Medearis, John. Lost or Obscured. How Lenin, Schumpeter and Hannah Arendt Misanderstood de Council Movement

Northeastern Political Science Association
Lost or Obscured? How V. I. Lenin, Joseph Schumpeter, and Hannah Arendt Misunderstood
the Council Movement
Author(s): John Medearis
Source: Polity, Vol. 36, No. 3 (Apr., 2004), pp. 447-476
Published by: Palgrave Macmillan Journals
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Number3 * April2004
Polity* VolumeXXXVI,
Lost or Obscured?
How V. I. Lenin, Joseph Schumpeter,
and Hannah Arendt Misunderstood
the Council Movement
JohnMedearis
ofCalifornia,
Riverside
University
Theperiodfollowing
World
WarI witnessed
theflourishing
ofthecouncil
movewhichattempted
todemocratize
andtheeconomy
inCentral
ment,
politics,
society
deserves
theoretical
as an illustrative
andEastern
attention
Europe.Themovement
in
democratic
to
historical
and conconditions
experiment
agency-responsive
initsapproachandaims.Themoveandoppositional
andtransformative
straints,
butalso ironic,
ment'simpacton thinking
aboutdemocracy
has beensignificant,
hasbeentransmitted
tothepresent
theorists
who
didnotshare
becauseitsstory
by
ambitions
Fewrecallnowthatfigures
as disparate
thecouncils'
andassumptions.
and HannahArendt
as VI . Lenin,JosephSchumpeter,
in
responded important
thewaythesetheorists
collecconceptualized
waystothemovement.
Ultimately,
ofthemovement
tiveagencycausedthemtomisjudge
thesignificance
fordemoAndtheir
havecontributed
tosomeofthelimcratic
theory.
resulting
mis-portrayals
itations
ofcontemporary
democratic
Anglo-American
theory.
JohnMedearisis assistant
ofpolitical
scienceat theUniversity
of
professor
Riverside.
His
in
to
various
the
theorization
California,
attempt
writings
ways join
withconcrete
andhistorical
ofdemocracy
sociological
study.
Thecouncilmovement
aroseinthedisorder
andsuffering
thatmarked
theend
ofWorldWarI towrestle
withthediscredited
remnants
ofpre-war
states,
crippled
orderthathadbecomemoredictatorial
as production
andan industrial
was
armies,
harnessed
to totalwar.Thisspontaneous
ofradicaldemocratic
movement
ambitionshelpedachievewhatevermeasureof democracy
and Austria
Germany
enjoyedbetweenthewars.In thecontemporary
political
Anglo-American
theory
has onlyone greatadmirer,
who
HannahArendt,
canon,thecouncilmovement
referred
to it as partof the "revolutionary
and itslosttreasure".'
tradition
But
Arendt's
treatment
of thecouncilmovement
lendsitselfreadily
to a polarized
towhichthecouncilsmaybe seeneither
as a supreme
response,
according
political achievement,
oran impossible,
perhapsdangerous,
utopia.Thecouncilmovementshouldbe regarded
as neither.
Itwas a movement-flawed
likeanyother1. HannahArendt,
OnRevolution
(NewYork:
1963),217-85.
Viking,

448 LOST OR OBSCURED?
thatattempted
todemocratize
someoftheeconomic,
andsocial
political
military,
institutions
thathadledEuropetoa disastrous
war.Asan attempt
demtomobilize
itamplymerited
ocraticagency,
serioustheoretical
The consideration
attention.
has actually
obscuredimportant
givenit,however,
aspectsofthecouncilmovement.In thedecadessincetheFirst
WorldWar,themovement
has notbeenso
much"lost,"
as Arendt
as obscured.
suggested,
An understanding
ofthecouncilmovement's
ideasand practices
have
might
Inparticular,
to an enrichment
ofdemocratic
a
(andcouldstill)contribute
theory.
historical
ofthecouncilmovement
ofitsfledgling
theproblem
survey
foregrounds
democratic
toorganize
socialentities
attempts
capableof
agency-itsparticipants'
and guiding
thosepostwar
socialrelations
and forcesthatcommonly
regulating
ina wayconsistent
withan evolving
Inits
affected
democratic
members,
ideology.
stancetowardstheindustrial,
and socialordersthatconstituted
theold
military
themovement
was oppositional
and transformative.
Rather
thanbeing
regime,
weddedtoa singledemocratic
institutional
thecouncilmovement's
form,
approach
was a flexible
and sociological
conditions.
Themajority
of
responseto historical
movement
did
not
to
but
institutions,
participants
attempted
rejectparliamentary
in
achievetheir
tandem
with
an
them,
democratizing
goals
apparently
envisioning
betweendifferent
social entities
thatwould bringaboutthe desired
interplay
ofdemocratic
unleashing
agency.
One purposeofthisessay,then,is to recover
theseaspectsofthetheory
and
of
the
councils
and
the
raise
for
democratic
practice
theymight
theory
questions
Another
thathasbeenforgotten:
that
today.
purposeis to demonstrate
something
thecouncilmovement,
farfrom
an
influobscure
historical
footnote,
being
strongly
encedthinkers
whoseexamplesstillreinforce
someofthedeepstructure
forour
debatesaboutdemocratic
of
whose
elite
politics.
conception
JosephSchumpeter,
is
in
as
a
method
social
and
the
science,
provides
democracy
widelyaccepted
modelagainst
whichalmostallothers
aremeasured,
thateliteconcepformulated
tionas a response
andsimilar
tendencies.
tothecouncilmovement
democratic
VI.
Lenin'stheoretical
andpractical
redirection
ofthecouncilshelpedorient
theSoviet
to whichso manydemocratic
idealsare implicitly
formulated.
state,in contrast
a criticof thefamiliar
formsof representative
Arendt,
developeda
democracy,
ofpolitical
freedom
thatwas partly
the
theory
inspired
Indirectly,
bythemovement.
councilmovement
is defined
has helpedshapethewaydemocracy
and debated
inwaysofwhichwe aremostly
unaware.
Butintheorizing
thecouncilmovetoday,
andArendt
distorted
itas well.Thecouncilmovement's
ment,Lenin,Schumpeter
influence
isa tortuous
andultimately
ironic
story.
A third
then,is to explorehowall threetheorists
important
purpose,
gotthe
ofexpertise
councilswrong.Guidedbyrigid
andthestate,Leninulticonceptions
the councils,theoretically
fromdemocratic
and practically,
matelyredirected
forums
intomuteorgansofauthoritarian
administration.
Thoughhe fearedthem,
first
thesignificance
ofthecouncilsinterms
muchlike
Schumpeter
acknowledged

JohnMedearls 449
their
thendeployed
an eliteconception
ofcollective
actionthatmade
proponents',
madethecouncilsa centerpiece
ofhervisionof
thecouncilsunthinkable.
Arendt
butin so doingalso derogated
thecouncils'socio-economic
aimsand
politics,
Ineachcase,thesetheorists'
ofcollective
methods.
waysofconceiving
agency-its
andproper
themfrom
the
dimensions,
terrain-prevented
grasping
underpinnings,
movement's
to createdemocratic
attempt
agency.Thanks,in part,to them,the
orforgotten.
councilshavetoooften
beenmistreated
ofpublicdiscourses
onsubjects
suchas democracy
Ofcourse,thedeterminants
likeSchumpeter
are fartoo complexto be attributed
and
solelyto intellectuals
or evento someonelikeLenin-botha significant
historical
actorand a
Arendt,
inhisownright.
thinker
there
arenowandhavealmostalwaysbeenways
Moreover
ofthinking
thatdo notfollow
a singlepattern,
however
aboutdemocracy
pervasive.
But Lenin,Schumpeter
and Arendthelpedformulate
and reinforce
recurrent
in
in
even
that
different
contemotherwise-disparate
assumptions emerge,
ways,
of
ensure
And
that
conceptions democracy. theyhelped
important
porary
aspects
wouldbe ignored.
Thisessayconstitutes
a somewhatunusualexercisein thehistory
ofpolitical
It
does
not
delve
into
the
historical
milieu
of
a
but
thought.
singlethinker, follows
thetheoretical
of
a
historical
moment
over
thecourseofthedecades
interpretation
thatfollowed
it.2I beginwitha historical
and
andask
practice widespread
ideology
howitwas brought
intotheory,
insteadoftracing
a concept,perhapsto itsentry
I aminterested
intopopular
consciousness.
as muchintheeclipseofan interrelated
of
set ideasandpractices,
as intheir
birth
andflourishing.
thosefewwho
Moreover,
consider
themselves
students
ofthecouncilslikely
associatetheorizing
aboutthem
witha different
OttoBauer,Antonio
Karl
Gramsci,
groupof thinkers:
especially
KorschandAntonie
A different
sortofessaycouldindeedbe written
Pannekoek.3
on thesefigures'
ofthecouncils.Buttheirinterpretasympathetic
understanding
tionsarenottheonesthathavecontributed
toshaping
contemporary
Anglo-Americandemocratic
andso,withtheexception
ofsomecomments
on Bauer,
thought,
I havelargely
putthemaside.
Inthefollowing
I review
therecord
andwhat
section,
itcouldmeanfordemocratic
ThenI discussthewayLenin,
and
theory.
Schumpeter
2. Thisis probably
mostimportant
withrespect
toArendt.
Herintention
andmeaning
inwriting
the
worksthatdistorted
thecouncils'
record
can be fully
assessedonlyinlight
ofWorld
WarII andtheHolocaust.Rather
thaninterpret
inthatcontext,
herwritings
thisessay,
ineffect,
holdsherresponsible
however,
forherinterpretation
ofa different
era.
3. Gramsci,
Korsch
andPannekoek
allassigned
councils
rolesintheir
socialist
visions.
See
important
Pannekoek
and theWorkers'
trans.
JohnGerber
Councils,
(St.Louis,MO:TelosPress,
SergeBricianer,
in Italy,"
"Soviets
NewLeftReview51 (1968):28-58;Gramsci,
Selections
from
1978);Antonio
Gramsci,
Political
trans.
JohnMatthews,
ed. Q. Hoare(Minneapolis:
ofMinnesota
1910-1920,
Writings,
University
ofTexasPress,
Press,1990);DouglasKellner,
ed.,KarlKorsch:
(Austin:
Revolutionary
Theory
University
"WhatisSocialization?
A Program
ofPractical
NewGerman
1974);KarlKorsch,
Socialism,"
2, 3
Critique
(Fall,1975)60-81.

in democratic
Arendt-eachdifferently
influential
discourse-mis-theorized
the
I lookatsomeofthewaystheir
movement.
failures
weakenAnglo-American
Finally,
on democracy
discourse
today.
I. The HistoricalPhenomenonof Councils

and Its SignificanceforDemocraticTheory
Itispossibletofindroughprecursors
insuchevents
as
theParisCommune
of 1871,butthereis little
evidence
thattheworkers,
soldiers,
andrevolutionaries
activists
whofounded
councils
between1905and1919
political
wereinspired
Thefirst
realstirring
bysuchexamples.4
was intheRussianRevolution
in factories
of 1905,inwhichworkers
throughout
Russiaelectedrepresentatives
to localcouncils,
called"soviets"-the
first
freelyinthatcountry.5
Itwas tothismodelthatrevolutionary
electedmassorganizations
turned
intheearliest
of1917.Notlong
workers
phasesoftheRussianRevolution
inPetrograd
inFebruary
after
a strike
strike
ofthatyear,
spreadtobecomea general
anad hocrevolutionary
in
called
for
workers
factories
to
elect
representatives
group
toa Petrograd
Theworkers'
soonincluded
soldiers'
as
soviet.6
soviet
representatives
soviet
and
a
well.7Facedwithtworevolutionary
organizations-the
proPetrograd
of dumamembers-Nicholas
visionalcommittee
abdicated.Thecouncilmovementrapidly
Russiaagain.Therewere600sovietsinRussiaby
spreadthroughout
inPetrograd
theendofMarch.8
more
than337,000workers
wererepreByJune,
sentedbyfactory
committees.9
inGermany,
thewartime
massstrike
movement
Just
a fewmonths
later,
during
Austria
and Hungary,
formed
workers'
councils
to
coordinate
participants
quickly
Not
after
when
faced
an
order
leave
their
with
to
efforts.'0 long
that,
portfora suiIn shortorder,
the
cidalfinalcampaignat sea, Germansailorsat Kielmutinied.
their
and
sailorselectedcouncils;
local
dockworkers
elected
own, the
meanwhile,
Balticportwas soonintheir
hands.Thecouncilmovement
spreadrapidly
through
4. OskarAnweiler,
TheSoviets:TheRussianWorkers,
andSoldiers
1905-1921,
Peasants,
Councils,
thiscase forfactory
committrans.
RuthHein(NewYork:Pantheon,
1974),11.Theonlyantecedent-in
ofelecting
torepresent
workers
before
See
tees-wastheRussian
tradition
shopstewards
management.
RedPetrograd:
Revolution
intheFactories
Press,1983),57.
S.A.Smith,
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
TheSoviets,
5. Anweiler,
52.
TheSoviets,
6. Anweiler,
104.
TheSoviets,
7. Anweiler,
106.
inCritical
totheRussianRevolution,
8. Nikolai
N.Smirnov,
"TheSoviets,"
ed.
1914-1921,
Companion
E. Acton,
andW G.Rosenberg
Press,1997),429.
IndianaUniversity
V.I. Cherniaev,
(Bloomington:
Committees
and TradeUnions,
LaborintheRussianRevolution:
9. Gennady
Factory
Shkliarevsky,
4.
1917-1918
St.Martin's
(NewYork:
Press),
ofCalandLosAngeles:
inCentral
10. F L.Carsten,
Revolution
1918-1919
University
Europe,
(Berkeley
ifornia
Press,1972),12-13.

JohnMedearls 451
bodiesin 1918.
andquickly
becamethemodelforrevolutionary
northern
Germany
andsoldiers
created
councilsin"nearly
Workers
every
city"inGermany.II
from
distinct
eachother-arose
Severaldifferent
typesofcouncils-notentirely
WorldWar.First,
therewere
in therevolutionary
periodaftertheendoftheFirst
tovarying
workers'
localbodies,electedaccording
councils,
representative
usually
inthefactories.
Therewere,second,soldiers'
elected
councils,
ratios,
byworkers
soldiers
and
soldiers
andsailors.InRussiaandinGermany,
similarly
byrank-and-file
to thesame localcouncils.Soon,thelocal
workers
oftenelectedrepresentatives
somewhatlaterinAustria-elected
councilsin Russiaand Germany-and
repreinindividual
Andfinally,
workers
often
sentatives
tonational
enterprises
congresses.
committees
orcouncils.
electedfactory
roles- inRussia,
before
the
Councils
important
revolutionary
playedextremely
andAustria,
inthefirst
fewmonths
Bolshevik
seizureofpower,and in Germany
after
theempires
Soviet,
representcollapsedat theendofthewar.ThePetrograd
exercised
a
checkon
what
called
socialists
democracy,"
practical
ing
"revolutionary
Provisional
Government.
This
of
dual
actionsbythelargely
system
power
bourgeois
1917.InGermany,
elections
from
lastedfrom
April,
spontaneous
through
February
inBerlin
toa massmeeting
andfactories
sentrepresentatives
on Novembarracks
ber10,1918.Thisad-hoccouncilconfirmed
theCouncilofPeople'sRepresentaa
that
had
been
formed
betweenleadtives, provisional
government
byagreement
In effect,
and independent
ersofthesocialdemocratic
socialdemocratic
parties.
was
to
be
in
the
of
underthisarrangement,
hands
workers'
and
power recognized
with
the
Council
of
soldiers'
councils,
People'sRepresentatives
temporarily,
serving
as theexecutive
Thesearrangements
chosenbythem.12
therevolutionrecognizing
didtheworkers
ofcourse,didnotlastforever-nor
and
arypowerofthecouncils,
inthecouncilsnecessarily
soldiers
wantthemto.
ofthecouncils
Theaimsandideological
orientations
butthere
wereclear
varied,
commonthemes.
Thebroadest,
andmostimportant
onetonote,is thatthecounviewedthemselves,
their
andthechallenges
cilstypically
facedindemactions,
they
boththetheory
and thepractice
ocraticterms.Morespecifically,
ofthecouncils
seemtohavecentered
on transforming
institutional
realmsandtaming
oppressive
theintroduction
ofdemocratic
socialforces
anddecidangerous
through
practices
inkeysettings.
inGermany
andAustria,
ofthe
theprogram
sion-making
Especially
orrepresentative
councilscombined
with"'democratizaparliamentary
democracy
tion'ofthearmy,
thecivilserviceandtheeconomy."'3
mostobviously,
the
Perhaps
H.Tobin,
andAlienation:
ofWeimar,"
inToward
"Revolution
TheFoundations
theHolo11. Elizabeth
andI. Wallimann
caust:TheSocialandEconomic
ed. M.Dobkowski
CollapseoftheWeimar
Republic,
Connecticut:
Greenwood
Press),156.
(Westport,
12. Carsten,
inCentral
323-24.
Revolution
39-40,129-30,
Europe,
13. Eberhard
Allen
& Unwin,
"Rad(London:
Kolb,TheWeimar
1988),15.Andsee:DickGeary,
Republic,
icalism
andtheWorker:
andRevolution,
inSociety
inWilhelmine
andPolitics
GerMetalworkers
1914-23,"
ed.R.J.Evans(London:
CroomHelm,Ltd.),
"Revolution
andAlienation,"
267,270;Tobin,
156,158.
many,

councilmovement
andeconomicdemocratization;
stoodformilitary
forthevery
formation
ofthecouncils
tendedtooverturn
oroverhaul
inthebarpowerrelations
racksandthefactories.
abolition
ofmilitarism,"
were
democratization,
"Complete
theambitious
a congoalsofthelocalcouncilinDiez,nearFrankfurt.14
Similarly,
ofcouncilsinRussianartillery
ference
andcolleplantscalledfor"fulldemocracy
inproduction."1
InGermany
andAustria,
councils
werewidelyregarded
as
giality"
toachievea democratic
form
ofsocialization
oftheeconomy.16
Thesame
impatient
was truein Russia.There,the"unequaldistribution
ofpowerinproduction"
had
concern
toworkers
inPetrograd,
beenofgreat
so whenthefirst
committees
factory
formed
in thestate-owned
a "visionof a democratized
plants,theyarticulated
ofindustrial
TheGermanCongress
ofWorkers'
and Soldiers'
relations"."
system
Councilsfamously
whichcalledforthefreeelection
Points,
adoptedtheHamburg
ofofficers
theabolition
ofofficers'
control
ofgarsoldiers,
byrank-and-file
insignia;
risonsbylocalcouncils;andmaking
soldiers'
councilsresponsible
fordiscipline.'8
TheCongress
alsocalledforquicksocialization
ofindustries.19
Itis especially
to exploretheattitude
ofthecouncilstowardparliaimportant
becauseoftheriseto powerofBolshevism
in
representative
mentary,
democracy
thisperiod,
andtheBolsheviks'
oftheterm"soviet"
fortheir
authoritarian
adoption
rule.TheRussiansovietsthatformed
in 1905had quickly
declaredthemselves
in
favor
ofa democratic
as
we
have
seen.
And
the
of
Soviet
1917
republic,
Petrograd
itformed
"fortheannihilation
likewise
calledimmediately
after
oftheold regime
andtheconvocation
ofa constituent
national
to
be
elected
assembly,
byuniversal,
andsecretballot".20
inGermany
andAustria,
thecouncils
direct,
impartial,
Similarly,
stoodfortheformation
ofdemocratic
their
vision
of
republics--though
democracy
wentbeyondparliaments.
moretothepoint,
intheaftermath
ofthe
Perhaps
clearly
Bolshevik
both
German
and
Austrian
councils
themselves
on
record
revolution,
put
base ofsupport,
wouldhave
which,giventheir
opposingsolepowerforcouncils,
amounted
toproletarian
It
is
true
that
in
in
Russia, 1917,thesoviets
dictatorship.21
and factory
councilsgrewmoresupportive
oftheBolshevik
policyofsole soviet
In
the
this
was
due
to
turnover
and dramatically
soviets,
power.
rapid
largely
Bolshevik
The
also
representation.22Bolsheviks
increasing
managed towinoverthe
in
which
had
little
committees,
representation,
factory
theyoriginally
byfavoring
14.Tobin,
andAlienation,"
"Revolution
158.
15. SteveSmith,
inCritical
totheRussianRevolution,
347.
Committees,"
"Factory
Companion
16. Geary,
andAlienation,"
"Radicalism
andtheWorker,"
"Revolution
270;Tobin,
156,158-59.
17. Smith,
RedPetrograd,
347.
2; SteveSmith,
Committees,"
"Factory
18. Carsten,
inCentral
Revolution
German
ofSol"TheFirst
Europe,72-73;Holger
Herweg,
Congress
diers'Councils
andtheProblem
ofMilitary
Central
Reforms,"
1,2 (1968):159,160.
European
History
19. Geary,
"Radicalism
andtheWorker,"
15.
270;Kolb,TheWeimar
Republic,
20. Anweiler,
TheSoviets,
105.
21. Carsten,
in Central
Revolution
1866-1945
(Oxford:
Europe,110,134;GordonCraig,Germany,
Oxford
15.
Press,1978),405;Kolb,TheWeimar
University
Republic,
22. Anweiler,
TheSoviets,
177-81.

JohnMedearls 453
inindustry,
a position
andthe
workers'
control
strongly
opposedbytheMensheviks
Provisional
Government.23
tocharacterize
thecouncilsas being
Itwouldcertainly
be a mistake,
however,
ofthecouncilsrelied
withparliamentary
Theactualpractice
satisfied
democracy.
relation
between
on no single,organicdemocratized
sphere,buta reciprocal
institutions
anda democratized
state.
democratized
socialandmilitary
economic,
Thehistory
oftherevolutionary
October,
1918),Germany
periodsinRussia(before
of
andAustria
witha form
includes
manyexamplesofthecouncilsexperimenting
insocisituated
stateorgansandinstitutions
betweendifferently
groups,
interplay
inAustria,
thelegitarrangement
recognizing
ety.InBauer'sview,sucha reciprocal
and
an
elected
was
"the
salvaof
both
councils
parliamentary
government
imacy
a complete
from
tionofthecountry
direcatastrophe...
[and]themeansofeffecting
intherelations
ofthemassestotheState....the
meansofawakening
the
revolution
kindsofspontaneous
themostfruitful
initiative
and encouraging
among
activity
theworkers."24
inRussia,
Thefunctions
andpowersofcouncilsduring
therevolutionary
periods
were
diverse.
consistent
with
their
and
Austria
democratic
But,
extremely
Germany
thecouncilsengagedinresulted
themanyactivities
self-understanding,
practically
indemocratization,
ofoldhierarchical
relations
withnewpopular
thereplacement
whoranthedictatorial
andegalitarian
ones.Manyofthemilitary
officers
stateenterin
of
workfled
the
Tsar
councils
rank-and-file
Russia
after
abdicated,
prises
leaving
A
similar
outhowto runplantson their
situation
often
arose
ersto figure
own.25
whenprivate
ownerswantedtoshuttheir
down.
the
first
of
plants
Although
priority
to
committees
was
their
horizons
soon
simply keepproduction
going,
manyfactory
Ofcoursetheyhadtolocatesupplies
andworkwithbuyers,
butthey
and
expanded.
todealwithwidespread
foodshortages,
thelocalcouncilsalsoattempted
maintain
labordiscipline,
toreplacethecrumbling
armiesoftheoldregimes,
setup militias
toorganize
lectures
andothercultural
Asmilitary
andeventually
events.26
chainsof
andAustrian
the
commandcollapsed,
someGerman
soldiers'
councilsorganized
and demobilization
ofcombatunits.InvariouspartsofAustria,
local
withdrawal
councilsorganized
foodandwooddistribution,
dealtwithhousing
andsocialwelevictions."
ThecouncilinHanautookovermanagement
fareissues,andprevented
ofthelocal
ofa localpowdermill,
whilethatinBraunschweig
declared
theproperty
andcouncilsincitiesincluding
duketobe stateproperty,
tookthe
Leipzigactually
initiative
todissolve
Just
as theactionsofthecounpre-existing
citygovernments.28
23. Shkliarevsky,
LaborintheRussianRevolution,
11,18-19.
24. Bauer,TheAustrian
trans.H. J.Stenning
Revolution,
(NewYork:BurtFranklin,
[1925]1970),
170-71.
61.
25. Smith,
RedPetrograd,
26. Smith,
RedPetrograd,
86-102.
27. Carsten,
inCentral
Revolution
115,118-21.
Europe,
andtheWorker,"
28. Geary,
"Radicalism
"Revolution
andAlienation,"
162.
270;Tobin,

cilswerequitebroad,so tooweretheapproaches
of
theytookandthecategories
activities
chosenbybroad-based
elections,
theyengagedin.Usually
theyformulatedstatements,
sentdelegations,
coordinated
engagedindebateandpetitioning,
inrevolution,
dissolved
oldbodiesandconstituted
newones,
protest,
participated
andevenorganized
cultural
activities.
How could democratic
on thecouncilexperience?
reflect
theoryseriously
Howmight
andArendt
havedoneso? Itis neither
a matter
of
Lenin,Schumpeter
a muteempirical
nor,on theotherhand,ofletphenomenon,
simply
explaining
Whatis neededis toaskwhatthereis in
tingthecouncilsspeakforthemselves.
thecouncils'goals,language,
andpractice
thatcan be theorized
from
a
fruitfully
democratic
inthecouncilssaw
Or,to putitdifferently:
perspective.
participants
boththeir
meansandendsas democratic.
Theorists
askwhatinsights,
what
might
directions
democratic
couldtakefrom
a similar
(butcritical)
pertheory
adopting
towardthecouncils,theiractions,andtheirresponses
to thedifficulties
spective
theyfaced.
Itis besttobeginbyputting
asidegeneralizations
in
thatcannotbe supported
of
the
and
of
the
council
light
diversity complexity
phenomenon-impositions
thatcan getinthewayofa moreelementary
ofthecouncilpheunderstanding
nomenon.Mostimportantly,
oftheirintertheactualcouncilsofhistory-some
a
sort
of
and
constituted
preters
separate homogenous
notwithstanding-never
ora distinct
formofstate.Ultimately,
thecreationoftheSoviet
political
system,
statenecessitated
a crushing
ofthecouncils(soviets),nottheirreplication.
And
whilethecouncilsoftencoordinated
theiractivities
witheach other,theyalso
interacted
withmanyothertypesofpolitical
andsocialentities,
readily
showing
inclination
toabolishorreplacethemwholesale.Certainly
little
thisis theimport
oftheresistance
ofthecouncilsthemselves,
in Germany
andAustria,
especially
to theidea offorming
a councilstate.And,moregenerally,
thecouncilssimply
at anydeterminate
neverarrived
and explicit
answerto thequestionsof how
themselves
should
be
or how theyshouldrelateto
they
internally
organized,
is
otherentities.
On thewhole,then,it probably
better
to understand
thecouncils in termsof whattheywere trying
to accomplish,
and thecharacteristic
thanintermsofanykind
methods
toaccomplish
it,rather
theywereemploying
offixedinstitutional
formula.
Whileitis misleading,
councilsa "system,"
it
then,tocalltheactual,historical
is quiteclearthattheywerepartofa collective
to established
challenge
authority
in industry,
themilitary,
and thestate,a broad-based
attempt
byworking-class
to wrestat leastsome controlfromthose
peopleto use democratic
practices
Thecouncilswere,inthissense,partofa socialmovement-in
authorities.
fact,
orithemovement's
characteristic
method.
thecouncils'movement
Emphasizing
of
the
calls
attention
to
two
most
basic
that
faced:
gins
challenges they
organizing
themselves
andthenregulating,
oraltering
socialrelaeffectively,
postwar
guiding
tionsandforces.
Anditalso callsattention
totheideasandself-understandings
of

JohnMedearls 455
thecouncils'participants
as theyundertook
thesechallenges.29
Socialmovements
actors.Theyseek,thatis,todevelop
arecollectivities
seekingtobecomeeffective
inongoing
tointervene
their
their
socialprocessesandtore-constiagency,
ability
Inlight
ofthecouncils'specifically
democratic
tutesocialrelations.
then,
ideology,
ofa popularattempt
as a keyelement
to
we might
see thecouncilsmostsimply
democratic
developspecifically
agency.
thisattempt
theeffort
to
Butwhatcharacterized
at democratic
agency?First,
realms
of
the
social
The
council
transform
world.
selected,
democracy-refractory
the
movement
set itssightson particular
institutions
and structures-industry,
and thebureaucratic
states-that
were
and
armedforces,
old-regime
oppressive
tothedetriment
ofthemajority
of
andthatwere,relatedly,
hierarchical,
operating
affected
them.
The
councils
a
were,then, historically
specific
people
by
response
to problems
and tendencies
thatemergedbefore
posedbythesocialstructures
and duringtheFirstWorldWar.Thusitmatters
quitea bitwherethecouncils
wereestablished-that
not
but
and
is,
oppressive
justanywhere, in particular
hierarchical
realms.The movement,
to
transform
and to
moreover,
attempted
institutions
and forcesbyintroducing
demogainsome controloverparticular
In anyheterogeneous
craticpractices.
socialworld,inwhichsome sectorsare
moreandsomelessegalitarian,
democratic
free,andopento popularinfluence,
to transform.
Councilparticipants
practices
attempted
alwayshavethepotential
to harnessthispotential
councilsin factories
and barracks.
And
byestablishing
theparticular
itshouldbe noted,also reflected
choiceof institutional
a
targets,
viewthateconomiclifeshouldbe brought
underdemocratic
control,
precisely
because industrial
as it existed,fostered
domination
and socially
production,
destructive
forces.
As I havealready
thatthecouncilsgenerout,itis also quiteimportant
pointed
theformation
ofa purecouncilstate.Manycriticisms
ofcouncilsfocus
allyrejected
on their
tostifle
orabolishthebeneficial
supposedtendency
aspectsofparliamenItistothis--or
morespecifically
tothecollapsing
ofparliamentary
tarypolitics.
politicsintomereadministration-that
A. J.Polanrefers
whenhe contends
thatthe
councilform
itself
contains
whichwillsubvert
"certain
inadequacies
anyparticular
Butthisisa criticism
intent."30
better
leveledatsomeofthecouncils'inter[benign]
councilsthemselves.
C. Isaac and Nicos
pretersthanat the historical
Jeffrey
is notnecessarily
Poulantzas
areclearer
thanPolanthattheproblem
someintrinsic
29. Thepreceding
sentences
refer
tothedevelopment
ofsocialmovement
a synthetic
toward
theory
resource
andideological
frames.
On thisdevelmobilization,
approach
political
examining
opportunities,
see DougMcAdam,
JohnD. McCarthy
N.Zald,"Introduction:
andMayer
opment,
Opportunities,
Mobilizing
andFraming
Processes-Toward
a Synthetic,
on SocialMovements",
Structures,
Comparative
Perspective
inComparative
onSocialMovements:
andCulPolitical
Structures,
Perspectives
Opportunities,
Mobilizing
turalFramings,
ed.D. McAdam,
J.D. McCarthy
andM.N.Zald(Cambridge,
England:
University
Cambridge
Press,1996).
30. A.J.Polan,
LeninandtheEndofPolitics
(London:Methuen,
1984),39,65.

destructive
ofcouncilsthemselves,
feature
butattempts
to abolishparliamentary
bodiesandthepolitical
on.3'
rights
theyarefounded
Thecouncils'acceptance
ofparliamentary
is arguably
tiedbothto
democracy
theoppositional
and (forlackofa better
term)political
aspectsofthecouncils'
Whatever
practice.
Takingthesein turn:thecouncilswereoppositional.
hopes
sometheorists
whatever
councils
mayhavehadforfullcouncilsovereignty--and
havedone,hadtheysprouted
ina socialworldwithno pre-existing
might
power
relations-what
thehistorical
councilsactually
didwas setthemselves
up inopposition
todomination
andtoexisting
runamok.Forthemovement,
socialtendencies
in themselves-for
councilsweresignificant
theparticular
practices
constituting
theminternally-but
alsofortheir
on a broader
network
ofinstiplaceinandeffect
tutions
ofwhichtheywerea part.InAustria,
thecouncilsdevelopeda politics
of
andinterplay
betweendifferently
constituted
institutions,
opposition
parincluding
In Russia,the factory
councilscoexistedand competedwithtrades
liament.32
unionsandevencontinued
inmanycases.33
private
management,
in
the
councils
were
a
certain
sense
is
Now,"political"
political
Relatedly,
organs.
a dangerous
withArendt-but
wordto use inan essaydealing
itis,equally,
a very
onetouseinonedealing
withLenin.I usethewordherewithout
important
anypreofcapturing
oranyimplication
tension
the"essence"ofpolitics,
thatwhatis economicorsocialcannotalsobe political.
Infactories
as muchas inneighborhoods,
councils
actedpolitically
whentheytookactivepartinconflict
overcoursesofaction,
in
drafted
and
bothinternally
and
statements,
engaged debate,
petitioned, criticized,
inrelation
toothergroups.
Thattheydidthiswe know,inpart,
from
Leninhimself,
whoaccusedtheactualhistorical
ofbecoming
councils
as
shops,"inwhich,
"talking
heputitelsewhere
exhibwas
(moresympathetically),
"public
meeting
democracy"'
and"surging."34
thecollapseofoldregime
instiited,"turbulent"
Although,
following
thecouncils
tookuptasksthathadbeencarried
outbybureaucracies,
there
tutions,
is little
thattheysaw themselves
outfixedrules.Inthis
evidence
as simply
carrying
thatthecouncils
bothcreated
a spacefordebateas wellas
insistence
sense,Arendt's
a mechanism
fordeveloping
collective
andexercising
Butas John
powerseemsright.
F.Sitton
andsocialquestions
tobe as
considered
economic
out,thecouncils
points
as thosethatArendt
"political."35
ripeforsuchtreatment
designated
31. Jeffrey
Rebellion
C. Isaac,Arendt,
YaleUniversity
(NewHavenandLondon:
Camus,andModern
to Socialism,"
Socialist
Review8, 2
"TheStateand theTransition
Press,1992),245.NicosPoulantzas,
1978):20.
(March-April
32. Bauer,
Austrian
170-71.
Revolution,
33. CarmenSirianni,
Workers
Control
and SocialistDemocracy:
TheSovietExperience
(London:
Verso,1982),25,26,34,43-62.
34. Lenin,
inVI.Lenin,
"CantheBolsheviks
Retain
StatePower?"
Edition
Selected
One-Volume
Works,
TasksoftheSovietGovernInternational
"TheImmediate
(NewYork:
Publishers,
[1917]1971),400.Lenin,
inVI.Lenin,
Selected
427.
ment,"
Works,
inHannahArendt:
forCouncilDemocracy,"
35. JohnF Sitton,
"HannahArendt's
Critical
Argument
andSandraK. Hinchman
SUNYPress,1994)321-24.
Ofcourse,
Essays,ed.,LewisP.Hinchman
(Albany:

JohnMedearls 457
II. Lenin
tosayaboutLeninanddemocratic
Itwouldseemtherecouldbe little
thought.
a drastic
ofthe
oftheSovietstateinvolved
Buttheearlydevelopment
reconfiguring
councils(soviets).
Andalthough
itistempting
to
oftheRussian
democratic
impulses
ofthisprocessas merely
andtactical-even
viewLenin's
expedient
unprinsteering
Lenin'srelatively
consistent
beliefs
abouthow
cipled-infactitreflected
underlying
Theconversion
oftheRussian
collective
anddirected.36
agencycouldbe promoted
ofauthoritarian
statepowerwasinnosmallpartdue
soviets
of1917intoaccessories
oftheory
tokeyfeatures
ofLenin'sthought:
hisconceptions
andscience,
especially
hisrestrictive
viewofthestate.
theroleoftheparty,
and,relatedly,
insoviets,37
Prior
to 1914,Leninhadshownlittle
theoretical
interest
although
key
ofhisthinking
how he might
treatthem.In 1905,he
elements
alreadyindicated
thecouncilsas revolutionary
butnotas permaorganizations,
regarded
fighting
ofthePetrograd
useful.
He attended
Sovietthatyear,but"seldom
nently
meetings
toRobert
Service.38
thesoviets
were
spoke,"according
By1917and1918,however,
in
to
his
And
this
Lenin's
about
the
soviets
went
period,
integral
thought.
thinking
severalphases.Earlyin 1917,as thesovietmovement
through
spreadthroughout
LeninandtheBolsheviks
RussiainthewakeoftheTsar'sabdication,
popularized
thefamousslogan,"Allpowertothesoviets"-even
thesoviets
themselves
though
no
demand.
The
reason
was
made
such
the
with
simple: soviets,
fairly
originally
a
for
theirpredominantly
could
become
vehicle
class
membership,
working-class
ofthem.39
ifonlytheBolsheviks
couldgaincontrol
"Allpowertothe
dictatorship,
soviets"
was atfirst
little
morethana response
totherevolutionary
forposistruggle
tionamongdifferent
socialistand non-socialist
But
Lenin
parties.
developed
1917thetruly
novelideathatsoviets
couldform
thebasisofa newkind
throughout
ofstatepower.He abandonedthisnewformula
thesummer
of
onlybriefly
during
in
to
for
a
setback
the
Bolsheviks.40
But
the
situation
as
1917, response
changed
soonreappeared.
again,thesloganof"Allpowertothesoviets"
is bestcaptured
The new position
in TheStateand Revolution:
TheMarxist
of
the
State
and
the
Tasks
of
the
Proletariat
in
the
written
while
Revolution,
Theory
inthelatesummer
Leninwas inhiding
andearlyfallof1917,and"CantheBolshetoattribute
oneshouldbe waryofseeming
tothecouncils
a consciousness
ofArendtian
and
terminology
distinctions.
36. PolanandNeilHarding
on different
thattheultimate
form
ofthe
arguesimilarly,
though
grounds,
Sovietstatecanbe tracednotmerely
toexpediency
ortomisappropriation
ofLeninist
ideas,buttocore
inLenin'sownwritings,
TheStateandRevolution.
See: Polan,EndofPolitics,
57conceptions
especially
Leninism
DukeUniversity
88,129;NeilHarding,
(Durham:
Press,1996),150-51.
37. Polan,EndofPolitics,
151-52.
38. Thisreticence
See Robert
Lenin:APolitical
Service,
pressures.
mayinparthavebeenduetoparty
ofContradiction
Indiana
Life,Vol.1,TheStrengths
Press,1985).
(Bloomington:
University
39. Anweiler,
TheSoviets,
112-13.
40. Anweiler,
TheSoviets,
169.

inthefallofthesameyear.WhileattimesLenin's
StatePower?"
written
viksRetain
inreality,
radical-democratic
he envisioned
the
incorporated
language
phraseology,
butas mechanisms
forinvolving
councilsherenotas freedemocratic
the
forums,
workofthestate-ineffect,
entire
classinthecoercive
themeansofcreworking
administration.41
Thebackground
tothisviewofthesoviatinga kindofuniversal
etswasthetheory
ofstatepowerLeninformulated,
basedona reading
ofMarxand
Leninarguedfamously
thatstatesaroseoutofirreconcilable
classconflict.
Engels.42
Astatewas nothing
buta mechanism
offorceusedbyoneclassagainst
he
another,
tobe foundinitsorgansofforceandcommand,
its
said,itsrealmeaning
especially
were mere "talking
bureaucracy,
police,and army.Parliaments,
by contrast,
from
therealactivities
ofthestate.43
Giventheserealities,
the
shops"-distractions
wouldhavetousestatepoweragainst
thebourgeoisie
proletariat
justas thebourthem.44
couldnotsimply
takeoverthe
Buttheproletariat
geoisiehaduseditagainst
statecreatedbythebourgeoisie.
Rather
theproletariat
hadto "smash"thatstate,
forthesoviets.
andmakeitsown.45
ThisisthetaskLeninconceived
Tounderstand
better
whatkindofroleforthesoviets
thisreally
it
was,however,
isworth
back
a
and
the
elements
of
of
collective
stepping
examining
theory
agency
and whichclashedsignificantly
thatemergedin Lenin'swritings,
withtheselfandpractice
ofthesoviets.
Asfarbackas Whatis tobe Done?,the
understanding
kindofcollective
that
Lenin
was thatofa classledbya theoretenvisioned
agency
or
For
informed
Lenin
positedan unusually
ically scientifically
vanguard.
sharpdisa
tinction
betweenthekindof"theory"
to
successful
revolutionnecessary guide
whichcouldonlybe developed
thetype
bya consciously-organized
vanguard-and
ofconsciousness
ofproblems
andtactics
thatcouldbe achievedthrough
theselfeducationand organization
of themasses.The roleof theparty
he
vanguard,
of
was
like
that
or
architects
who
bricks
engineers
argued,
guiding
"bricklayers" "lay
invariouspartsofan enormous,
unprecedentedly
largestructure":
they"usea line
to helpthemfindthecorrect
for
the
to
to
indicate
themtheultiplace
bricklaying;
mategoalofthecommonwork;to enablethemto use,notonlyeverybrick,
but
of
evenevery
brick."46
as
this
vision
embraced
the
Insofar
masses,it
piece
laboring
embraced
themas carrying
outa plandevisedlargely
Thuscollective
byothers.
as Leninenvisioned
theformulation
ofgoalsand
it,in no wayinvolved
agency,
whoseactions
weretobe organized.
Thedivision
strategies
bythemasscollectivity
41. Polan,drawing
on Weber,
writes
of"total
administration."
See EndofPoliAdomoandMarcuse,
tics,217.
42. Thatitwasa tendentious
iscertainly
butthisisnottheplacefora critique
true,
reading
alongthese
lines.
43. Lenin,
"TheStateandRevolution:
TheMarxist
oftheStateandtheTasksoftheProletariat
Theory
intheRevolution,"
inVI.Lenin,
SelectedWorks,
296.
44. Lenin,
"StateandRevolution,"
281.
45. Lenin,
282,289.
46. Lenin,"Whatis tobe Done?Burning
ofOurMovement"
inTheLeninAnthology,
ed.
Questions
Robert
C. Tucker
(NewYork:
1975),101.
Norton,

JohnMedearls 459
butintellectually
intoa participatory,
ofthecollectivity
passivegroup,and a vanintermsoftheory,
anda kindofinstrumentalist
expertise,
guard,Lenindefended
basedon
visionofsocialscience.He couldnotimaginea revolutionary
practice
a practice
lessthan"themostadvanced
guidedbya clearsense
theory,"47
anything
tradeand
issuestointernational
ofthemostlocaloforganizing
oftherelationship
to estimate
thegeneral
"theability
national
tariff
correctly
especially
policy48-and
theability
toselecttheproper
moment
foran
situation
and,consequently,
political
be
in
the
massessuch
abilities
were
not
to
Such
sought
knowledge,
uprising."49
butonlyina "fewpersons."50
orsupine,
a completely
ThisisnottosaythatLeninenvisioned
passive,
working
he often
wentoutofhiswaytodescribe
thecollective
class.He didnot.Moreover,
inbenignterms
thatinno
massesandvanguard
together
agencyoftheproletarian
of
or
collective
are
But
these
models
hinted
at
metaphors
agency
compulsion.
way
in
in
a
a
different
that
acted
for
the
ways, collectivity
waytheyrepresent,
telling
for
of
whose
did
not
think
themselves.
but
most
members
coordinated
way,
highly
an alternative
tothefirst
scenarioinWhatis toBe
Lenincouldimagine
bricklayer
orgroupconit
involved
not
common
the
but
Done?,
decision-making
by workers
in
a
which
had
but
rather
situation
internalized
sideration
oftheir
they simply
goals,
to
as
without
skill
bricks
"exactly required"
usinga line.51
enoughpredetermined lay
Leninembraced
in
inStateand Revolution,
but
Yearslater,
councils, foresaw
or
of
fordeveloping
of
action
rules
conduct
themnotmechanisms
plans
through
anddebate,butrather
thebasisfora society
in
so inculcated
discussion
wide-open
ofbehavior
thatitwoulddealwithitsmainproblemscertain
valuesandforms
of the rulesof socialintercourse"-"as
as anycrowdof
"theviolation
readily
in
to
a
interferesput stoptoa scuffle
or to
civilised
people,even modernsociety,
WhenLeninbeganmoreopenly
towrite
a womanfrom
prevent
beingassaulted."52
as a partofhisconception
ofcollective
of"subordination"
he stillargued
agency,
andclass-consciousness,"
he
thatunder"idealdiscipline
thekindofsubordination
likethemildleadership
ofa conductor
ofan orchesmeant"wouldbe something
Theimageis a mildone indeed,but,viewedfrom
thestandpoint
ofdemoctra."53
Leninavoidedimportant
Who,we might
ask,wroteandwhochose
questions.
racy,
Whoorganized
anddecidedwhenitwouldplayandpracthemusic?
theorchestra,
tice?Underwhatduressdiditacquireits"idealdiscipline?"
Leninthusenvisioned
theworking
classparticipating
its
actively,
coordinating
actionsharmoniously,
in power-butdoingthesethings
and,ina sense,growing
47. Lenin,
"Whatistobe Done?"20.
48. Lenin,
49. Lenin,
"Whatis tobe Done?"111.
50. Lenin,
51 Lenin,
357.
52. Lenin,
"TheImmediate
53. Lenin,
TasksoftheSovietGovernment,"
425.

torulesandgoalsthatwerenotreally
ofitsownmaking.
Buta massbody
according
coordinated
administrative
outroutine
proceengagedin highly
work--carrying
torulesdecidedbyothersdirectives,
sanctions,
dures,fulfilling
issuing
according
wouldseemtobe nothing
otherthana universal
administration.
Leninenvisioned
thearmyandpoliceceasingtobe comprised
ofspecialbodies,bureaucratic
functionsofstateandindustry
workers'
beingtakenon bythepeopleas a whole:"then
control
can becomethecountry-wide,
mostprecise
all-embracing,
omnipresent,
oftheproduction
ofgoods."-4
anddistribution
andmostconscientious
accounting
linksLenin'sall-encompassing
visionofa sovietstatetohis"conNeilHarding
andPolan,similarly,
toLenin'sdesireto"eradicate"
forpolitics,
As
tempt"
politics.55
hadto be basedon a
practice
earlyas 1904,Leninhadarguedthatrevolutionary
thatcouldonlybe marred
from
ordiprecisetheoretical
knowledge
byinterference
oftheworking
Leninargued,
class.Withthecomingofrevolution,
narymembers
answers-answers
from"engineers
scientific
again,thattherewereindisputable
and agronomists"-to
economicplanning,
and
allocation,
questionsof resource
in
noted
"The
tacit
underthelike.56
AsRosaLuxemburg
1919,
assumption
astutely
ofdictatorship
isthis:thatthesocialist
transformation
theLenin-Trotsky
theory
lying
inthepocketofthe
is something
forwhicha ready-made
formula
liescompleted
inpractice."57
whichneedsonlytobe carried
outenergetically
revolutionary
party,
about
as results
of
Lenincouldonlyunderstand
such
matters
political
disagreement
or
to
Polan.58
class
ignorance "bourgeois remnants,"
according
todo withhowthesoviets,
atleastorigiButthisvisionofa Sovietstatehadlittle
and
for
saw
what
was
tobe a unithemselves.
Lenin's
metaphors plans
really
nally,
versal
administrative
of
the
elements
of
the
council
movefew
important
bodyconvey
That
in
atcreating
democratic
Lenin
was
uninterested
how
ment'sattempt
agency.
aroseandorganized
themselves
isclear."Forusthesoviets
havenoimporthesoviets
tanceas a form,"
hewroteina letter;
"whatwe careaboutiswhichclassesthesovilaterofthedesireto"transLeninwouldwritedismissively
months
etsrepresent."59
Thiswas notthegoal.
form
themembers
oftheSovietsinto'parliamentarians'."60
workofadministration."'6
"Ouraimistodrawthewholeofthepoorintothepractical
ofscienceandtheory,
andofthe
Theunderlying
ofcollective
conceptions
agency,
in
which
as Leninfacedthepost-1917
hepromoted
thesupstatewouldremain
era,
inVLLenin,
375.Andsee:Lenin,
54. Lenin,
Retain
Selected
"CantheBolsheviks
StatePower?"
Works,
329.
"State
andRevolution,"
55. Harding,
153;Polan,EndofPolitics,
77,175.
Leninism,
168.
56. Harding,
Leninism,
inRosa Luxemburg
57. RosaLuxemburg,
"TheRussian
Waters
Revolution,"
Speaks,ed. Mary-Alice
(NewYork:
Pathfinder,
1970),390.
77.
58. Polan,EndofPolitics,
59. QuotedinAnweiler,
TheSoviets,
165.
60. Lenin,
428.
"Immediate
Tasks,"
428.
61. Lenin,
"Immediate
Tasks,"

JohnMedearls 461
ofthecouncils
intothestatestructure.
andtheir
Ashe faced
pression
incorporation
oftheCouncilofPeople'sCommissars,
direeconomicproblems
as chairman
he
becamemoreconvinced
oftheneedforindividual
dictatorial
leadership-a
simply
in"TheImmediate
TasksoftheSoviet
Government."
"There
viewthatemerged
fully
in principle
is ... absolutely
no contradiction
betweenSoviet(thatis,socialist)
and theexerciseof dictatorial
Leninargued
powersby individuals,"
democracy
Thesovietstate'smainproblems
theTreaty
ofBrest-Litovsk,
there.62
were
now,after
notexternal
butdeeplyinternal:
thesupport
ofengiimproving
accounting,
gaining
labordiscipline.
machine
neers,raising
restoring
productivity,
"Large-scale
industry,"
he nowargued,"callsforabsoluteunity
ofwill,whichdirects
thejointlaboursof
andtensofthousands
ofpeople...But
howcan strict
of
hundreds,
thousands,
unity
willbe ensured?
thousands
their
will
to
the
will
of
one."63
By
subordinating
Giventhisviewoftheroleofcouncils,
itwas necessary
forLenintoactually
suptheir
inclinations.
he
thistension.
"The
And,indirectly,acknowledged
press
original
at publicmeetings
is thegenuinedemocracy
oftheworking
airingof questions
their
of
their
their
to
a
new
their
first
life,
people,
way unbending backs,
awakening
which
the
road
themselves
have
cleared
of
...
and
which
stepsalong
they
vipers
intheirownway,forthemselves,
on the
theywantto learnto buildthemselves,
of
own
Lenin
But
their
Soviet"
he
added
that
this
wrote." jarringly,
principles
phase
was necessary,
inordertomakepossiblethedurabletransition
tosuperior
forms
oflabourdisto
the
conscious
of
the
forthedictatorship
ofthe
cipline,
appreciation necessity
tounquestioning
obedience
totheorders
ofindividual
proletariat,
representatives
oftheSoviet
thework...We
mustlearntocombine
the'public
government
during
oftheworking
its
meeting'
democracy
people-turbulent,
surging,
overflowing
bankslikea spring
flood-with
irondiscipline
atwork,withunquestioning
obediencetothewillofa singleperson,
theSovietleader,
whileatwork.65
Thisprocessof"combining"
theoriginal
methods
andinclinations
ofthesoviets
withparty
wouldbe a harshone.Luxemburg
couldsee thetheoretical
dictatorship
tensions
toward
building
openbattle:
LeninandTrotsky
havelaiddownthesovietsas theonlytruerepresentation
of
thelaboring
masses.Butwiththerepression
ofpolitical
lifein thelandas a
Without
whole,lifeinthesovietsmustalso becomemoreand morecrippled.
without
unrestricted
freedom
ofpressandassembly,
without
generalelections,
62. Lenin,
424.
"Immediate
Tasks,"
"Immediate
63. Lenin,
424.
Tasks,"
64. Lenin,
"Immediate
426.
Tasks,"
65. Lenin,
426-27.
"Immediate
Tasks,"

a freestruggle
ofopinion,
lifediesoutin everypublicinstitution,
becomesa
meresemblance
inwhichonlythebureaucracy
oflife,
remains
as theactiveelemustinevitably
ofpubliclife:
causea brutalization
ment.
.... [S]uchconditions
ofhostages,
etc.66
assassinations,
attempted
shooting
theculmination
oftheeffort
tosuppress
thecouncils
was reachedinthe
Practically,
of
the
in
Kronstadt
1921.
insurrection
with
dissatisfaction
crushing
Widespread
andparty
bureaucratization
the
of
the
formed
basis
which
movement,
dictatorship
thatcontrol
overproduction
fromthe
be wrested
beganwithstrikes,
demanding
stateand be givento democratically
workers.
the
But
rebellion
soon
organized
to
the
and
became
more
trends
sumspread
military, simultaneously
politicized,
inthesailorsatKronstadt
marized
their
demandforfreenewelections
tothe
issuing
Intheensuing
soviets.67
the
hundreds
of
the
Kronmilitary
response
by Bolsheviks,
stadters
wereshot.68
Lenin'sdistorted
of
the
councils
became,eventually,
reading
tosuppress
thebasisfora campaign
them.
III. Schumpeter
Giventhenatureof Schumpeter's
influence
on democratic
and the
thought
withmainstream
of liberaldemocracy,69
extentof his association
theories
it is
remarkable
to realizehow muchhe was influenced
the
debate
over
council
by
at theend of theFirstWorldWar.It is quiteclearthatSchumpeter
democracy
tothisdebate,especially
ofBauer,a long-time
thecontributions
acquainresponded
a fellowcabinet-member,
tanceand briefly
and Lenin,someofwhosewritings
hadclearly
readin thelate1910sand early1920s.Schumpeter
was
Schumpeter
attheendoftheFirst
World
Warinthekindsofquestions
thatanideeplyinvolved
Asa youngAustrian
matedthedebateovercouncils.
economics
he had
professor,
a series
academicseclusion
lateinthewarinordertowrite
beguntoemergefrom
ofmemosandletters
circulated
ofthehigharistocracy,
amongmembers
counseling
matters.
tojointheGerman
Socialthemon political
Earlyin 1919,he was invited
ofthecouncilmovement,
was conization
which,underthepressure
Commission,
to
thecoalindustry.
backtoAustria
Soon,hewas invited
sidering
waysofsocializing
ina coalition
inwhichtheSDP hada slight
serveas finance
minister
government
instrength.
inthatcabinet.During
minister
SchumBauerwas foreign
advantage
391.
66. Luxemburg,
"Russian
Revolution,"
67. Anweiler,
TheSoviets,
247,248,250.
248.
68. Anweiler,
TheSoviets,
extended
I meanhererepresentative
69. By"liberal
democracy
onlyas faras maybe condemocracy"
I havesomemisgivings
abouttheterm-first,
sistent
withcontemporary
corporate-centered
capitalism.
becauseofthepossibility
ofcapitalism,
ofa coherent
liberal
andsecond,becauseliberal
democcritique
thatisbasedoncrucial
meandemocracy
andcivilrights.
ButI believeI am
racycouldalsosimply
political
as manyothers
useit.
usingtheterm

JohnMedearls 463
brief
whichlastedonlyuntil
thefallof1919,theAustrian
too,
tenure,
republic,
peter's
ofsocialization
andthefuture
roleofcouncils.
withquestions
struggled
on democracy
and thecouncilmovement
shared
earlywritings
Schumpeter's
someelements
withBauer's(although
ofLenin'sideaswerevisikeyassumptions
some
Socialism
andDemocracy,
bletoo).Butbythetimehepublished
Capitalism,
wascharacterized
twodecadeslater,
bestknownpolitical
Schumpeter's
thought
by
a newlycrystalized
setofassumptions
aboutcollective
agency,ones notunlike
ofWhatis tobe Done?InSchumpeter's
inan
thoseatthecenter
case,thisresulted
ofdemocracy,
rather
thanLenin'svisionofauthoritarian
elitetheory
Sovietrule-a Lenin-like
laterwritings
also emphasized
viewof the
Schumpeter's
although
order.70
industrial
I havearguedelsewhere
thatSchumpeter's
workcontains
notone,buttwo,confirst
well-known
elite
ofdemocracy
of
There
is
the
conception
ceptions democracy.71
withhisCapitalism,
ButSchumas a method,
identified
andDemocracy.
Socialism,
the
out
a
transformative
of
which
stressed
also
laid
conception democracy,
peter
that
the
of
democratic
values
and
could
practices
possibility
widening
significantly
writrefashion
socialinstitutions.
elite-centered
Schumpeter's
Generally
speaking,
be
as
to
the
democratic
he
and
can
threats
understood
responses
ings
perceived
inthetransformative
This
on
articulated
focuses
transwritings. essay
Schumpeter's
as hewroteaboutitinthelate1910sandearly
formative
ofdemocracy,
conception
eliteconception,
as he presented
itinthe1940s.
1920s,andthenon hisfamous
BothLeninand Schumpeter
or
thepracticeand
misrepresentedneglected
of
the
council
movement.
But
is
different
from
case
theory
Schumpeter's
noticeably
laterthought,
whereone mayfindhisbetter-known
Lenin's.Schumpeter's
elite
of
not
as
so
much
from
a
distortion
of
resulted
the
conception democracy method,
councils'visionas a suppression
ofit.Unlikehisearlyworks,Schumpeter's
later
mention
thecouncilsorthehistorical
conditions
underwhichthey
writings
hardly
arose.Schumpeter's
laterelitetheory
ofcollective
agencywas thesharptoolhe
usedtoseverhisdemocratic
fromitsoriginal
inwhichthecouncontext,
thought
cilshadplayedsuchan important
role.
earliest
on democracy
werecontained
ina seriesofletSchumpeter's
writings
tersandmemoswritten
from1916to 1918.72
Inthese"Tory
democracy"
writings,
inlight
ofthesechanges,
70. Itistempting,
torefer
toSchumpeter's
"Leninist"
are
butthere
qualities,
a number
ofreasonsforresisting
thiscatchyphrase,
to
Schumpeter's
including
deeplyheldopposition
hisdecidedly
ofimperialism,
andhisstrong
belief
whilesocialism
would
anti-Leninist
that,
Marxism,
theory
theconditions
werenotyetripefora socialist
transition.
develop,
eventually
71. JohnMedearis,
TwoTheories
ofDemocracy
Harvard
Joseph
Schumpeter's
(Cambridge:
University
2001).
Press,
72. Forthesewritings
see: JosephSchumpeter,
zurWirtschaftspolitik,
ed. W.E
themselves,
Aufatze
andC. Seidl(Ttibingen:
J.C.B.Mohr,
andC.
1985);Schumpeter,
Reden,ed.W.EStolper
Stolper
Politische
Seidl(Tibingen:
J.C.B.Mohr,1992).Fordiffering
on thesewritings,
see: Medearis,
Schumcommentary
F Stolper,
andWolfgang
AloisSchumpeter:
ThePublicLifeofa Private
Man
peter'sTwoTheories,
Joseph
Princeton
(Princeton:
Press,1994)171-201.
University

andecoofnationalism
ofproblems
attheintersection
a broadarray
he discussed
The
central
themes.
nomicpolicy,
butthevarious
bythree
topicswereheldtogether
themulti-national
first
was theneedtoprotect
empire-thesecond,the
Habsburg
theme
couldplayinthistask.Thethird,
rolethatan aristocratic
overarching,
party
institudemocratic
couldworkwithin
thatsucha party
was thepossibility
formally
atworkinAustria-Huntrends
democratic
themoredangerous
tions,butcounter
elite
well-known
version
ofSchumpeter's
Thesewritings
containtheearliest
gary.
ofdemocracy.
theory
from
thatSchumpeter
ofthethreat
Insomeways,theprecisenature
perceived
Itstandsoutclearly,
intheseveryearly
articulated
was notfully
writings.
democracy
ofToday"["Die
Possibilities
1920-21
inSchumpeter's
however,
essay,"TheSocialist
thehistoconfront
whichturned
vonHeute"],
sozialistische
squarely
M6glichkeiten
socialism
Themainthemeoftheessay,concerning
ofthecouncils.
torical
problem
focuson theprobandtheroleofthecouncils-aswellas theessay'sdeliberate
Schumfrom
Bauer'sinfluence.
derived
socialism-seempartly
lemsofdemocratic
as
a
to
socialism-conceived
like
that
the
transition
Bauer,
political
peterargued,
social
and possiblyrevolutionary
act--couldnotbe achieveduntila thorough
had
taken
its
as
chief
council
movement
with
the
element,
already
restructuring,
tend
to
realize
and
and
socialization
"The
council
belongtogether,
system
place.
at thesame time,"he said.73Ifthecouncil
and roughly
themselves
reciprocally
"thenit,anditalone,canaccomplish
was "sufficiently
movement
wide,"heargued,
AndlikeBaueragain,
in a singleact through
fullsocialization
generalstrike."74
the
to democratize
an
the
movement
as
saw
council
attempt
clearly
Schumpeter
the
historian
between
that
there
was
Thus
analogy
argued
economy. Schumpeter
andtheprocessbywhichthecouncilmovedemocratization
calprocessofpolitical
of
inan apparent
mentwouldandhaddoneitswork.75
Moreover,
acknowledgment
as
SocialDemocratic
of Bauerand theAustrian
theself-understanding
party a
asidethe
on
democratic
on
insisted
whole,Schumpeter
socialism-setting
focusing
"
of
we
want
to
states.
socialist
of
authoritarian
only speak demopossibility
[H]ere
workers'
of
the
socialism
cratic
wrote;"onlyitmeans
socialism,
Schumpeter
party,"
In
to
democratic
contrast
a newformofsociety."76
socialism,
Schumpeter
clearly
under
torealizesocialism
sawtheBolshevik
bytheunwiseattempt
path,as dictated
with
he
Bauer.
theme
shared
was
a
were
not
And
that
conditions
ripe.77 this,too,
orsympathetic
was a socialist
thatSchumpeter
Ofcourse,noneofthisindicates
of
that
Bauer's
assessment
tothecouncils.
believed,
regretfully,
Schumpeter
merely
Archiv
fuir
Sozialwissenschaft
vonHeute,"
"DieSozialistische
73. Joseph
M6glichkeiten
Schumpeter,
48 (1920-1):
undSozialpolitik
324;mytranslation.
74. Schumpeter,
338;mytranslation.
"Miglichkeiten,"
337.
75. Schumpeter,
"Miglichkeiten,"
76. Schumpeter,
310;mytranslation.
"M6glichkeiten,"
inTheEconom"TheCrisis
oftheTaxState,"
77. Schumpeter,
338;Schumpeter,
326-27,
"Miglichkeiten,"
Princeton
ed.R.Swedberg
ofCapitalism,
icsandSociology
1991),130.
Press,
[19181
(Princeton:
University

JohnMedearls 465
thenature
andtransformative
Yet
wascorrect.
significance
eveninthisessay,Schumpeter's
viewofdemocracy
was characterized
byobvious
Fortherewerealso elements
ofLenin'sthought
hisargument.
tensions.
pervading
Themostimportant
markers
ofthisinfluence
werepointed
claimsabouttheneed
insocialist
forstrict
worker
societies.
aresomewhat
difThesecomments
discipline
ficult
toreconcile
withthelanguage
heusedtodescribe
economic
as the
democracy
intheessay,Schumit.Butthesourceoftheideaisclear.Early
councilsenvisioned
an irondiscipline
anda
peterargued:"Inordertohavesuccesswithsocialization,
on
the
would
have
to
be
imposed
never-before-experienced
working
toughness
he referred
thatinsocialism,
"the
masses."78Later,
againto thisview,contending
will
in
subordination
of
the
of
the
masses
to
the
of
the
leader
work
the
unopposed
herehecitedas hisauthority
wouldbe absolutely
Lenin's
process"
necessary-and
"The
of
Immediate
Tasks
the
Soviet
Government."
It
seems
thatit
essay,
quitelikely
hadinmindincontending
was Lenin'ssame 1918essaythatSchumpeter
thatthe
Bolshevik
one ofsyndicalism's
leaderunderstood
faults:
thefailure
toreccorrectly
the
of
the
division
of
labor
and
work
methods."
ognize importance
complex
alsosharedwithLenininthisessaya radical
toward
Schumpeter
skepticism
para
to
and
cast
andthe
liamentary
democracy,
tendency
parliamentary
democracy
in hisview,
councilsystemas mutually
exclusive
options.The councilsystem,
wouldcompletely
Of
displaceparliamentary
democracy. course,Schumpeter's
forthemoribund
stateofparliamentary
institutions
incontemporary
explanation
liberal
societies
was hisown.80
ButSchumpeter's
rhetoric
about
theshamof
biting
on
own
debate
Lenin's
references
to
parliamentary pickedup
shops,"per"talking
it."Actually
theindividual
memberhas nothing
to saybut
hapsevenintensifying
whathas beenprescribed
to him,becausetheparliament
foundimposeduponit
certaintasksalongwiththeirsolutions-sothattheaveragememberverysoon
cametothepointthatthespeecheson bills--or
eventheir
reports-were
superfluous bother
andthatone onlywouldlistentospeeches,ifapplauseor indignation
had beencommanded."8'
Parliament
was a mereappendageofthestateinstitutionsthatactually
wieldedpower,he argued.Thislanguage
mirrored
Lenin'sview
of parliamentary
citedLenin's
democracy-andagain,Schumpeter
approvingly
insupport
aboutparliamentary
ofhisown.82
cynicism
democracy
The outlineof Schumpeter's
eliteconception
of democracy,
as it emerged
decadeslaterin Capitalism,
Socialismand Democracy,
is so wellknownthatit
needsonlya brief
here.Democracy,
restatement
nowcontended,
was
Schumpeter
oran "institutional
forarriving
atpolitical
in
decisions
justa "method"
arrangement
78. Schumpeter,
308;mytranslation.
Mdglichkeiten,
79. Schumpeter,
342.
"MOglichkeiten,"
80. Schumpeter,
324-27.
"M6glichkeiten,"
81. Schumpeter,
328;mytranslation.
"M6glichkeiten,"
82. Schumpeter,
327-28.
"Miglichkeiten,"

whichindividuals
acquirethepowertodecidebymeansofa competitive
struggle
forthepeople'svote."
definition
ofdemocracy
wasmeant,
procedural
among
83This
otherthings,
to excludebothsubstantive
and normative
of
conceptualizations
itwas meanttoputemphasis
onthestruggle
ofelites.ThedrivFurther,
democracy.
to thisview,was notthepeople,theirideasor
ingforceindemocracy,
according
"Inordertounderstand
their
howdemocratic
polpower;itwas elitecompetition.
from
thecompetitive
iticsservethissocialend [legislation],
we muststart
struggle
forpowerandoffice
andrealizethatthesocialfunction
is fulfilled,
[ofdemocracy]
forthismodelwas Schumpeter's
as itwere,incidentally.""84
Theprimary
justification
thatthemasseswerenotup to anygreater
roleindirecting
contention
politicsInthisconception,
ofactionotherthana stampede."85
then,
theywere"incapable
was nottheruleofthepeoplebut"theruleofthepolitician."86
democracy
Thislatereliteconception
ofdemocracy
was founded
upona newlyarticulated
fordealing
withthethreat
he
elitetheory
ofcollective
agency-anda newstrategy
ofcollective
fromdemocratizing
socialtendencies.
Itis thiselitetheory
perceived
inhis1942bookintoa
claimsaboutdemocracy
Schumpeter's
agencythatelevated
advanced
as an
of
This
was
negatively,
generaltheory democracy. theory mainly
ofdemocracy"--or
the
calledthe"classicaldoctrine
attackon whatSchumpeter
ofcollective
Ithadthreeinterrelated
connected
"classical
doctrine
action."87
parts,
ofthecommongood,a commonwill,andinditheconceptions
polemicsagainst
ofdemocracy
orcollecheldthatthe"classical"
vidualwill.Schumpeter
conception
common
ontheideathatthere
wasa unique,
tiveactionwaspremised
metaphysical
debateordifferbyempirical
uponandnotaffected
goodthatwas notdependent
ofcolhe
contended
that
so-called
classical
encesofopinion.88
conceptions
Similarly
a
kind
of
"semithe
idea
that
the
common
or
lective
rested
will,
upon
general
agency
these
wouldnaturally
be drawnto thiscommongood.89
Against
mystic
entity"
in
more
there
existed
the
contended
that
realm
claims,
political
nothing
Schumpeter
that
"cannot
be
reconciled
and
values
thana chaoticfluxofdiffering
by
opinions
could onlymaimand
or "logic,"and that"compromise
rationalargument"
forsumming
theseupwouldlack"notonlyrational
unity
degrade";
anytechnique
thatclassicaltheories
of
sanction."90
also contended
butalso rational
Schumpeter
idea
invalid
about
individual
action-the
collective
actionrested
assumptions
upon
anda rational
was characterized
thatthe"willoftheindividual"
by"independence
3rded.(NewYork:
Torchbooks
83. Schumpeter,
Socialism
andDemocracy,
Harper
Capitalism,
[1942]
1976),269.
282.
84. Schumpeter,
Capitalism,
85. Schumpeter,
283.
Capitalism,
285.
86. Schumpeter,
Capitalism,
265.
87. Schumpeter,
Capitalism,
250-52.
88. Schumpeter,
Capitalism,
89. Schumpeter,
252,250-52.
Capitalism,
90. Schumpeter,
251,253.
Capitalism,

JohnMedearls 467
to"observe
thefacts."'9
andan "ability"
andinterpret
this,
quality"
correctly
Against
claimedtheindividual
bundleof
operated
onlyon "an indeterminate
Schumpeter
aboutgiven
All
impressions.""92
vagueimpulses
loosely
slogansandmistaken
playing
formulation
ofSchumpeter's
act
thisledtotheconclusive
"Collectivities
conception:
is thedominant
of
almostexclusively
mechanism
by accepting
leadership-this
actionwhichismorethana reflex."93
practically
anycollective
ofdemocracy
in1920-1921
Whereastheconception
was
Schumpeter
presented
rootedina concrete
historical
andsociological
that
analysis gavegreatimportance
to thecouncils,Schumpeter's
famousdemocracy-as-method
was rootedin an
of
elites
and
masses
that
the
ambitions
ofthe
universal
made
ostensibly
theory
and theirexistence
the
councilsappearunattainable
irrelevant.
councils
Indeed,
in Capitalism,
no rolein theelitetheory
Schumpeter
playedvirtually
presented
inother
Withthisnewelitetheory
ofcollective
Socialismand Democracy.
agency,
his
had
democratic
from
its
words,Schumpeter separated
thought
origins-and
withthecouncilmovement.94
fromanysubstantial
connection
On theone hand,
thismeantthatSchumpeter's
abouttherelationship
betweendemocarguments
an
and
socialism
now
on
abstract
the
took
On
itmeantthatvirother,
racy
quality.
few
none
of
for
the
next
toplace
decades
tually
Schumpeter's
interpreters
thought
in
hispolitical
back
the
of
the
concrete
context
over
thought
struggles democracy's
thatthecouncilmovement
spurred.
meaning
IV. Arendt
HannahArendt's
treatment
ofthecouncilsdecadesaftertheirbriefflourishin
the
era
constitutes
an ironiclastchapter
intheirstory.95
Ofall the
postwar
ing
theorists
read
and
commented
in
the
United
States
and
political
widely
upon
Arendt
devotedthemostexplicit
attention
tothecouncils.Indeed,
Englandtoday,
shecameneartocasting
themas herpolitical
ideal,oratleasttheproperremedy
to whatailedtheworld,and she heapedmorelavishpraiseon themthandid
evensuchfigures
as Bauer.Yetin manyways,Arendt
was notan idealvoicefor
thecouncils.Itis notdifficult
to makethecase,withSheldonWolin,that"many
ofthemajorcategories
thatcomposeanddistinguish
herpolitical
outlookwere
critical
oforincompatible
either
withdemocratic
Intheend,Arendt,
ideas."96
like
91. Schumpeter,
253.
Capitalism,
92. Schumpeter,
253.
Capitalism,
93. Schumpeter,
270.
Capitalism,
94. Tobe sure,Schumpeter's
democratic
was stillsituated,
as before,
within
thecontext
ofa
thought
ofcapitalist
toward
socialism.
Butthere
was hardly
a mention
development
theory
anymoreofcouncils.
95. Arendt
discussed
thecouncils
thataroseduring
theHungarian
in 1956,as wellas the
Revolution
onesthatflourished
after
World
WarI.
briefly
96. SheldonS. Wolin,"HannahArendt:
and thePolitical,"
in HannahArendt:
Critical
Democracy
andSandraK.Hinchman
Essays,ed.LewisP Hinchman
(Albany,
NY:SUNYPress,1994),289.Fortheview

LeninandSchumpeter
beforeher,was blindedtosomeofthecouncils'mostsignificant
features
the
framework
she constructed.
Indeed,she
by
philosophical
mustsurely
takesomeoftheblameforthefactthatwhencontemporary
political theorists
writeaboutthecouncils-whichtheydo almostexclusively
in the
courseofwriting
aboutArendt
treatthemas rather
herself-they
meagerhistorical allusionsinsufficient
to support
whatis oftencharacterized
as herutopian
visionofcitizenship.97
instark
contrast
toLenin,
viewedthecouncilsas an attempt
todevelop
Arendt,
some sortofautonomous,
collective,
political
agency-tocreatefreespacesfor
andtheformulation
ofplansofaction.Shefamously
this
argument
conceptualized
as thecouncils'
for"publicfreedom,"
in
whichmeantsharing
phenomenon
striving
Arendt
And
Freedom,
publicbusiness.98
argued,"couldexistonlyin public."99
saw thecouncilsas providing
becauseArendt
a forumin whichpeoplecould
shesaid,were"an
engageinsuchpublicaction,she praisedthem.Thecouncils,
witha newpublicspaceforfreedom
newform
ofgovernment,
whichwas
entirely
andorganized
constituted
thecourseoftherevolution
Yetherproitself."'10
during
forsharpconceptual
knownto students
dichotomies-well
ofherworkclivity
herfrom
a truly
fruitful
withthecouncils'legacy.
prevented
having
engagement
Twoofthemostsignificant
oftheseoppositions
are linked:"political"
versus
and"freedom"
versus"necessity."
Arendt
of
freedom
that
valued,
"social,"
The'kind
ina spaceinwhichagentsdisclosethemto takepartin publicaffairs
theability
ofwhatshe considered
selvesinspeechand action,couldonlybe a feature
the
realm
to
the
"that
that
devoted
realm,
action,
specific
political
activity goes on
men
without
the
of
or
between
Bycontrast
directly
intermediarythings matter."'1'
thesocialrealmwas generally
oneofnecessity,
withthispolitical
realmoffreedom,
inthedistinctly
Therecouldbe no freedom
modern
socialrealm,
shecontended.102
be interpreted
as a democratic
see: Jeffrey
C. Isaac,"Oasesinthe
thatArendt
can stillfruitfully
theorist,
on Democratic
American
ScienceReview,88,1 (March,
Desert:HannahArendt
Politics,"
1994):
Political
156-68.
workthatis nottakenseriously
See
97. Councils
are"oneofthefewtopicsin [Arendt's]
bycritics."
307.
"Council
Sitton,
Democracy,"
98. Arendt,
OnRevolution,
114-15.
OnRevolution,
121.
99. Arendt,
TheOrigins
ofTotalitarianism,
SecondEnlarged
Ed.
100.Arendt,
OnRevolution,
253;andsee Arendt,
Meridian
(NewYork:
Books,[195111958),501.
Modern
Man(NewYork:
AStudy
intheCentral
Dilemmas
101.Arendt,
TheHumanCondition:
Facing
Anchor,
Doubleday
[1958]1959),9, 155-61.
realmbydefinition
tobe oneofnecessity
andthe
102.Moreprecisely,
Arendt
considered
theprivate
butwas
65).Thesocialrealmwas neither
(HumanCondition,
publicnorprivate,
publiconeoffreedom
oflaborintothepublic(Human
thepreviously
forces
thatintroduced
created
private
bymodern
activity
Arendt's
exclusive
association
ofthepolitical
with
35-45).Butitseemspretty
clear,bothfrom
Condition,
ofthesocialquestion,
thatsheregarded
thesocialrealmas oneinwhich
andfrom
hertreatment
freedom,
see
thesocialto necessity,
was impossible.
Forfurther
evidenceofthisinterpretation,
freedom
linking
Arendt's
discussion
offactory
(OnRevolution,
278).
management

JohnMedearis 469
inwhichpeopleattempted
to maketheirsurvival
or thatofthespecies,a public
that
so dangerous
was "thesocial"tofreedom
Arendt
matter.'03
contended,
Indeed,
to solvethesocialquestion
withpolitical
meansleadsintoterror,
attempt
"every
totheir
alone
and... itisterror
doom."'"Thiscontention
whichsendsrevolutions
ingenhindered
Arendt
from
a greatdealaboutdemocratic
politics
understanding
Butas we willsee,italsocausedquitespecific
eral,as Wolinsuggests.'05
problems
ofdemocracy.
thecouncilsandtheir
concerning
conception
inArendt's
andrelevant
distinction
work-thisone threefoldAnother
related
of thevitaactiva:"labor,""work"and
is thatbetweenactivities
or components
Laborreferred
to "biologicalprocessesof the humanbody"and
"action."'06
humansurvival;
workreferred
to theproduction
of artificial
to foster
attempts
and
"human
artifacts"
that
bestowed
"permanence durability
uponthefutilthings,
founded
the
"human
of
and
of
mortal
action
was
condition
life";
upon
plurality,"
ity
that
could
found
bodies"
and
make
rememwas inter-personal
"political
activity
ofthisessayisthat
branceandthushistory
possible.'07Whatiskeyforthepurposes
theseas different
dimensions
ofallactivities,
butas distinctly
Arendt
didnottreat
different
activities
inthemselves,
whoseresults
couldsimilarly
be sharply
distinguished
from
eachother.
inexplaining
thedifficulties
Andfinally,
as important
sheencountered
in
nearly
the
is
Arendt's
of
the
mass-a
vision
understandingcouncils,
conception
nightmare
ofwhathumanbeingscouldbecome.Themassconsisted
ofpeoplewho"cannot
be integrated
intoanyorganization
basedon commoninterest"
becausetheylack
an ability
forsuchpublic,political
was
"Mass
activities.'08 society" an undifferentiineffectual
InHannaFenichel
atedsoupofatomized,
individuals.
Pitkin's
view,the
in
effect
an
was
Arendt
to
the
which
name
Pitkin
defines
social,
early
gave
"mass"
as
"a
of
are
and
they interdependent
suggestively collectivitypeoplewho,though
inwaysthatpreclude
coordinated
so thatthey
active... behaveindividually
action,
cannot(oratanyratedo not)takechargeofwhattheyaredoingintheworld."'09
Thefirst
thattheseconceptions
andoppositions
causedArendt
intheoproblem
thecouncils
concerns
their
firm
rootsinsocialandeconomic
institutions.
Their
rizing
creators
formed
councilsto democratize
to takeoverinstituhierarchies,
particular
tionsand re-shape
from
thestandpoint
ofArendtian
them-quiteindiscriminately,
103.Arendt,
TheHumanCondition,
OnRevolution,
278.HannaFenichel
Pitkin
9-10,35-45;Arendt,
notesthisdefinition
of"thesocial,"butconsiders
itinsufficient
tocapture
thelongstanding
of
importance
inArendt's
theconception
See: Pitkin,
TheAttack
oftheBlob:HannahArendt's
ofthe
thought.
Concept
Social(Chicago
andLondon:University
ofChicagoPress,1998),11.
104.Arendt,
OnRevolution,
108.
105.Wolin,
andthePolitical,"
289.
"Democracy
9-10.
HumanCondition,
106.Arendt,
HumanCondition,
9-10.
107.Arendt,
311.
108.Arendt,
Totalitarianism,
109.Pitkin,
Blob,196.

distinctions
between
socialandpolitical."0
Soldiers'
councils
aimedto democratize
andrestructure
themilitary,
andfactory
theeconomy.
Thisthey
committees
sawboth
initself,
as valuable
anda meansofsecuring
better
adequatepay,stableemployment,
an endto humiliations
and mistreatment,
conditions,
and,morebroadly,
working
socialism
andpeace.ButforArendt,
theexistence
ofsuchaimswas awkward,
given
herdenigration
of"social"andeconomicquestions.
ThusArendt
byturnsignored,
deniedorcondemned
thecouncils'
clearfocusonwhatshewouldhavetermed
nonmatters.
No seriousdiscussion
oftheseaimseveremerged
inherwritings.
political
innoting
themanyinstitutional
sitesinwhichcouncils
Indeed,
arose,Arendt
argued
thatthey
didso becauseof"merely
or "more
misleadingly
haphazard
togetherness"
or lessaccidental
ThisevasionallowedArendt
to makethecouncils
proximity.""'
far
closer
in
than
were
to
Thomas
Jefferson's
wards,which
appear
spirit theyreally
have
would
been
the
misArendt
based."12
For
same
reasons,
actually
territorially
characterized
theaimsofthecouncils,
that
"have
been
contending they
always
priwithsocialandeconomic
a very
claimsplaying
minor
role.""3
marily
political,
Hertendency
to misread
theexperience
ofthecouncilswas reinforced
bythe
occasionalappearanceof a rather
naivesociology,
a resistance
to analyzing
the
social and economicpowerrelationsand structures
to whichthe councils
itmayhaveinexpressTheconception
ofthe"mass,"whatever
virtues
responded.
a
normative
commitment
to
and
tendedalso,in
political
integration belonging,
ing
to
Arendt's
obscure
the
fact
that
do
not
live
writings,
people
actually as isolated
in
but
as
a
structured
social
Thecouncils'methods
monads,
participants
world."14
not
be
from
thestandpoint
of
and problems
could
simply
adequately
grasped
Arendt's
"mass"sociology.
Arendt's
mainresponse
tothefactthatthecouncils
hadsocialandeconomic
aims,
was
or
Butattimes
sheswitched
then, toignore suppress
it,
gearsandadmitted
it."5I
thecouncils:
"Thefatalmistake
ofthecouncils
hasalways
androundly
condemned
inpublic
beenthattheythemselves
didnotdistinguish
between
clearly
participation
ormanagement
ofthings
inthepublicinterest.""6
affairs
andadministration
concerned
aboutthe"normalizing
110.Dana R. VillaarguesthatArendt
was chiefly
powerofthe
andthePublicSphere,"
American
ScienceReview86,3 (Sepsocial."See Villa,"Postmodernism
Political
tember1992):718.He maybe right,
butthen,whydidArendt
notrecognize
andsupport
thecouncils'
thatnormalizing
therealmofthesocialitself?
efforts
toovercome
powerwithin
271.
OnRevolution,
Totalitarianism,
500;Arendt,
111.Arendt,
on territorially-based
On Revolution,
252-59.Sitton
"concentration
112.Arendt,
arguesthatArendt's
ofthecouncil
councils
istheprimary
causeofhermisinterpretation
tradition."
SeeSitton,
"Council
Democ313.
racy,"
113.Arendt,
OnRevolution,
278.
ownbroader
seesthevision
ofthemassinOrigins
Arendt's
intentions
as a the114.Pitkin
undermining
torecognize
onArendt's
thesearenotparticles
orist:
ownaccount,
butpeople,thatthey
that,
"[litiscrucial
arenotinfactisolated
andthattheyarenotinert
butverybusy."See Pitkin,
butstructurally
interrelated,
Blob,194.
"Council
321.
115.See Sitton,
Democracy,"
OnRevolution,
277-78.
116.Arendt,

JohnMedearls 471
A secondprobleminArendt's
ofthecouncilsliesat a junction
interpretation
betweenherunderstanding
ofthe"social"and hertriplet,
For
labor-work-action.
couldnotacceptthatthecouncilssoughtmorethanfulfilling
activArendt
political
ityfortheirmembers.Theyaimedto use "action"-inthiscase, democratic
action-totransform
theeconomy
therealmoflabor.Arendt
andsociety,
including
couldnotsaymuchaboutthisbecauseoftheridigity
oftheconceptual
and
triplet
herviewofthesocial,whichheldthatitwas a realmofnecessity
thatcouldnotbe
in thewaythatmanyofthecouncilsdesired.The
and transformed
experienced
inthesocialandeconomic
toactpolitically
realms
couldmakenosenseto
attempt
her.Burdened,
was an oxymoron,
Arendt
was
too,bytheviewthatsocialfreedom
to
the
in
domination
factories
and
elsewhere
that
the
councils
so
unresponsive
to
wanted
overcome.
to
the
of
her
laborclearly
Conversely,
assumptions
according
work-action
therecouldbe no roomforan interest
insurvival
orindeeda
triplet,
of
ends
in
the
of
realm
action.
G.
Dietz
is
pursuit
public,political
Mary
surely
right,
forfailing
toadmitthepossibility
Arendt
ofbreaking
downthedisthen,tocriticize
tinctions
betweenlabor,workandaction,orto recognize
a politics
of"purposeful
This
latter
term
both
some
of
the
of
activities
thecounactivity."17
captures
variety
cilsengagedinduring
therevolutionary
strikes
and
marches
period-from
planning
to drafting
statements
and petitioning
to holdinglectures-andtheirunfulfilled
forthetransformation
ofproduction,
ambitions
as well."8
Another
related
weaknessofArendt's
theorization
ofthecouncils
was hertreatthem
as
an
to
alternative representative
or parliamentary
democ(at times)
ing
Onesourceoftheproblem
as Isaacpointsout,Arendt
hadan
racy."9
maybe that,
nuancedviewof thestate,a weaknessshe ironically
sharedwith
insufficiently
Aswe haveseen,thecouncilsthemselves
didnotincline
tothiserror,
Lenin.'20
espeTheparticipants
andAustria.
incouncilsgenerally
ciallyinGermany
opposedthe
ofparliamentary
abolition
withdemocratizing
democracy.
Theywereconcerned
socialandeconomicrelations
ofvariouskinds,
bothforthesakeofsocialandeconomictransformation,
andtomakeparliamentary
morenearly
achieve
government
itsideals.Neither
concernwas intelligible
toArendt.
Hersharpphilosophical
divisionsmadeherunlikely
tosee reciprocity
betweendifferent
activities
ortherealms
G.Dietz,"'TheSlowBoring
ofHardBoards':Methodical
andtheWork
ofPolitics,"
117.Mary
Thinking
American
ScienceReview88,4 (December
Political
1994):873.
thatArendt's
failure
tounderstand
thesocialandeconomic
ofthecoun118.Itseemslikely
purposes
cilsshepraised
toa related
was linked
Dietzdetects:
a dimension
"without
ofsubstantive
problem
purthatfinds
in thevocabulary
of'problem,'
'solution,'
'means,'end,'and
posefulness
positive
expression
Arendt's
cannotembraceperformance
as thecarrying
outoractivepursuit
ofpurposes
'method,'
politics
inthevery
worlditstrives
tovitalize"
("SlowBoring,"
879).
thatArendt
neverwentso faras toproposeabolishing
119.Isaacarguespersuasively
parliamentary
institutions
tomakewayfora councilsystem.
ButArendt
canbe faulted
forgiving
readers
little
reasonfor
shefavored
somemeaningful
council
withparliamentary
institutions.
See Isaac,
thinking
wayofcombining
"Oases."
120.Isaac,Arendt,
Camus,243,245.

inwhichtheytookplace.Thismadeitdifficult
to understand
how thecouncils
thequality
ofparliamentary
itself
ecomight
improve
democracy
bytransforming
nomicandsocialrelations.
Inanycase,hercritique
ofparliamentary
government
conditions.
ideas,notonsocialandeconomic
generally
puttheblameon itsguiding
becausethecouncils'proponents,
forthemostpart,favored
both
Furthermore,
councilsandparliamentary
themovement
for
fertile
government,
provided
ground
thewaysin whichdemocratized
and undemocratized
socialspheres
theorizing
condition
andinteract
witheachother--and,
fortheorizmight
mutually
relatedly,
dimension
ofdemocratic
action.Suchinquiries
wereunlikely
ingtheoppositional
foranyoneadopting
Arendt's
standpoint.
Thuswe return
tothecentral
ofArendt
andthecouncils.
Shewasthecounirony
cils'greatest
theorists
of
the
canon.But
champion
among
present
Anglo-American
ofthemdistorted
hertreatment
thecouncilsandfailedtocometoterms
withthe
of
and
their
issues
existence
raised.
This
between
her
range
problems
discrepancy
for
the
councils
and
her
to
theorize
them
led
to
some
notable
discontipraise
ability
nuities
and discrepancies.
Arendt
thesignificance
ofworking
class
acknowledged
increating
movements
thekindofactionandfreedom
sheheldtobe important,'21
butshecouldnotexplainit;indeed,
itseemsquiteparadoxical,
onherterms.'22
She
was convinced
boththatthecouncilsrepresented
a movement
thatcouldredeem
andthatthesocialquestion
toaddress)
intended
(whichthecouncils
politics,
clearly
revolutions
and
introduced
Thus
terror.
the
necessarily
destroyed
veryagencythat
seemedto initiate
in
her
it.(Or,
freedom,
view,simultaneously
political
destroyed
moreskeptically
andlessparadoxically:
thecouncils'
existence
"castsdoubton
very
herentire
thesisconcerning
thecorrupting
effects
ofthesocialquestion,"
as Wolin
herrigid
tocondemn
ledArendt
Finally,
argues.'23)
philosophical
categories
manyof
theactions--democratizing
theeconomy,
downoppressive
socialhierarchitearing
inpursuit
oftheoldregime--taken
of
cal remnants
andenjoyment
bythecouncils
a kindoffreedom
andpolitical
havepraised.
agencyshemight
V. The CouncilMovementand DemocraticTheoryToday

andArendt's
withthecouncilmovement
Lenin's,Schumpeter's
engagements
on theorizing
Thefirst
havehadtwotypesofeffects
aboutdemocracy.
typehasto
of
do withthecontinued
underscored
prominence assumptions
by each. The
secondtypeconcerns
theapproaches
todemocratic
hidden
thinking
bythewaythe
threedealtwiththecouncils.
TheHumanCondition,
121.Arendt,
190-96.
122.AsIsaacnotes,"Ina bookaboutthedistinction
butone
between
laborandpolitics,
sheprovides
ofthis
modern
assertsthatthe'spring'
exampleofgenuine
political
praxis-thelabormovement-but
todo withlabor!"See: Isaac,Arendt,
hadnothing
Camus,160.
praxis
123.Wolin,
299.
andthePolitical,"
"Democracy

JohnMedearis 473
and studiesofliberaldemocracy
wouldassuredly
Theoretical
be
justifications
hadneverwritten.
But(ina waythatwas not
prominent
todayevenifSchumpeter
contributed
to thestrength
ofliberaldemochisintention)
Schumpeter
precisely
armor.
Onceone assumes,withSchumpeter,
thatthelimitations
racy'sintellectual
ofcurrent
institutions
aredirectly
rootedinstrictly
limited
natural
capacipolitical
ofliberal
lenthis
ties,theuniversality
appearsself-evident.
Schumpeter
democracy
considerable
intellectual
andsociologically
sensipowersto displacing
historically
tivereflection
on thepossibilities
ofdemocratic
aboutuniagencywithassertions
versalhuman(in-)abilities.
He provided
admired
forviewing
the
widely
arguments
actionofprofessional
not
as
the
force
of
Had
citizens,
politicians,
politics.
driving
comedowntous-as theyoughttohave-properly
conSchumpeter's
arguments
textualized
as a response
tothecouncilmovement
tenden(andotherdemocratic
wouldnotseemso impermeable
andinvulnerable.
Butinhislaterwork,
cies),they
in
was
successful
his
historical
tracks.
as a
Lenin,
Schumpeter remarkably
covering
andpractitioner,
theoretician
make
it
that
an
helped
possible councils,
historically
of
one
of
the
most
of
democratic
liberal
expression
powerful
critiques
democracy,
shouldbe identified
withbureaucratic
Andindeed,onceone accepts
oppression.
thatexpertise
in revolution-making,
and economicscan be replaceengineering,
mentsforpolitical
contestation-and
onceone follows
Lenininviewing
forceas
theessenceofthestate-theparticipatory
andtransformative
of
the
counimpulses
cilsdo seemtoleadtowarduniversal
administration.
Thestory
ofLenin'stheoretical co-optation
anddirect
ofthesoviets,
wereita reference-point
for
suppression
democratic
theorizing,
problematize
might
manyeasycontemporary
assumptions,
butinfactitis an episodethatis familiar
almostexclusively
toprofessional
historians and a fewcritics
of Leninon theleft.Arendt,
an inspiring
but
byimparting
academicdebate,hasmade
deeplyflawedvisionofthecouncilstocontemporary
italltooeasytosidestep
seriousengagement
withthem.Byobscuring
thepossibiltheurgent
ityofdemocratic
agencyinwholerealmsofsociallife,and rendering
thatthecouncilssetouttosolveunintelligible,
shealsoassured
practical
problems
thatherowndemandfora richer
wouldstrike
politics
manyas simply
utopian.
A morecareful
ofthemovement,
andofthewayithasbeendistorted
analysis
couldhelpre-establish
thecentrality
of
by some of itsbest-known
interpreters,
someimportant
fordemocratic
Thefirst
oftheseconcerns
demquestions
theory.
ocraticagency.
Thefactthatthecouncilsweretiedtoa socialand political
movethatwas trying
notmerely
toobtainthisorthatimprovement,
ment,a movement
economicfailure,
and multiple
formsof
but,in thefaceof military
destruction,
to createforitself
theconditions
of democracy-this
historical
fact
oppression,
theissueofdemocratic
Butas soonas one recognizes
uniquely
highlights
agency.
theproblem
ofdemocratic
one can see thatitprovides
a perspective
for
agency,
democratic
Toraisetheissueofdemocratic
theory
agencyis nottoposit
generally.
an essential,
humancharacteristic,
but(on thecontrary)
toaskunder
unchanging
whatconditions
it is possibleforcollectivities
to becomeeffective
democratic

how
socialworldso as to understand
andto critically
actors,
analyzetheexisting
and
It
view
economic
democratic
intervention.
isto
andwhereitresists
social,
politundemocratic
did-as containing
icalinstitutions
muchas thecouncilsthemselves
control.
Anditistoviewdemandforces
thatresist
structures
collective,
egalitarian
of
on thepossibility
muchas thecouncils
ocratic
did,as centering
practice
political
thosedemocracy-refracandacting
tochange,oratleasttocounteract,
organizing
havesolvedtheprobsocieties
thatcontemporary
torylocales.Noonecouldthink
inthisway.And
andforces
structures
andguiding
human-made
lemofregulating
other
andunderlie
interpenetrate
arguably
yet,despitethefactthattheseproblems
discussed
theproblems
ofdemocratic
democratic
agencyarenotwidely
questions,
literature
as suchinscholarly
today.
itisa probIftheproblem
ofdemocratic
agencyhasnotbeensolved-if,infact,
andinthe
historical
lemthathasto be posedoverandover,indifferent
contexts,
mustbe perennioftransformation
thentheproblem
faceofdifferent
challenges,
as I havediscussed
ofdemocratic
too.Theproblem
transformation,
allyimportant,
resist
ofchanging
thosesocialrealmsthatparticularly
undermine,
it,istheproblem
andinstithatdemocratic
I havesuggested
orfrustrate
democratic
practices
agency.
as longas humansliveinan incomarealwayspotentially
tutions
transformative,
But
transformative
world.
democratized
ambitions,
surelya recurrent
pletely
to be in illrepute
often
seem
of
multiform)
theory,
aspiration political
(though
at
scholars.
least
amongAnglo-American
today,
set
inthemidst
ofa particular,
Itisquiteclearthatthecouncilsemerged
existing
world
old
ofhistorical
institutions,
rising
declining regime
tendencies-including
andmilitary
opposedwhattheytookto
powerrunamok.Thecouncils
capitalism,
ofthissocialworld.Thatis to say,the
features
andoppressive
be thedestructive
withtheir
Andconsistent
entities.
aroseandactedas oppositional
councils
ideology,
While
of
method
characteristic
were
the
councils'
democratic
opposition.
practices
context
of
in
the
obvious
is
democratic
suchoppositional
postpractice especially
Theviewthat
ofbroadersignificance.
WorldWarI Europe,itis almostcertainly
seemplausible
valueindemocratic
hasonly"derivative"
politics
might
opposition
Ian
notes
"ina worldofidealpolitical
institutions,"
Shapiro;"[b]utintheactual
are
in
what
to
be
orders
come
where
social
arbitrary
ways,and
morally
world,
they
to be flawed,
turnouton close inspection
ofgovernment
whereall procedures
and exaltedstatusin a persuasive
mustenjoya moreindependent
opposition
conaccountofjustdemocratic
Foras longas peoplefindthemselves
politics."'24
their
them
or
forces
that
and
institutions
collective,
egaliescape
oppress
fronting
willbe ofsignificance.
democratic
tarian
control,
opposition
debatesabout
havedominated
theories
Deliberative
scholarly
Anglo-American
toexploring
has
been
devoted
A
effort
now.
substantial
for
some
years
democracy
Justice
Democratic
124.lanShapiro,
Press,1999),30-31.
(NewHaven:YaleUniversity

JohnMedearls 475
theirbases,anddeploying
themas partofa mildcritique
ofexisting
liberaldemoDeliberative
theories
craticpractices.
and uncoercedformof
posita specialized
as themainrequirement
ofdemocratic
Anddeliberapublicdiscourse
legitimacy.
areespecially
abouttherequirements
ofdemocratic
tivetheorists
disoutspoken
Thereis no needhereto askwhether
course,viewedas a cooperative
practice.
inacademicpolitical
deliberative
is primarily
an internal
development
phitheory
orwhether
itis bestunderstood
inrelation
tosuchhistorical
tendencies
as
losophy,
ofnewsocialmovements
toarise
thecollapseofcommunism,
theseeming-failure
rivaltheimportance
ofthosethatflourished
intheWestfrom1955to
thatmight
worldwide
riseofneoliberalism.
Butitisclearthatina
1975,andtheextraordinary
structured
arounddeliberative
in
discourse
scholarly
practices-viewed
primarily
relation
to liberaldemocracy--the
issuesraisedbythecouncilmovement
cannot
In a discourse
be central.
focusedon thelegitimacy
ofdecisions-implicitly,
the
ofmodernliberal-democratic
hasnotbeenmuchroomto
decisions
states-there
andstructures
askaboutnondemocratic
socialforces
thatescapeeventhecontrol
ofsuchstates.Andas a result,
therehas beenlittle
roomtoraisequestions
about
howsuchexisting
andrelations
resistandfrustrate
structures
democratic
agency
ifthatagencyis notviewedas reducible
morebroadly--especially
totheability
to
indiscourse.
Ina scholarly
intervene
debatefocused
on theterms
ofongoing
coopas an oppositional
eration,
questionsaboutdemocracy
practice
clearlybecome
as well.Indeed,thehistorical
ofdemocratic
record
movements
marginal
rising
up
to oppose domination,
and to exercisepoweragainstthedominant,
becomes
almostunintelligible
in lightoftheexpectation
thatdemocrats
mustseekaccord
withother
socialgroups
andforces.
Andina discourse
thathas--assomeofitsproadmit-chosen
tomakeitspeacewithliberal
theambition
for
ponents
democracy,
democratic
transformation
mustseemmerely
It
is
no
that
quaint.'25
surprise James
incommenting
on Habermas,
Bohman,
"communitarian,
favorably
lumpstogether
or 'council"'democracy,
anddismisses
themall,without
discussion,
participatory
as attempts
toapply"democratic
inthesameway."'26
... everywhere
principles
clearthatinsuggesting
democratic
could
Bynowitshouldbe sufficiently
theory
from
the
learn
councilmovement,
I do notmeantosuggest
thatwe directly
apply
an eighty-year-old
institutional
formula
tocontemporary
I
thoughtlessly
problems.
haveargued,
inanycase,thatthehistorical
councilmovement
hadnosimpleinstitutional
formula
tooffer.
from
thecouncilmovement-in
thecritinspiration
Taking
icalandtheoretical,
notthehortatory
involve
thepresent
exploring
sense--would
125.Emily
"CanLessBe More?Leftist
Deliberative
ofParticipatory
Democrats'
Hauptmann,
Critique
JamesBohman,
"TheComingofAgeofDeliberative
33,3 (Spring
2001):397-421;
Democracy,"
Polity
TheJournal
ofPolitical
6,4 (1998):400-25.
Democracy,"
Philosophy
126.JamesBohman,
PublicDeliberation:
and Democracy
MIT
Pluralism,
Complexity,
(Cambridge:
"Review
ofJuergen
BetweenFactsand Norms,"
Press,1996),12.Andsee SeylaBenhabib,
Habermas,
American
ScienceReview91,3 (September
1997):725-26.
Political

and limits
ofdemocratic
attention
on thekeysocial
possibilities
agency,
focusing
locationswhereintervention
couldmakethesocialworldmoredemocratically
to opposition
andtransformation.
Ofcourse,
open,and reconnecting
democracy
to introduce
suchreflection
wouldlikely
council-like
democratic
attempts
support
wheretheydo notnow exist,and to opposeor weakentheexisting
practices
sourcesofundemocratic
power.
revTheeffort
tolearnfrom
thehistorical
councils
neednotbe hindered
bytheir
be thecase ifthepointwas
andcontext-although
thismight
olutionary
origins
to
tocopya preconceived
formula.
movement,
simply
Anydemocratic
anyattempt
setofsocialforcesandstructures
that
facesa particular
builddemocratic
agency,
foraction.The briefcollapseof military,
constraints
and enablements
constitute
and easternEuropeat theendofWorld
economicand political
powerincentral
a relatively
rarespecimen
WarI represents
a limiting
case fordemocratic
practice,
movements
mustoftenseize
of the kindof politicalopportunity
democratic
are constantly
undergoing
change,and
upon.'27Butsocialforcesand relations
thosechangesoffer
opportunities,
up changing
largeand small,thatdemocratic
areundoubtedly
thecouncils'
Evennow,there
canexploit.
groups
following
agency
understood.
example,
properly
torepresent
council-like
bodies,forexample,
negTheymayindeedbe forming
Buttheymayjust
localeconomicdevelopment.
orinfluence
lectedneighborhoods
the
international
economic
on transforming
as wellbe focusing
bodies,todiminish
and
to
a
democratic
institutionalize
influence
ofmultinational
sphere
corporations,
toachieveworkandworkers.
farmers
fordeveloping-world
Theymaybe attempting
inpostwar
committees
as didsomeofthefactory
Europe.Orthey
placedemocracy,
to employer
to
effective
be
build
unions
sustain
to
opposition
maysimply trying
where
movements
are
such
in
the
countries
crushed,
domination, many
frequently
socialties,inchurches,
schools
often
uponexisting
violently.
Theymaybe building
and
their
their
andfactories-developing
face-to-face,
capacities, planning actions,
withinternetsuchmethods
Butthey
innight-time
mayalsobe combining
meetings.
ina manner
thathasthepotential
andcoordination,
basedcommunication
(as we
in
marches
of
near-simultaneous
to
mobilize
millions
haverecently
learned)
people
incitiesaroundtheworld.Thepointwillnotbe
power,
military
hegemonic
against
their
to transcribe
butrather
totryto underfordemocratic
actions,
simply
theory
build
democratic
their
to
standandclarify
attempts
agency,
opposenondemocratic
andpowerrelations.
recalcitrant
institutions
socialforces,
andtransform
endofthespectrum"
ofsocialmovearesimply
atthe"extreme
ofintense
127. "Revolutions"
periods
Social
mentactivity,
orwhatSidney
Tarrow
terms
ofcontention."
See Tarrow,
"cycles
PowerinMovement:
SecondEdition
andContentious
Movements
Press,1998),24.
Politics,
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
University


Medearis, John. Lost or Obscured. How Lenin, Schumpeter and Hannah Arendt Misanderstood de Council Movement

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I. The HistoricalPhenomenonof Councils

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V. The CouncilMovementand DemocraticTheoryToday

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