and/or heads of households. Given the increasing attention being paid to the actual impact of sanctions in
target countries, it is perhaps not surprising that the concern in the sanctions literature began to shift.
While some of the work remained predominantly statecentric,14 increasing concern was
expressed over the negative impacts on different groups within the target, usually
characterized as civilians, non-combatants, innocents, and children.15
Increasingly, scholars noted more explicitly that while sanctions were having few
effects on the target government, they were having profound effects on the target
society. Moreover, it was recognized that these measures were having differential
impacts, affecting the rich differently than the poor, the governors differently than
the governed, the vulnerable differently than the strong.
The embargo is a scapegoat for dictatorial tyranny to continue in Cuba

The National 10 (The National, May 23, 2010, Cuban embargo turns 50 but must live a little longer
http://www.thenational.ae/business/cuban-embargo-turns-50-but-must-live-a-little-longer)
The world's longest running and least successful trade embargo will this year "celebrate"
its 50th anniversary. Washington's restrictions on trade with Cuba, which were first imposed in
1960, have not only failed to achieve their goals but they actually undermined the
aims of their dwindling band of supporters. Hillary Clinton, the US secretary of state, came close to
admitting as much recently when she said the ruling Castro brothers, Fidel and Raul, "do not
want to see an end to the embargo because they would lose all their excuses".
The restrictions have been blamed by Cuba - the only communist government in
the western hemisphere - for a range of measures including rationing and
curtailing political rights.
Scapegoating results in otherization of the US and justifies horrid

atrocities
Stavrakakis et al 06 (Stavrakakis, Yannis, Chrysoloras, Nikos, Aug 2006 (I Can't Get No)
Enjoyment: Lacanian Theory and the Analysis of Nationalism Psychoanalysis, Culture & Society 11.2 p. 144163.)
nations are discursive constructs with particular historical and

semiotic conditions of possibility. To what extent, however, is this a sufficient
explanation of the pervasive nature of national identification? In Benedict Anderson's words "it
There is no doubt, then, that
is doubtful whether either social change or transformed consciousness, in themselves, do much to explain the attachment that
peoples feel for the inventions of their imagination [or] ... why people are ready to die for these inventions" (Anderson, 1991, p 141).
The crucial question is at what level one locates the play of (national) identification. What exactly is at stake in identification
processes? Is identity construction merely a semiotic play? Is the transformation taking place in a subject during identification of an
exclusively cognitive nature? And, most crucially, what accounts for the pervasive character, the long-term fixity of certain
identifications? It is possible to illuminate these questions by paying some attention to Freud's comments on identification and group
formation; it is also from here that a passage from form to force can begin. Undoubtedly, Freud's account bears the marks of its own
historicity. It alerts us, however, to something which is often foreclosed or downplayed in discussions of identity and identification.
What we have in mind is the crucial Freudian insight that what is at stake in assuming a collective identity is something of the order
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of affective libidinal bonds. As Freud points out in Group Psychology , "a group is clearly held together by a power of some kind: and
what
is at stake in collective identification is not only symbolic meaning and discursive
fullness but also "the libidinal organization of groups" (Freud, 1985, p 140). Furthermore, true to Freud's commitment to the
to what power could this feat be better ascribed than to Eros, which holds together everything in the world?" In that sense,
duality of the drives, every passionate affective investment also entails a more sinister dimension, that of hatred and aggressiveness:
"it is always possible to bind together a considerable number of people in love [to create, in other words, a libidinally invested shared
'identification'], so long as there are other people left over to receive the manifestations of their aggressiveness" (Freud, 1982, p 44).
Hence, what is at stake in politics is not merely linguistic or semiotic differentiation: "At the level of the symbolic, there can be a
perception of abstract difference, but no 'real' ground for antagonism toward the other" (Alcorn, 1996, p 87). What psychoanalysis
suggests is that the persistence of political antagonism can be explained only when we become aware of the (libidinal and other)
investment of political discourse, of the real of enjoyment. Here - in the passage from form to force - the pair identity/difference takes
on a second, much more sinister dimension. Difference becomes antagonism: the antagonistic force threatens or is construed as
threatening my identity but, at the same time, becomes a presence whose active exclusion maintains my consistency. Gerard Delanty
"Identification takes place through the

imposition of otherness in the formation of a bipolar typology of 'Us' and 'Them'.
The purity and stability of the 'We' is guaranteed first in the naming, then in the
demonization and, finally, in the cleansing of otherness" (Delanty, 1995, p 5). However, he is
has described very well the dangers involved in such a process:
wrong in limiting this only to a "pathological" version of identity linked to an (exclusionary) negation of difference. A similar conclusion
is reached by (Marcussen et al. (2001, p 102, our emphasis)) in a recent article on Europe and nation-state identities: " apart
from being defined by a set of shared ideas, the sense of community among
members of a social group is accentuated by a sense of distinctiveness with
regard to other social groups" portrayed either as friendly out-groups or outgroups embodying the function of the enemy. These accounts, however, fail to take fully into
consideration the paradoxical character of identification, the constitutive incompleteness of identity and the importance of the pair
identity/difference in its two inter-related dimensions (the purely formal/semiotic and the more substantive/affective). First of all, any
positive sense of identity cannot be separated from its condition of possibility, difference. Difference is not only accentuating the
sense of identity, nor does it exist apart from a positive sense of identity. If it is there it is because it is crucial for identity formation.
Identity and difference are two sides of the same coin sustained in their paradoxical relation through the inherent ambiguity of
identification acts. Nor is it possible to draw a strict distinction between a positive (benign) and a negative, exclusionary (malignant)
form of difference, implying that it is possible to cultivate the former and abolish the latter. As Neumann has put it,
"integration
and exclusion are two sides of the same coin, so the issue here is not
that exclusion takes place but how it takes place" (Neumann, 1999, p 37). Besides, even when this is
not obvious, even where negativity is latent, the positive continuously turns to negative (and vice versa ). Even relatively stable
identity formations, when encountering a dislocatory event, entering a state of crisis or a "critical juncture", often lose the
Under such conditions they can only attempt to retain their

hegemonic status by blaming someone else, even a previously friendly out-group.
This is why scapegoating, the sinister type of difference as exclusion and
demonization, always remains a real possibility inscribed at the core of any
identity claim.
appearance of stability and fullness.
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Impact Framing
Structural violence caused by the embargo outweigh other international
threats like war and terrorism.
Mueller and Mueller 99, Senior Fellow at Cato Institute and Assistant Professor of Comparative
Military Studies at the School of Advanced Airpower Studies at Maxwell Airforce Base, 1999
(John and Karl, Sanctions of Mass Destruction, Foreign Affairs, May/June, pages 43-53, ProQuest)
THE DANGERS posed by chemical and biological weapons, like those from rogue states and international
terrorism, are often exaggerated and for the most part still merely theoretical.
They have been blown out of proportion in the quest for things to be alarmed
about in a relatively safe postCold War world. By contrast, the dangers posed to
human well-being by comprehensive economic sanctions are clear, present, and
sometimes devastating, yet they have often been overlooked by scholars,
policymakers, and the media. It might help if severe economic sanctions were
designated by the older label of "economic warfare." In past wars economic embargoes
caused huge numbers of deaths. Some 750,000 German civilians may have died because of the
Allied naval blockade during World War I, for example, a figure that does not include embargorelated deaths in Austria, Turkey, and Bulgaria or German deaths between the end of the war and the
lifting of the blockade upon the signing of the Treaty of Versailles. Fewer than two
million people, by comparison, have been killed by aerial bombing in all the wars of
the twentieth century combined. During the Cold War the effect of economic
sanctions was generally limited because when one side imposed them the other
side often undermined them. Thus the U.S. economic embargo on Cuba was
substantially mitigated for decades by compensatory Soviet aid. But in the wake of the Cold War,
sanctions are more likely to be comprehensive and thus effective, in causing harm if not necessarily in
achieving political objectives. So long as they can coordinate their efforts, the big countries have at their
disposal a credible, inexpensive, and potent weapon for use against small and
medium-sized foes. The dominant powers have shown that they can inflict
enormous pain at remarkably little cost to themselves or the global economy. Indeed, in a
matter of months or years whole economies can be devastated, as happened in Haiti in 1991
and Serbia in 1992.
Focus on magnitude masks everyday instances of violence you have a

moral obligation to place a disproportionately high value on structural
violence.
Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois, Professors of Anthropology @ Berkeley & UPenn, 2004
(Nancy and Philippe, Making Sense of Violence, in Violence in War and Peace, pg. 19-22)
This large and at first sight "messy" Part VII is central to (his anthology's thesis. It encompasses everything from the (outinized,
burcaucrattzed, and utterly banal violence of children dying of hunger and maternal despair in Northeast Brazil {Schcper-Hughcs,
Chapter 33) ro elderly African Americans dying of heat stroke in Mayor Daly's version of US apartheid in Chicago's South Side
I'Klincnberg, Chapter 38) to the racializcd class hatred expressed by British Victorians in their olfactory disgust of the "smelly"
working classes (Orwell, Chapter 36). In these readings violence is located in the symbolic and social structures that overdctcr- mine
and allow the criminalized drug addictions, interpersonal bloodshed, and racially patterned incarcerations that characterize the US
"inner city" to be normalized iBourgois, Chapter 37 and Wacquant, Chapter 39). Violence also takes the form of class, racial, political
self-hatred and adolescent self-destruction (Quesada. Chapter 35), as well as of useless (i.e. preventable), rawly embodied physical
suffering, and death (Farmer, Chapter 34). Absolutely central to our approach is a blurring of categories and distinctions between
wartime and peacetime violence. Close attention to the "little" violences produced in the structures ,
habituscs, and mentalites of everyday life shifts our attention to pathologies of class, race, and
gender inequalities. More important, it interrupts the voyeuristic tendencies of "violence studies"
that risk publicly humiliating the powerless who are often forced into complicity with social
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and individual pathologies of power because suffering is often a solvent of human integrity
and dignity. Thus, in this anthology we are positing a violence continuum comprised of a multitude of "small wars and invisible
genocides" (see also Schcpcr- Hughes 1996; 1997; 2000b) conducted in the normative social spaces of public schools, clinics,
emergency rooms, hospital wards, nursing homes, courtrooms, public registry offices, prisons, detention centers, and public morgues.
The violence continuum also refers to the ease with which humans are capable of reducing the
socially vulnerable into expendable nonpersons and assuming the license - even the duty - to kill, maim, or
soul-murder. We realize that in referring to a \ iolenci* and a genocide continuum we arc flying in the face of a tradition of
genocide studies that argues for the absolute uniqueness of the Jewish Holocaust and for vigilance with respect to restricted purist
use of the term genocide itself (seeKuper l985;Chaulk 1999; Fein 1990; Chorbajian 1999). But we hold an opposing and alternative
view that, to the contrary, it is absolutely necessary to make just such existential leaps in purposefully
linking violent acts in normal times to those of abnormal times . Hence the title of our volume: Violence in
War and in Peace. If (as we concede) there is a moral risk in ovcrextending the concept of "genocide" into spaces and corners of
everyday life where we might noc ordinarily think to find it (and there is), an even greater risk lies in failing to sensitize ourselves, in
misrecognizing practices and sentiments daily enacted as normative behavior by "ordinary" good-enough citizens. Peacetime
crimes, such as prison construction sold as economic development to impoverished communities in the mountains and deserts of
California, or the evolution of the criminal industrial complex into the latest peculiar institution for managing race relations in the
United States (Waquant, Chapter 39), constitute the "small wars and invisible genocides" to which we refer. This applies to African
American and Latino youth mortality statistics in Oakland, California, Baltimore, Washington DC, and New York City. These are
"invisible" genocides not because they are secreted away or hidden from view, but quite the opposite. As Wittgenstein observed, the
things that are hardest to perceive are those which are right before our eyes and therefore taken for granted. In this regard,
Bourdieu's partial and unfinished theory of violence (see Chapters 32 and 42) as well as his concept of misrecognition is crucial to our
task. By including the normative everyday forms of violence hidden in the minutiae of "normal"
social practices - in the architecture of homes, in gender relations, in communal work, in the exchange of gifts, and so forth Bourdieu forces us to reconsider the broader meanings and status of violence, especially the
links between the violence of everyday life and explicit political terror and state repression.
Similarly, Basaglia's notion of "peacetime crimes" - crimini di pace - imagines a direct relationship between wartime and peacetime
violence. Peacetime crimes suggests the possibility that war crimes are merely ordinary, everyday crimes of public consent applied
systematic- ally and dramatically in the extreme context of war. Consider the parallel uses of rape during peacetime and wartime, or
the family resemblances between the legalized violence of US immigration and naturalization border raids on "illegal aliens" versus
the US government- engineered genocide in 1938, known as the Cherokee "Trail of Tears." Peacetime crimes suggests that everyday
forms of state violence make a certain kind of domestic peace possible. Internal "stability" is purchased with the currency of
peacetime crimes, many of which take the form of professionally applied "strangle-holds." Everyday forms of state violence during
peacetime make a certain kind of domestic "peace" possible. It is an easy-to-identify peacetime crime that is usually maintained as a
public secret by the government and by a scared or apathetic populace. Most subtly, but no less politically or structurally, the
phenomenal growth in the United States of a new military, postindusrrial prison industrial complex has taken place in the absence of
broad-based opposition, let alone collective acts of civil disobedience. The public consensus is based primarily on a new mobilization
of an old fear of the mob, the mugger, the rapist, the Black man. the undeserving poor. How many public executions of mentally
deficient prisoners in the United States are needed to make life feel more secure for the affluent? What can it possibly mean when
incarceration becomes the "normative" socializing experience for ethnic minority youth in a society, i.e., over 33 percent of young
African American men (Prison Watch 2002). In the end it is essential that we recognize the existence of a
genocidal capacity among Otherwise good-enough humans and that we need to exercise a defensive
hypervigilance to the less dramatic, permitted, and even rewarded everyday acts of violence that
render participation in genocidal acts and policies possible {under adverse political or economic
conditions). perhaps more easily than we would like to recognize. Under the violence continuum we include, therefore, all expressions
of radical social exclusion, dchumamzjtion. depersonalization, pseudospeciation, and rcification which normalize atrocious behavior
and violence toward others. A constant self-mobilization for alarm, a state of constant hyperarousal is, perhaps, a reasonable
response to Benjamin's view of late modem history as a chronic "state of emergency" (Taussig, Chapter 31). We arc trying to recover
here the classic anagogic thinking that enabled Krving Goffman, Jules Henry, C. Wright Mills, and Franco Basaglia among other midtwcnricth-ccntury radically critical thinkers, to perceive the symbolic and structural relations, i.e., between inmates and patients,
between concentration camps, prisons, mental hospitals, nursing homes, and other "total institutions." Making that decisive move to
recognize the continuum of violence allows us to see the capacity and the willingness - if not enthusiasm - of ordinary people, the
practical technicians of the social consensus, to enforce gcnocidal-likc crimes against categories of rubbish people. There is no
primary impulse out of which mass violence and genocide are born, it is ingrained in the common sense of everyday social life. The
mad, the differently abled, the mentally vulnerable have often fallen into this category of the unworthy living, as have the very old
and infirm, the sick-poor, and, of course, the despised racial, religious, sexual, and ethnic groups of the moment. Erik Erikson referred
to "pseudospeciation" as the human tendency to classify some individuals or social groups as less than fully human-a prerequisite to
genocide and one that is carefully honed during the unremark- able peacetimes thai precede the sudden, "seemingly unintelligible"
outbreaks of mass violence. Collective denial and misrecognition are prerequisites for mass violence
and genocide. But so are formal bureaucratic structures and professional roles. The practical technicians of everyday violence in
the backlands of Northeast Brazil (Schcper-Hughes Chapter 33), for example, include the clinic doctors who prescribe powerful
tranquilizers to fretful and frightfully hungry babies, the Catholic priests who celebrate the death of "angel-babies,"' and the
municipal bureaucrats who dispense free baby coffins but no food to hungry families. Everyday violence encompasses the implicit,
legitimate, and routinized forms of violence inherent in particular social, economic, and political formations. It is close to what
Bourdieu (1977, 1996) means by "symbolic violence," the violence that is often "mis-recognized" for something else, usually
something good. Everyday violence is similar to what Taussig (1989) calls "terror as usual." All these terms are meant to reveal a
public secret - the hidden links between violence in war and violence in peace, and between war crimes and "peace-time crimes."
Bourdieu (1977) finds domination and violence in the least likely places - in courtship and marriage, in the exchange of gifts, in
systems of classification, in style, art, and culinary taste- the various uses of culture. Violence, Bourdieu insists, is
everywhere in social practice. It is misrecognized because its very everydayness and its
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familiarity render it invisible. Lacan identifies "mcconnaissancc" as the prerequisite of the social. The exploitation of
bachelor sons, robbing them of autonomy, independence, and progeny, within the structures of family- farming in the European
countryside that Bourdieu escaped is a case in point (Bourdieu, Chapter 42: see also Schcper Hughes, 2000b; Favrct-Saada, 1989).
Following Gramsci, Foucault, Sartre, Arendt, and other modern theorists of power-violence, Bourdieu treats direct aggression and
physical violence as a crude, uneconomical mode of domination; it is less efficient and, according to Arendt (1969), it is certainly less
legitimate. While power and symbolic domination are not to be equated with violence - and Arendt argues persuasively that violence
is to be understood as a failure of power - violence, as we are presenting it here, is more than simply the expression of illegitimate
physical force against a person or group of persons. Rather, we need to understand violence as encompassing
all forms of "controlling processes" (Nader 1997b) that assault basic human freedoms and
individual or collective survival. Our task is to recognize these gray zones of violence which are, by definition, not
obvious. Once again, the point of bringing into the discourses on genocide everyday, normative experiences of reificarion,
depersonalization, institutional confinement, and acceptable death is to help answer the question: What makes mass violence and
genocide possible? In this volume we are suggesting that mass violence is part of a continuum , and that it is
socially incremental and often experienced by perpetrators, collaborators, bystanders - and even by victims themselves - as
expected, routine, even justified. The preparations for mass killing can be found in social sentiments and institutions from the family,
to schools, churches, hospitals, and the military. They harbor the early "warning signs" (Charncy 1991), the "priming" (as Hinton, ed.,
2002 calls it), or the "genocidal continuum" (as we call it) that push social consensus toward devaluing certain forms of human life
and lifeways from the refusal of social support and humane care to vulnerable "social parasites" (the nursing home elderly, "welfare
queens," undocumented immigrants, drug addicts) to the militarization of everyday life (super-maximum-security prisons, capital
punishment; the technologies of heightened personal security, including the house gun and gated communities; and reversed
feelings of victimization).
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Solvency
Lifting the embargo would enable a peaceful transition to democracy.
Perez, 9/21/10, professor of history & director of the Institute for the
Study of the Americas at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
2010 (Louis, Want change in Cuba? End US embargo, CNN, September 21, Online:
http://www.cnn.com/2010/OPINION/09/20/perez.cuba.embargo/index.html)
if the administration really wanted to do something in the national interest, it

would end the 50-year-old policy of political and economic isolation of Cuba . The
Cuban embargo can no longer even pretend to be plausible. On the contrary, it has contributed to the very
conditions that stifle democracy and human rights there. For 50 years, its brunt has fallen
mainly on the Cuban people. This is not by accident. On the contrary, the embargo was
designed to impose suffering and hunger on Cubans in the hope that they would
rise up and overturn their government. "The only foreseeable means of alienating internal support," the
But
Department of State insisted as early as April 1960, "is through disenchantment and disaffection based on economic dissatisfaction
and hardship." The United States tightened the screws in the post-Soviet years with the Torricelli Act and the Helms-Burton Act --
The post-Soviet years were indeed

calamitous. Throughout the 1990s, Cubans faced growing scarcities, deteriorating
services and increased rationing. Meeting the needs of ordinary life took
extraordinary effort. And therein lies the problem that still bedevils U.S. policy
today. Far from inspiring the Cuban people to revolution, the embargo keeps them
down and distracted. Dire need and urgent want are hardly optimum circumstances for
a people to contemplate the benefits of democracy. A people preoccupied with survival have little
measures designed, Sen. Robert Torricelli said, "to wreak havoc on that island."
interest or inclination to bestir themselves in behalf of anything else. In Cuba, routine household errands and chores consume
overwhelming amounts of time and energy, day after day: hours in lines at the local grocery store or waiting for public transportation.
Cubans in vast numbers choose to emigrate. Others burrow deeper into the black market, struggling to make do and carry on. Many
commit suicide. (Cuba has one of the highest suicide rates in the world; in 2000, the latest year for which we have statistics, it was
less than 10 percent of Cubans

identified the lack of political freedom as the island's main problem . As one Cuban
colleague recently suggested to me: "First necessities, later democracy." The United States should consider a
change of policy, one that would offer Cubans relief from the all-consuming ordeal
of daily life. Improved material circumstances would allow Cubans to turn their
attention to other aspirations. Ending the embargo would also imply respect for the Cuban people, an
16.4 per 100,000 people.) A June 2008 survey in The New York Times reported that
acknowledgment that they have the vision and vitality to enact needed reforms, and that transition in Cuba, whatever form it may
A good-faith effort to engage Cuba, moreover, would counter

the common perception there that the United States is a threat to its sovereignty. It
would deny Cuban leaders the chance to use U.S. policy as pretext to limit public
debate and stifle dissent -- all to the good of democracy and human rights. And it
would serve the national interest.
take, is wholly a Cuban affair.
Comprehensive sanctions are only effective in coercing democracies

Abel Escriba`-Folch and Joseph Wright, 2010, Abel is a professor of international studies at
Pompeu Fabra University in Barcelona, and is with IBEI (Institut Barcelona dEstudis Internacionals), Wright
is with Pennsylvania State University [International Studies Quarterly, Dealing with Tyranny: International
Sanctions and the Survival of Authoritarian Rulers http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.14682478.2010.00590.x/pdf] [MN]
Despite their continued use as a tool of foreign policy, there is little consensus as
to whether sanctions can be effective in destabilizing authoritarian rulers (Van
Bergeijk 1989; Haas 1997; Mueller and Mueller 1999; Nurnberger 2003). In fact, some of the most recent
empirical studies on sanctions effectiveness find evidence that while sanctions
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may be effective against democracies; they are unlikely to succeed when imposed
against authoritarian leaders (Nooruddin 2002; Marinov 2005; Lektzian and Souva 2007).
Notable cases of sanctions failure include Iraq, Libya, and Cuba. This paper addresses
the question of whether and how sanctions destabilize authoritarian rulers. We argue that the effect of
sanctions on leadership stability is conditioned by the type of authoritarian rule in
the target country. Specifically, personalist rulers are vulnerable to international
sanctions because they are the most sensitive to the loss of external revenue to
fund their patronage networks. Because leaders in these regimes typically have
weak institutions such as the military and party system, they are the least
capable of substituting cooptation or repression for patronage when sanctions
decrease the resources available for political payoffs. Although personalist rulers can and
do increase repression in response to sanctions, this is a risky and potentially counterproductive strategy
that can further destabilize the regime.
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2AC
Case Extensions
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Human Rights Adv. Extension

Extend 1NC #2the embargo is an undeclared war with its comprehensive
nature, it affects all cuban citizens equally; it gives deals the same economic
impact on castro and the poorest cuban its a systemic impact; the UN
condemnation of the embargo just gives us more credibility thats Herrara 3.
These systemic impacts outweigh 2 reasons
a. Timeframe the Cuban status quo is the worst theyre only suffering
because of US Stone Age policies. Compared to the 1nc, our impacts have the
fastest time frame its now
b. Probability our impacts are now all empirics err aff since blatant
patriarchy and racism are happening in the status quo, aff is the only option
Probability and timeframe should be the only impacts evaluated in the round
dont listen to hyperbolic extinction claims
Naam 13- Ramez Naam was the CEO of Apex Nanotechnologies. He currently holds a seat on the advisory board
of the Institute for Accelerating Change, is a member of the World Future Society, a Senior Associate of the Foresight
Institute, and a fellow of the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. (Naam, Ramez. "Can Humans Survive
Mass Extinction? | Guest Blog, Scientific American Blog Network." Can Humans Survive Mass Extinction? | Guest Blog,
Scientific American Blog Network. N.p., 31 May 2013. Web. 03 June 2013. <http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/guestblog/2013/05/31/can-humans-survive-mass-extinction/>.)
Threats that could wipe out the bulk of life on earth abound. Planetary catastrophe could come in the form of a killer
asteroid impact, the eruption of massive supervolcanoes, a nearby gamma ray burst that sterilizes the earth, or
by human-driven environmental collapse. Yet life will endure, says Annalee Newitz, and so will humanity. In her new
book, Scatter, Adapt, and Remember: How Humans Will Survive a Mass Extinction, Newitz surveys billions
of years of history and five previous mass extinctions to draw lessons about how catastrophe comes and how
and why life abides. The breadth of the book is truly astounding, ranging from the planets first mass
extinction as cyanobacteria exhaled massive amounts of oxygen into the Earths atmosphere, poisoning
most other life even as they paved the way for the ecosystem we see today to the techniques that grey
whales, Jewish communities, and plague survivors have used to ensure their survival. In between we see
the Earth freeze over then then thaw again. We watch as dinosaurs rise and fall, mammals come to
dominate the world, and primates evolve into hominids and eventually modern humanity with all its varied
challenges. The scale starts at billions of years, then zooms down to millions, then thousands, and then
into the present day, before zipping ahead into the future. Newitz came to this topic with a pessimistic
outlook, she writes, believing that humanity was doomed, and intent on producing a book with that slant.
Yet her research convinced her that the opposite is true that while global risks abound, and while we humans
ourselves are potentially the greatest threat to both our own species and other life on Earth we will nevertheless
(probably) find ways to survive and bounce back from even the worse catastrophes. In the introduction she tells us that
disaster, whether human created or not, is inevitable but doom is not. How can she believe this? In her
words: Because the world has been almost completely destroyed half a dozen times. [..] Earth has been
shattered by asteroid impacts, choked by extreme greenhouse gases, locked up in ice, bombarded with cosmic radiation, and ripped
open by megavolcanoes so massive they are almost unimaginable. Each of these disasters caused mass
extinctions, during which more than 75% of the species on Earth died out. And yet every single time, living
creatures carried on, adapting to survive under the harshest of conditions. Humans, Newitz says, have also adapted: to
past episodes of climate change, to new locales, to new diets, and to persecution at the hands of other humans. That repeated
pattern of survival and adaptation of life as a whole and of humanity in particular convinces Newitz that we can
do it again.
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Human Rights Violation Cards

US Embargo is a moral failure and deprives Cubans of basic rights
Hernndez-Truyol 2009 (Berta E. Hernndez-Truyol- Professor at University of Florida Levin
College of Law, Embargo or Blockade? The Legal and Moral Dimensions of the U.S.
Economic Sanctions on Cuba, University of Florida Levin College of Law, p.
http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1219&context=facultypub&seiredir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar%3Fq%3Dtrafficking
%2Bhuman%2Bsex%2Blabor%2BAND%2B%2522cuban%2Bembargo%2522%26btnG%3D
%26hl%3Den%26as_sdt%3D0%252C30#search=%22trafficking%20human%20sex%20labor
%20cuban%20embargo%22) KS
Here, the real impact on real people of the embargo borders on unconscionable. As the essay has described, the actions
have taken a human toll; they affect health, hunger, education, nutrition quite directly. They also affect the right to travel and the
right to family life of Cubans in the U.S. who can no longer visit their relatives with regularity nor spend time
with them in either times of joy or times of need - although this has been changed dramatically by
President Obamas policy shift The Cuba sanctions, however, reflect another aspect of economic sanctions: their
deleterious and harmful effects on civil society, the innocent citizenry of the targeted country. By depriving citizens of the
benefits of trade, of travel, of family life; by creating circumstances in which people's health, nutrition,
standard of living and overall welfare are negatively affected, sanctions have effected serious denials of
human rights - a moral if not legal failure.
The embargo exploits the less advantaged

Reinisch 2001 (August Reinisch- Arbitrator on the In Rem Restitution Panel, Austrian general settlement
fund law (2001); visiting professor at the University of New South Wales, Sydney; former member of the
Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Legal Adviser's Office; former adjunct professor at SAIS Washington;
Doctorate in Law, University of Vienna (Austria); M.A. in philosophy and law, University of Vienna (Austria);
LL.M. in international legal studies, New York University (U.S.); Diploma from the Hague Academy of
International Law (Netherlands), Developing Human Rights and Humanitarian Law Accountability of the
Security Council for the Imposition of Economic Sanctions, American Society of International Law, p. JStor)
KS
The end of the Cold War has led the United Nations Security Council to intensify
its use of economic sanctions. The generally accepted purpose and emphasis of
such sanctions lies in modifying behavior, not in punishment.' However, their
increased use has also brought to light various shortcomings and problems. Apart
from the decades-old debate on their effectiveness, which depends, of course, on such factors as the policy goals set for sanctions,
the criteria for measuring their success,
the economic development of the target state, and the

level of its economic relations with others,2 a few facts are relatively certain. Thus,
economic sanctions "theory" maintains that economic pressure on civilians will
translate into pressure on the government for change, but the targeted leaders,
sometimes expressly intended to be ousted by their outraged peoples, have
managed to continue pur- suing their policies and to stay in power. Part of the reason for
this effect derives from the leaders' ability to "retranslate" the message of sanctions into punishment and retribution against the
country, which enhances popular support for the regime in "rally round the flag" fashion.3 Further, sanctions have unintentionally
contributed to the emergence of black markets, creating huge profit-making opportunities for ruling elites and their collaborators. 4
Worst of all, economic sanctions tend to hit the wrong targets; instead of the
regime, the population at large and in particular the weakest in society become
the true victims.5 A p ticularly irritating consequence of the use of nonmilitary
coercive measures like economic sanctions-as opposed to traditional means of
military force, which are specifically targeted at soldiers-is that they almost
exclusively affect the civilian population. These unintended negative
consequences of economic sanctions have stimulated the quest for "smart"
sanctions, more targeted and selective forms of economic coercion.6
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The Cuban Embargo has increased suffering its systemic impact

Hernndez-Truyol 2009 (Berta E. Hernndez-Truyol- Professor at University of Florida Levin
College of Law, Embargo or Blockade? The Legal and Moral Dimensions of the U.S.
Economic Sanctions on Cuba, University of Florida Levin College of Law, p.
http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1219&context=facultypub&seiredir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar%3Fq%3Dtrafficking
%2Bhuman%2Bsex%2Blabor%2BAND%2B%2522cuban%2Bembargo%2522%26btnG%3D
%26hl%3Den%26as_sdt%3D0%252C30#search=%22trafficking%20human%20sex%20labor
%20cuban%20embargo%22) KS
It is common knowledge that trade sanctions hurt workers and industries, not the officials who authored the policies that are the
target of the sanctions. The countries most likely to face sanctions are those run by undemocratic governments least likely to let the
pain of their population sway them. These observations hold true in the case of the U.S. embargo on Cuba. While in nearly fifty years
of the embargo the purported goal of achieving democracy in Cuba has not been met, the embargo has had deleterious effects on
Cuba and the Cuban people. First, a look at some factual data in light of trade relation confirms the reality and extent of the harms
suffered. In 1958, the United States accounted for 6 7 % of Cuba's exports and 7 0% of its imports, 1 1 placing it The Cuban
government estimates that the total direct economic impact caused by the embargo is $86 billion, which includes loss of export
earnings, additional costs for import, and a suppression of the growth of the Cuban economy.' 18 However, various economic
researchers and the U.S. State Department discount the effect of the embargo and suggest that the Cuban problem is one of lack of
hard foreign currency which renders Cuba unable to purchase goods it needs in the open market.' 1 That there has been an economic
impact of the embargo is evident to anyone who visits Cuba. For example, there is a minuscule number of modern automobiles on the
roads of Cuba. Most are American vehicles from the late 1950s-prior to the embargo (and the revolution). To be sure, because the law
prohibits ships from entering U.S. ports for six months after making deliveries to Cuba, the policy effectively denies Cuba access to
However, the impacts of economic sanctions are greater than lack of access to goods. In the
case of Cuba, some argue that the U.S. embargo has had a deleterious impact on nutrition and health with a lack of availability
of medicine and equipment, as well as decreased water quality. 121 Indeed, the American Association for World Health (AAWH), in a
the U.S. automobile market. 120
1997 report, concluded that the U.S. embargo of Cuba has dramatically harmed the health and nutrition of large numbers of ordinary
[I]t is our expert medical opinion that the U.S. embargo has caused a significant rise in sufferingand even deaths-in Cuba .... A humanitarian catastrophe has been averted only because the Cuban government has maintained a high
level of budgetary support for a health care system designed to deliver primary and preventive health care to all of its citizens. 1 22
Cuban citizens....
The embargo promotes unjustifiable suffering amongst the Cuban people

Rmy Herrera, 10/11/03, economist, is a CNRS researcher (Centre national de la Recherche scientifique,
National Centre for Scientific Research) at the University of Paris, [Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 38,
No. 41 (Oct. 11-17, 2003), pp. 4310-4311, US Embargo against Cuba: Urgent Need to Lift It,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/4414129.pdf?acceptTC=true] [MN]
The US government's announcements intimating that it would be favourable to the relaxation of the restrictions concerning foodstuffs
and medicines went un- heeded and cannot hide that Cuba has been the victim of a de facto embargo in these
domains. The reduction of the availability of these types of goods exacerbates the privation of the population and constantly
threatens its dietary security, its nutritional stability and its health. A humanitarian tragedy - which seems to be the implicit
objective of the embargo- has been avoided only thanks to the will of the Cuban state to maintain at all costs the pillars of its
social model, which guarantees to every- one, among others, a staple food for a modest price and free consumption in the creches,
schools, hospitals, and homes for the elderly. That is the reaffirmation of the priority given by the authorities to the human
development, which explains the established excellence of the statistical indicators of Cuba concerning health, education, research and
culture and this despite the extremely limited budgetary resources and the numerous problems resulting from the disappearance of the
Soviet bloc. However, the continuation of the social progress in Cuba is impaired by the effective extension of the embargo. The
pressures exerted by the US Departments of State and Trade on the suppliers of Cuba have concerned a wide range of goods necessary
for the health sector (medicines destined for pregnant women, laboratory products, radiology equipment, operating tables and surgery
equipment, anaesthetics, defibrillators, artificial breath- ing apparatuses, dialysis apparatuses and pharmaceutical stocks) and went as
far as to prevent the free supply of food for new- born babies and of equipment for unities of paediatric intensive
care4 . The production capacities of vaccines conceived by Cuba are hampered by the frequent lack of
spare parts and of essential components that have to be imported, as well as water treatment centres. This
embargo provokes today an unjustified suffering of the Cuban people. The shortages affecting many medicines, which are not
produced in Cuba, complicate the immediate and complete implementation of the procedures of treatment of breast cancer,
leukaemia, cardio- vascular or kidney diseases, and HIV for example. Moreover, the US authority's infringements on individual
freedom of movement and scientific knowledge (restrictions on travel of US researchers, the disrespect of bilateral
agreements on Cuban researcher's visas, refusal to grant soft- ware licences or to satisfy the orders from
Cuban libraries of books, magazines, dis- kettes or CD-Rom of specialised scientific literature) have in fact
led to the extension of the embargo to areas formally excluded from it by the law. One of the most fruitful opportunities to develop
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cooperation between nations on a solidarity and humanist basis is therefore blocked. The embargo is also in
contradiction with the principles of the promotion and protection of human rights, which are desired by the US people for themselves
and for the rest of the world. For all these reasons, this unacceptable embargo has to cease immediately.
The embargo impedes all forms of development in Cuba

Rmy Herrera, 10/11/03, economist, is a CNRS researcher (Centre national de la Recherche scientifique,
National Centre for Scientific Research) at the University of Paris, [Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 38,
No. 41 (Oct. 11-17, 2003), pp. 4310-4311, US Embargo against Cuba: Urgent Need to Lift It,
From an official Cuban source, the direct economic damages caused to Cuba by the US embargo since its institution
would exceed 70 billion dollars. The damages include: (i) the loss of earnings due to the obstacles to the development of services and
exportations (tourism, air transport, sugar, nickel); (ii) the losses registered as a result of the geographic reorientation of the
commercial flows (additional costs of freight, stocking and commercialisation at the purchasing of the goods);
(iii) the impact of the limitation imposed on the growth of the national production of goods and services (limited access to
technologies, lack of access to spare parts and hence early retirement of equipment, forced restructuring
of firms, serious dif- ficulties sustained by the sectors of sugar, electricity, transportation and agriculture);
(iv) the monetary and financial restrictions (impossibility to renegotiate the external debt, interdiction of access to the dollar,
unfavourable impact of the variation of the exchange rates on trade, risk-country, additional cost of financing due to US
opposition to the integration of Cuba into the international financial institutions); (v) the pernicious effects of the
incentive to emigration, including illegal emigration (loss of human resources and talents generated by the Cuban
educational system); (vi) social damages affecting the population (concerning food, health, education, culture and
sport). If it affects negatively all the sectors,3 the embargo directly impedes - besides the exportations - the driving
forces of the Cuban economic recovery, at the top of which are tourism, foreign direct investments (FDI) and currency transfers.
Many European subsidiaries of US firms had recently to break off negotiations for the management of hotels, because their law- yers
anticipated that the contracts would be sanctioned under the provisions of the Helms-Burton law. In addition, the buy- out by
US groups of European cruising societies which moored their vessels in Cuba cancelled the projects in
2002-03. The obstacles imposed by the US, in violation of the Chicago Convention on civil aviation, to the sale or the rental of
planes, to the supply of kerosene and to access to new technologies (e-reservation, radio- localisation) will lead to a loss of
150 million dollars in 2003. The impact on FDI is also very unfavourable. The institutes of promotion of FDI in Cuba received
more than 500 projects of cooperation from US companies, but none of them could be realised - not even in the pharmaceutical and
biotechnological industry where Cuba has a very attractive potential. The transfer of currencies from the US is limited
(less than 100 dollars a month per family) and some European banks had to restrain their commitment under the pressure
of the US which let them know that indemnities would be required if the credits were maintained. In Cuba, the embargo
penalises the activities of the bank and finance, insurance, petrol, chemical products, construction, infrastructures and transports,
shipyard, agriculture and fishing, electronics and computing, but also for the export sectors (where the US property prevailed
before 1959), such as those of sugar, whose recovery is impeded by the interdiction of access to the
international stock exchange of raw materials (New York) of nickel, tobacco and rum.
US Embargo is detrimental to Cuban human rights

UN Amnesty International 9, international organization promoting human rights, 2009
(Amnesty International, The US Embargo Against Cuba,
http://www.amnestyusa.org/pdfs/amr250072009eng.pdf) KS
The adverse consequences of economic sanctions on the enjoyment of human rights, a study prepared by Marc Bossuyt for the
the US embargo violates

human rights law in two distinct ways. Firstly, the fact that the United States is the major
regional economic power and the main source of new medicines and technologies
means that Cuba is subject to deprivations that impinge on its citizens human
rights. Secondly, by passing legislation that tries to force third-party countries
into embargoing Cuba as well the 1992 Torricelli Act the US government
attempted to turn a unilateral embargo into a multilateral embargo through
coercive measures, the only effect of which will be to deepen further the suffering
of the Cuban people and increase the violation of their human rights. 34 The imposition
Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, concluded that
of the embargo does not exempt the Cuban government from its obligations to respect, protect and fulfil human rights. While the
embargo affects the capacity of the Cuban government to progressively work towards the realization of some economic, social and
cultural rights, the government must provide the greatest protection of these rights, to the maximum of its available resources. In
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According to the UN
Development Programme, Cuba has already achieved three out of eight
Millennium Development Goals (universal primary education, promoting gender
equality and empowering women, and reducing child mortality) and is on track to
achieve the five other goals by 2015 or is very likely to do so.36 In spite of Cubas
achievements, the US embargo has been a significant factor in hindering further
progress on meeting the MDGs, particularly in further reducing infant and
maternal mortality rates.37
doing so, it must not discriminate and it must prioritize the most vulnerable groups in society.35
Embargo hurts human rights and freedom

Griswold 09 (Daniel Griswold- Daniel Griswold is the director of the Center for Trade Policy Studies at
the Cato Institute in Washington, D.C., June 15, 2009, The US Embargo of Cuba Is a Failure
http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/us-embargo-cuba-is-failure)
Obama
administration relaxed controls on travel and remittances to the communist island
by Cuban Americans, and last week it agreed to open the door for Cubas re-entry to the Organisation of American
After nearly 50 years, Americas cold war embargo against Cuba appears to be thawing at last. Earlier this spring, the
States. Admitting Cuba to the OAS may be premature, given the organisations charter that requires its members to be democracies
The embargo has been a

failure by every measure. It has not changed the course or nature of the Cuban
government. It has not liberated a single Cuban citizen. In fact, the embargo has
made the Cuban people a bit more impoverished, without making them one bit more free. At the same
time, it has deprived Americans of their freedom to travel and has cost US farmers
and other producers billions of dollars of potential exports. Congress and President Barack
Obama should act now to lift the embargo to allow more travel and farm exports to Cuba. As a tool of US foreign policy , the
embargo actually enhances the Castro governments standing by giving it a handy
excuse for the failures of the islands Caribbean-style socialism. Brothers Fidel and Raul can
that respect human rights, but changes to the US economic embargo are long overdue.
rail for hours about the suffering the embargo inflicts on Cubans, even though the damage done by their communist policies has been
The embargo has failed to give us an ounce of extra leverage over what
happens in Havana.
far worse.
2AC Addons
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2AC Neoliberalism Addon

Imperialism is inevitable in the status quo - the time to remove the embargo is
now with US imperialism at its height it is morally corrupt to continue.
Faye V. Harrison, 2002, Professor, joint appointment with African American Studies at University of Florida
[Race and Globalization, Global Apartheid, Foreign Policy, and Human Rights,
http://web.clas.ufl.edu/users/fayeharr/images/Global.pdf] [MN]
The U.S. embargo is a flagrant form of foreign intervention. Like official structural adjustment policies, it has been
premised on an ideology of power, recolonization, and ranked capitals that assumes that Cubans are expendable troublemakers
perhaps even harborers of terrorismwho deserve to be starved out of their defiant opposition to U.S. dominance. The same
ideology that rationalizes the unregulated spread of commodification into all spheres of social life implies that Cuban womens bodies,
especially Afro-Cubanas hypersexualized bodies, can be bought and sold on the auction block of imposed economic austerity
without any accountability on the part of the papiriquis, or sugardaddies, of global capital. The implication of these policies is that
Afro-Cuban families and communities can be sacrificed so that northerners can enjoy privilegesincluding that of living in a
good and free societythat southern workers and peasants subsidize. Cubas current crisis is being negotiated over the bodies of
its women, with African-descended women, las negras y mulatas, las chicas calientes (Black and mulatto women,
hot sexy chicks), expected to bear the worst assaults against what remains in many ways a defiant socialist sanctuary
Neoliberal globalization causes poverty, military interventions, and

environmental degradation culminates in extinction.
Szentesa 8, Professor Emeritus at the Corvinus University of Budapest, 2008
(Tams, Globalisation and prospects of the world society, 4/22
http://www.eadi.org/fileadmin/Documents/-Events/exco/Glob.___prospects_-_jav..pdf)
It s a common place that human society can survive and develop only in a lasting real peace. Without peace countries cannot develop. Although since
1945 there has been no world war, but --numerous local wars took place, --terrorism has spread all over the world, undermining security even in the
most developed and powerful countries, --arms
race and militarisation have not ended with the collapse of the Soviet bloc, but escalated and
continued, extending also to weapons of mass destruction and misusing enormous resources badly needed for development, -- many invisible
wars are suffered by the poor and oppressed people, manifested in mass misery, poverty, unemployment, homelessness, starvation and
malnutrition, epidemics and poor health conditions, exploitation and oppression, racial and other discrimination, physical terror, organised injustice,
disguised forms of violence, the denial or regular infringement of the democratic rights of citizens, women, youth, ethnic or religious minorities, etc .,
and last but not least, in the degradation of human environment, which means that --the war against Nature, i.e. the disturbance of ecological
balance, wasteful management of natural resources, and large-scale pollution of our environment, is still going on, causing also losses and fatal dangers
Behind global terrorism and invisible wars we find striking international and intrasociety inequities and distorted
development patterns , which tend to generate social as well as international tensions, thus paving the way for unrest and visible
wars. It is a commonplace now that peace is not merely the absence of war. The prerequisites of a lasting peace between and within societies involve
for human life.
not only - though, of course, necessarily - demilitarisation, but also a systematic and gradual elimination of the roots of violence, of the causes of
invisible wars, of the structural and institutional bases of large-scale international and intra-society inequalities, exploitation and oppression. Peace
requires a process of social and national emancipation, a progressive, democratic transformation of societies and the world bringing about equal rights
and opportunities for all people, sovereign participation and mutually advantageous co-operation among nations. It further requires a pluralistic
democracy on global level with an appropriate system of proportional representation of the world society, articulation of diverse interests and their
peaceful reconciliation, by non-violent conflict management, and thus also a global governance with a really global institutional system. Under the
peace is indivisible in both time and space.

cannot be safeguarded in one part of the world when some others suffer
contemporary conditions of accelerating globalisation and deepening global interdependencies in our world,
It cannot exist if reduced to a period only after or before war, and
visible or invisible wars. Thus, peace requires, indeed, a new, demilitarised and democratic world order, which can provide equal opportunities for
sustainable development. Sustainability of development (both on national and world level) is often interpreted as an issue of environmental protection
only and reduced to the need for preserving the ecological balance and delivering the next generations not a destroyed Nature with overexhausted
no ecological balance can be ensured, unless the deep international development gap and
intra-society inequalities are substantially reduced. Owing to global interdependencies there may exist hardly any zero-sum-games, in which
resources and polluted environment. However,
one can gain at the expense of others, but, instead, the negative-sum-games tend to predominate, in which everybody must suffer, later or sooner,
directly or indirectly, losses. Therefore, the actual question is not about sustainability of development but rather about the sustainability of human
life, i.e. survival of mankind because of ecological imbalance and globalised terrorism. When Professor Louk de la Rive Box was the president of EADI,
one day we had an exchange of views on the state and future of development studies. We agreed that development studies are not any more restricted
to the case of underdeveloped countries, as the developed ones (as well as the former socialist countries) are also facing development problems, such
as those of structural and institutional (and even system-) transformation, requirements of changes in development patterns, and concerns about natural
environment. While all these are true, today I would dare say that besides (or even instead of) development studies we must speak about and make
survival studies. While the monetary, financial, and debt crises are cyclical, we live in an almost permanent crisis of the world society, which is
The narrow-minded,
selfish behaviour motivated by thirst for power and wealth, which still characterise the political leadership almost all over the
world, paves the way for the final, last catastrophe. One cannot doubt, of course, that great many positive historical changes have also taken place
multidimensional in nature, involving not only economic but also socio-psychological, behavioural, cultural and political aspects.
election-oriented,
in the world in the last century. Such as decolonisation, transformation of socio-economic systems, democratisation of political life in some former fascist
or authoritarian states, institutionalisation of welfare policies in several countries, rise of international organisations and new forums for negotiations,
conflict management and cooperation, institutionalisation of international assistance programmes by multilateral agencies, codification of human rights,
and rights of sovereignty and democracy also on international level, collapse of the militarised Soviet bloc and system-change3 in the countries
concerned, the end of cold war, etc., to mention only a few. Nevertheless, the crisis of the world society has extended and deepened, approaching to a
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point of bifurcation that necessarily puts an end to the present tendencies, either by the final catastrophe or a common solution. Under the
circumstances provided by rapidly progressing science and technological revolutions ,
human society cannot survive unless such profound intrasociety and international inequalities prevailing today are soon eliminated. Like a single spacecraft, the Earth can no longer afford to have a
'crew' divided into two parts: the rich, privileged, wellfed, well-educated, on the one hand, and the poor, deprived, starving, sick and uneducated, on the
other. Dangerous 'zero-sum-games' (which mostly prove to be negative-sum-games) can hardly be played any more by visible or invisible wars in the
world society. Because of global interdependencies, the apparent winner becomes also a loser. The real choice for the world society is between negativeand positive-sum-games: i.e. between, on the one hand, continuation of visible and invisible wars, as long as this is possible at all, and, on the other,
transformation of the world order by demilitarisation and democratization. No ideological or terminological camouflage can conceal this real dilemma
any more, which is to be faced not in the distant future, by the next generations, but in the coming years, because of global terrorism soon having
nuclear and other mass destructive weapons, and also due to irreversible changes in natural environment.
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2AC Perception = Heg adv.

Not removing the embargo hurts US perception with 188 countries and
the UN
Chicago Tribune 12 (Reuters , November 13, 2012 ,For 21st time, UN urges end to embargo on
Cuba Israel, Palau, U.S. only states to vote against ending embargo,
http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2012-11-13/business/chi-for-21st-time-un-urges-us-to-end-embargo-oncuba-20121113_1_trade-embargo-cuban-people-change-cuba-policy)
the U.N. General Assembly called on Tuesday for the United

States to lift its trade embargo against Cuba, whose foreign minister said the blockade against the
communist-run island was tantamount to "genocide." For the 21st year, the assembly's vote was
overwhelming, with 188 nations - including most of Washington's closest allies supporting the embargo resolution, a result virtually unchanged from last year. Israel, heavily dependent on
Repeating an annual ritual,
U.S. backing in the Middle East, and the tiny Pacific state of Palau were the only two countries that supported the United States in
opposing the non-binding resolution in the 193-nation assembly. The Pacific states of the Marshall Islands and Micronesia abstained.
President Barack Obama further loosened curbs last year on U.S. travel and remittances to Cuba. He had said he was ready to change
Cuba policy but was still waiting for signals from Havana, such as the release of political prisoners and guarantees of basic human
Obama has not lifted the five-decade-old trade embargo, and the
imprisonment of a U.S. contractor in Cuba has halted the thaw in Cuban-U.S.
relations. Havana's Foreign Minister Bruno Rodriguez told the assembly that Cuba had high hopes for Obama
when he was first elected in 2008 and welcomed his calls for change. But he said
the result had been disappointing. "The reality is that the last four years have been characterized by the
rights. But
persistent tightening of -- the embargo," he said.
A decline in US perception threatens hegemonic status South Korea

proves
Zachary Selden 5/8/13, [Department of political science, University of Florida] [Security Studies, Balancing
Against or Balancing With? The Spectrum of Alignment and the Endurance of American Hegemony,
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/09636412.2013.786918] [MN]
What might cause states in the region to question the utility of offering such support would be
a decline in the United States capabilities or its willingness to use them in support of its
hegemony. Such concerns were exhibited by South Korea in the wake of the Cheohan incident in
2010 in which a South Korean vessel was sunk by North Korean forces. The American response was
viewed as weak in South Korea and moving planned US-Korean joint naval exercises closer to Japan in
the wake of the incident was seen as giving into Chinese pressure.30 Philippine officials have expressed
concern that the United States is not sending strong enough signals that it will back up its ally in
its ongoing territorial disputes with China.31 Asian periodicals are peppered with editorials that exhibit
concern about US defense spending cuts and the United States ability to maintain its presence in the
region.32 The Canberra Times notes that in its dispute with the Philippines, China is testing the
effectiveness of Americas bedrock military ties with the region for all to see, but goes on to states that,
deep cuts in its [the US] defence budget . . . [and] failure to put in place a credible strategy to deter
Chinese assertiveness will also have potentially damaging consequencesfor the future of US AsiaPacific
alliances and security partnerships, and for American engagement in the region.33 As an editorial from
The Nation (Thailand) notes, if the United States can no longer be relied upon as the guarantor of
regional security, it is prudent to conclude that the region will no longer be a place where
only one major power plays a dominant role. Now there will be multiple players in the security
landscape; and the region has to be ready.34 This would mean that Thailand, and other Asian states
should increasingly hedge their bets and that security cooperation with the United States would be less
beneficial. In other words, why incur risks and costs in supporting American hegemony if the
United States ability and willingness to maintain it are in doubt? The United States is the
globally predominant power and even with recent cuts its military budget remains more than that of
Russia, China, and Europe combined.35 But it is international perceptions about the willingness of
the United States to use its power that matter most in this context.
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Decline in US hegemony risks global nuclear war

Khalilzad 11, former US ambassador to the UN, 2011 (Zalmay, The Economy and National Security,
February 8, Online: http://www.conservativesforamerica.com/national-review/the-economy-and-nationalsecurity]
We face this domestic challenge while other major powers are experiencing rapid economic growth. Even
though countries such as China, India, and Brazil have profound political, social, demographic, and
economic problems, their economies are growing faster than ours, and this could alter the global
distribution of power. These trends could in the long term produce a multi-polar world. If U.S. policymakers
fail to act and other powers continue to grow, it is not a question of whether but when a new international
order will emerge. The closing of the gap between the United States and its rivals could intensify
geopolitical competition among major powers, increase incentives for local powers to play
major powers against one another, and undercut our will to preclude or respond to
international crises because of the higher risk of escalation. The stakes are high. In modern
history, the longest period of peace among the great powers has been the era of U.S.
leadership. By contrast, multi-polar systems have been unstable, with their competitive
dynamics resulting in frequent crises and major wars among the great powers. Failures of
multi-polar international systems produced both world wars. American retrenchment could
have devastating consequences. Without an American security blanket, regional powers could
rearm in an attempt to balance against emerging threats. Under this scenario, there would be a
heightened possibility of arms races, miscalculation, or other crises spiraling into all-out
conflict. Alternatively, in seeking to accommodate the stronger powers, weaker powers may shift their
geopolitical posture away from the United States. Either way, hostile states would be emboldened to
make aggressive moves in their regions. As rival powers rise, Asia in particular is likely to
emerge as a zone of great-power competition. Beijings economic rise has enabled a dramatic
military buildup focused on acquisitions of naval, cruise, and ballistic missiles, long-range stealth aircraft,
and anti-satellite capabilities. Chinas strategic modernization is aimed, ultimately, at denying the United
States access to the seas around China. Even as cooperative economic ties in the region have grown,
Chinas expansive territorial claims and provocative statements and actions following crises
in Korea and incidents at sea have roiled its relations with South Korea, Japan, India, and
Southeast Asian states. Still, the United States is the most significant barrier facing Chinese
hegemony and aggression.
2AC CPs
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smart sanctions pic

Smart sanctions arent that smart
Daniel W. Drezner, 2003, Professor of international politics at The Fletcher School, Tufts University,
[Department of Political Science, University of Chicago, How Smart are Smart Sanctions?,
http://www.danieldrezner.com/research/smartsanctions.pdf] [MN]
With one exception, the contributors also fail to acknowledge that even as sanctioning institutions move up the
learning curve, so do targeted entities. Elliott does point out that, with the increased discussion and use of targeted asset
freezes in a number of recent cases, it seems likely that potential targets are already taking steps to protect themselves from
any future sanctions (p. 178). Similarly, over time the proliferation of arms production will erode the effectiveness of arms
embargoes. Thus, even if the sanctions become smarter, so will the targets. Stepping back, more serious theoretical problems with
the concept of smart sanctions become clear. For example, the contributors implicit theory of how sanctions yield results rests on
shaky ground. Smart sanctions could lead a target regimes supporters to pressure the government to acquiesce, but the authors fail to
acknowledge alternative scenarios. Even with smart sanctions, a target regime may shift the costs to its domestic opponents.
Similarly, embargoes targeting a coterie of the regimes supporters may merely reinforce group cohesion rather than weaken support
for the government.
Non-comprehensive sanctions fail its better to remove the embargo entirely
Daniel W. Drezner, 2003, Professor of international politics at The Fletcher School, Tufts University,
[Department of Political Science, University of Chicago, How Smart are Smart Sanctions?,
http://www.danieldrezner.com/research/smartsanctions.pdf] [MN]
Perhaps such a quick dismissal of this policy innovation would be premature, however. The main chapters of Smart Sanctions
make it clear that one reason targeted economic statecraft failed in the 1990s is that most states and international organizations
lacked both the experience and the institutions necessary to properly implement smart sanctions. R. Richard Newcombes
chapter bluntly points out that most other countries, including the rest of the G-7, have neither the statutory authority nor the
bureaucratic resources to effectively implement nancial sanctions. As the head of the US Office of Foreign Assets
Control, the government agency tasked with implementing financial sanctions for the United States,
Newcombe is clearly speaking from experience. Multilateral sanctions are only as strong as their weakest link. If other
countries and international organizations implement the necessary reforms, perhaps smart sanctions can come into their own. Limited
grounds for optimism emerge as one reads farther. Four scholars affiliated with Brown Universitys Watson Institute, in
their chapter on financial sanctions, cannily point to the effective G-7 effort to punish countries tolerant of money
laundering as a harbinger of what effective smart sanctions can accomplish. Likewise, Anthonius W. de Vries, in his chapter
on EU sanctions against Yugoslavia, highlights the European Unions learning experience, and the
institutional steps it has taken over the past decade to implement targeted sanctions.
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tourism/oil pic
The tourism industry enhances inequality towards black Cubans
Roberto Zurbano, 3/23/13, [writer for New York Times] [For Blacks in Cuba, the Revolution Hasnt Begun,
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/24/opinion/sunday/for-blacks-in-cuba-the-revolution-hasnt-begun.html?
_r=0] [MN]
Most remittances from abroad mainly the Miami area, the nerve center of the mostly white exile community
go to white Cubans. They tend to live in more upscale houses, which can easily be converted into restaurants or bed-and-breakfasts
the most common kind of private business in Cuba. Black Cubans have less property and money, and also have to contend with
pervasive racism. Not long ago it was common for hotel managers, for example, to hire only white staff
members, so as not to offend the supposed sensibilities of their European clientele. That type of blatant racism
has become less socially acceptable, but blacks are still woefully underrepresented in tourism probably the economys most
lucrative sector and are far less likely than whites to own their own businesses. Ral Castro has recognized the
persistence of racism and has been successful in some areas (there are more black teachers and
representatives in the National Assembly), but much remains to be done to address the structural inequality and racial
prejudice that continue to exclude Afro-Cubans from the benefits of liberalization. Racism in Cuba has been concealed and reinforced
in part because it isnt talked about. The government hasnt allowed racial prejudice to be debated or confronted politically or
culturally, often pretending instead as though it didnt exist. Before 1990, black Cubans suffered a paralysis of
economic mobility while, paradoxically, the government decreed the end of racism in speeches and
publications. To question the extent of racial progress was tantamount to a counterrevolutionary act. This made it almost
impossible to point out the obvious: racism is alive and well.
Theres a moral obligation to give the oppressed minorities a chance by

removing lifting the embargo, the industry will grow creating a chance for
equal employment
Amy St. Martin and Becky Thompson 2003, Martin: Gender & Cultural Studies professor at Simmons
College Thompson: sociology professor at Simmons college, [Race, Gender & Class : Volume 10, Cuban
Tourism: In The Name of Progressive Politics, http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/41675104.pdf?
acceptTC=true] [MN]
Racist practices in the name of tourism are not a new story (Segrest 2002). The history of the tourist industry in Mexico,
Jamaica and Brazil, to name just a few locations in this hemisphere, speaks to this reality. A history of cross cultural
exchange programs - from Global Exchange, to the Peace Corps, to much anthropological research - is tainted by cultural imperialism.
Prostitution that pivots on racism and sexism is not a new story. In these and other ways, the snapshots about Cuba reenact old stories. What may be noteworthy about these examples in the Cuban context, however, is that progressive delegations
do, in fact, have some power to break patterns of domination. We can start by making it clear that we don't need to be shuttled around
in fancy buses while Cuban people must continue to rely upon older vehicles. We can insist upon traveling with delegations that
include people across race, class, and language lines. A tourist ritual that requires a process of mummification - where
(mostly) white people passively sit on buses while peering out at the "locals" - is certainly no model for
twenty-first century political activism. Being critical of racism in the Cuban context while traveling to Cuba
with white, owning-class delegations is an untenable contradiction.
Oil arguments are non-unique - Cuba is already drilling for oil companies
from Russia and Norway are circumventing the embargo.
Orsi, Associated Press correspondent in Cuba, 2012 (Peter, Oil Rig Arrives off Cuba for New Exploration, Dec 15, Online:
http://bigstory.ap.org/article/oil-rig-arrives-cuba-new-exploration)
A Norwegian-owned platform arrived in waters off Cuba's north-central coast for exploratory drilling by the Russian oil company
Zarubezhneft, authorities said Saturday, renewing the island's search for petroleum after three failed wells this year. Drilling is to begin "in the
coming days" and take six months, according to a notice published by the Communist Party newspaper Granma. The depth of the project was given as 21,300
feet (6,500 meters). State-run oil company Cubapetroleo said in the announcement that the Songa Mercur rig, owned by Songa Offshore of Norway, was
inspected to make sure it contains less than 10 percent U.S.-made parts. That allows the companies involved in the drilling to avoid
sanctions under the 50-year-old U.S. embargo against Cuba.
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Cigar Pic
1. Perm-do the plan and make limit the sale of cigars in the United States. This
accesses the health net benefit and still allows Cuba to export, the cigars just
wont be consumed
2. No solvency smoking culture is in rapid decline
Lydia Saad, 8/22/13, [saad is a writer for Gallup] [Gallup: Wellbeing, One in Five U.S. Adults Smoke, Tied for All-Time Low,
http://www.gallup.com/poll/156833/one-five-adults-smoke-tied-time-low.aspx] [MN]
Gallup recorded the sharpest decline in smoking between the early 1970s and late 1980s, with the rate dropping roughly 15 percentage
points during this period. Smoking leveled off at about 25% for much of the 1990s, but has since descended slowly, if unevenly, to
20%. The latest results are from Gallup's annual Consumption Habits poll, conducted July 9-12, and are in line with the smoking rate
the Gallup-Healthways Well-Being Index finds in daily surveys of Americans. According to an analysis of Gallup trends since 2001 -combining data from Gallup's Consumption Habits polls into three periods, 2001-2005, 2006-2010, and 2011-2012 -- the most recent
decline in smoking has not occurred across the board, but is seen mainly among certain groups. Smoking rates have fallen particularly
sharply among young adults -- those 18 to 29 -- as well as among college non-graduates and those living in the East and West.
3. Tobacco industry adapts our evidence postdates and is predictive

Damian Illia, 7/9/13 [MBA, is an analyst at Motley Fool] [The Motley Fool, A Look at Cigarette Companies in a Declining
Market, http://beta.fool.com/damianillia/2013/07/09/us-smoking-opportunities/39543/
Health habits and government regulation have negatively affected the tobacco industry. At the same time, new opportunities have been
created for those who adapt. Let us take a look at what Reynolds American (NYSE: RAI), Lorillard (LO), and Altria Group (NYSE:
MO) have been doing to keep a declining market profitable. Thank you for NOT smoking Reynolds reported improved earnings per
share, but a drop on sales. Government regulation had a negative impact over sales, but shareholders have benefited nonetheless.
Earnings growth is the result of cost reduction and positive pricing, which helped to offset the decline on the firms leading brands
sales. After selling its international business, Reynolds limited operations to the US market. Demand has shifted to smokeless tobacco
products, and the firm has responded in kind. Cost reduction and improved productivity have allowed the business to capture part of
the growing demand helping to keep revenues stable. For those who keep on puffing, the company offers a natural brand that has been
capturing a bigger market share over the past years. At the same time, R&D has put out a new vapor technology.
3. Non unique e-cigarettes are taking over
Nick Fletcher, 7/9/13, [writer for the guardian] [The Guardian, Electronic cigarettes could hit BAT and Imperial Tobacco harder than
expected, say analysts, http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/marketforceslive/2013/jul/09/electroniccigarettes-british-american-imperial] [MN]
Could electronic cigarettes prove a serious threat to tobacco companies? Analysts at Canaccord Genuity seem to think so, and have
downgraded their recommendations on British American Tobacco and Imperial Tobacco as a consequence. Although the e-cigarette
market is likely to grow gradually, they believe a decline in tobacco could come more quickly than expected. Canaccord's Eddy
Hargreaves and Alicia Forry said: We think electronic cigarettes will prove to be the most significant development in the history of the
organised Tobacco industry, stretching back some 200 years. We expect consumers worldwide to migrate from tobacco smoking to ecigarettes at an accelerating rate through 2020.
4. Alt causes to symbolism Cuban rum

New, 3/26/2013 (William Intellectual Property Watch, United States Chided As TRIPS Scofflaw at WTO, Intellectual Property
Watch, p. http://www.ip-watch.org/2013/03/26/united-states-chided-as-trips-scofflaw-at-wto/)
The conduct of the U nited S tates unscrupulously discredits the WTO dispute settlement system and also constitutes an affront to
the intellectual property rights, an ambassador from Cuba said today at the WTO. At a WTO D ispute S ettlement B ody meeting today, a
number of WTO members fired shots at the US delegation for its continued failure to change its laws to comply with WTO rulings
that found it out of compliance on i ntellectual p roperty- r elated issues. This includes the case involving a rum trademark dating back over a
decade, and a more recent case involving a US online gambling ban that led a WTO panel to authorise the Caribbean nation of Antigua and Barbuda to extract payment
by not protecting US IP rights until it complies. The irony of the US as IP scofflaw was not lost on competitors like Antigua and Barbuda or Cuba, which said the US
slackness discredits its IP rights enforcement campaign
as well as the very WTO dispute settlement process itself. It
is very ironic to observe
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the U nited S tates projecting laws on intellectual property, despite keeping violations as egregious as Section 211, under which the
Bacardi Company continues to market rum labelled Havana Club, a mark which is otherwise owned by Cuba and partners. This is one of the
most famous cases of trademark counterfeiting and conducting misleading advertising by a company backed by the US legislation. The lack of
any substantive change by the U nited S tates in todays report to the DSB is irrefutable proof that this country has [done] nothing during more
than 11 years to comply with the DSB recommendations and rulings, which ruled the incompatibility of Section 211 of the Omnibus
Appropriations Act of 1998 with the TRIPS Agreement and the Paris Convention, the Cuban ambassador to the WTO said in a translated
statement. TRIPS is the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. Cuba has interest in the rum case because it is a part owner of the
rum trademark everywhere in the world except the United States. The legislative projects to which the US delegation makes reference in their reports each month
remain stagnant because it does not constitute a priority or real interest for the administration or the Congress of that country, Cuba said. However, by their displaying
of incoherent foreign policy, we frequently observe how that Member promotes initiatives in terms of enforcement of intellectual property rights. For instance, Cuba
said the recently announced US-European Union trade agreement contains the goal of maintaining and promoting a high level of protection of IPRs, and said this
bilateral trade agreement should be critically question[ed]. Even the 27-member European Union weighed in on the Section 211 case, thanking the US for its report
and adding the hope that US authorities will very soon take steps towards implementing the DSB ruling and resolve this matter. The EU also urged that the US
comply with another IP case Section 110(5) of the US Copyright Act which involved the US commercial practice of playing music recordings, such as Irish music,
aloud in bars without paying royalties. We refer to our previous statements that we would like to resolve this case as soon as possible, the EU said. Venezuela joined
Cuba in condemning the United States for its failure to comply with the rum case, and raised deep concerns about a continued lack of action. This situation is
unacceptable, disappointing, and worrying, not only because it affects a developing country member of this organisation, but also for the grave
repercussions against the credibility of DSB and the multilateral system of trade , Venezuela said in its statement (unofficial translation).
5. PICs are bad

a. competitive equity it disables the affirmatives use of strategic permutation ground it makes it too
easy for the neg to read intrinsicness or severance which the aff cant read any offense against voter for
fairness
b. education: PIC debate detracts from education unique to debate focusing on the larger repercussions
of the plan is better for depth and breadth voter for education
c. reciprocity the aff cant spike out of the plan text, dont let the neg do it
6. Conditionality is bad reject the team

1. Skews 2ac strategy condo allows the neg to kick arguments whenever they feel like and go for the
advocacy that we undercover which kills competitive equity and fairness
2. Skews 2ac time allows the neg to read an unlimited number of arguments that they dont have to
defend which destroys education because theres no depth
3. Destroys argument responsibility and education unique to debate because it allows the neg to get away
with reading contradictory arguments and its not reciprocal - the aff advocates the 1ac, while the neg has
infinite options
4. Dispositionality is best encourages argument responsibility
Voter for fairness and education
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Weapons pic
Perm do the plan and make weapons trading universally illegal
The counterplan would worked if it increased enforcement since it doesnt, arms embargos will remain
ineffective lifting the whole embargo saves resources spent on weak enforcement
Arne Tostensen and Beate Bull, [Arne and Beate : Sociologists focusing on governance and human rights research At Chr
Michelsen Institute, Beate: April 2002, [World Politics, Are Smart Sanctions Feasible?,
Arms embargoes are selective by definition in that they cover only military equipment, rather than an entire range of goods affecting
the livelihood of civilians. As such, they are widely considered to be morally justifiable, particularly in manifestly conflictual
situations; arms embargoes are directed against groups associated with violent action whose main victims are often civilians.
Notwithstanding the legitimate right to use arms for defensive purposesdepending on circumstancesthis concern is generally
considered secondary to the resolution of conflict by peaceful means. While arms embargoes are listed as one of the instruments in the
"new" debate on smart sanctions, they are by no means a novel idea, having been employed for thousands of years.26 Arms
embargoes may take the form of a total ban, restrictions on production and supply, and/or interdictions or quarantines of arms and/or
arms-related material or activities, such as hardware, military advice, and training. The efficiency, effectiveness, and consequences of
arms embargoes remain a subject of vigorous debate. Cortright and Lopez conclude that in most cases arms embargoes have
completely failed since they are frequently imposed yet rarely enforced.28 The five critical factors hindering the effectiveness of
Security Council-imposed arms embargoes are that they (1) are imposed too late; (2) effectively exempt permanent Security Council
members; (3) reinforce or worsen skewed power relationships; (4) are often too easy to circumvent; and (5) cannot be adequately
enforced by the UN.
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China CP
Ill do it later
at: tourism
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Uniqueness
Cubas tourism rates are already growing rapidly.
Piccone, senior fellow at the Brookings Institute, 2012 (Ted, Cuba is Changing, Slowly but Surely,
Brookings, Jan 19, Online: http://www.brookings.edu/research/reports/2012/01/19-cuba-piccone)
One area where Cuba seems to be moving in a positive direction is tourism. From 1990 to 2010, the estimated number of tourists has
risen from 360,000 to 2.66 million. In addition, thanks to President Obamas decision to allow Cuban-American families to visit the
island and send remittances as much as they want, Cubans have received over 400,000 visits and roughly $2 billion from relatives in
the United States. These are proving to be important sources of currency and commerce that are helping families cope with reduced
subsidies and breathe life in the burgeoning private sector. A walk through crowded Old Havana, where construction crews are busy
restoring one of the Americas great colonial treasures, offers compelling evidence that Cuba can be a strong magnet for Europeans,
Canadians, Chinese andsome dayhundreds of thousands of American visitors. And Pope Benedicts visit in late March will shine
an international spotlight on a Cuba slowly opening its doors to the world, yes, but more importantly, to an increasingly vocal and
confident Catholic Church intent on securing a more prominent and relevant place in Cuban society.
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Racism Turn
The tourism industry enhances inequality towards black Cubans
Roberto Zurbano, 3/23/13, [writer for New York Times] [For Blacks in Cuba, the Revolution Hasnt Begun,
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/24/opinion/sunday/for-blacks-in-cuba-the-revolution-hasnt-begun.html?
_r=0] [MN]
Most remittances from abroad mainly the Miami area, the nerve center of the mostly white exile community
go to white Cubans. They tend to live in more upscale houses, which can easily be converted into restaurants or bed-and-breakfasts
the most common kind of private business in Cuba. Black Cubans have less property and money, and also have to contend with
pervasive racism. Not long ago it was common for hotel managers, for example, to hire only white staff
members, so as not to offend the supposed sensibilities of their European clientele. That type of blatant racism
has become less socially acceptable, but blacks are still woefully underrepresented in tourism probably the economys most
lucrative sector and are far less likely than whites to own their own businesses. Ral Castro has recognized the
persistence of racism and has been successful in some areas (there are more black teachers and
representatives in the National Assembly), but much remains to be done to address the structural inequality and racial
prejudice that continue to exclude Afro-Cubans from the benefits of liberalization. Racism in Cuba has been concealed and reinforced
in part because it isnt talked about. The government hasnt allowed racial prejudice to be debated or confronted politically or
culturally, often pretending instead as though it didnt exist. Before 1990, black Cubans suffered a paralysis of
economic mobility while, paradoxically, the government decreed the end of racism in speeches and
publications. To question the extent of racial progress was tantamount to a counterrevolutionary act. This made it almost
impossible to point out the obvious: racism is alive and well.
Theres a moral obligation to give the oppressed minorities a chance by

removing lifting the embargo, the industry will grow creating an opportunity
for equal employment
Amy St. Martin and Becky Thompson 2003, Martin: Gender & Cultural Studies professor at Simmons
College Thompson: sociology professor at Simmons college, [Race, Gender & Class : Volume 10, Cuban
Tourism: In The Name of Progressive Politics, http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/41675104.pdf?
acceptTC=true] [MN]
Racist practices in the name of tourism are not a new story (Segrest 2002). The history of the tourist industry in Mexico,
Jamaica and Brazil, to name just a few locations in this hemisphere, speaks to this reality. A history of cross cultural
exchange programs - from Global Exchange, to the Peace Corps, to much anthropological research - is tainted by cultural imperialism.
Prostitution that pivots on racism and sexism is not a new story. In these and other ways, the snapshots about Cuba reenact old stories. What may be noteworthy about these examples in the Cuban context, however, is that progressive delegations
do, in fact, have some power to break patterns of domination. We can start by making it clear that we don't need to be shuttled around
in fancy buses while Cuban people must continue to rely upon older vehicles. We can insist upon traveling with delegations that
include people across race, class, and language lines. A tourist ritual that requires a process of mummification - where
(mostly) white people passively sit on buses while peering out at the "locals" - is certainly no model for
twenty-first century political activism. Being critical of racism in the Cuban context while traveling to Cuba
with white, owning-class delegations is an untenable contradiction.
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Economy Turn
Tourism is essential to Cubas economy.
Havana Journal, 2006 ( The State of Cuban Tourism with Statistics, Havana Journal, April 15, Online:
http://havanajournal.com/travel/entry/the-state-of-cuban-tourism-with-statistics/)
In the middle of a growing shortage of supplies, tourism became Cubas salvation thanks to its rapid development.
When talking about the benefits of tourism, we are obliged to acknowledge its dynamic contributions in hard currency, its
role as a major source for employment and as the driving force behind the activities of another group of industries.
Considered as the oil of 21st century, tourism has become the salvation for many countries economies, including Cuba which has
incorporated it in its strategy for the national recovery since last decade with successful results. This audacious step has
been rewarded by a steady increase of profits in the 90s. Today, tourism has become the mainstay of Cuban economy.
Lifting the embargo to allow for tourism is essential to prevent a

Cuban economic collapse.
Havana Journal, 2006 ( The State of Cuban Tourism with Statistics, Havana Journal, April 15, Online:
http://havanajournal.com/travel/entry/the-state-of-cuban-tourism-with-statistics/)
Due to the economic war of US against the island along the past 45 years, Cubas losses are estimated at over
$82,000m. US interventionist and extraterritorial policy has greatly affected socially and economically the island, a banned
territory for any US citizen. Its true that so far Washington has ignored the United Nations call for the lifting of the blockade against
Cuba, but we will not despair, said Cuban Foreign Minister, Felipe Perez Roque who has talked on the progress Cuba would experience if the
US stopped its aggressive policy. For example, if Cuba received five million US tourists per year, that would represent extra
income of more than $7,000m, pointed out Perez Roque. Without the scourge of the US blockade, tourism in Cuba
could take nearly $576m during the first year. In addition, the island could take another extra $70m per year from a half million
tourists traveling by cruisers. Each seven days some 80 cruisers navigate around the Cuban archipelago. Tourism is vital for the revival of
the islands economy, thats why US successive administrations since 1959 have implemented a number of measures
and laws aimed to reduce Cubas national income. Thats why the US government has banned its citizens to visit the
island even when this new regulation violates the US constitutional law on free movement.
Cuban instability collapse causes Latin American instability and

terror attacks
Gorrell, Lieutenant Colonel, 2005
(Tim, CUBA: THE NEXT UNANTICIPATED ANTICIPATED STRATEGIC CRISIS? March 18, Online:
http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA433074)
Regardless of the succession, under the current U.S. policy, Cubas problems of a post Castro transformation only
worsen. In addition to Cubans on the island, there will be those in exile who will return claiming authority. And there
are remnants of the dissident community within Cuba who will attempt to exercise similar authority. A power
vacuum or absence of order will create the conditions for instability and civil war . Whether Raul or another
successor from within the current government can hold power is debatable. However, that individual will
nonetheless extend the current policies for an indefinite period, which will only compound the Cuban situation.
When Cuba finally collapses anarchy is a strong possibility if the U.S. maintains the wait and see approach. The
U.S. then must deal with an unstable country 90 miles off its coast. In the midst of this chaos, thousands will flee the
island. During the Mariel boatlift in 1980 125,000 fled the island.26 Many were criminals; this time the number
could be several hundred thousand fleeing to the U.S., creating a refugee crisis. Equally important, by adhering to a
negative containment policy, the U.S. may be creating its next series of transnational criminal problems. Cuba is
along the axis of the drug-trafficking flow into the U.S. from Columbia. The Castro government as a matter of
policy does not support the drug trade. In fact, Cubas actions have shown that its stance on drugs is more than
hollow rhetoric as indicated by its increasing seizure of drugs 7.5 tons in 1995, 8.8 tons in 1999, and 13 tons in
2000.27 While there may be individuals within the government and outside who engage in drug trafficking and a
percentage of drugs entering the U.S. may pass through Cuba, the Cuban government is not the path of least
resistance for the flow of drugs. If there were no Cuban restraints, the flow of drugs to the U.S. could be greatly
facilitated by a Cuba base of operation and accelerate considerably. In the midst of an unstable Cuba, the
opportunity for radical fundamentalist groups to operate in the region increases. If these groups can export terrorist
activity from Cuba to the U.S. or throughout the hemisphere then the war against this extremism gets more
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complicated. Such activity could increase direct attacks and disrupt the economies, threatening the stability of the
fragile democracies that are budding throughout the region . In light of a failed state in the region, the U.S. may be
forced to deploy military forces to Cuba, creating the conditions for another insurgency. The ramifications of this
action could very well fuel greater anti-American sentiment throughout the Americas. A proactive policy now can
mitigate these potential future problems.
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Environmental Protection Turn

Economic engagement with Cuba is essential to protect their
environment, and would set a model for sustainable development in
other countries.
Conell, Research Associate at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, 2009
(Christina, The U.S. and Cuba: Destined to be Environmental Partners, June 12, Online:
http://www.coha.org/the-us-and-cuba-an-environmental-duo/)
The 50-year-old U.S. embargo against the island has resoundingly failed to achieve its purpose. Obamas modifications fall short of what it will
take to reestablish a constructive U.S.-Cuba relationship. Cubas tropical forests, soils, and maritime areas have suffered
degradation as a result of harmful policies stemming from a Soviet-style economic system. Cubas economy could
be reinvigorated through expanded tourism, development initiatives and an expansion of commodity exports,
including sugarcane for ethanol. U.S. policy toward Cuba should encourage environmental factors, thereby
strengthening U.S. credibility throughout the hemisphere. An environmental partnership between the U.S. and Cuba
is not only possible, but could result in development models that could serve as an example for environmental
strategies throughout the Americas. The U.S. has the economic resources necessary to aid Cuba in developing
effective policy, while the island provides the space where sustainable systems can be implemented initially instead
of being applied after the fact. Cubas extreme lack of development provides an unspoiled arena for the execution of
exemplary sustainable environmental protection practices.
at: china
No impact to relations China wants the US to lift the emabargo
Xinhua News 12 (U.S. embargo brings huge sufferings to Cuban people: China, 11/14/12,
http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/world/2012-11/14/c_131971998.htm) KS
The economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed by the United States on
Cuba has brought "huge sufferings" to its people, said a Chinese UN envoy here on
Tuesday. Wang Min, China's deputy permanent representative to the UN, made the
remarks while addressing the UN General Assembly on voting a resolution, which
calls for an end of the U.S. embargo on Cuba. The resolution, which condemns the U.S.
blockade of Cuba and urges Washington to end its half-century embargo against the
Caribbean island country, was approved by the 193-nation Assembly with 188 votes for,
three against and two abstentions. China voted for the resolution. This is the 21st year
in a row that the UN General Assembly has adopted the resolution by an overwhelming
majority of votes to condemn the U.S. embargo on Cuba. Wang said the embargo has
caused shortage of commodities and dealt a heavy blow to Cuba's economy. It also stands
as the major stumbling block for Cuba's economic development and social progress. "Such
embargo has brought huge sufferings to the Cuban people and violated their fundamental
human rights including the rights to food, health and education as well as their rights to
survival and development," he said. The Chinese diplomat noted that one of the most
prominent features of the embargo in the last year has been "interference with Cuba's
international financial transactions". "This has not only hit Cuba's economy hard, but also
affected the normal economic, commercial and financial interactions between other
countries and Cuba and hence impairing the interests and sovereignty of third countries,"
Wang said. Moreover, the call of the international community is getting louder and louder,
demanding that the U.S. government change its policy towards Cuba, lift embargo and
normalize its relations with Cuba, he said. China and Cuba have maintained normal
economic, trade and personnel exchanges, Wang said, stressing that the friendly and
mutually-beneficial cooperation in various fields between the two countries has been
growing. "China hopes that the U.S. will follow the purpose and principles of the
UN Charter and the relevant General Assembly resolutions and terminate its
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embargo against Cuba as soon as possible," he said. "China also hopes that the
relationship between the U.S. and Cuba will constantly improve so as to promote
the stability and development in Latin America and the Caribbean region."
Engagement is not zero-sum the US & China have different interests.
Cerna 11 (Michael Cerne- graduate student in International Policy Management at

Kennesaw State University, Kennesaw, April 15, 2011. China's Growing Presence in Latin
America: Implications for U.S. and Chinese Presence in the Region.
http://www.chinacenter.net/chinas-growing-presence-in-latin-america-implications-for-u-sand-chinese-presence-in-the-region/) KS
While Chinas commodity-based trade structure is currently lucrative, it does not
encourage diversification of Latin Americas exports into more value-added goods,
manufactured products, and modern services. Economic relations are dependent on often
unstable commodity market demands. U.S. investment in the region is far more
diversified and spans a range of value-added activities, including manufacturing,
finance, telecom, retail and other services. Going back to a comparison with the United
States, while China accounts for 6.7% of the regions total exports, the United States
continues to be the largest buyer, with a 40% share. Latin Americas exports to the U.S. are
more diversified and remain fairly balanced so it is better suited to survive a possible
commodity cut-off in Latin America. Roughly 24% of the regions exports are raw materials,
another 12% consists of resource-based goods and 60% is manufactured products. Karen
Poniachik of Latin Trade also sees enormous risks for the region: The steep overvaluation of
the regions currenciesdue in part to the flood of investment flows and export proceedsis
eroding the competitiveness of its higher-value added goods and services. This could in turn
fuel its already high level of overdependence on commodities. Future Implications With
both the U.S. and China making gains in the region in different sectors, there is
seemingly room for each side to grow; which implies that, in fact, trade with Latin
America is not a zero-sum game. China presents an alternative to the United
States, but that is not necessarily a bad thing. The U.S. is much more diversified
than China at the moment and therefore does not need to enter into direct
competition. However, as China responds to calls from Brazil and diversifies its
investments, there is increasing worry that China is going to outmatch U.S. trade in the
region. These fears may be economically based, but there are potentially harmful political
consequences primarily, providing Latin America with a quasi-world power as an
alternative to the U.S. Since the Monroe Doctrine, Latin America has been considered a
secure sphere of influence for the U.S. The fact that China presents a less democratic
alternative to U.S. influence presents a major problem.
No impact China influence doesnt trade-off

Mingde 12 (Zhang Mingde- is a professor of diplomatic policy at the Shanghai Institutes for
International Studies in China. A senior Shanghai scholar says China poses no threat to the
region, Americas Quarterly, January 11, 2012, http://www.americasquarterly.org/Mingde) KS
Some people also claim that the development of ChinaLatin America relations, especially
economic and trade relations, threatens the interests of other powers in Latin America. I
believe the contrary. Our economic and trade relations do not pose any potential
threat to the interests of the United States and European countries in Latin America;
they will instead help to alleviate the pressure on the U.S. and European countries to
provide aid to Latin America. Of course, China and Latin America are not the first
priority in either sides foreign policy strategies. The U.S., the European Union
and the countries on the periphery of China in Asia are Chinas diplomatic priorities. At
the same time, Latin Americas diplomatic priorities are the U.S., the European
Union and its hemispheric neighbors. Thats only natural. And it is for that reason
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that the development of ChinaLatin America relations should not affect U.S. and
EU positions in respect to their relationship or diplomacy with Latin America.
Chinese economic engagement hurts long-term South American growth

Gallagher 11 (Kevin Gallagher- associate professor of international relations at Boston
University. China Engages Latin America: Tracing the Trajectory by Adrian H. Hearn and Jos
Luis Len-Manrquez. 2011. Americas Quaterly. http://americasquarterly.org/node/3042) KS
Much of the recent scholarship has concluded that Chinas growing economic ties, while
fairly beneficial to South American countries, have been costlypolitically and
economicallyto Mexico and Central America. South America has natural resources
that it sells to the Chinese, but many Central American countries have suffered
retaliation from China because of their recognition of Taiwan. And Mexicos fewer
natural resources not only offer little opportunity for exporting to China but make
it more difficult to compete globally with Chinese firms. Meanwhile, U.S. observers
are increasingly alarmed that South Americans may be creating political alliances
with the Chinese. Not all alliances are of concern, but loans-for-oil deals with Venezuela
and satellite cooperation between Brazil and China have raised eyebrows in some
Washington circles. While there is some truth to that overall view, this book goes deeper and
wider. Economic essays do a nice job of separating some of the benefits and costs of the
ChinaLatin America relationship. For example, as Javier Santiso of ESADE Business School
and Rolando Avendano of the OECD Development Centre point out, China offers a new
source of trade and finance for many countries, and, as the U.S. economy continues to
slump, this diversified portfolio is a good thing for many Latin Americans. However, there are
costs as well. Chinese imports are putting pressure on Latin American firms by outcompeting them in both world and home markets, and Chinese investment in
natural resources can exact a heavy environmental and social toll. The combined
effect can push up the value of a countrys currency and threaten long-term economic
growth. In Brazil, for example, China has triggered a debate over de-industrialization and
the future of economic growth. In the essay Chinas Challenge to Latin American
Development Enrique Dussel Peters of the Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico
shows how Chinese economic activity is accentuating inequalities and creating new
sets of winners and losers across the hemisphere. Dussel shows that despite the
increasing exports of primary commodities to China from the region (winners), the
region as a whole experiences a significant trade deficit due to the import of light
manufactured goods (losers).
at: politics
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Link Turn - BiPart

No link theres bipartisan support for the removal of the Cuban
embargo
Markos "kos" Moulitsas, 3/18/09, is the founder and publisher of Daily Kos. [The Daily Kos,
Bipartisan Senate group take aim at Cuba embargo provisions,
http://www.dailykos.com/story/2009/03/18/710102/-Bipartisan-Senate-group-take-aim-atCuba-embargo-provisions] [MN]
The dike metaphor is apt. Obama ran on rethinking Cuba policy, and won Florida. The Cuban-American
community is itself split between the geezers still clinging to a generations-long failed
embargo policy, and the younger crowd eager for change. Respected foreign policy experts are eager
for a more rational Cuba policy, including Republicans like Dick Lugar. And farm state legislators from both
parties are eager to open up a new market for their farmers' goods. In other words, the embargo is not long for the
world, with proponents dwindling in size and relegated mostly to the minority. Hence, Menendez's last
stand, protesting a technical change in the definition of "cash-based sales" of medical and
agricultural goods to Cuba that the Bush Administration had implemented to effectively
block such sales to the island. Menendez dropped his efforts to hold up the Omnibus after he
was promised that the Bush-era definition would remain.
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Link Turn - Opinion

Link Turn- Passing the plan is popular and coincides with status quo
opinion shifts
Hinderdael 11 (Klaas Hinderdael- M.A. candidate at SAIS Bologna Center,
concentrating in American Foreign Policy and Energy, Resources, and
Environment ,Breaking the Logjam: Obama's Cuba Policy and a Guideline for
Improved Leadership, by http://bcjournal.org/volume-14/breaking-thelogjam.html?printerFriendly=true) KS
In the wake of a markedly diminished strategic threat from the Cuban island after the end of
the Cold War, domestic political goals trumped other goals in terms of setting Cuba policy,
particularly during election years. Nonetheless, legislative momentum for engaging
Cuba has picked up decidedly, even as some presidents have lagged behind. This
momentum has coincided with a slow shift in public opinion and demographics
that make ending the embargo and engaging Cuba popular amongst both the
majority of American voters, as well as the majority of the Cuban-American
constituency. Two events in the late 1990s have often been pointed to as
significant turning points in the political views and weight of Cuban-American voters.
First, many traveled to Cuba for the 1998 papal visit, and embraced Pope John
Paul IIs call for Cuba to open to the world, and the world to open to Cuba.40
then, two years later, the Elin Gonzlez episode of 2000 allowed for a shift dubbed by
Daniel Erikson the Elin meets the China syndrome.41 With the majority of Americans
calling for Elin to be reunited with his father in Cuba, a position that anti-Castro CubanAmericans opposed vehemently, the Cuban-American community, by taking such a hard-line
stance, lost some of its legitimacy in the American political system. Furthermore, a harsh
Cuba policy stood in stark contrast to a simultaneous broadening of Americas economic and
diplomatic ties with China. Polls over the last decade have revealed the dramatic
shift in the views of Cuban-Americans. They indicate that, while in 1997, only 22
percent of Miami-Dade County Cuban-Americans favored ending the embargo, by 2004, that
percentage had risen to 34 percent, and by December 2008 to 55 percent (in 2008, 65
percent also supported ending restrictions on travel and remittances).42 these statistics
indicate that Obamas positions in the run-up to the 2008 presidential election may not have
been such a bad political strategy after all. Furthermore, we should expect to see
politicians increasingly catering to these beliefs as they continue to gain political
expediency. Perhaps more significantly, Americans on both sides of the political
spectrum support significant changes in Cuba policy, from relaxing travel and
remittance restrictions to opening up diplomatic relations. They also believe that the
island provides little threat to the United States, and that engagement is the most
likely policy to lead Cuba towards democratic reform. An April 2009 World Public
opinion poll drew the following conclusions from republican (r) and Democrat (D)
pollsters:43 In terms of the US embargo policy, just days before the World Public opinion
poll was released, separate Gallup and ABC polls showed that approximately 55
percent of Americans believe the embargo should be ended, with 35 percent
believing it should be continued, and the rest unsure.44 Due to such strong public
support for a shift in Cuba policy, the risks of making a drastic shift in the countrys
Cuba policies are decreasing rapidly. Leaders willing to promote such a
transformation stand to reap significant political gains. A steady demographical
shift in the Cuban-American population also makes such a stance politically
pragmatic. As experts have noted, first generation Cuban-Americans, traditionally
more linked to Cuba policy hardliners, are retreating from the political stage, if for no
reason other than age.45 In contrast, later-generation immigrants are no longer singleissue voters, made particularly evident during the 2008 election, as the majority of Cuban-
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American voters agreed with Obamas Cuba policy, but still voted for Senator John McCain.
In fact, Florida International University (FIU) polls show that on a variety of issues,
including ending restrictions on remittances and travel, ending the embargo, and
reestablishing diplomatic relations, there is a 15 to 20 percent hike in support for these
policies among those who immigrated between 1980 and 1998, as opposed to earlier
immigrants. There is an additional increase of 5 percent for those who came to America after
1998.46 Clearly, as these demographics continue to provide rising support for
engagement and ending the embargo, politicians should and will attempt to shift
Cuba policy accordingly. Nonetheless, while the above views do provide increasing
political clout, one cannot discard the historical significance of election year
Florida politics. During his campaign, President Bush repeatedly condemned the June 2000
seizure of Elin Gonzlez and made it clear that he intended to confront [Fidel] Castro.47
Harsh anti-Castro rhetoric ultimately helped Bush win the election, as he won 80 percent of
the Cuban-American vote and the state of Florida by only 537 votes.48 In the aftermath of
the 2000 presidential election, it is inevitable that candidates continue to fear alienating a
strong voting bloc in a key swing state. Similarly, republican campaign finance money going
into Democratic coffers bolsters the status quo and prevents policy modifications.49 Florida
can still determine an election, but candidates should note the weakening
correlation between the voting patterns of Cuban-Americans and the Cuba
policies touted by politicians, as well as the demographical changes that have taken
place since 2000. Ultimately, public support amongst Americans as a whole, as
well as Cuban-Americans in particular, shows that pragmatism is winning, and
that the majority prefers engagement over isolation. More recently, Rals reforms
are also providing domestic momentum for a transformation of US-Cuba policy. Forwardlooking American leaders will see these shifts and take advantage of the political
gains that they provide by ending the embargo and normalizing relations with
Cuba.
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Proliferation Impact Turn

Their proliferation is entrenched in a racist description of the world
this ideological approach causes genocide and unending war
Pinar Batur, PhD @ UT-Austin Prof. of Scociology @ Vassar, 2007, The Heart of Violence:
Global Racism, War, and Genocide, in Handbook of the The Soiology of Racial and Ethnic
Relations, eds. Vera and Feagin, p. 446-7
At the turn of the 20th century, the Terrible Turk was the image that summarized the
enemy of Europe and the antagonism toward the hegemony of the Ottoman Empire,
stretching from Europe to the Middle East, and across North Africa. Perpetuation of this imagery in
American foreign policy exhibited how capitalism met with orientalist constructs in the white racial frame of
the western mind (VanderLippe 1999). Orientalism is based on the conceptualization of the Oriental other
Eastern, Islamic societies as static, irrational, savage, fanatical, and inferior to the peaceful, rational,
scientific Occidental Europe and the West (Said 1978). This is as an elastic construct, proving useful to
describe whatever is considered as the latest threat to Western economic expansion, political and
cultural hegemony, and global domination for exploitation and absorption. Post-Enlightenment Europe
and later America used this iconography to define basic racist assumptions regarding their
uncontestable right to impose political and economic dominance globally. When the Soviet
Union existed as an opposing power, the orientalist vision of the 20th century shifted from
the image of the Terrible Turk to that of the Barbaric Russian Bear. In this context,
orientalist thought then, as now, set the terms of exclusion. It racialized exclusion to define the
terms of racial privilege and superiority. By focusing on ideology, orientalism recreated the superior
race, even though there was no race. It equated the hegemony of Western civilization with the right
ideological and cultural framework. It segued into war and annihilation and genocide and continued to foster
and aid the recreation of racial hatred of others with the collapse of the Soviet other. Orientalisms global
racist ideology reformed in the 1990s with Muslims and Islamic culture as to the inferior
other. Seeing Muslims as opponents of Christian civilization is not new, going back to the Crusades,
but the elasticity and reframing of this exclusion is evident in recent debates regarding Islam in the West,
one raised by the Pope and the other by the President of the United States. Against the
background of the latest Iraq war, attacks in the name of Islam, racist attacks on Muslims in
Europe and in the United States, and detention of Muslims without trial in secret prisons,
Pope Benedict XVI gave a speech in September 2006 at Regensburg University in Germany.
He quoted a 14th-century Byzantine emperor who said, show me just what Muhammad
brought that was new, and there you will find things only evil and inhuman, such as his
command to spread by the sword the faith he preached. In addition, the Pope discussed the
concept of Jihad, which he defined as Islamic holy war, and said, violence in the name of
religion was contrary to Gods nature and to reason. He also called for dialogue between
cultures and religions (Fisher 2006b). While some Muslims found the Popes speech
regrettable, it also caused a spark of angry protests against the Popes ill informed and
bigoted comments, and voices raised to demand an apology (Fisher 2006a). Some argue
that the Pope was ordering a new crusade, for Christian civilization to conquer terrible and
savage Islam. When Benedict apologized, organizations and parliaments demanded a
retraction and apology from the Pope and the Vatican (Lee 2006). Yet, when the Pope
apologized, it came as a second insult, because in his apology he said, Im deeply sorry for
the reaction in some countries to a few passages of my address at the University of
Regensburg, which were considered offensive to the sensibilities of Muslims (Reuters 2006).
In other words, he is sorry that Muslims are intolerant to the point of fanaticism. In the
racialized world, the Popes apology came as an effort to show justification for his speech
he was not apologizing for being insulting, but rather saying that he was sorry that Muslim
violence had proved his point. Through orientalist and the white racial frame, those who are subject to
racial hatred and exclusion themselves become agents of racist legitimization. Like Huntington, Bernard
Lewis was looking for Armageddon in his Wall Street Journal article warning that August 22,
2006, was the 27th day of the month of Rajab in the Islamic calendar and is considered a
holy day, when Muhammad was taken to heaven and returned. For Muslims this day is a day
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of rejoicing and celebration. But for Lewis, Professor Emeritus at Princeton, this might well
be deemed an appropriate date for the apocalyptic ending of Israel and, if necessary, of the
world (Lewis 2006). He cautions that it is far from certain that [the President of Iran] Mr.
Ahmadinejad plans any such cataclysmic events for August 22, but it would be wise to bear the possibility
in mind. Lewis argues that Muslims, unlike others, seek self-destruction in order to reach
heaven faster. For Lewis, Muslims in this mindset dont see the idea of Mutually Assured Destruction as a
constraint but rather as an inducement (Lewis 2006). In 1993, Huntington pleaded that in a
world of different civilizations, each . . .will have to learn to coexist with the others
(Huntington 1993:49). Lewis, like Pope Benedict, views Islam as the apocalyptic destroyer of civilization
and claims that reactions against orientalist, racist visions such as his actually prove the
validity of his position. Lewiss assertions run parallel with George Bushs claims. In response
to the alleged plot to blow up British airliners, Bush claimed, This nation is at war with
Islamic fascists who will use any means to destroy those of us who love freedom, to hurt our
nation (TurkishPress.com. 2006; Beck 2006). Bush argued that the fight against terrorism
is the ideological struggle of the 21st century and he compared it to the 20th centurys
fight against fascism, Nazism, and communism. Even though Islamo-fascist has for some
time been a buzzword for Bill OReilly, Rush Limbaugh, and Sean Hannity on the talk-show
circuit, for the president of the United States it drew reactions worldwide. Muslim Americans
found this phrase contributing to the rising level of hostility to Islam and the American
Muslim community (Raum 2006). Considering that since 2001, Bush has had a tendency to
equate war on terrorism with crusade, this new rhetoric equates ideology with religion and
reinforces the worldview of a war of civilizations. As Bush said, . . .we still arent completely safe,
because there are people that still plot and people who want to harm us for what we believe
in (CNN 2006). Exclusion in physical space is only matched by exclusion in the imagination, and racialized
exclusion has an internal logic leading to the annihilation of the excluded. Annihilation, in this sense, is not
only designed to maintain the terms of racial inequality, both ideologically and physically,
but is institutionalized with the vocabulary of self-protection. Even though the terms of exclusion are
never complete, genocide is the definitive point in the exclusionary racial ideology, and such is the logic of the
outcome of the exclusionary process, that it can conclude only in ultimate domination. War and genocide take
place with compliant efficiency to serve the global racist ideology with dizzying frequency. The 21st century
opened up with genocide, in Darfur.
at: neolib
1. Framework: evaluate the plan versus the status quo or a
competitive policy option
a. Make them answer our impacts or it kills ground and moots all of
our offense
b. Its a voter for education only weighing impacts allows us
strategic analytic education
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2. Impact outweighs
A. its try or die for the affirmative, with gendered violence and
racism happening in the status quo, its key to solve now
B. the terminal impacts outweigh on probability default aff on the
likelihood of structural violence continuing in the status quo
3. No link and turn imperialism is inevitable in the status quo - the
time to remove the embargo is now with US imperialism at its
height it is morally corrupt to continue.
Faye V. Harrison, 2002, Professor, joint appointment with African American Studies at
University of Florida [Race and Globalization, Global Apartheid, Foreign Policy, and Human
Rights, http://web.clas.ufl.edu/users/fayeharr/images/Global.pdf] [MN]
The U.S. embargo is a flagrant form of foreign intervention. Like official structural adjustment policies, it
has been premised on an ideology of power, recolonization, and ranked capitals that assumes that Cubans are
expendable troublemakersperhaps even harborers of terrorismwho deserve to be starved out of their defiant
opposition to U.S. dominance. The same ideology that rationalizes the unregulated spread of commodification into
all spheres of social life implies that Cuban womens bodies, especially Afro-Cubanas hypersexualized bodies,
can be bought and sold on the auction block of imposed economic austerity without any accountability on the part of
the papiriquis, or sugardaddies, of global capital. The implication of these policies is that Afro-Cuban families and
communities can be sacrificed so that northerners can enjoy privilegesincluding that of living in a good and
free societythat southern workers and peasants subsidize. Cubas current crisis is being negotiated over the
bodies of its women, with African-descended women, las negras y mulatas, las chicas calientes (Black
and mulatto women, hot sexy chicks), expected to bear the worst assaults against what remains in many
ways a defiant socialist sanctuary
4. Perm do the plan and do all non-exclusive parts of the

alternative- the plan isnt explicitly neoliberal nowhere in any of
our cards do we indicate a guarantee of trade after the lifting of the
embargo.
5. Perm do the plan and reject the imperialist model of development
- its not the worst form of neoliberalism
6. Permutation is the best way to solve vote for the team that is
the most effective in combating the structural violence in the status
quo caused by the embargo, the alternative is utopian and doesnt
preclude any change causes ecological and social catastrophe
Barnhizer 6, Prof of Law, Cleveland State U, 2006
(David, Waking from Sustainability's "Impossible Dream, Geo Intl Envtl L Rev, pg. l/n)
Grand utopian visions, and even smaller utopias based on an ideal of pastoral
communities harmoniously husbanding local resources, simply are not reflective of the
reality faced by the vast majority of people. E.F. Schumacher's argument that "small
is beautiful" may appear to be an elegant solution for how we can all live comfortable
and rewarding lives within enriching community bonds, but it is not going to happen.
n56 "Small is beautiful" has become an impossible dream for all but a few
communities. The process of impossibility is driven by population growth, the
breakdown of local communities through migration, the infusion of multicultural
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diversity, and a materialistic ethos that has altered our sense of what constitutes
[*619] quality of life. The most obvious driving forces include increasing urban densities
and coastal development requiring massive infrastructures and supportive supply systems,
overall population levels, and the distortions of population distribution and age
demographics. To these can be added quality of life demands caused by people in
economically impoverished countries who can see how material life is led in richer
countries and the spread of interdependent economic systems that allow global
production and distribution systems to penetrate what had been largely closed
economic and cultural systems. These conditions are not reversible. My concern
here is related to the speed at which societies are approaching various kinds of
large-scale dislocations, injustices, strife, and even disaster. I do not want to resort
to doomsday prophecies or set a clear date on which critical resources will be irreversibly
depleted, such as was done in the Club of Rome's Limits to Growth report in 1972. n57 In
addition to being destructive and careless, humans are also adaptive and resilient. Placing
hard and fast deadlines on when chaos occurs and the worst effects are
generated is unwise and chancy at best. n58 But if it is unwise or at least
extremely difficult to make accurate and detailed predictions involving "doom and
gloom" scenarios, it is equally unwise and foolhardy to ignore that the equivalent of
ecological and social tectonic plates with massive disruptive potential are shifting
underneath the surface of our national and global systems. Failing to prepare for
the most likely consequences reaches the level of gross irresponsibility. We face a
combination of ecological, social, and economic crises. These crises involve the
ability to fund potentially conflicting obligations for the provision of social
benefits, health care, education, pensions, and poverty alleviation. They also
include the need for massive expenditures to "fix" what we have already broken. n59 Part of
the challenge is that in the United States and Europe we have made fiscal promises that we
cannot keep. We also have vast economic needs for [*620] continuing wealth
generation as a precondition for achieving social equity on national and global
levels. Figuring out how to reduce some of those obligations, eliminate others, and rebuild
the core and vitality of our system must become a part of any honest social discourse. Even
Pollyanna would be overwhelmed by the choices we face. There will be significant pain
and sacrifice in any action we take. But failing to take prompt and effective action
will produce even more catastrophic consequences.
7. The Perm is its only a question of using it for progressive ends

--- they let economics get coopted to crush the alt.
Thompson 3 Jr, Vice Dean and Robert E. Paradise Professor of Natural Resources Law, Stanford Law School, 2003
(Barton H., SYMPOSIUM: SYNERGY OR CONFLICT: THE ROLES OR ETHICS, ECONOMICS, AND
SCIENCE IN ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY DECISIONS: PANEL: What Good Is Economics?, U.C.
Davis Law Review November, 2003 37 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 175)
Even environmental moralists who reject any economic tempering of ethical obligations may find normative
economic arguments useful for supplementing their ethical entreaties. Although environmental moralists might
believe that non-economic criteria should be used in judging the merits of environmental goals, many
politicians, voters, bureaucrats, and courts are far more attuned to wealth-maximization arguments . Indeed,
Professor Christopher Stone's contribution to this symposium suggests that arguments based on non-economic
precepts of environmental ethics have played only a marginal role in legislative debates and judicial decisions
over the past several decades. n9 If this is correct, environmentalists have a strong strategic reason to look for
arguments that resonate more robustly with key decisionmakers. Even if environmental ethics currently play a
stronger role than Stone suggests, environmentalists might wish to broaden their base of support by [*181]
making economic arguments in favor of their goals. In some cases, economic arguments are clearly
supplemental to and thus separable from arguments based on environmental ethics. The famous battle
between the Tennessee Valley Authority and proponents of the endangered snail darter over completion of the
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Tellico Dam is an example. Environmentalists opposed the dam because it risked causing the extinction of the
snail darter, threatened to eradicate the last free-flowing stretch of the Little Tennessee River, and required
the flooding of a beautiful valley. But environmentalists were not hesitant to argue that the dam also made no
economic sense, costing more in federal funds than it was ever likely to produce in benefits. Indeed, while the
environmental arguments led to a Supreme Court decision enjoining further construction of the dam under the
Endangered Species Act, n10 the economic arguments almost won the day politically when Congress balked at
stopping construction on the almost-completed dam to save the economically "worthless" snail darter. The
cabinet-level Endangered Species Committee, which Congress created to decide the fate of the dam, voted
unanimously not to exempt the dam from the Endangered Species Act because it concluded that the dam was
economically not worth completing. n11 Unfortunately, neither the environmental nor the economic arguments
were capable of overcoming political support for the dam, which Congress ultimately exempted from the Act .
n12 Environmental opposition to the federal reclamation program, which constructed hundreds of dams in the
western United States during the 20th century in an effort to expand irrigation, provides another example of the
effective use of normative economic arguments. Environmentalists have long opposed many reclamation
projects because of their environmental impact, including the dewatering of major rivers, the extinction or
decline of a significant number of fish species, and the loss of wetlands. n13 In addition to cataloguing this
[*182] damage, however, environmentalists also have argued that Congress should rein in the reclamation
program because it has paid out billions of dollars in unnecessary and economically inefficient subsidies to
western farmers. In a major 1985 report, the Natural Resources Defense Council calculated that federal
taxpayers were providing almost $ 300 million per year in water subsidies to California's Central Valley farmers
even though the farmers were growing "surplus" crops that the government was paying other farmers not to
grow. n14 Largely as a result of these economic arguments, Congress has reduced the subsidies , encouraged
conservation in federal reclamation projects, and not authorized any major new irrigation projects since the
1970s, saving federal dollars while preserving the environment. n15 An environmental mantra of recent
decades has been that reforms that are good for the environment can often also be good for the economy. As
the federal reclamation program illustrates, economically unjustified governmental subsidies have been and
often remain a major source of environmental harm. The list of such subsidies extends beyond reclamation
subsidies to include fishing subsidies (which have encouraged over-capitalization and over-fishing),
agricultural price supports and subsidies (which have fostered the destruction of environmentally important
habitat), below-cost timber sales (promoting over-harvesting), and various forms of subsidies for urban sprawl.
n16 Tax reform can also be potentially both economically and environmentally beneficial. n17 Many
traditional taxes lead to economic inefficiencies. By taxing the products of labor, for example, the income tax
discourages work. Taxes on environmental "bads," such as pollution or resource extraction, however, can raise
revenue while discouraging environmentally harmful behavior. Shifts in tax bases, from economic [*183]
"goods" to environmental "bads," can potentially lead to increased economic output and efficiency while
reducing environmental harm, although the existence and size of this "double dividend" is the subject of
current economic debate. n18 Finally, emphasizing that pollution (which is merely the unwanted byproduct of
industrial processes) and high levels of resource consumption are both examples of waste, some
environmentalists, academics, and even business interests have argued that improved environmental
performance frequently leads to better economic performance. Businesses, therefore, may be open to
voluntary pollution prevention programs that can improve their environmental performance and reduce costs.
In some situations, mandatory regulation may also spur improvements that simultaneously benefit the
environment and bottom lines. n19 Such supplemental arguments for environmentally beneficial measures
should be neither surprising nor troubling. Given that environmentalism frequently emphasizes the
husbanding of resources, environmental goals often are economically beneficial. More importantly,
environmental moralists do not risk undermining or controverting their arguments for particular measures by
also pointing out the economic benefits. Environmental and economic arguments can be kept separate but used
in a way that allows them to be mutually reinforcing. Somewhat more troubling to the environmental moralist
might be efforts to prove that elements of the environment, which the environmental moralist believes worthy
of protection in their own right, also should be protected for their significant economic value. Efforts to bolster
the Endangered Species Act (ESA) with economic arguments provide an example. Although species
preservation may be an obvious goal to environmental moralists, many people find it hard to understand why
snail darters, Delhi-sands flower-loving flies, and fringe-toed lizards should thwart other societal goals. To
bolster support, some proponents of the ESA have looked for potential economic value in [*184] protected
species. Inspired by the endangered rosy periwinkle which provided a cure for lymphocytic leukemia and
Hodgkin's disease, for example, some environmentalists have argued that society should preserve
endangered species for their potential genetic value in medicine, farming, or industry. n20 Recent
environmental interest in the concept of "ecosystem services" or "natural services" is another example of
placing an economic value on what many environmental moralists would consider sacred. n21 Seeking
another argument in favor of general preservation efforts, many environmentalists have begun to emphasize
that healthy ecosystems provide a variety of economically valuable services, including climate stabilization,
air and water purification, flood control, crop pollination, soil fertility, and the detoxification and decomposition
of wastes. n22 One controversial 1997 study valued these ecosystem services at $ 33 trillion (with a
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confidence interval of $ 16 to $ 54 trillion), almost two times the annual global gross national product. n23
For the environmental moralist, the most disturbing example of the merging of environmental and economic
arguments may be the effort to calculate the existence and bequest values of species and other environmental
amenities. To demonstrate the high value of species and other environmental amenities, economists survey
cross-samples of the public to determine how much they would pay to ensure the continued existence of the
species or other amenities now and for future generations. The studies often yield exceptionally high numbers.
Surveys, for example, have suggested that the average United States household would be willing to pay from
$ 5-$ 10 to protect some lesser known fish such as the striped shiner to almost $ 100 for more infamous and
charismatic species such as the northern spotted owl. n24 [*185] Should environmental moralists give in to
the temptation to try to place price tags on some elements of the environment? The potential advantage, as
noted already, is that the economic arguments will convince decisionmakers who do not share the moralist's
ethical values to support the moralist's goals because of their economic utility. Pricing the environment,
however, is risky in ways that additive economic arguments, such as the economic advantage of eliminating
environmentally destructive subsidies, are not.

Cuba Embargo Affirmative - DDI 2013 CM

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CUBA AFF/NEG

The Cuban embargo facilitates Castros regime

The regime remains a humanitarian travesty, of course. Nor

The embargo doesnt work. It is a

Advantage 1 is Human Rights

EMBARGO AGAINST CUBA http://www.amnesty.org/es/library/asset/AMR25/007/2009/es/51469f8b-73f847a2-a5bd-f839adf50488/amr250072009eng.pdf] [MN]

The US embargo against Cuba is condemned by an ever larger and by now

extraterritoriality of its rules, which intend to impose on the inter- national

Comprehensive sanctions arent morally justifiable

Trujillo, Peru] [Council on Hemispheric Affairs, Revolutionary Racism in Cuba,

Cuban households. The Castro government began legalizing personal enterprises

Emigration of white Cubans enabled by the embargo facilitates racism

has resulted in a direct connection between the Cuban state's dependence on

Racism is the root cause of all violence.

How can one not

market context, and usually informed by assumptions of rationality. If

promote the invisibility of women in most discussions of sanctions.

The very nature of all embargos are patriarchal due to economic

caused by sanctions, because of the widespread belief that household work is a

Patriarchy fuels war and environmental destruction Solving patriarchy

During more than 50

Large sanctions like the Cuban embargo disproportionately affect

highly heterogeneous on a number of dimensions: the scope and range of their

The embargo is a scapegoat for dictatorial tyranny to continue in Cuba

Scapegoating results in otherization of the US and justifies horrid

nations are discursive constructs with particular historical and

"Identification takes place through the

Under such conditions they can only attempt to retain their

Focus on magnitude masks everyday instances of violence you have a

if the administration really wanted to do something in the national interest, it

The post-Soviet years were indeed

less than 10 percent of Cubans

A good-faith effort to engage Cuba, moreover, would counter

Comprehensive sanctions are only effective in coercing democracies

empirical studies on sanctions effectiveness find evidence that while sanctions

Human Rights Adv. Extension

Human Rights Violation Cards

The embargo exploits the less advantaged

the economic development of the target state, and the

The Cuban Embargo has increased suffering its systemic impact

The embargo promotes unjustifiable suffering amongst the Cuban people

The embargo impedes all forms of development in Cuba

US Embargo is detrimental to Cuban human rights

the US embargo violates

Embargo hurts human rights and freedom

The embargo has been a

2AC Neoliberalism Addon

Neoliberal globalization causes poverty, military interventions, and

peace is indivisible in both time and space.

2AC Perception = Heg adv.

the U.N. General Assembly called on Tuesday for the United

persistent tightening of -- the embargo," he said.

A decline in US perception threatens hegemonic status South Korea

Decline in US hegemony risks global nuclear war

smart sanctions pic

Theres a moral obligation to give the oppressed minorities a chance by

3. Tobacco industry adapts our evidence postdates and is predictive

4. Alt causes to symbolism Cuban rum

slackness discredits its IP rights enforcement campaign

as well as the very WTO dispute settlement process itself. It

is very ironic to observe

5. PICs are bad

6. Conditionality is bad reject the team

Theres a moral obligation to give the oppressed minorities a chance by